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ACTA

Auctore Agathangelo.
Ex bibliotheca Medica Florent. S. Laurentii
interprete I. S.
Gregorius episcopus Armeni in Armenia Majore (S.)
Ripsime virgo M. in Armenia Majore (S.)
Gaiana virgo M. in Armenia Majore (S.)
Socii Martyres in Armenia Majore
[Col. 0320A]

A. AGATHANGELO.

PRAEFATIO.
De potentia regni Parthorum.
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[Page 321]

CAPUT I.
Destructum Parthorum imperium, occiso Artabane
ab Artasira, qui Persarum regnum occupat.
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[Page 321]

CAPUT II.
Bellum ab Armeni rege contra Persas pro imperio
gestum: dolo Anaci occisus rex Armeni.

[Page 325]

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[Page 325]

CAPUT III.
Primordia S. Gregorii & Teridatis Armeni regis:
hic, obtento patris regno, Gregorium ad idololatriam
inducere frustra nititur.
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[Page 329]

CAPUT IV.
Supplicia, quibus Gregorii constantiam frangere
nititur Teridates: Sancti prolixa oratio.
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[Page 335]

CAPUT V.
Alia Sancti tormenta: injicitur tandem profundo
puteo, ut ibi moriatur: regis contra Persas bella &
edicta contra Christianos.

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[Page 342]

CAPUT VI.
Historia Sanctarum Ripsimes, Gaian, & sociarum
Virginum, qu Roma dicuntur in Armeniam fugisse.

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[Page 348]

CAPUT VII.
Sanctarum Ripsimes, Gaian & Sociarum cum
Teridate pro castitate certamina, & martyrium.
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[Page 353]

CAPUT VIII.
Pna divinitus inflicta regi Teredati: S. Gregorius e
carcere aut puteo eductus, regem Armenosque
docere incipit.

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CAPUT IX.
Pergit S. Gregorius erudire regem & Armenos.
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CAPUT X.
Visionem suam narrat Gregorius cum explicatione
accepta.

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[Page 375]

CAPUT XI.
Templa dificata: rex sanatus cum populo: idola
multis in provinciis confracta & gentes institut.
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[Page 375]

CAPUT XII.
Sanctus cum insigni comitatu & cum litteris
Csaream missus a rege, ibique ordinatus
archiepiscopus, redit in Armeniam cum litteris
Csareensium.
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[Page 381]

CAPUT XIII.
Baptismus regi, regin, & innumer Armenorum
multitudini collatus: ecclesi per totum regnum
construct, iisque sacerdotes prfecti: schol
institut &c.
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Gregorius, relicta regis aula, in solitudine sic
habitat, ut frequenter invisat ecclesias: duo ejus filii
jussu regis in Armeniam ducti, ex his unus
Arostaces consecratus episcopus: mira regis
pietas.
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[Page 392]

CAPUT XV.
Laus Constantini imperatoris, quem cum Gregorio
invisit Teridates: concilium Nicnum, cui interest
Gregorii filius: perseverantia Sancti in bono usque
ad mortem: fides scriptoris.
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[Page 396]

The Oldest Armenian Sources Concerning the Rites of Initiation A Reflection on the Earliest
Shape of Baptism in Armenia and its Origin
Gabriele Winkler, St. John's University, Minnesota

