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    Jackson Becoming Indians Politics Ethnicity

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    In: Anna Roosevelt, ed. Amazonian Indians: From Prehistory to ‘the Present: Anthropological Perspectives : University of Arizona Press Becoming Indians The Politics of Tikanoan Ethnicity JEAN E. JACKSON ‘This chapter is a discussion of how an indigenous rights movement among Tukanoans of southeastern Colombia is affecting their notions about them- selves and their culture. L argue that the concept of cult understood does not help us understand these changes because several as- ‘asconventionally Sumptions underlying it do not apply. I suggest that both anthropologists and activists promoting the preservation of * tingly collaborate in misrepresenting what is actually going om. "To the degree that modern Amazonian Indian groups ean and do choose to remain distinctively “ethnic” as they are increasingly incorporated modern society, their distinctiveness changes in its essential nature. Even if the content of their ethnicity ies that make the group difer- tent from other sectors of society—appears to be identical wich cultural forms ot say character from earlier periods, the underlying meaning is so altered that we c these forms are the same (see Barth 1969). Part of the difficulty we may have describing situations like this stems from a conventional concept of cul a quasi-biological analogy in which a group of people ate seen as fe somewhat in the way an animal species has “having” of “possessing” a cul fur or claws. In addition, people are thought of as acquiring culture slowly, during theit childhoods, as part of their development. The culture they ac~ ire existed before them and is seen as their legacy; they are not creating oF 384 JACKSON While culture is understood to change over in the case of rapid change, ac said to occur, -n as losing some of its ct lar in some re. 's genes are inherited, cul | even though superorganic.' To suggest thar people are at times less passive chat they do create and invent create” is understood as a long. People who are seen as engaging in inventing euleure tend ro ‘American Indian groups who assimilated—into the dori- used as. spring- the indigenous and indig. cenist' press raw some inferences about how Tukanoan culture is conceived of by non-Tukanoan Colombian Indians and others incerested in ides a provocat he Vaupés are call kat Tukanoans not so much as , but asa people who are ly Tukanoans already are making sense of theit wor lure as chey are incre be draw is the view 385 model is useful for for describing how the entire Vi below culture more equipped to deal with the fac change in meaning even though they appear to remain the same. As noted above, one of the problems with the “: model is that it até 1988, 329) aspects of cul ‘can promote a circurnstances of a given threatened people ure” rather than on other, perhaps sed in highly inked to th cal meanings, the two must be kept separate. If we see culture as something dynamic, something that people use to adapt to changing social conditions, and as something that ‘of how culture oper Jaws and more like a jazz musician's repertoi ‘come out of a tradition, but improvisati jan about the performance take into con: the instr eween those people mal aspects of cultures just as to an impor The analogy stresses the int ‘engages an audience and fellow mus 386 saceson 4 ies of inherited forms, ro impart new evaluations or to borrow forms more expressive oftheir interests, orto create 6 to answer to changed circumstances” (1982, 382). This ularly useful for understanding the present-day Tukanoan caxe, particularly with respect to indigenous-rights organizing, because it ab Ws us to consider the possibility that, a seen as continuing some oftheir traditional cul priating chem as apolitical strategy. Tukanoans are nat to be al forms so much as appro twenty-eight formal interviews conducted lombia during March, 1987 and June-July, 1989. I also engaged in a ber of informal conversations with native leaders, change agents, resi- dents (both Tukanoan and white) of Mies, the capital of the Vaupés, and with individuals in Bogota who are knowledgeable about Colombian indigenous rights organizing and development efforts among Colombian Indian groups, All interviewees characterized themselves as concerned about the autonomy and overall well-being of Colombian Indians. Continuing archival work in a ‘Vaupés and Bogoté and dissertation fieldwork in 1968~7o have provided other sources of informat The Vaupés ‘The Vaupés is in the Colombian sector of the central northwest Amazon, a longhouses, one per settlement, on oo near rivers. Longhouses, as well as the more recent settlement pattem of ges, are separated from one another by two travel. During this century four to eight nuclear fa Tonghouse, and present village size ranges any ty is quite ten hours’ canoe ies would inhabit