Jesusa Vega The Modernity of Los Desastres de la Guerra in the Mid Nineteenth-Centu Fifty-three years* on from the date inscribed on some of the copper plates in Goya's series of prints about the Spanish War of ludependence, the Real Academia de San Fernando published the first edition of the collection with the title of Los Desastres de la Guerra’. On the present occasion, | intend to study in detail a number of questions relating Lo this edi- lion, and will consider ils general importance al the lime of ils publication and in the artistic con- text ol thal period. My starting point is one of pro- found disagreement with those scholars who view the 1863 edition as a betrayal of Goya or, more preciscly, as a falsification of his work through a failure to respect the graphic language of the master in ils entirety. In reality, the publi- calion of Los desastres de la guerra was a mile- stone in the revival of the technique of etching in Spain, and it is Irom this perspective that some of the questions raised by the prints need to be ap- proached. First of all, [remind you of the change made to the title of the series. The original title “Fatales consequencias de la sangrienta guerra de Es. paiia con Buonaparte. Y otros caprichos en- faticos” could have been adopted from the copy belonging to Valentin Carderera (formerly in the Cean collection), from which the inscriptions at the bottom of each print were certainly taken ~ except the caption of Desastre 69, “Nada, ello lo dice”, which was altered to “Nada, ello dira”. The Academy opted to eall the series Los desasires de Ja guerra and legitimized their choice in the Pre- face on the grounds that Goya himself had referred to the work in this way, “lo designé con el nombre de Estragos o Desastres de la Guer ‘The difference in the title made it possible, o1 easier, lo avoid an open polemic over the “strong. feelings of patriotism” expressed by the artist, whose precise nature was questionable. In fact, Context When Mélida wrote his article on the edition pub- hed by the Academy for AI Arte en Espana, he began by drawing attention to the title @Con el titulo de Los desastres de la Guerra, acaba de publiear...", and then commented on the dis- crepances between the apparent expression of patriotic emotion in the Desasters of Har and Goya's acceptance of official commissions for Jo- seph Buonaparte (“en primer lugar no puede menos de causar extrafieza que Goya dibujasc Los Desastres, inspirado al parecer por el mismo sentimiento de independencia que animaba a su patria, y sin embargo siguict Bonaparte...”)°, In fact, the first edition of Los desastres in tiated the tendency to universalize Goya's vision of the war minimising the conneetion between the images and the reality that gave rise to them, ‘The unspecific nature of the scenes depicted in the prints enhanced this process. As Professor Licht well appreciated, Goya chose “only the blind confusion of a moment in which the causes and reasons for hostilily have been forgotten under the blinding desire to escape death by kill- ing those nearest at hand”. It is impossible to determine in whose favor the struggle is goings indeed, in many instances, one cannot even be sure who is involved. The lack of temporal ref. erences contributes lo this effect; the heroes nol recognizable, nor are te generals. Perhaps the only instance where the subject can be identi fied is n° 7,"Que valor!”, in which the deeds of Agustina de Aragon in Zaragoza are represented. MW appears increasingly likely, however, that Goya did not intend to represent particular person- alities in his prints, even though, as in this their identification seems obvious to us now. Cx tainly, this would constitute the only exception in, the entire series to the universalising quaiily of Goya's vision, whose modernity: makes it per- 1 sirviendo a José are se,TH DEM KIHIGG UND Das fectly comprehensible to the contemporary viewer, However, from a stri¢tly iconographical point of view, other less well known heroines, such as Casta Alverez, could perfectly easily be identified with the same figure. Mthough the Academy decided to change the tile, iLis important to bear in mind the one orig inally given lo the series by Goya. The prints were produced as a direct consequence in the first place of the war sustained by the Spanish against Napoleon, and secondly of the carly years of Ferdinand VIPs absolutist regime'. Scholars, have discerned three major cycles in the collee- tion: up lo Desastre 47, scenes of the war itself; from 