I Ching

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For other uses, see I Ching (disambiguation).

I Ching
Classic of Changes

The I Ching

Author

Fu Xi (trad.)

Country

China

Media type

Book

I Ching
Chinese name

Traditional Chinese

Simplified Chinese

Hanyu Pinyin

Yjng

Literal meaning

"Classic of Changes"

[show]Transcriptions

Korean name

Hangul

[show]Transcriptions

Japanese name

Hiragana

[show]Transcriptions
This article
contains Chinese text.Without
proper rendering support, you
may see question marks, boxes,
or other symbols instead
ofChinese characters.

The I Ching (/i d/;[1] Chinese: ; pinyin: Yjng), also known as the Classic of
Changes or Book of Changes in English, is an ancient divination text and the oldest of the Chinese
classics. The I Ching was originally a divination manual in the Western Zhou period, but over the
course of the Warring States period and early imperial period was transformed into
a cosmological text with a series of philosophical commentaries known as the "Ten Wings."[2] After
becoming part of the Five Classics in the 2nd century BC, the I Ching was the subject of scholarly

commentary and the basis for divination practice for centuries across the Far East, and eventually
took on an influential role in Western understanding of Eastern thought.
The I Ching uses a type of divination called cleromancy, which produces apparently random
numbers. Six random numbers are turned into a hexagram, which can then be looked up in the I
Ching book, arranged in an order known as the King Wen sequence. The interpretation of the
readings found in the I Ching is the matter of centuries of debate, and many commentators have
used the book symbolically, often to provide guidance for moral decision-making as informed
by Confucianism. The hexagrams themselves have often acquired cosmological significance and
paralleled with many other traditional names for the processes of change such as yin and
yang and Wu Xing.
The I Ching is an influential text that is read throughout the world. Several sovereign states have
employed I Ching hexagrams in their flags, and the text has provided inspiration to the worlds of
religion, psychoanalysis, business, literature, and art.
Contents
[hide]

1 The divination text: Zhou yi

o 1.1 Name and origins
o 1.2 Structure
o 1.3 Usage
2 The classic: I Ching
o 2.1 Ten Wings
3 Hexagrams
4 Interpretation
o 4.1 Han and Six Dynasties
o 4.2 Tang and Song dynasties
o 4.3 Neo-Confucian
o 4.4 Korean and Japanese
o 4.5 Early European
o 4.6 Modern
5 Divination
6 Influence
o 6.1 Use in national flags
7 Translations
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
11 External links

The divination text: Zhou yi[edit]

Oracle turtle shell

The text of the I Ching has its origins in a Western Zhou divination text called the Changes of
Zhou or Zhou yi (Chinese: ; pinyin: Zhuy).[3] The Zhou yi, which may be grounded in even
older Shang dynasty analysis of oracle bones, contains references to events as early as the 11th
century BC.[4] Based on a comparison of the language of the Zhou yi with dated bronze
inscriptions, Edward Shaughnessy has concluded that the text was assembled in approximately its
current form in the early decades of the reign of King Xuan of Zhou, i.e. the last quarter of the 9th
century BC.[5] Recently discovered bamboo and wooden slips show that the Zhou yi was used
throughout all levels of Chinese society in its current form by 300 BC, but still contained small
variations as late as the Warring States period.[6] It is possible that other divination systems existed
at this time; the Rites of Zhou name two other such systems, the Lianshan and the Guizang.[7]

Name and origins[edit]