a re from 15 t0 180 persons. it most .3 inhabitants per k? (rnonaDaM 1979). The men of a settlement hunt, fish, and clear swidden fields in which the women grow 1c and other crops. s of traditional Vaupés social structure, in ascending order of al descent group, the clan or sib, the (ideally) exoga- ip, and the poorly understood plaratr except (This isasimplifed crucial respects.) descent unit composed of from snsen 1967). Distinguishing features 1; (2) separate founding ancestors and distinet ge gro six to more than thirty ‘The Politics of Takanoan Ech 387 se of certain linguistic property such as sacred chants; (4) the right to manu: facture and use certain kinds of ritual property; and (5) a traditional associa tion with certain ceremonial or near-ceremonial objects. Membership is per- ‘manent and public; the one fact known about an individual before anything cle is his or her language group. Although I am presenting this as a description of “era is my belief that Tukanoan linguistic exogamy is an extremely dy- namic and relatively recent institution, the result of indizect pressure from colonization efforts elsewhere in Colombia, Veneruela, and Brazil (see smer-lmbert n.d.; Jackson 1983, 164-78). Documentary and archeologi- ‘al information is 0 scarce for either the pre- periods that we cannot assume much about earlier social or political struc~ tures. Population density was almost certainly greater (see Goldman 19635, Koch-Grinberg 1903-5; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971). ‘Although varying internally in some traditional customs, ecology, and degree of acculturation, the Vaupés is a single society in many respects. This larity of observable phenomena, ecological and soci rans’ models of their world, Furthermore, Tukanoans themselves see themselves as parts of an interacting whole. Many apparent examples of cultural diversity in the Vaupés are actu ally mechanisms helping to unify the settlements of the region. Multilingual- ism is an example: the various languages, somewhat like different uniforms in a football game, facilitate the interaction by serving as emblems of the particspating groups. The earliest explorers were the conquistadors looking for the famed rado de Los Omagua” in the fist half of the sixteenth century: The first mis sion, a Carmelite one, was established in 1852 in the Bracilian Vaupés, but the frst permanent missions were not established until 1914, at Monfort and ‘Teresita on the Papuri River, by the Dutch Catholic Monfortian Congrega~ wn. Salesians built Yavaret in 1929, and in r949 the Order of St. Javier \ded the Prefectura Apostélica de Mitd, which has administered all Cath- since then, Protestantism appeared in the 19408 and has had rgely through the efforts of the near a Muller, and the Summer Except for the iren were attending residential mission schools ly, education is managed by both the Prefecture ichers are Tukanoans. Also by the Tukanoans had ional” T homogeneity derives from a a significanc impact in the region, legendary New Tribes Mission evar Insticute of Lin Pig-Parand region, most by the mid-sixties. Cures and the Ministry of Education, mid-sixties, except for the more tradition: adopted Western clothing. Some aspects ly minded, ive dress are currently being 388 Jackson promoted in the schools, and Tukanoan men will don some ritual parapher- 12 degree to which these at ikanoan life, With very few excey Indians in the Vaupés have always lived in or near Mi some formed on language- ., Union of im, belongs to the proper context. To under ion would require a more chorough discussion | can offer of the local Vaupés scene and of the people elsewhere in ‘The Politics of Tukanoan Ethnis ive response to ideas intro- duced from outside (Hugh-Jones 1981; Wright and Hill 1986) ccriva was founded in 1973 with the backing of the Prefectura Apostélica tive crrva members, and many Tukanoans ate indifferes n. For the most part, Tukanoans living far from Mii are not ly do not respect the leaders ons they espouse. We can say that most Tukanoans are less self consciously indigenist than active ckiva members, and of those who are interested in indigenous-rights organising, some are not sure that cxtva best represents their inte ian-non-Indian conflict. members typify Tukanoans ow, or they may not what the furure wey may represenc che Tukanoan of changing so rapidly chat itis hard countered, a summary of reasons wh ing its cadet position vis-3-vis nonTukanoans. The main fa lurgent threat to Tukanoan lands or other nat In the 1970s, the Colombian government instituted wide-ranging legisla tion affecting Indians that reseras (reserves) the state with usuftu 390 JACKSON ing 3,354,007 hectares (Arango and the Vaupés in 1982. That so much y no pressure coming from the Indians them: remarkable. It reflects an extremely uns Brooke 1990b, 10; Riding 1987; Youngers 1990, 5) and a policy implemented by a fundamentally weak national government that attempts