48 Lo 64, scenes that refer to the famine in Madrid; and finally, the *eaprichos enfaticos”. ‘This is not the moment to enter into a dis. cussion of the possible meanings of the word “ca pricho”, though it is important to emphasize its direct yelation with the idea of invention. By in troducing the terns “capricho” Goya announces his intention to treat several themes; the word “capricho” indicates variety in content: the veadi- hess of the artist to move from one world to an- other without having (o establish any clear link, or logical flow of time between them, and giving ach subject an intrinsic interest and signifi- cance. It is possible thal the initial numberi found on some of the plates, and later altered (probably by Cedn) makes greater sense whe viewed in the light of this approach. In any case, it is strange that the numbering has been placed in the tower margin ov the lefl, which would tend lo suggest that it was provisional. As for the term “cmphatic capricho”, in rhetoric — and let us not forget that rhetoric is the art of making language effective enough lo delight, persuade or move ~ the figure of “emphasis” is used when one seeks to convey more than appears at first glance. The prints can thus be scen to reflect the disasters of a specific war ~ death, pain, hunger, the tyranny of an absolutist reginie, ete. — and beyond that, they take on some broader significance through the use of “emphasis”, yet this does not mean thal the work lacks unity. Vor all the images derive from the same initial reality: the desire to reflect upon human behavior, Goya sets before the spec- lator, in a single format, a sequence of visual im ayes which create a new (artistic) reality; giving substance and body to situations which bad lacked physical reality and presence previously’ From this point of view, to study Los desastres de Ja guerra solely as a documentary ~ style depic- tion of the war is to reduce its significance, when, itis evident that the emphatic character under- lying the vonwositions is the germ of ils univer alily and its modernity. ENDE DES ANCIEN ANGE For this reason, there exists a real difficulty in explaining one by each of the prints in the se a difficulty already experienced by Mélida when he attempted this in his commentary on the first edition. Apart from the initial order the prints would have had within the series, and following the order established by Cean’s copy, each print has an intrinsic relation to those that precede and succeed il. When this order is changed, as il was by Mélida for reasons which are still not clear to us, the difficulties of interpretation increase, as in the ease of the commentary which the nine- teenth-century critic dedicated to print 77, “Que se rompe la cuerda’, when he presented it as print 17°, Mélida recognized the existence of the matic cycles in the series or, if you prefer, the- matic coherence, yet he did vot explain the presence of this print among those compositions thal refer directly to the struggle, to the confron- tation between men. But thematic grouping is not a novelty in Goya. The development in several prints of an idea or a concept had already been caployed earlier in Las Caprichos; where topics such as prostitution, education and witeheraft e treated in separate groups of prints. Th one of the great possibilities engraving offered to Goya, knowing as he did, how to nse it to its ut- most. ‘Phe engraver’s creation could be seen and understood not only in terms of the singularity of each sheet or page, but also as a tolality united by the single intention articulated in the litle, TLscems worth commenting upon plates in the light of this approach: Alwtin partido saca, Extrana devocion, Esta no lo es menos, plate 40, 66 and 67. Plate 40, Algtin partido saca (fig. 1), is set niong etchings of Spaniards dying at the hands of both soldiers and civifians: secular individuals and members of religious orders aise tee in t ror as towns are attacked and plundered. Why should Goya express the fact that the fatal conse: quences of the war included the abuse and de- struction wrought by undiseiplined troops, who seemed to want to devastate even the few things that had so far survived in order to aehieve the tolal destruction of the country? Evidently he re cognized the paradoxical role of English troops iirthe Peninsula ~ the so-called “aliados ingleses” whose involvement the war was already the subject of controversy and debate at the period. From among various texts that I have collected on this