The name Zhou yi means a book of "changes" (Chinese: ; pinyin: Y) used during the Zhou
dynasty. The "changes" involved have been interpreted as the transformations of hexagrams, of their
lines, or of the numbers obtained from the divination.[8] Feng Youlan proposed that the word for
"changes" could also mean "easy", as in a form of divination easier than the oracle bones, but there
is little evidence for this. There is also an ancient folk etymology that sees the character for
"changes" as containing the sun and moon, the cycle of the day. Modern Sinologists believe the
character to be derived either from an image of the sun emerging from clouds, or from the content of
a vessel being changed into another.[9]
The Zhou yi is attributed to the legendary world ruler Fu Xi. According to the canonical Great
Commentary, Fu Xi, who lived around 2800 BC, observed the patterns of the world and created
the eight trigrams (Chinese: ; pinyin: bgu), "in order to become thoroughly conversant with the
numinous and bright and to classify the myriad things." The Zhou yi itself does not contain this
legend and indeed says nothing about its own origins.[10] The Rites of Zhou, however, confirms that
the hexagrams of the Zhou yi were derived from an initial set of eight trigrams.[11] During the Han
dynasty there were various opinions about the historical relationship between the trigrams and the
hexagrams.[12]Eventually, a consensus formed around 2nd century AD scholar Ma Rong's attribution

of the text to the joint work of Fu Xi, King Wen of Zhou, the Duke of Zhou, andConfucius, but this
traditional attribution is no longer generally accepted.[13]

Structure[edit]
The basic unit of the Zhou yi is the hexagram ( gu), a figure composed of six stacked horizontal
lines ( yo). Each line is either broken or unbroken. The received text of the Zhou yi contains all 64
possible hexagrams, along with the hexagram's name ( gumng), a short hexagram statement (
tun),[note 1] and six line statements (yoc).[note 2] The statements were used to determine the
results of divination, but the reasons for having two different methods of reading the hexagram are
not known, and it is not known why hexagram statements would be read over line statements or vice
versa.[14] The book opens with the first hexagram statement, yun hng l zhn (). These
four words, translated by James Legge as "originating and penetrating, advantageous and firm," are
often repeated in the hexagram statements and were already considered an important part of I
Ching interpretation in the 6th century BC.[15]
The names of the hexagrams are usually words that appear in their respective line statements, but in
five cases (2, 9, 26, 61, and 63) an unrelated character of unclear purpose. The hexagram names
could have been chosen arbitrarily from the line statements,[16] but it is also possible that the line
statements were derived from the hexagram names.[17] The line statements, which make up most of
the book, are exceedingly cryptic. Each line begins with a word indicating the line number, "base, 2,
3, 4, 5, top", and either the number 6 for a broken line, or the number 9 for a whole line. Hexagrams
1 and 2 have an extra line statement, named yong.[18] Following the line number, the line statements
may fall into the categories of oracle, indication, prognostic or observation; each statement usually
has two or three of these elements, and sometimes one or none.[19] Some line statements also
contain poetry or references to historical events.[20]

Usage[edit]

A bunch of 50 yarrow Achillea millefolium subsp. m. var. millefoliumstalks, used for I Ching divination.

Archaeological evidence shows that Zhou dynasty divination was grounded in cleromancy, the
production of seemingly random numbers to determine divine intent.[21] TheZhou yi provided a guide
to cleromancy that used the stalks of the yarrow plant, but it is not known how the yarrow stalks
became numbers, or how specific lines were chosen from the line readings.[22] In the hexagrams,
broken lines were used as shorthand for the numbers 6 () and 8 (), and solid lines were
shorthand for values of 7 () and 9 (). The Great Commentary contains a late classic description

of a process where various numerological operations are performed on a bundle of 50 stalks, leaving
remainders of 6 to 9.[23] Like the Zhou yi itself, yarrow stalk divination dates to the Western Zhou
period.[24]
The Zuo zhuan and Guoyu contain the oldest descriptions of divination using the Zhou yi. The two
histories, considered generally reliable today, describe more than twenty successful divinations
conducted by professional soothsayers for royal families between 671 BC and 487 BC. The method
of divination is not explained, and none of the stories employ predetermined commentaries, patterns,
or interpretations. Only the hexagrams and line statements are used.[25] By the 300s BC, the authority
of the Zhou yi was also cited for rhetorical purposes, without relation to any stated
divination.[26] The Zuo zhuan does not contain records of private individuals, but Qin dynasty records
found at Shuihudi show that the hexagrams were privately consulted to answer questions such as
business, health, children, and determining lucky days.[27]
In the Zuo zhuan stories, individual lines of hexagrams are denoted by using the genitive particle zhi,
followed by the name of another hexagram where that specific line had another form. In later years,
the word zhi was interpreted as a verb meaning "moving to", an apparent indication that hexagrams
could be transformed into other hexagrams. However, there are no instances of "changeable lines"
in the Zuo Zhuan. In all 12 out of 12 line divinations quoted, the original hexagrams are used to
produce the oracle.[28]