to win hearts and minds in the countryside and thus prevent leftist guerrilla groups from gaining more converts.” Some of the more militant highland Indian groups played a role in these developments, as well as some ws und a great deal of discussion their current status, and in the Vaupés, Tukanoans they administer but which they played vi Brooke 19903, 6). Hence, one of the important factors that can aid organiz- ing, a perceived mutual threat co land or other natural resources, is missing in the history of criva. Although Tukanoans face many dangers and suffer fom dis assassinations, or imprisonment and torture of Indian activist. ‘One interviewee commented: "We have a problem here because these are people who didn’t even know they owned the land. . . . obtaining the res- local Takanoan leaders—pr jonal and tion, and so forth—is excremely complex. These various interest gtoups have divergent goals, and although many sincerely wane whac is best for Tuks- tnoans, one result of so many outsiders playing a role in the formation and to grow up. As an interviewee said “very weak... chese Indians don't have representation in che comm ands of the mestizes and don’t have direct contact, s. They were formed in the mission and have interest sor rviewee, very much involved in indigenous grass roots projects and knowledgeable about the Vaupés marked: “The priests say ‘you have to organize.’ And they [crive but the priests said that in order to continue managing the people. Th although they [criva leaders} are artificial officials, this corresponds to the interests of the mission.” Another act in Bogota commented that outsider Indians who travel ‘we're going to work with the gente de base [the people of “But they're bureaucrats, they speak Spanish, they ‘tue the local people may have to learn to mission played a decisive role in creating criva and undoubtedly sees its ics who have ‘promotion of the organization as an answer to the many ci accused missionaries of creating divisions in Tukanoan society. ‘who know the Vaupés have divide-and-conquer tactics over rivalry among language groups. ‘mony and homogeneity in the thas never been known for its cohesion and In the late 1970s, many Tukanoans qu and trade goods through coca. Although ing for Takanoans in the long run, the inet colono-induced where in the country. To some exter the rapid change and easy cash that 392 JACKSON Id, concerned with regulating prices, the amour ‘of mordida, or payoff, to local than a coca growers land whites could c sometimes federal is no longer couch ing in ethnic federations like | Indian movement into the popula iewee commented: yes, but with them as the heads. This is unacceptable to ." Another commented that whereas mnal sectors. This process jent and effective they | say, “the comandante commands here, and not the Howe Je to be made to ui including some efforts to Indian revolurionary maveré anc has a permanent presence in useful to pay at residents affirm that some succes tention to —and even to promote it. A general fear expressed by both Catholic clergy and government iw i of creating coo much dependency in Tekanoans. For The Acquisition of Indian Culture from Outsiders Various found ; le when Tukanoans com- that he rot consider Indians to be theit worst enemies, Tukanoans nonethel presence. After a FARc raid on Mita in Apr ry base was established, -ase—among Tukanoans. va for not being tradi Jats movement for being too up in the white world and for not caring enough about preserving ‘Tukanoan culture or developing genuine grass roots activism. One would kind of critics suddenly see be found in Mi needing to be 394 JACKSON population is 95 percent Indian. A few non-Indians see this asa world turned Another interviewee favorably compared the paternal authority of a tradi- al Tukanoan headman to the out-only-for-themselves attitudes of polit- cians in Mité, And another interviewee, in charge of many development projects, also took a traditionalist line and commented that all the bad debts non-Indians have saddled Tukanoans with is a good idea because then, they will know not co count on the dail “when the subversives (guerri they will mistrust chem." One priest sarcastically commented that the ‘way Tukanoans learned about the modern economy was in coca trafficking “Production, redistribution, ‘And of course there was a ma “Thus, whereas twenty years ago non-Indians spoke of teaching Tokanoans the dignity of work and the value of saving money, clearly many factors have contributed to a changed 1, namely, that Tukanoans face grave dangers by acculturating too jons at times support the preservation of cul- rimes even espouse a socialist solution of Colom- ion. Fifteen years ago negating Indian ide centralize, to return to the longhouse, t0 pa traditional language, clothing, rites, exchange of women.” wwe have to ‘The Politics of Tukanoan Ethnicity 395 Protestant missionaries have not promoted Indian rights, partly because