subject, three more particularly mevit at- tention. In the fourth number of Los ingleses en Espaiia (Sevilla, 1815), for instance, with the title in nuestra Gloriosa Revolucion quien debe ins, clos espaiioles a los ingleses, 0 éstos a los tua USA VEG. THE MODERNITY OF LOS DES AST RES DE LA GURBRA LN THE MID NINETRENTH-CENTURY CONTE Algan partido saca- 4. Francisco Goya: There is something to be gained, from Desastves de la Guerra (10, 40). EtchingsHD, DER ARIEG UND DAS DES ANCIEN REGIME espafoles?” the author questions the character of anglish involvement in the following term iSi pudieramos ver los excesivos tesoro que las naves inglesas conducen a Plymout [Plymouth], ya Postmout. [Portsmouth] tesoros de nuestras hermanos de América! iy lesoros que impiden la ruina de muchos de sus talleres, y establecimientos de indus- tial jsi pudieramos ver para quien se benefician las minas de Pert, México y Po- Losi, mientras nosotros vemos la indigencia, la mendicidad y pobreza en nuestros ho garest... y la padecemos gustosos, porque son nuestros amigos, porque son nuestros auxiliadores, porque son nuestros aliados, que con fe nada pinica miran por suyos nuestros intereses y propiedades. jQue voces tan vagas ¢ ilusorias no ha es parcido la malevolencia, de que nuestros aliados han fomentado la vevolucién de América, la han fomentado, y sostienen con ardor! In the Diario de Avisos of luly 18, 1812 the editor comments on a letter sent to him for publication in the following term: EL autor de la carta hace bien en parte de pasar tan por encima sobre un punto que excila el clamor universal. Los ingleses han tratado a sus aliados los espanoles en las. plazas de Ciudad Rodrigo y Badajoz como a los nababes de la In¢ saqueo ha sido general, se han violado de un modo brutal y peculiar de las tropas de aquella nacién las mugeres casadas, solteras, religiosas, de todas clases, entrando en los convento: profanando los templos, holl: do las santas Lolicismo, para ellos primer erimen, y sobre tes que no admiten tole Lo. mismo acaban de executar en otros pueblo de Extremadura, a que legaron unas divi siones inglesas, dexdindolos arrasados en su relirada, y lalados enteramente los casipo: que ofrecian los mas oplimos frutos (p. 69). Basilio Sebastian Castellanos, in his Teatro actual yantiguo de la muy IN. L. y G. Filla y Corte de Madrid (Madrid, 1831) comments La alegria que los villa esperimentaron lejos de sus enemigos [tras Ja entrada de Wellington| era acibarada tinicamente por los escesos que cometicron algunos de Jos aliados contra las drdenes que se les tenia dadas por sus gefes, pues aunque vinieron como amigos y sirvicron de mucho a la Esparia, también entre ello hubo algunos que desmintieron ef nombre de amigos que se les daba, La famosa casa ‘ancia. pitantes de est de la China |...J fue arruinada (segtin se dice) por los ingleses (pp. 175-176). Wis possible to interpret plate 40, in the light of such texts, as the representation of a monstrous British bulldog, profiting from the Peninsular War at the cost of great hardship to barefoot and impoverished Spanish people. Even though the view that Goya was criticizing the Brilish allies, may not be correct, there can be no doubt that the composition illustrates the concepLofa *eapricho enfatico” perfectly, and belongs to that part of the series concerned wilh the consequences of the we Plates 66, Fatraiia devocion (lig. 2), and 67, on the other hand, Esta no Lo es menos (ig. 3), have always been considered *caprichos enféticos”. Yet, with regard to the lirsl, Goya, very probably had a specific contemporary event in mind: a pro cession in which the uncorrupt body of Beat Maria de Jestis was carried through the streets of the capital on the back of an ass. A discalced mercedarian nun and native of Madrid, Maria de Jestis had been beatified by Pius VII in 1783 and was venerated in the convent of Santa Barbara, This beata had always been the object of great devotion in Madrid. Though her convent was completely ruined during the War of indepen dence, her body was moved to the parish of San Juan on 18 May, 1809 (according to a notice in the Gaceta de Madrid on June 2, 1809), and the event was recalled by Castellanos in $851 (p. 148). In plate 67, the image of Nuestra Scfiora de la Sole- dad is seen in the foreground, and in the back- ground, that of the Virgen de Atocha. ‘The Virgen de la Soledad was one of the first images to be brought out in procession when the French Jef Madrid. On their return to the cily the image was. moved once again: “como el convento de la Vie- toria [ue uno de los suprimidos se condujo a sti- plicas de muchos devolos, la Virgen de la Soledad a San Isidro el Real en marzo [1809]", according lo Castellanos (p. 140). ‘That same month, before the 18" Mareh, the Virgen de tocha was also moved [Gaceta de Madrid, 77 (18.111. 