The classic: I Ching[edit]

In 136 BC, Emperor Wu of Han named the Zhou yi "the first among the classics", dubbing it
the Classic of Changes or I Ching. Emperor Wu's placement of the I Ching among the Five
Classics was informed by a broad span of cultural influences that
included Confucianism, Daoism, Legalism, yin-yang cosmology, and Wu Xing physical
theory.[29] While the Zhou yi does not contain any cosmological analogies, the I Ching was read as a
microcosm of the universe that offered complex, symbolic correspondences.[30] This edition of the
text was literally set in stone, as one of the Xiping Stone Classics.[31] The canonized I Ching became
the standard text for over two thousand years, until alternate versions of the Zhou yi and related
texts were discovered in the 20th century.[32]

Ten Wings[edit]
Part of the canonization of the Zhou yi bound it to a set of ten commentaries called the Ten Wings.
The Ten Wings are of a much later provenance than the Zhou yi, and are the production of a
different society. TheZhou yi was written in Early Old Chinese, while the Ten Wings were written in a
predecessor to Middle Chinese.[33] The specific origins of the Ten Wings are still a complete mystery
to academics.[34] Regardless of their historical relation to the text, the philosophical depth of the Ten
Wings made the I Ching a perfect fit to Han period Confucian scholarship.[35] The inclusion of the Ten
Wings reflects a widespread recognition in ancient China, found in the Zuo zhuan and other pre-Han
texts, that the I Ching was a rich moral and symbolic document useful for more than professional
divination.[36]
Arguably the most important of the Ten Wings is the Great Commentary (Dazhuan) or Xi ci, which
dates to roughly 300 BC.[note 3] The Great Commentary describes the I Ching as a microcosm of the
universe and a symbolic description of the processes of change. By partaking in the spiritual
experience of the I Ching, the Great Commentary states, the individual can understand the deeper
patterns of the universe.[23] Among other subjects, it explains how the eight trigrams proceeded from
the eternal oneness of the universe through three bifurcations.[37] The other Wings provide different
perspectives on essentially the same viewpoint, giving ancient, cosmic authority to the I Ching.[38] For
example, the Wen yan () provides a moral interpretation that parallels the first two hexagrams,
(qin) and (kn), with Heaven and Earth.[39] Throughout the Ten Wings, there are passages

that seem to purposefully increase the ambiguity of the base text, pointing to a recognition of
multiple layers of symbolism.[40]
The Great Commentary associates knowledge of the I Ching with the ability to "delight in Heaven
and understand fate;" the sage who reads it will see cosmological patterns and not despair in mere
material difficulties.[41] The Japanese word for "metaphysics", keijijgaku (; pinyin: xng r
shng xu) is derived from a statement found in the Great Commentary that "what is above form
[xng r shng] is calledDao; what is under form is called a tool".[42] The word has also been
borrowed into Korean and re-borrowed back into Chinese.
The Ten Wings were traditionally attributed to Confucius, possibly based on a misreading of
the Records of the Grand Historian.[43] While there is little evidence for this, the association of the I
Ching with Confucius gave weight to the text and was taken as an article of faith throughout the Han
and Tang dynasties.[44] The I Ching was not included in the burning of the Confucian classics, and
textual evidence strongly suggests that Confucius did not consider the Zhou yi a "classic". An
ancient commentary on the Zhou yi found at Mawangdui portrays Confucius as endorsing it as a
source of wisdom first and an imperfect divination text second.[45]