they have not had the dialogue with Colombian and foreign anthropo that Catholic clergy have (see Jackson 1993 formation of groups like criva, the Summer In part due to the ‘Tribes Mission and Tol sich previously disapproved ing manioc beer, and taking the hi sponsored “Indian weeks" in which ceremonies and dances are performed—a complete reversal from its position of twenty years ago regarding Tukanoan ceremonies. The Colombian Catholic Church responded to exticism from outsiders by forming its own Missionary Colombian Anthropological Center, launching a publication, Etna, in 1965, and opening an ethnographic mu- seum in Bogoté in 1975. ‘Another major nonTukanoan source of input about Indian, which Tukanoans are being exposed derives from the interaction between criva members and ns elsewhere in Colombia who visi officials during began asthe as a result of the increas: ing coca market and interaction with outside Indian-rights organizations. ‘An example of the collaboration between criva members and outsiders is a book written by @ Tukanoan, Jess Santacruz, on Principis Fundamentales del Consejo Regional Indigena del Vaupés (Fundamental Principles of criva). Ie contains any number of incorrect ethnographic observations, very probably due t0 misinformation from Catholic missionaries and non-Tukanoan In- dians. Publ en by cRiva members in theit newsletter, La Vor de an Indian and even what it means to be: tone article speaks of Tukanoans longing for ing among cribes and clans (in Unidad Indigena, 1976, no. 12, 8). A cava 306 JACKSON leader remarked co me that “The people wanted co end with the sense of onalism along language group or cla indeed divisive, | very much doubt if most Tukanoans are ready to stop auishing among themselves this way. This is a remarkably different notion of al one. tioned in these publications. For example, an scribes Vaupés groups: “To each tribe corresponds a territory whose limits are clearly recognized and respected; in keeping with tradition and mythology, this terior is communal propery ofthe enti ith respect to language group afliation; sometimes, a settlement’s .eighbors belong to other language groups. Its also interesting that le does not mention the basis for so much contact: language exogamy. nguage is viewed in the conventional sense as a marker of ily is not. In another lly worked land is given: territory, which is communal issue of the paper a romantic picture of commun (Unidad Indigena, 1976, no. 14, Land is not worked communal tions from eriva and oxic publi cies, a systema desire to presenta part 7 nmantic, idealized image that glosses over ot ignores confusing or inconvenient factors such as language exogamy, even though this i a fundamental organiting principle of Tukanoan social structure. Such quotes provide a glimpse of a new Indian identity and cul provided by outside-derived images and, in part, by outside polit example, to assert tribal communal ownership of clearly demarcated lands is 397 les over land tights. these things about ‘Many examples of this process can be found among Native Americans in the USS.A. and Canada who have acquired feather warbonnets or drums their ancestors never used, but which now are important because they signal pan- Indian identity. What is of value in the Vaupés material is that we are observ- ing the beginnings of this process. Rethinking Culture Change What I have just described is what I referred to above as the process of ‘how can we describe this process using our con- the very real conflicts between many of thei ideology. We have seen examples of a new of ‘Takanoans’ remaining the way they are in some important respects, Bu maining the way they are” nevertheless involves significant change on the part of Tukanoans, paradoxical though it may seem, because definitions of who they are derive so extensively from their increasing interaction with nonTukanoans. We have seen that Tukanoans who are influenced by the national Indian- fs movernent are hearing and incorporating into their self-image several nal understandings of themselves and their Colombian Indian groups, because of criva's relative lack of ps rruction about what being an authentic Indian means is for jot entrusted to Tukanoans. crtva may in the future develop 308, JACKSON fence-straddling and the margit Traditional culeural forms that are retained are not necessarily the “sa if their meaning has changed. This might seem so obvious as not to warrant comment, but such a point is often forgotten because anthropologists, indig enists, and others are interested in discovering the connections between tent traditions and earlier ones. But “culture” is not necessarily an anal ing Tukanoans do enti cr if Tukanoans perform a been retained, As noted above, icisdificult to talk about d imation, whether ofa ritual or of Indian culture in general, except in depre- catory terms. Simply to talk of “becoming an Indian” suggests something inauthentic, insincere, as