Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Western Europe
Author(s): Richard Bradley
Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 20, No. 2, Hoards and Hoarding (Oct., 1988), pp. 249-260
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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and
the
Hoarding, recycling
of
prehistoric metalwork:
in
western
Europe
change
consumption
technological
Richard Bradley
Introduction
This paper considers the interpretation of a series of distinctive deposits of metalwork
dating from the first millennium BC, in conventional terms the Later Bronze and Iron
Ages. Although it is concerned mainly with developments in western Europe, important
contrasts will be described between the sequence in that area and metal finds from both
northern and central Europe.
The deposits in question are often described as hoards, although we shall also be
considering material from rivers, bogs and other wet locations. The emphasis on hoards
in European prehistory is explained by the need to build a chronology from groups of
associated material, but this does not mean that all these collections were formed for
similar reasons. If we study them as a phenomenon of interest in its own right, we soon
discover that the only feature that unites these different deposits is that for some reason
they were never recovered.
Such deposits are explained in a variety of ways (for the general review of the question
see Coles and Harding 1979). At their simplest these stress two major aspects of this
material. Some collections of metalwork are interpreted as votive deposits and were not
meant to be used again, whilst others may have been temporary stores whose recovery
was prevented. Often the latter interpretation envisages stores of scrap metal or finished
objects deposited by smiths. Groups of both kinds may help to establish a chronology,
but in other respects they played quite different roles.
It is worth elaborating on this distinction. It is essentially the difference between those
deposits whose contents imply a close link with metalworking and others which contain
objects that had apparently been discarded intentionally: the classic examples of the
latter type are the accumulations of fine metalwork in rivers or other wet places
(Torbrugge 1971). Once deposited, such material could rarely be recovered. Utilitarian
hoards, on the other hand, were usually deposited in places from which they could be
retrieved, and occasionally their positions seem to have been marked. Outside western
Europe the situation is often less clearcut, in particular in Scandinavia where a large
proportion of the hoards assigned to both groups come from bogs. Janet Levy's study of
finds from Denmark makes a broad distinction between 'ritual hoards' and 'non-ritual
hoards', based on a close examination of the metalwork and the ways in which it had
Hoards and Hoarding
Volume 20 No. 2
? Routledge 1988 0043-8243/88/2002/249 $1.50/1
World Archaeology
250
Richard Bradley
been treated on its deposition (Levy 1982). Although this scheme is sometimes difficult
to apply, for ease of reference the same basic distinction will be followed here. In
western Europe, however, the most convincing evidence of 'ritual' or 'votive' deposits is
provided by river finds rather than hoards.
A further complication concerns the relationship of these collections to the objects
found in graves. Some of the artefacts discovered in rivers or 'ritual hoards' are of types
which were used as grave goods in other phases or in other areas (e.g. Aner 1956;
Torbrfigge 1971). This was particularly true during the Later Bronze Age when weapons
whose precursors had been used as grave goods were increasingly deposited in watery
locations in western Europe. At the same time the archaeological record shows less
emphasis on conspicuous burials. By contrast some, elaborate metalwork can still be
found with burials in central Europe (Harding 1983), so that the same types of artefact
could be deposited in different contexts in these two areas. This contrast between grave
finds and river finds runs right through the Later Bronze Age, yet the distributions of the
two types of deposit show a broad continuity. The rivers with the main deposits of
metalwork are mapped in Figure 1.
The 'ritual hoards' and river finds have provided much of the most elaborate
metalwork to survive from later prehistory, but this is a resource which has yet to realise
its full potential. To a large extent this is because so many different aspects of hoards and
hoarding have been studied in isolation. What is needed now is an attempt to consider
the relationship between these different types of deposit over a lengthy sequence. This
paper does not present any new empirical data. Rather it uses the results of existing
analyses to work out the relationship between the practices identified by specialists in this
field. In an earlier paper I considered the implications of different types of deposit for
our understanding of Bronze Age exchange systems (Bradley 1985). This account
complements that analysis by studying the relationship between these enigmatic
collections and the sequence of technological change.
Current interpretations
We must now say rather more about current interpretations of these different types of
deposit.
The idea of 'ritual hoards' or 'votive deposits' is particularly tenacious and is by no
means limited to finds of metalwork. Fine objects seem to have been deposited
intentionally from the Neolithic period onwards: in fact there may well have been a
continuous tradition of deposition in watery places extending into, and even in some
areas throughout, the first millennium AD (Torbriigge 1971; Bradley 1987). In western
Europe another important group of metal finds occurs in burials. These are a particular
feature of the Earlier Bronze Age, and it is a problem why finds of elaborate metalwork
in western and northern Europe should become so much more frequent in 'votive
deposits' after that time.