Hexagrams[edit]
Main article: List of hexagrams of the I Ching
In the canonical I Ching, the hexagrams are arranged in an order dubbed the King Wen
sequence after King Wen of Zhou, who founded the Zhou dynasty and supposedly reformed the
method of interpretation. The sequence generally pair hexagrams with their upside-down
equivalents, although in eight cases hexagrams are paired with their inversion.[46] Another order,
found at Mawangdui in 1973, arranges the hexagrams into eight groups sharing the same upper
trigram. But the oldest known manuscript, found in 1987 and now held by the Shanghai Library, was
almost certainly arranged in the King Wen sequence, and it has even been proposed that a pottery
paddle from the Western Zhou period contains four hexagrams in the King Wen
sequence.[47] Whichever of these arrangements is older, it is not evident that the order of the
hexagrams was of interest to the original authors of the Zhou yi. The assignment of numbers, binary
or decimal, to specific hexagrams is a modern invention.[48]
The following table numbers the hexagrams in King Wen order.
1

(qin)

(kn)

(zhn)

(mng)

10

11

12

(xio ch)

(l)

(ti)

(p)

17

18

19

20

(su)

(g)

(ln)

(gun)

25

26

27

28

(w wng)

(d ch)

(y)

(d gu)

33

34

35

36

(dn)

(d zhung)

(jn)

(mng y)

41

42

43

44

(sn)

(y)

(gui)

(gu)

49

50

51

52

(g)

(dng)

(zhn)

(gn)

57

58

59

60

(xn)

(du)

(hun)

(ji)

Interpretation[edit]
Han and Six Dynasties[edit]
During the Han dynasty, I Ching interpretation divided into two schools, originating in a dispute over
minor differences between older and newer editions of the received text.[49] New Text criticism, more
egalitarian and eclectic, sought to find symbolic and numerological parallels between the natural
world and the hexagrams. Their commentaries provided the basis of the School of Images and
Numbers. Old Text criticism, more scholarly and hierarchical, focused on the moral content of the
text, providing the basis for the School of Meanings and Principles.[50] The New Text scholars
distributed alternate versions of the text and freely integrated non-canonical commentaries into their
work, as well as propagating alternate systems of divination such as the Taixuanjing.[51] Most of this
early commentary, such as the image and number work of Jing Fang, Yu Fan and Xun Shuang, is
no longer extant.[52] Only short excerpts survive, from a Tang dynasty text called Zhou yi jijie.[53]
With the fall of the Han, I Ching scholarship was no longer organized into systematic schools. The
most influential writer of this period was Wang Bi, who discarded the numerology of Han
commentators and integrated the philosophy of the Ten Wings directly into the central text of the I
Ching, creating such a persuasive narrative that Han commentators were no longer considered
significant. A century later Han Kangboadded commentaries on the Ten Wings to Wang Bi's book,
creating a text called the Zhouyi zhu. The principal rival interpretation was a practical text on
divination by the soothsayer Guan Lu.[54]

Tang and Song dynasties[edit]

At the beginning of the Tang dynasty, Kong Yingda was tasked with creating a canonical edition of
the I Ching. Choosing the third-century Zhouyi zhu as the official commentary, he added to it a
subcommentary drawing out the subtler levels of Wang Bi's explanations. The resulting work,
the Zhouyi zhengi, became the standard edition of the I Ching through the Song dynasty[55], in which
there were two main approaches to I Ching studies. One was the yili xue (, "principle study")
approach, which was based on literalistic and moralistic principles. The other approach, taken
by Shao Yong, was the xiangshu xue (, "image-number study") approach, which was based
on the much more iconographic and cosmological principles of the School of Naturalists.