This paper is divided into three sections: 1) An outline of the oldest Armenian sources comparing them
with all their oriental versions hitherto known, 2) an investigation of the content of these sources, 3)
conclusions on the basis of comparative liturgy.
I. The sources: the so-called Historia Agathangeli and Vita Gregorii. The Armenian dynasty of the
Arsacids had embraced the Christian faith in the late 3rd (or very beginning of the 4th) century. These
events and particularly the outstanding figure of Gregory the Illuminator became very soon a focus of
interest in the chronicles of Armenia. One of the most important is the history by Agathangelos who
claims to be the secretary of king Trdat (3rd-4th cent.) and an eyewitness of the conversion of Armenia
under the Arsacidian dynasty. This document however was not written at the time of Trdat but in the
5th century by an Armenian anonymous writer. Considerably different from this narration is another
important source of Trdat's baptism, the Vita of Gregory the Illuminator. These two main streams, the
Agathangeli Historia and the Vita Gregorii were soon translated from Armenian into various other
oriental languages. Concerning the ritual of baptism we have to distinguish four groups of versions: 1.
the Agathangeli Historia, in Armenianl, Arabic2 and Greek3 2. the Vita Gregorii, in Arabic4 and Greek5
(the Armenian original has not been found yet); 3. the texts which assimilated both Agathangelos and
the Vita in Ethiopic, Syriac/Karuni and in Greek; 4. the abbreviated versions in Georgian, in
Coptic/Arabic, in two different Greek recensions and in Latin -- all of which depend on the Greek
Agathangeli Histo- ria6. The most important documents are those in groups 1 and 2, whereas the
versions in 3 and 4 are of secondary relevance.
II. The investigation of the content of these sources After translating the relevant passages for baptism
in the above mentioned versions, the analysis has shown that all the sources agree in the basic setting
of baptism despite their considerable divergence in the emphasis of various parts of the event of
baptism (i.e. baptismal rituals) and the eucharist. The Agathangeli Historia centers its main interest on
the instruction for baptism by Gregory and the events after baptism proper. Almost no word is said
about the baptismal rites as such, whereas the Vita Gregorii describes the whole sequence of baptism in
a rather dry and concise way.
The preparation for baptism does not offer any major problems: it consists mainly of the request for a
whole-hearted conversion, prayer, fasting and an instruction in the Christian faith. The crux
interpretationis begins with the baptismal rites which follow the time of preparation. One of the central
problems, for instance, lies in the divergent references to the oil in the various versions of the
Agathangeli Historia. The most crucial question, however, is whether the anointing which is mentioned
in several documents happens before or after baptism proper.
The Armenian original of the Agathangeli Historia speaks clearly of an anointing of the people: ". and
the oil of anointing (yough atzoutian)which Gregory poured (argkaner)over the people, floated around
them in the river" (n. 833). However in the Arabic version of the Agathangeli Historia the oil is
connected with the blessing of the water: ". and the oil which the . holy Gregory poured into the river ."
(n. 325, 7-9). Finally, in the Greek version of Agathangelos, on the one hand, the oil is called
katchoumenikon elaion and on the other it is explicitly stated that the very same oil is poured into the
river (n. 148, 18-19). This is obviously a contradiction: either it is the oil for the anointing (here
specified as 'catechumenal') or it is the oil for the blessing of the water. on the basis of a careful
comparison of the Greek version with every other version (cf. above I. the sources), I came to the
conclusion that the specification of the oil as katchoumenikon is a later interpolation7. If we drop this
interpolation, then the Greek document supports the evidence of the Arabic version, namely that the oil
was poured into the river. Hence the Greek and Arabic versions stand against the Armenian original
which says that the oil was poured over the people.
The Vita Gregorii (in its Arabic and Greek versions) helps to solve the enigma of the divergent
statements concerning the oil in the Agathangeli Historia. The Arabic and Greek versions of the Vita
are in complete accord with one another in their reference to the oil and in the sequence of events: 1.
the gathering of the people at the river; 2. the stripping off of the clothes (Arabic version: n.154, 13-14;
Greek: n. 166, 13); 3. the pre-baptismal anointing of the head (Arab.: 154, 14-15; Greek: 166, 14-15);
4. the blessing of the water with oil (Arab.: 155, 2; Greek: 167, 1-2); 5. the baptism proper (Arab.: 155,
4-5; Greek: 167, 3-5); 6. and the eucharist.