does che word “Yolklorze.” ‘As Tukanoans are increasingly embedded in Colombian ulture and soci increasingly come to define themselves in terms of the larger ple one of how fast are we participate in the local indigenous-rights movement are finding out what it means to be Tukanoan ina new way, one differe the way Tuka- rnoans revised their self-concepts over the past two centuries in interactions with whites. Young Tukanoans who reside in Miri and its environs are learn {ng from outsiders not only how to be Indian but also to some extent how to bbe Tukanoan, The pages of criva’s newspaper that describe Tukanoan tradi tions in ethnographically incorrect fashion are a harbinger of a transformed Tukanoan identity. That this transformed identity receives some of its form, language, and content from other Indians in no way changes the basic process cof what I am calling folklorization. ‘The Politics of Tukanoan Echnicey 399 ‘An important change occurs when, because a vastly more powerful cul- tural system is making significant inroads into an indigenous culture, che ‘members of that become aware of trasted to being aware of themselves as a , is how indigenous themselves and ment, a distinction i that whereas to some extent indigenism begins wi tha radically different cul- ture, Indigenism—indigenism with a capital 1, seléconscious indigenism, along with self-conscious culture—begins when a group of people begin to appropriate notions of who they are from the intrusive dominant culture, albeit in contradistinction to it? This is now occurring in the Vaupés, The analogy about unselfconscious rituals versus folklorized ritual—ritual whose ‘meaning is derived in part from the fact that the audience includes people from vastly different cultures—is useful. The same point can be made about in the late 1960s in this self-conscious sense, although at complained bitterly zbout non-Indians. But Tukanoans are now beginning to speak in this fashion. ‘As noted above, itis dificult to describe this contrast without introducing judgmental notions (e.g., “authentic” vs. “deri the impression that I am judging some cultural traits as better than others simply because they a jonal as opposed to newly introduced. 1 do believe there are criteria with which to make such judgments, but they have odo with the effec ‘being of the group in question—and sometimes t ‘even in hind- sight, partly because as an rive”). Ido not want 10 give Questions abour ev faced by anthropology in defining and analyzing cultural units, in particular when trying to assess change from one type (e.g., a somewhat isolated and bounded “tribal culture”) to another (e.g., a “ethnic group,” a group of 400 DACKSON Thave argued that we 18 of various Tukanoan of ips, including indig- The cultural totally change in redefined as part of a ind of Indian identity as a political strategy. ince resemblances between earlier forms of Tukanoan culeure and later this process in nonderogatot “The northwest Amazon has always presented thomy problems to those who adopt and promote “cooki ‘models of society and culture. Tuka- and, although at times exasperating, extremely worthwhile ores “Fhis chapter was originally a paper delivered in 1989 and revised in 104 sraphic data and analysis offered here should be understood ro apply to the anges have taken place Constitution in 199 create: Some of hese changes re dcuse i kon 199 19932. 19930, and n.d. a “The esearch for chapter is part of an on-going resea 40 also ta the Anthro- pology Departments ofthe National University and the University of Los Andes, che Ofce of Indian Affairs, and the Colombian Anthropology Institute. Thanks also to {987 Bennington South American Indian Conference who stephen Hugh-Jones, Theodore Macdonald, Anna Roosevelt, David Stoll, and Robin Wright. 1 Some of the literature on ethnicity offers similar ertique. Vincent, for exam- ple, suggests that we have a “too stolid perception of ethnic groups as permanent component units” (1974, 376) and asseres the assumed givens ofa society and their actal ‘of people choosing Kahn's “ideology.” Many writers argue that embedded in the idea of ethnicity isthe notion of permanence, ccatory term. A number of writers on e ‘membership, which "an be narrowed or broadened in boundary te the specific needs of politcal mobilization” (Cohen 1978, 385-86). Such analyses cean be fele as a slap in the face of a given group who is making a claim ro land or defined criteria for member- 5+ Indian-rights consciousness in Colombia goes back to the 19208 when, with the effects ofthe Bolshevik Revolution, the Latin American communist movernent spoke about the Indian proletariae and adopced a vision of a "Great Indo-American, ration” (Pineda Camacho 1984, 211-12). Tshould note that [often use Indian for 402 JACKSON the Spanish indigena. The Spanish cognate, fndio, isa highly pejorative term, which problems of nomenclature are noc of great view with regard co the effects ofthe