By the 11th century, the I Ching was being read as a work of intricate philosophy, as a jumping-off
point for examining great metaphysical questions and ethical issues.[56] Cheng Yi, patriarch of the
Neo-ConfucianCheng-Zhu school, read the I Ching as a guide to moral perfection.[57]
The binary arrangement of hexagrams is associated with the famous Chinese scholar and
philosopher Shao Yong in the 11th century.[58] He displayed it in two different formats, a circle, and a
rectangular block. He clearly understood the sequence represented a logical progression of values
and developed a method for arranging the hexagrams which can be interpreted as the sequence 0
to 63, as represented in binary, with yin as 0, yang as 1 and the least significant bit on top. The
ordering has also been interpreted as the lexicographical order on sextuples of elements chosen
from a two-element set.[59]

Neo-Confucian[edit]
Zhu Xi rejected both of the Han dynasty lines of commentary on the I Ching, proposing that the text
was a work of divination, not philosophy. However, he still considered it useful for understanding the
moral practices of the ancients, called "rectification of the mind" in the Great Learning. Zhu Xi's
reconstruction of I Ching yarrow stalk divination, based in part on the Great Commentary account,
became the standard form and is still in use today.[60]
As China entered the early modern period, the I Ching took on renewed relevance in both Confucian
and Daoist study. The Kangxi Emperor was especially fond of the I Ching and ordered new
interpretations of it.[61]

Korean and Japanese[edit]

In 1557, the Korean Yi Hwang produced one of the most influential I Ching studies of the early
modern era, claiming that the spirit was a principle (li) and not a material force (qi). Hwang accused
the Neo-Confucian school of having misread Zhu Xi. His critique proved influential not only in Korea
but also in Japan.[62] Other than this contribution, the I Ching was not central to the development of
Korean Confucianism, and by the 19th century, I Ching studies were integrated into the silhak reform
movement. [63]
In medieval Japan, secret teachings on the I Ching were publicized by Rinzai Zen master Kokan
Shiren and the Shintoist Yoshida Kanetomo.[64] I Ching studies in Japan took on new importance in
the Edo period, during which over 1,000 books were published on the subject by over 400 authors.
The majority of these books were serious works of philology, reconstructing ancient usages and
commentaries for practical purposes. A sizable minority focused on numerology, symbolism, and
divination.[65] During this time, over 150 editions of earlier Chinese commentaries were reprinted in
Japan, including several texts that had become lost in China.[66] In the early Edo period, writers such
as It Jinsai, Kumazawa Banzan, and Nakae Toju ranked the I Ching the greatest of the Confucian
classics.[67] Many writers attempted to use the I Chingto explain Western science in a Japanese
framework. One writer, Shizuki Tadao, even attempted to employ Newtonian mechanics and
the Copernican principle within an I Ching cosmology.[68] This line of argument was later taken up in
China by Zhang Zhidong.[69]

Early European[edit]

A diagram of I Ching hexagrams sent to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz fromJoachim Bouvet. The Arabic numerals
were added by Leibniz.

Leibniz, who was corresponding with Jesuits in China, wrote the first European commentary on the I
Ching in 1703, arguing that it proved the universality of binary numbersand theism, since the broken
lines, the "0" or "nothingness", cannot become solid lines, the "1" or "oneness", without the
intervention of God.[70] This was criticized by Hegel, who proclaimed that binary system and Chinese
characters were "empty forms" that could not articulate spoken words with the clarity of the
Western alphabet.[71] In their discussion, I Ching hexagrams and Chinese characters were conflated
into a single foreign idea, sparking a dialogue on Western philosophical questions such as
universality and the nature of communication. In the 20th century, Jacques Derrida identified Hegel's
argument as logocentric, but accepted without question Hegel's premise that the Chinese language
cannot express philosophical ideas.[72]