The Scandinavian evidence has been discussed by Kristiansen, who suggests that the
change may be related to the supply of exotic metalwork (1984:93). In his opinion the
provision of votive offerings may be a 'cheaper' form of consumption than the deposition
Figure1 The complementarydistributionsof metal sources (after Coles and Harding1979) and
riverscontainingelaborateartefacts(data from Torbriigge1971).
of grave goods. If so, he suggests, difficulties in obtaining sufficient metalwork may
account for this change of practice. Whilst the provision of elaborate offerings may have
been obligatory at funerals, the frequency of votive deposits could have been influenced
more directly by the supply of imported metalwork.
Although Kristiansen's interpretation can be questioned, he is surely correct to
emphasise the problems of maintaining a supply of metal in areas well away from its
natural sources. So striking are the distributions of river finds and 'ritual hoards' that it
seems as if the presence of exotic material was a necessary feature of such deposits. This
applies mainly to the raw material but can also refer to artefacts of foreign origin: we
should remember that large parts of western Europe were without local sources of
copper or tin (Fig. 1). At the same time, the metalwork placed in contemporary burials
252
Richard Bradley
in central Europe could be made from more local materials. This contrast must not be
overemphasised but it does raise the possibility that rather different systems may have
operated in these two areas.
The interpretation of 'non-ritual' hoards has proceeded along very different lines.
Hlere the prevailing view, which is supported by metal analysis, is that many of these
deposits are connected with the management of the bronze supply; far fewer are seen as
stores of personal possessions. This interpretation only emphasises the practical
difficulties of maintaining an adequate supply of bronze outside the source areas. Many
hoards belonging to the later years of the Bronze Age are considered to be made up of
scrap metal brought together for recycling. There are also indications of increased
alloying at this time. Sometimes this must have improved the mechanical properties of
particular objects, but in other cases it may be an indication of the difficulty of sustaining
the flow of raw material. This question has been treated too lightly, and for the most part
the literature gives the impression that the metal industry was both flexible and
productive (cf. Northover 1982).
258
Richard Bradley
absent. It seems possible that fine metalwork was still in short supply. This is strongly
suggested by the chronology of the river finds. We have already seen how they reached a
peak in the later years of the Bronze Age before their numbers diminished sharply. It is
worth observing that this practice seems to have resumed over very much the same areas
during the later part of the Iron Age, generally in La Tene C/D (Torbriigge 1971). In the
light of our earlier arguments, it may be no accident that it was only at this stage that the
industrial production of iron is widely evidenced in western Europe (Collis 1984:151);
when iron weapons were sufficiently widely available, the practice of votive deposition
was renewed. Despite changes in the nature of the artefacts employed, this practice then
continued unabated around and outside the frontiers of the Roman Empire. Perhaps the
middle years of the first millennium BC saw a crisis in the supply of metal to the votive
sphere that transcended the conventional division between the Bronze and Iron Ages.
During this hiatus the number of river and bog finds was much reduced. In some areas,
however, such material simply changed its character; for instance deposits of food and
agricultural equipment are recorded in southern Scandinavia (cf. Parker Pearson
1984:75).
Conclusions
This paper began by emphasising the difficulty of working with the traditional category of
'hoard', when it seems to embrace at least two quite different concepts: utilitarian
deposits often connected with the management of the metal supply; and essentially
votive deposits of fine artefacts which were never meant to be recovered. The
relationships between these two groups are extremely complicated, and in western
Europe, where so much fine metalwork was deposited in rivers, the demands of the
utilitarian and non-utilitarian spheres may have come into conflict as each made
increasing claims on the metal supply. It may have been because bronze smiths could not
meet these demands that a less exotic material came into favour. The importance of such
changes can be overemphasised unless they are studied as part of a longer sequence of
development. In these terms the Bronze Age/Iron Age transition in western Europe may
mask a broader fluctuation in the consumption of metal artefacts. It is to that peculiar
practice of sacrificing valuables in watery locations that we owe some of the most
impressive material in the archaeological record.
Acknowledgement
I am very grateful to Frances Raymond for preparing Fig. 1.
27.viii. 1987
Department of Archaeology
University of Reading
Hoarding,
of prehistoric metalwork
259
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Abstract
Bradley, Richard
Hoarding, recycling and the consumption of prehistoric metalwork: technological change
in western Europe
This paper discusses the relationship between two types of metal deposit dating from the first
millennium BC: finds of elaborate artefacts in rivers and similar locations; and the 'non-ritual'
hoards found on dry land, which sometimes contain scrap metal. It seems likely that fine bronzes
were being sacrificed at an increasing rate during this period. Since the metal was rarely of local
origin, the supply of bronze came under strain and more material had to be recycled to meet the
need for everyday artefacts. Ultimately these conflicting claims resulted in a general shortage of
metal and encouraged the adoption of ironworking in western Europe.