introduction tonal Progam fr the Desanmen dn Psat) and former president fe de Nuestra Identdad Nacional ("The Indian: 76, many Colombians who had carried out investigatio lance among national Indian rights ‘amento Nacional de Planeacin ‘The Politics of Tukanoan Ethnicity 493 Ashem, K- 1981 Makuna social organization: A stayin descent, alliance athe formation of in the northwestern Amazon. Uppsala: Uppsala Studies Barth, E 1982 1-8). Washington, D.C.: American Ethnological Society thc groups and boundaries. Boston: Little, Brown. ‘Of Indian roots, and profs as well. New York Times, 9 September, 16. B sacional. Colombia: Direceién dela Comunidad, Divisiin Asuntos 1988 Conjugated oppression: Class and ethnicity among Guaymi and Kuna bonana workers, American Ethuologist 15 (2): 328-48, Brooke, J 19900 to 50% of Clombian Amazon. New York Times, 4 toga Assassins wiping out Colombia party. New York Times, « April, 10 Cass, J 198 inslators! Colombians have doubts. Boston Sunday Globe, 8 Chere, J. 1992 The Wanano ofthe Brasilian Amazon: A sense of space. Austin: Universicy of Texas Press. Cohen, R. 1978 Ethnicity: Problem and focus in anthropology. Annual Review of Anthro the Aboriginalists. Men 23 (2):221~37. ige: Cambridge 1981 ia del Vaupés. Maguaré: Revista del Departamento de Antopologta onal de Colombia) + June): 29-51. 1992 tomorrow's necessities: Business and barter in norch- ‘west Amazonia, In Bares, exchange and value: An anthropological a proach, edited by C. Humphrey and S. Hugh-Jones, 42~74- Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres. Jackson, | 1083. The fish people: Linguistic exogamy and Tikanoun identity in northwest Amazonia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres. 1984 scale societies. Studies in Comparative 32. 1089) 1g culture without making enemies? 744: tgg1a Being and becoming an the Vaupés, In Nation States ard Indians in Latin America, edited by Greg Urban and Joel Sherer, 131 in: University of Texas Press. roth ‘counters between Nukak and Tukanoans: Changing ethnic ‘identity in the Vaupés, Colombia. Journal of Ethnic Studies 19 (2): 1740, to92 Constructing and contesting Indian culture: Shaman schools and ethno 19938 ro93b nda jou: The politics of Indianness in the Vaupés, Cali Anton Eda, nye Kahn, J 1o8t Explaining ethnicity: A review article. Critique of Anthropology 16 > Spring): 43-52 Koch-Grinberg, T. 1903-5 Zwei Jabre unter den Indianer Reisen in Nordwest Brasilien. 2 vols, JACKSON 18S. Thea he Poe in ond cosmology in northwest Amazonia Berlin: Emst Wasmuth. ‘The Polities of Takanoan Exhinicity 405 ‘Micronic 1978 Declaracin del comité de profesores del departamento de antropotogta de la Universidad Nacional sobre el ‘Agosto, M542 2-4 Pineda Camacho, R. im de indio en el pensamiento social Colombiano Jning “otherness: Sapwuahfik cultural identity. Amercian 15 (ah 472-8 Programa Nacional de Desarrollo de las Poblaciones Indigenas (Program for the spment of Indian Populations), Department of National Plan ning, 1984. Bogor nonaoaM (Proyecto de Radargramétrico del Amazonas) 1979 La Amazonia Colombiana y sus Recursos. Bogoté: Repablica de Colombia. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. tor! Amazonian cosmos: The sexual and religous symbolim of the Tukano Indians, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Riding, A 1987 Truce between Colombia and rebels is unravelling. New York Times, 20 August, 11 ‘Sancacros 1985 Prncipios fndamentoles del Conseo Regional Indigena del Veupes, CComisaria Especial del Vaupés. Silverwood-Cope, PL. 1990 Os Mahal: Povo cacador do norest da Amazonia. Brastlia:Editora Univer: sidade de Brasilia Smith, A. D. 1986 The ethnic origins of nations. Oxford: Basil Blackwell to85 _A.search for unity within diversity: Peasant unions, ethnic fe andl «economic development Six cate TT. Macdonald, 5-38. Cambridge, Mass.= Cultural Survival satis in the northwest Amazon. American Anthropolagst 69) Fishers of menor founders of empine? The Wclife Bible Translators in Latin rica. London: Zed/Culeural Survival 406 racxsow Vaupés. A 1976 Lascom June, no, Index 1982 Europe andthe p history, Berkeley and Los Ange! ia Press History and religion ofthe Baniwe Peoples ofthe upper vols. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms Rand J. Hi 9, ritual, and Negro Ville. 2 Nineteenth-century millenarian movements in the northwest Amazon. Ethnohistory 33 (1): 31-54 Youngers,C. 1990 Body count. Nation, 2 July, 5 Achagoa tbe, 6 Afonso Pena, F ‘Achar longhourels), 231-33 Agriculture: in men: and contol of marriages, madic, of aqo-4r;— Aguaruna jvan tankamash for, 31-s3rue of weapons satus of, 16 by, 227-28 ‘Aguaruna ei te: aumatn ceremony of, 232: Agiero, 0.29 in,a33-sq:household Aiur, 84 strvcure of, 2084 and ‘Alcohol depen: agora: matviage nin, 236-391 and p 227-a8) traders, shamen, and wariors 234-35: work proceses of, 207-11 Amazon, upper, ‘Achat women: and bith-

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