Modern[edit]
After the Xinhai Revolution, the I Ching lost its canonical status in China, but it maintained cultural
influence as China's most ancient text. Borrowing back from Leibniz, Chinese writers offered
parallels between the I Ching and subjects such as linear algebra and logic in computer science,
aiming to demonstrate that ancient Chinese cosmology had anticipated Western discoveries.[73] The
psychologist Carl Jung took interest in the possible universal nature of the imagery of the I Ching,
and he introduced an influential German translation by Richard Wilhelm by discussing his theories
of archetypes and synchronicity.[74]
The modern period also brought a new level of skepticism and rigor to I Ching scholarship. Li
Jingchi spent several decades producing a new interpretation of the text, which was published
posthumously in 1978. Gao Heng, an expert in pre-Qin China, reinvestigated its use as a Zhou
dynasty oracle. Edward Shaughnessy proposed a new dating for the various strata of the text.[75]

Divination[edit]
Main article: I Ching divination
The I Ching remains a widely used divination text today. One quite common form is yarrow stalk
divination, as described in China's most ancient histories, in the 300 BC Great Commentary, and
later in the Huainanziand the Lunheng. From the Great Commentary's description, the NeoConfucian Zhu Xi reconstructed a method of yarrow stalk divination that is still used throughout the
Far East. In the modern period, Gao Heng attempted his own reconstruction, which varies from Zhu
Xi in places.[76]

Another divination method, employing coins, became widely used in the Tang dynasty and is still
used today. In the modern period, alternative methods such as
specialized dice and cartomancy have also appeared.[77]

Influence[edit]

The flag of South Korea, withTaegeuk in the centre with four trigrams representing Heaven, Water, Earth, and Fire
(beginning top left and proceeding clockwise).

The flag of the Empire of Vietnamused Trigram Li Fire.

The flag of South Vietnam used Trigram Qin - Heaven.

Main article: I Ching's influence

The I Ching has influenced countless Chinese philosophers, artists and even businesspeople
throughout history. In more recent times, several Western artists and thinkers have used it in fields
as diverse as psychoanalysis, music, film, drama, dance, eschatology, and fiction writing.

Use in national flags[edit]

The Flag of South Korea contains the Taiji symbol, or tijt, (yin and yang in dynamic balance,
called taegeuk in Korean), representing the origin of all things in the universe. The taegeuk is
surrounded by four of the eight trigrams, starting from top left and going clockwise: Heaven, Water,
Earth, Fire. In addition, the Republic of Korea Air Forceaircraft roundel incorporates the Taiji in
conjunction with the trigrams representing Heaven.

The flag of the Empire of Vietnam used the Li (Fire) trigram and was known as c qu Ly (Li trigram
flag) because the trigram represents South. Its successor the Republic of Vietnam connected the
middle lines, turning it into the Qin (Heaven) trigram. (see Flag of the Republic of Vietnam).

Translations[edit]
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The I Ching has been translated into Western languages dozens of times, the most influential edition
being the 1950 German translation of Richard Wilhelm.[78] The earliest complete published I
Ching translation in a Western language was a Latin translation done in the 1730s

by Jesuit missionary Jean-Baptiste Rgis that was published in Germany in the 1830s.[79] Although
Thomas McClatchie and James Legge had both translated the text in the 19th century, the text
gained significant traction during thecounterculture of the 1960s, with the translations of Wilhelm
and John Blofeld attracting particular interest.[80] Richard Rutt's 1996 translation incorporated much of
the new archaeological and philological discoveries of the 20th century, and it is considered the most
accurate available in English. Gregory Whincup's 1986 translation also attempts to reconstruct Zhou
period readings and is arguably easier to read.[81]
The following list encapsulates the most notable English translations.