1809) 596]. In noting the relevance of these historical cir cumstances to the plate, we do not intend to sug- gest that Goya was simply concerned to present a critical view of certain popular devotions. Tak- ing a langible reality as his starting point, Goya recorded il as a consequence of the war, bul ad- ditionally made it into a “capricho enfitico”. in this sense, Nigel Glendinning’s’ can be brought into the picture: textual sources are incorporated into a broad vision by Goya, who is at the same time quite capable of exploiting images Laken di- rectly from contemporary reality in order to ex- press himself. 116IUSUSA VEG \: THE MODERNITY OF LOS DESASPRES DE 1.) GUERRY LX THE MID NINETEENTH-CENTURY CONTENT bratia — Devocsann 2. Franciseo Goya: Strange devotion!, from Desasires de la Guerra (no, 66). Etehing. 7Me Osea wt to ee menos 3. Prancisea Gaya: This is ne less curious, from Desasives de 118)InSLSA VEGA: PHE MODERALTY OF LOS DESASTHES DE La GUEBKA LN THE MID MINBTERNPILCENTL &y CONTENT Likewise, one can question the ultimate meaning of prints such as Gracias a la almora (plate 31) - Did Goya know that vetch was poi- sonous and would kill anyone who ate it? — or No saben el camino (plate 70), where one clearly sees a line of prisoners, very like those that actually passed through Madrid on their way to France. On the other hand, from the perspective of an emphatic meaning, it is interesting to study the transformations that some of the drawings underwent in the plates’ production. For example, in the preparatory drawing for Plate 45, También esto, one clearly sees a group of friars in flight, their robes hitched up; while to the right there are some curved lines leading (o a straight line. These sketchy lines may be intended to sug- gest the doorway ofa convent: the curves indicat ing the arehivolts and the straight line, the im- post. The panie flight of the friars is totally changed in the print (fig. 4). Now the lines of archileclure have completely disappeared and, furthermore, there are only three friars who flee. Goya has even altered his initial conception of his group, and lowered the skirts of the friar in the foreground, while the crowd behind seems calm, hnuddling together. In Goya’s case preparatory drawings are never simply, preliminaries to be copied into the plate, because drawing and etch- ing are conceived as a continuous creative pro- cess, rather than two separate stages. The etch. ing is not a faithful copy of the drawing, and both help the process of constructing a new reality which docs not skavishly imitate life but adds an emphatic dimension to it ‘The Academy, however, when il first published the collection made no reference at all {o its con- tents or to the opinions Goya wished to dissemi nate through his images. By altering the tile given in Cean’s copy, the Academy avoided con- troversy almost entirely Finally, if Goya’s collection was quite unlike other prints published in conneetion with the War of Independence® between 1808 and 1814, it also embodied a totally different vision of war from that of artists living half a century later, when the Academy edition appeared. War in Mo- rocco awakened a lively interest among some painters, who emphasized the specilic setting of events in order to document thent graphically day by day. Among these, Mariano Fortuny stands out. But this painter had no interest al all in war- like activities, despite his known admiration for Goya. In accordance with his time, Fortuny used elching to creale exotic sellings, and evoke daily life in a country which was picturesque in itsel! AL no point did the war interfere with his artistic practic’ In spite of the desolate and eritical image of man in time of war which Goya transmits in his prints, his vision was still relevant and modern When the first edition was printed. The point has already been made in studies by Prof. Licht and auxenberg"; and the Jatter finds valuable ts of comparison with Mathew B, Brady’ What the Tide of Battle Left (1865), Timothy O'Sul- livan’s Harvest of Death, Gettysburg (1863), and Mexander Gardner's Burial Party or Slaughter house Pen (1865). ILis evident thal it was neither the content nor the composition of