Comparing the evidence in the Vita Gregorii and in the Agathangeli Historia with the rest of all the
oriental versions, which have either assimilated both sources (i.e. Agathangelos and the Vita) or which
depend on the Greek version of the Agathangeli Historia, I came to the following conclusions8:
1. The different assignments of the oil in the Armenian, Arabic and Greek versions of the Agathangeli
Historia can be solved through a comparison with the Vita Gregorii (in its two congruent versions): the
references to the oil in the Arabic and Greek versions of the Agathangeli Historia have to be compared
with the blessing of the water with oil as described in the Vita Gregorii (cf. above n. 4). In contrast, the
Armenian version of Agathangelos alludes to the anointing of the people before baptism as referred to
in the Vita (cf. above n.3).
2. The anointing of the people which is mentioned both in the Armenian original of the Agathangeli
Historia and in the Vita Gregorii (in its Arabic and Greek versions) is an anointing of the head--there is
no further anointing of the whole body. The Armenian original very likely indicates the oldest stratum
in stating that the oil was poured (argkaner) over the people.
3. This anointing of the head is beyond any doubt performed before baptism. None of the versions (cf.
above I. the sources) ever mentions any anointing after baptism. Immediately after the immersion
follows the eucharist.
Here I can present only a few points which lead me to this conclusion9: The Vita Gregorii gives a
concise report of the sequence of events. Both the Arabic and Greek versions of the Vita are in
complete accord on this. In both versions the anointing happens before baptism. Most striking,
however, is the affinity between the evidence of the Armenian sources and the oldest Syriac sources: a)
in structure, b) in content, c) in the terminology for the oil 10.
In the Armenian original of Agathangelos, baptism is determined as womb (argand) and 'birth'
(tzanound)11. Both terms form the essential leitmotiv for all the Syriac writers. Furthermore, the oil is
called 'oil of anointing' (yough atzoutian), which betrays a Syriac construction. It is an exact translation
of the Syriac: meha da-mht. Therefore we can assume that the Armenian baptismal ritual has its
roots in Syria and that the Armenians once knew of just one anointing, namely the anointing of the
head which was performed before baptism. However, between the 5th and 7th centuries the Armenian
dropped this pre-baptismal anointing and introduced an anointing after baptism12.
1

Cf. the critical ed. of G. Ter-Mkrtean ew St.Kanayeanc, Agat'angeay patmowt'iwn Hayoc (Tiflis
1909).
2

Cf. A.N. Ter-evondyan, Agat'angeosi arabakan nor xmbagrowt'yowna (araberen bnagir ev


owsowmnasirowtyown) (Erewan 1968).
3

Cf. G.Lafontaine, La version grecque ancienne du livre armnien d'Agathange. Edition critique
(=Publ. de l'Institut Orient. de Louvain 7, Louvain 1973)
4

Cf. N. Marr, "Kreenie Armjan, Gruzin, Abchazov svjatym Grigoriem" in: Zapiski Vostonago otd.
Imp. Russk. Archeol. Ob. 16 (1905), pp. 63-211 (Arabic text with Russian translation pp. 66-148).
5

Cf. G. Garitte, Documents pour l'tude du livre d'Agathange (=Studi e Testi 127, Vatican 1946)

Because of lack of space I indicated just the most important editions.

For a detailed study cf. my forthcoming book: Das armenische Initiationsrituale,


Entwicklungsgeschichtliche und liturgievergleichende Untersuchung der Quellen des 3. bis 10
Jahrhunderts (in print).
8

Cf. previous note.

Cf. n.7 and my article: "The History of the Syriac Prebaptismal Anointing in the Light of the Earliest
Armenian Sources" (= 2nd Symposium of Syriac Studies held at Paris 1976) publ.in Orientalia
Christiana Analecta (in print).
10

Cf. previous note and my article: "About the Original Meaning of the Pre- Baptismal Anointing and
its Implications" (in print at Worship/ Jan. 1978).
11

Cf. Agathangeli Historia, n. 830.

12

Cf. n. 7.

Agathangelos
The History attributed to Agathangelos suggests that its author was a Roman
of the fourth century, commissioned to write by king Trdat III. Since the
history has been known to scholarship, such biographical details have been
rejected as fabulous. Scholars once thought that the History was originally
written in Greek and translated into Armenian much later. This view
persisted until the second half of the eighteenth century, when it began to be
doubted by J. Stilting, who published a Latin translation of the Greek text in
1762. It was not until 1877, however, that Alfred Gutschmid proved that the
Armenian text was the originalan observation confirmed by Agathangelos
use of Koriwn. Nevertheless, the Armenian alphabet did not exist when
Agathangelos is said to have flourished, and the History appears in many
languages and redactions.[1] Agathangelos is probably an assumed name,
and the presentation of the author as a contemporary of king Trdat is surely a
literary device meant to make his story seem more credible.