Blofeld, John (1965). The Book of Changes: A New Translation of

the Ancient Chinese I Ching. New York: E. P. Dutton.
Cleary, Thomas (2003). I ching : the book of change. Boston:
Shambhala. ISBN 1-59030-015-7.
A translation of Cheng Yi's influential Song period commentary
Cornelius, J. Edward and Cornelius, Marlene (1998). Y King: A
Beastly Book of Changes, Red Flame: A Thelemic Research
Journal, Issue 5.
Contains commentary by Aleister Crowley
Legge, James (1882). The Sacred Books of China, Part II: The Y
King.
Lynn, Richard John (1994). The classic of changes. New York, NY:
Columbia Univ. Press. ISBN 0-231-08294-0.
Translation of Wang Bi's influential 3rd century commentary
McClatchie, Thomas (1876). A Translation of the Confucian Yi-king.
Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press.
Pearson, Margaret (2011). The Original I Ching: An Authentic
Translation of the Book of Changes. Rutland, VT: Tuttle
Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8048-4181-8.
A feminist translation, lacking the yin-yang cosmology of most
Chinese commentaries
Ritsema, Rudolf (1994). I Ching : the classic Chinese oracle of
change : the divinatory texts with concordance. Ascona: Eranos
Foundation. ISBN 1-85230-536-3.
Rutt, Richard (1996). The book of changes (Zhouyi): a Bronze Age
document. Richmond: Curzon. ISBN 0-7007-0467-1.
Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1996). I Ching : the Classic of Changes.
New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 0-345-36243-8.
First English translation of the Mawangdui texts (c. 200 BC)
Whincup, Gregory (1986). Rediscovering the I Ching. Garden City,
N.Y.: Doubleday. ISBN 0-385-19667-9.
Wilhelm, Richard and Baynes, Cary (1967). The I Ching or Book of
Changes, With foreword by Carl Jung. 3rd. ed., Bollingen
Series XIX. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press (1st ed. 1950).

See also[edit]
Wikisource has original
text related to this article:

Wikimedia Commons has

media related to .

Wikiquote has quotations

related to: I Ching

Ba gua
Da Liu Ren
Feng Shui
Lingqijing
Lo Shu Square
Qi Men Dun Jia
T'ai chi ch'uan
Yellow River Map
Yin and yang

Notes[edit]
1.

2.
3.

Jump up^ The word tuan () refers to a four-legged animal similar to

a pig. It is not known why this word was used, and it is possible that it
is a homonym for an unknown word. The modern word for a hexagram
statement is guc (). (Rutt 1996, pp. 1223)
Jump up^ Referred to as yao () in the Zuo zhuan. (Nielsen 2003,
pp. 24, 290)
Jump up^ The received text was rearranged by Zhu Xi. (Nielsen
2003, p. 258)

References[edit]
Citations
1.

Jump up^ "I Ching". Random House Webster's Unabridged

Dictionary.
2. Jump up^ Kern (2010), p. 17.
3. Jump up^ Marshall 2001, pp. 3-7; Smith 2012, p. 22; Nelson 2011,
p. 377; Hon 2005, p. 2; Shaughnessy 1983, p. 105; Raphals 2013,
p. 337; Nylan 2001, p. 220.
4. Jump up^ Marshall 2001, p. 50-66.
5. Jump up^ Shaughnessy 1983, p. 219; Rutt 1996, pp. 3233; Smith
2012, p. 22; Knechtges 2014, p. 1885.
6. Jump up^ Shaughnessy 2014, passim; Smith 2012, p. 22.
7. Jump up^ Rutt 1996, p. 26-7; Redmond & Hon 2014, pp. 1069; Shchutskii 1979, p. 98.
8. Jump up^ Knechtges 2014, p. 1877.
9. Jump up^ Shaughnessy 1983, p. 106; Marshall 2001, p. 125; Schuessler 2007, p. 566; Nylan 2001, pp. 229-230.
10. Jump up^ Redmond & Hon 2014, pp. 54-5.

11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.

Jump up^ Shaughnessy 2014, p. 144.