the prints that encouraged the Academy to publish the first edition. Although, as Prof. Glendinning has shown", there was a pro gressive reassessment of Goya at the period “hombre singular cuyo caracter en la historia del Arte atin no esta satisfactoriamente definido” a cording to the Academy’s announcement ~ lerest in his engraved work arose because ils re. publication coincided with the resurgence of the etching technique in Spain, This phenomenon explains the veport by the “Seccién de Pintur ou August 14, 1856, in response to the proposal of Jaime Machén Casalins, dated the 19" of the preceding month, that the State should acquire the copper plates of “Los desastres de la Guerra’ and “Caprichos fantasticos”, meaning the Dis- parates which were also for sale. The thought Which immediately occurs is whether the title in Cedn’s copy of The Disasters may not also have releved to Los disparates, rather Uuant to the later prints in the Desastres series itsell. ‘The interest in etching technique led to the for mation of a school of engravers and revitalized the art of printmaking. IU was intended that the edition of Los desastres should be of the very highest quality [rom the graphic point of view. In realily this aim was achieved. hn the course of prepatiug this edition, the plates were retouched. Precise effects of ink on paper were sought and the latest printing techniques exploited. Doubt- less the language ereated by Goya is veiled from time to Lime, yet from the point of view of arlistic printmaking there are no really serious mistakes. As was mentioned above, Jaime Machén Ca- salins, who owned the plates, offered them to the Slate on 19 July, 1856. In his letter, he speaks of their genius, originality and rarity: pueden, por tanto, — wrole Vlachén ~ considerarse como inédilas las composiciones al agua fuerte que los pocos profesores ques las han visto estiman urs que todas las otras del mismo autor en su gé- nero”. The copper plates had hardly been used and were “casi intactos”. He was offering them to the Government because he teared Freneh is 19HL. DER ABIEG UND DAS EXDE DES ANCIEN REGIME, 4. Francisco Goya: So is this, from Desastees de la Guerti (no. 13). Hiching. 120IESLSA VEGA: THE MODERNITY OF LOS DESASTRES DE LA printers might swindle him and thought that those in Spain were inadequate to the task. Yet they should be published: “no teniendo medio de publicarlos en Espaiia por falta de buenos estam- padores y no queriendo por otra parte enviarlos, a estampar a Francia por temor de que alli le de- frauden de una considerable parte de los ejem= plares, como le sucedié con su Lirsina del Agua de la Pena al célebre [Rafael] Esteve, es doloroso gue los referidos cobres permanezean. guar- dados, pudiendo el Estado beneticiarlos en su Calcografia o de otra manera con provecho del ptiblico y de los amantes de las artes.” In the re- port of the Secci6n de Pintura it was considered that etchers would learn a great deal from these prints of Goya: “estos grabados |. celente escuela para los grabadores al agua luerte [...] en excelente estado de conservacisn y pueden arrojar considerable mimero de ejem- plares sin cansarse, y que su publicacién por la Caleografia Nacional, ademas de acreditar en el Gobierno un deseo plausible de comunicar nueva vida a aquel importante establecimiento, podra tal vez producir rendimientos nada indif- erentes en beneficio del establecimiento mismo, que habré de ser objeto muy preferente de la sol- icilud del Gobierno por lo mucho que su existen- cia afecta al porvenir del arte del grabado en Es- pana”. As is known, the Academy acquired the plates in October 1862. ALthe “Junta General” of November 16" of that me year the Aeademy commissioned Carlos de Haes and Domingo Martinez - the first an etcher and the second an engraver ~ to prepare every- thing necessary for the printing, From the nature of the changes made to the plates, there ean be no doubt that they were in a good state of preser. vation. In the majority of cases, it was only necessary to make, complete or recut the lines that framed the scene (2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 28, 29, 33, 36, 5, 56, 57, 74, 75, 77, 78), although in some (6,9, 69), the lower edge of the composition had to be eliminated to make room for the eap- tion, Nevertheless, some scratches had to be eliminated with the burnisher on some plates (18, 22, 24, 28, 34, 42, 44, 74), and where this proved impossible, as in print 7, Que valor! an area of aquatint was added, whose texture