Such considerations have led some scholars to believe that the History is a
collection of materials compiled and redacted by an author of the fifth
century. It is not unreasonable to assume that various sources, perhaps both
Greek and Armenian, were consulted by the author, but unity of style and
language militates against this inference.

The History deals with an

important period in the Armenian pastthe third and fourth centuries, during
which that nation was converted to Christianity. The work was written amidst
the great struggle to resist both political and religious oppression by Iran, and
persistent encroachments by the Syrian and Greek clergy.[2]

Such

resistance is the main theme of the History, and it was accomplished by


surrounding the chief players, St. Gregory and king Trdat III, with a
supernatural aura and a cloud of miracles. St. Gregory the illuminator
emerges as the national hero and vanquisher of paganism, and his life is
embroidered with fable and legend. Such embellishment, nevertheless,
suggests a development from pure history to romance, and we should not be
surprised to find that the History differs from the tradition that precedes it.

Discussion

Agathangelos was not the first to write the life of St. Gregory. His work is
preceded by that of Faustos Buzandatsi, who wrote in the early fifth
century.[3]

Faustos

reflects

actual

history

with

little

or

no

embellishment. Agathangelos has reshaped history to suit the contemporary


political and spiritual reality. The first and most obvious difference between
the two accounts involves the role of Syrian Christianity in the conversion of
Armenia. Faustos begins his account with the legend of Abgar and Addai, the
founding myth of Syrian Christendom. Addai, the apostle to the Aramaeans,
is also the evangelist of Armenia, and St. Gregory is of secondary
importance. For Agathangelos, on the other hand, St. Gregory is the first and
greatest evangelist of Armenia, and no mention is made of the Syrian
fable. Though the story of Abgar and Addai is surely a fiction, Faustos use of
it implies a strong Syrian influence on the early Armenian Churchan
influence which Agathangelos was at pains to downplay. That there was such
influence is certain, and in view of the connexion between the Mashtots Circle
(of which St. Gregory was a member) and Edessa, Thompson is not surprised
to find in the History traces of this Syrian legend.

We must ask, however, why Syrian influence was excised from the History. It

may be simply that Agathangelos wished to stress the independence and


uniqueness of the Armenian church.

Another possibility, however, is

suggested by Winkler. This author has noticed in the History reminiscences


of Syrian baptismal theology and doctrine of the femininity of the Holy
Ghost. Baptism is described as a birth (cnund), and the water is a womb
(argand), and St. Gregory gives birth by the womb of the Spirit (i hogwoy
yargande).[4] These are, as Winkler assures us, well-known hallmarks of
Syrian theology. Winklers argument, however, is that these and probably
other leitmotivs, as she calls them, may have been perceived as aberrant or
heretical by the Armenians.[5] Even if such ideas were not heretical, they
would have clashed with the doctrines of the Greek Christianity, with which
Agathangelos tried to associate the fledgling Armenian church. That such an
association was attempted is to be inferred from Gregorys putative origin in
Cappadocia.

The second most striking difference is that Faustos places the centre of the
new religion in Ashtishat, where the first church was built, and were the
patriarch dwelt.

Agathangelos, however, makes the religious capital

Valashapat, the seat of the Armenian monarch. We may infer, therefore, that
by the time of the writing of Agathangelos History, Christianity had received
full royal endorsement.

Some differences introduced by Agathangelos are not embellishments, but


rather fundamentally new additions to the story. Gregorys upbringing, his
marriage, his imprisonment and rescue, his vision, the burial of the martyrs,
his preaching to the Georgians and Albanians, his visit to the emperor
Constantineall these were invented by Agathangelos and are not in
Faustos.[6]

Other

Armenian

authors

mention

even

less

about

St.

Gregory. Lazar makes a lengthy prcis of The Book of Gregory, but this tells
us little.[7] Koriwn, Elishe, and Yeznik make no mention of St. Gregory at all.