Jump up^ Nielsen 2003, p. 7.
Jump up^ Nielsen 2003, p. 249; Shchutskii 1979, p. 133.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, pp. 122-5.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, pp. 126, 187-8; Shchutskii 1979, pp. 65-6.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, p. 118; Shaughnessy 1983, p. 123.
Jump up^ Knechtges 2014, p. 1879.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, pp. 129-30.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, p. 131.
Jump up^ Knechtges 2014, pp. 1880-1.
Jump up^ Shaughnessy 2014, p. 14.
Jump up^ Smith 2012, p. 39.
^ Jump up to:a b Smith 2008, p. 27.
Jump up^ Raphals 2013, p. 129.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, p. 173.
Jump up^ Smith 2012, p. 43; Raphals 2013, p. 336.
Jump up^ Raphals 2013, pp. 203-212.
Jump up^ Shaughnessy 1983, p. 97; Rutt 1996, p. 154-5; Smith
2008, p. 26.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 31-2.
Jump up^ Raphals 2013, p. 337.
Jump up^ Knechtges 2014, p. 1889.
Jump up^ Shaughnessy 2014, passim; Smith 2008, pp. 48-50.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, p. 39.
Jump up^ Shaughnessy 2014, p. 284.
Jump up^ Smith 2012, p. 48.
Jump up^ Nylan 2001, p. 229.
Jump up^ Nielsen 2003, p. 260.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 48.
Jump up^ Knechtges 2014, p. 1882.
Jump up^ Nylan 2001, p. 221.
Jump up^ Nylan 2001, pp. 248-9.
Jump up^ Yuasa 2008, p. 51.
Jump up^ Peterson 1982, p. 73.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 27; Nielsen 2003, pp. 138, 211.
Jump up^ Shchutskii 1979, p. 213; Smith 2012, p. 46.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 37.
Jump up^ Shaughnessy 2014, pp. 52-3, 16-7.
Jump up^ Rutt 1996, pp. 114-8.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 58; Nylan 2001, p. 45.
Jump up^ Smith 2012, p. 76-8.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, pp. 76-9; Knechtges 2014, p. 1889.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, pp. 57, 67, 84-6.
Jump up^ Knechtges 2014, p. 1891.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, pp. 89-90, 98; Hon 2005, pp. 2930; Knechtges 2014, p. 1890.
Jump up^ Hon 2005, pp. 29-33; Knechtges 2014, p. 1891.
Jump up^ Hon 2005, p. 144.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 128.
Jump up^ Wang, Robin R.;Yinyang (Yin-yang); Internet Encyclopedia
of Philosophy
Jump up^ Ryan, James A. (January 1996). "Leibniz' Binary System
and Shao Yong's "Yijing"". Philosophy East and West (University of
Hawaii Press)46 (1): 5990. doi:10.2307/1399337. JSTOR 1399337.

60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.

Jump up^ Adler 2002, pp. v-xi; Smith 2008, p. 229.

Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 177.
Jump up^ Ng 2000b, pp. 55-6.
Jump up^ Ng 2000b, p. 65.
Jump up^ Ng 2000a, p. 7, 15.
Jump up^ Ng 2000a, pp. 22-25.
Jump up^ Ng 2000a, pp. 28-9.
Jump up^ Ng 2000a, pp. 38-9.
Jump up^ Ng 2000a, pp. 143-5.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 197.
Jump up^ Nelson 2011, p. 379; Smith 2008, p. 204.
Jump up^ Nelson 2011, p. 381.
Jump up^ Nelson 2011, p. 383.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 205.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 212.
Jump up^ Knechtges 2014, pp. 1884-5.
Jump up^ Smith 2008, p. 27; Raphals 2013, p. 167.
Jump up^ Redmond & Hon 2014, pp. 257.
Jump up^ Shaughnessy 2014, p. 1.
Jump up^ Shaughnessy (1993), p. 225.
Jump up^ Smith 2012, pp. 198-9.
Jump up^ Redmond & Hon 2014, pp. 241-3.

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change (I-hseh ch'i-meng). Provo, Utah: Global Scholarly
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classical commentary and literati activism in the northern Song
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history of ancient China: from the origins of civilization to 221 B.C.
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Western Han". In Owen, Stephen. The Cambridge History of
Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. pp. 1115. ISBN 978-0-521-11677-0.
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and Culture. Honolulu, HI: Association for Asian Studies and
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