was close enough to that of the other prints in the series, lo hide the defects, On other occasions the plates were retouched with drypoint (1, 77), burin (38) or etching (43, 57), bul always with great respect for the original composition and, with the sole intention of eliminating deteriora- tion or framing the scene with the appropriate border in order to lend greater unity to the col- lection. una ex 121 GUENNA IN THE MID NINE STU-CENTE BY CONT Nt There was no real lack of printers in Spain at the time. Laureano Potenciano, who printed the first edition of Los desastres, had been given a grant to study in Paris for a year" and, Severino Delatre had come to work al the Calcogratia Na cional on 17 November, 1857, in connection with the publication of the Monumentos Arguitee- tnicos de Expaiia, with the double purpose of printing and teaching apprentices whatever they needed to know. He was joined by Carlos, the brother of Auguste Delatre, who worked in Ma- drid until 30 June, 1864", Finally, Carlos de Haes had begun his Ensayos al aguafuerte belore 1862, the year in which the first prints were published in El Arte en Espana, a magazine with illustr tions printed at the Caleografia Nacional. ‘The re- vival of etching al that period in close collabora tion with the French Société des Aquafortistes, can be appreciated in the prints of De Haes". The paper chosen for the edition of Los De, sastres was white with an ivory vellum tone and was fairly thick and rigid. The ink, according to various tests published by Larris'' in his cata- logue, is a deep bistre. In all of the prints, the printer set out with the intention of leaving a smoothly, inked surface, with tonal gradations, that would unily the composition. Unfortunately, this technique reduces the strong contrasts in luminosity by Goya, although, in compensation, it conceals the defects of the plates. In broad terms, this type of printing diminished the subtle qualities produced by washes — the great techni- cal innovation of the series, which eannot be ap preciated in this edition — although the veil pro- duced by the ink varies in intensity according to the technique employed. For example, in Plate 8, Siempre sucede, the etching and the drypoint are modulated with a very line layer of ink which is rather like the tone of the plate when it is not completely wiped clean. In general, the prints have lost some of the dramatic effect, reducing the visual impact of the scenes — see for example Plates 37 Esto es peor, 39 Grande hazana! Con iuertost, 47 Ast sucedié, 60 No hay quien los socorra, 61 Si son de otro linage, 69 Nada. Elio dird - and making it diffi- cull to grasp Goya's intention, Nevertheless, some received a selective light wiping, as for example in Plate 26 No se puede mirar, where more ink has been left on the right hand side, and the clothing of the women has been more thor- oughly wiped. On other oceasions failure to use a selective wiping of the plates has caused the loss of compelling efficets as, for example, in Plate AL, Escapan entre las lamas, where the flames cannot be seen, and in Plate 60, No hay quien los socorra, where the effect of twilight or daybreakUL, DER KIMEG UND DAS EXDE DES \NCHEN REGIME s been lost. The fund a as an engraver is his capacity for new tech- nical solutions to new compositional problems and situations. Without doubt, from this point of view, the edition under consideration is not the most interesting one. The importance of the first Academy edition derives from the impulse it gave to etching as an artistic technique worthy of major place in the painter’s oeuvre. Moreover. il meant the rec covery and the reevaluation of Goya, whose work mental characteristic of Zusammenfa became a milestone in the Spanish tradition of engraving, progressively eclipsing the output of academic engravers, who were still powerful enough in the middle of the century to demand official State support for the outmoded technique of line engraving * This p could not have be the advise of Prof. Glend ng who kindly gave of his time and scholarship. For the English ver: sion of this paper in its present form | am indebted to him and to Ronda Kas. nL written without ung Die Publikation von Goyas Los Desastres de la Guerra durch die Akademie San Fernando im Jahr 1863 w rein Meilenstein in der Technik der Radievung in Spanien, Die inhallliche Modernitiit der Folge bestand darin, den zeitgenéssischen Betrachtern veale Besugspuntte fiir die Interpretation zu lie fern und dariiber hinaus eine universale Vision zu entwerfen, die an keine konkreten Personen mehr gebunden war: Insbesondere die sog. eaprichos enfadticos reflel tieven die Kriegsthematik allgemein und besitzen dadurch eine zeitlich nicht gebundene Signifikanz. Die Akademie veréffentlic jue die Folge, um den hohen Standard im Bereich der Radierung in Spanien zu dokumentieren und eine Wiederbelebung dieser Technik: anzuregen. 