Thompson has drawn attention to the titles by which St. Gregory is


known. Ecclesiastical correspondence shows that in the early sixth century
Gregory was called the first cause of Gods mercy to the Armenians, but in
the second half of that century, this appellation was superseded by the title
Successor to Addai.[8] This change I find hard to interpret. Faustos tends
to call the saint Nakhavastak, the First Labourer, though other epithets of a
spiritual nature are used, chief amongst which are catholicos, and
patriarch.[9] Lazars titles are more specific: apostle, or teacher of the
Armenians. Khorenatsi, the so-called Armenian Herodotus, was the first to
call St. Gregory the Illuminator. This phrase, however, together with most
of

the

other

epithets

mentioned

do

not

occur

in

Agathangelos

history. Instead, Agathangelos appellations concern Gregorys role as the first


bishop of Armenia: shepherd, teacher, overseer, highpriest, bishop,
and archbishop. Rather curiously (as Thompson notes), Agathangelos
avoids the terms patriarch and catholicos, a dignity reserved for Gregorys
son.[10] This seeming aberration is an anachronism, representing conditions
in Armenia of the fifth century. The title patriarch would have been
unsuitable for the first bishop or Artishat, whose fifth century successors were
under the authority of the metropolitans of Caesarea.

Thompson concludes (I think quite rightly) that Agathangelos was not an


eyewitness to the conversion of Trdat, and the History is a tendentious
compilation which has expanded and elaborated earlier traditions.[11] Based
on the theological learning displayed in the History, or more specifically in the
section known as the Teaching, influences from John Chrysostom, Basil of
Caesarea,

Cyril

of

Jerusalem,

and

Proclus

of

Constantinople

are

detected.

Such influences point to one thing: the milieu in which

Agathangelos composed this work was that of the first or second generation of
the pupils of Mashtots and Sahak.[12] The History can be dated, therefore, to
about A.D. 460in the wake of the Armenian Revolt, when Armenian self-

assertion was a national emergency.

Resistance to Sasanid Iran was viewed by the Armenian clergy as a religious


crusade against the forces of impiety.[13] Accordingly, St. Gregory is held up
as a model of the patriarchs who came to play the major role in this
resistance. Promoting Gregory to the exalted rank of Hero of the Armenian
Nation greatly increased the prestige of the see of the patriarchs of the fifth
century, and their authority was assured in both Roman and Persian
Armenia. In the same connexion, Agathangelos work emphasises the
independence

and

international

importance

of

the

Armenian

monarchy. Gregory is therefore portrayed not only as the founder of the first
church in Artishat, but also as the apostle to all Armenians on both sides of
the Roman and Iranian frontier, and to the lands beyond.

Thompson and Winkler have noticed Greek, Syrian, and Armenian


antecedents to the History of Agathangelos. Garsoian, however, has noticed
an Iranian substratum, the implications of which (if Garsoian is correct)
must alter out understanding of the milieu in which the History was
composed. The so-called Punishment of Trdat is singled out. Though an
allusion to Nebuchadnezzars punishment in Daniel[14] is intended, the
disobedient king is transformed not into an ox (says Garsoian) but rather into
a boar. Garsoian notices (quite rightly and thoroughly) the importance of the
bull in the Zoroastrian tradition. Her argument, however, is that the ox
which as far as I know is not the same thing as a bullwas an inappropriate
animal to associate with an impious Armenian king. It would not have been
understood.

Much is made of this ox/bull image, and I want to address it now. We must
note first that the biblical text does not say that Nebuchadnezzar was

transformed into an ox. It does not even suggest any real animal:

The same hour was the thing fulfilled upon


Nebuchadnezzar: and he was driven from men,
and did eat grass as oxen, and his body was wet
with the dew of heaven, till his hairs were grown
like eagles' feathers, and his nails like birds' claws
(Daniel, 4:33).

The image is of an herbivorous animal, sprouting feathers, and possessed of


avine claws.

Blakes famous painting comes close, but omits the

feathers. Something like the Assyrian reliefs called Winged Spirits is probably
implied,[15] though I must admit that Jewish tradition has sometimes
pictured the transformed Nebuchadnezzar as having the upper body of an ox
and the lower quarters of a lionbut this is still not an ox, much less a bull,
the animal sacred to Zoroastrians.

In any case, what is significant is not that Trdat was not transformed into an
ox or a bull or any other beast, but that the transformation involved a
boar. This animal, as Garsoian notices, was of immense significance to the
Indo-European

heritage

in

general,

and

to

the

Sasanids

in

particular.[16] Garsoian connects the pagan Armenian god Vahagn with the
Avestan Verethragna, and the Vedic Vrtahan. These names are, furthermore,
linked etymologically with varaz, barz, and varhah, in Armenian, Persian,
and Sanscrit respectivelyall mean boar. That an impious king was
degraded into such an obviously pagan animal, and a symbol of the Persian
monarchy no less,[17] is an unambiguous attack on the Zoroastrian and preChristian Armenian heritage.

An interesting variant of this episode occurs in the so-called A-group of


manuscripts.

The

transformed

king

takes

shelter

among

the

reeds.[18] Garsoian interprets this in the light of Sasanid rock reliefs, which
(in her judgement) always depict the boar among reeds. This seems to be
supported by many parallels. The Glory of Faredn[19] hides in the root of
a reed, Indra Vrtahan kills Vrta and hides in the stalk of a yellow lotus, and
Moses Khorenatsi describes Vahagn bursting from a reed in the sea. [20] The
mythological significance of this is not clear to me, but Garsoian is probably
correct in adducing these parallels. Similarly, the History is full of epithets
that are strongly reminiscent of those in the Shhnma, the Iranian national
epic, and all the customs that surround the royal hunt are unmistakably
Iranian.[21] In this connection a sceptic might well reply that most hunting
rituals are similar everywhere, and epithets in heroic poetry probably also
vary only a little. Nevertheless, I think Garsoians point is sound.

Conclusion

The History of Agathangelos aims at the establishment of a distinct Armenian


identity. Syrian, Greek, and Persian influences are rejected in favour of a
native tradition, and a close connection between the new religion and the
monarchy is established. Delivering this message necessitated a departure
from received history and a reinterpretation of tradition. This seems to have
achieved the desired effect, as the significance of St. Gregorys life has
traditionally been interpreted according to Agathangelos work. Finally
something should be said about the implications of Garsoians thesis. Casting
much of the History in Iranian garb (for lack of a better term) can be
misunderstood easily. The so-called Iranian Substratum is not a foreign
influence from Iran. If it had been such Agathangelos surely would not have
used it, as his audience would not have understood it. The point seems to be

that both Armenia and Iran have a common heritage, which (as far as
Agathangelos is concerned) need not be discarded. Agathangelos seems to
advocate that this heritage be transformed, christened, and cherished in its
uniquely Armenian form.

[1] The most lucid presentation of the various editions is in Winklers article
The History of Agathangelos, pp. 128-135.
[2] The Heritage of Armenian Literature, p. 120.
[3] Thompson, p. lxxv.
[4] Winkler, p. 136.
[5] Winkler, p. 138. Winklers argument is based on an observation of one
Walter Bauer, who has convincingly argued that in many regions of the
Mediterranean the original manifestation of Christianity was not orthodoxy
but heresy (Ibid.).
[6] Thompson, p. lxxvi.
[7] Thompson, p. lxxvii.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Thompson, p. lxxviii.
[10] Thompson, p. lxxix.
[11] Ibid. Thompson proceeds to list many of the possible literary sources in
the History. This investigation, though interesting, is not immediately
relevant to the present discussion.
[12] Thompson, p. lxxxvii.
[13] Thompson, p. xci
[14] Garsoian (p. 152) cites Daniel 4:12-13not the correct passages! She
clearly implies Daniel 4:25, 32, and 33. In all verses the same image appears:
The same hour was the thing fulfilled upon Nebuchadnezzar: and he was

driven from men, and did eat grass as oxen, and his body was wet with the
dew of heaven, till his hairs were grown like eagles' feathers, and his nails like
birds' claws (Daniel 4:33).
[15] To see what I mean consult
http://www.wcma.org/img/museum_shop/posters/Assyrian.jpg. I know not
whether any scholar has looked into this tempting coincidence.
[16] Garsoian, p. 161.
[17] The appendix to Garsoians article contains eight examples of Sasanian
art. Five of these depict boars in close connection with the monarch. Other
examples of such juxtaposition, such as the reliefs at Naqsh-i Rustam and
Kaabayi Zardusht, abound.
[18] Garsoian, p. 162.
[19] A mythical Iranian king.
[20] Garsoian, p. 163.
[21] Garsoian, p. 156.

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