7 war nivellierte der Druck der Akademie-Edition eine Reihe von technischen Nuancen, die Goya eingearbeitet hatte, ihre Bedeutung fiir die Erneuerung der Graphik: in Spanien und thr Stellenwert fiir die Kiinstler di 19, Jahrhunde blieb davon aber uuberiilrt 122IBSUSA VEGA: - On the acquisition of the copper plates see THA MODERNITY OF LOS DESASTHES DE LA GUERRA LN THE MUD NINETRENTILCENTURY CONTENT. Footnotes Carrete Parrondo, ‘Vieisitudes de algunas Kiminas grabadas por Francisco de Goya: Los desastres de la guerra, Los disparates, La tauro- amaquia’, in: Goya, Vol. 148-150, 1979, pp. 286- 295, A. Mélida, ‘Los Desastres de la guerra. Colec cidn de 80 laminas inventadas y grabadas at agua fuerte, por don Francisco de Goya’, in: El Arie en Esparia, 1865, pp. 266-281 . P. Licht, Goya, the Origins of the Modern Temper in Art (London, 1980), p. 113. - On the connection between the events of the war and some of Goya's prints, see J. Vega, De- sastres de la guerra, Goya ante las fatales con- secuencias de la Guerra’, in: Goya y el espirita de la Mustracién (Madrid, 1988), pp. 121-12 289-517. ‘This question has been extensively treated by Dérozier, La Guerre d'ndépendance espagnole @ travers Festampe (1808-1814) (PH.D. diss., LUniversité de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 1974), and by V, Bozal, fmagen de Goya (Barcelona, 1983) . No. 17 Que se rompe la cuerda, Ante una nu- merosa concurrencia un personaje con tinica y manto, parece ir danzando sobre una anudada cuerda floja. Indudablemente es el rey José o mejor atin Napoleén, @ juzgar por el traje im perial que Heva, y atendiendo a la eseasisima significacién que iene 1a personalidad de aquel, La cuerda que le sostiene alude a sus ejércitos, y los nudos a los (lescalabros que aqui sufrieran. Forman el concurso los espaiioles, haciendo volos por su caida, La flojedad «el S N. Glendinning, *El asno cargado de reliqui 4 dibujo de esta Kamina contrasta con la belleza de la ant y como todas aquellas en gare su autor no ha estado feliz, abunda en retoques y rrepentimientos. Lo hemos observado: cuando 4 no acierta de primera intencidn, s6lo con- sigue empeorar el grabado con correceiones. En éste se ha usado el bruitidor, tiene fondo de agua-tinta y aguada de agua fuerte. Mélida (see, footnote 2), p. 27: cn Los desastres de la guerra, de Goya’ in: Irehivo Espaiiol de Arte, vol. 138, 1962, pp. 221- 230, J. Vega, La publicacion de estampas histéricas en Madrid durante ta Guerra de Independencia, in: rt and Literature in Spain: 1600-1800. Studies in Honour of Nigel Glendinning (London, 1993), pp. 209-252. A, Luxenberg, Speculations on Gaya and Phato- graphy (M.A. thesis, Boston University, 1984), .N. Glendinning, Goya end his Crities (New Haven, 197) A. Gallego, Historia del grabado en Espaita (Ma- avid, 1979), pp. 384 and 400. . On this subject, see J. Vega, ‘La estampa culta iglo XIN’, in: EI grabado en Fspana (sighos y XX) (Madrid, 1988).pp. 174 On the renovation of etching in Spain, see J. Vega, El aguafuerte en el siglo XIN. Téenica, ca- récler y tendencia de an nuevo arte (Madrid, 1985). T. Maris, Goya: Engravings and Lithographs (Oxtord, 1964)GOYA NEUE FORSCHUNGEN Herausgegeben von Jutta Held GEBR. MANN VERLAG: BERLINGedruckt mit Uinterstitzang der Deutselien Forschungsgemeinschan Dic Deutsche Bibliothek ~ CIP. nheitsaufnahme Goya : neue Porsetungen ; das internationale Symposium 1991 in Osnabriick /hesg, von Jutta Held. ~ Berlin : Gebr. Mann, 1994 ISBN 5-7861-1742-X Ez Held, Jutta [Irsg.) Copyright © 1994 by Gebr, Minn Verlag Berlin Alle Rechte, inshesondere das Recht dev Vervieltiltigung und Verbreitung sowie der Chersetzung, vorbehalten, Kein Tell des Werkes darf in irgendeiner Form durch Fotokopic, Mikrotilm usw. ohne schriflliche Genehmigung des Verlages reproduziert oder unter Verwendung elektronischer Systeme verarbeilet, ver- viclfaltigt oder verbreitet werden, Beziigiich Fotokopien verwei- sent wir nachdriichlich auf §§ 55, 54 LrhG. Umsehlagentwurt: Wieland Sehiity - Berlin Satz und Lithographien: Uleseh Satztechnik GmbIl- Hamburg Druck und Bindung: Heenemann - Berlin Printed in Germany ISBN 3-786 1-1742-X