Introduction:

When the liberal daily, The Guardian,

published a compendium of 14 great
speeches of 20th Century in 2007, it
was expected especially by its nonEuro-American readership that it
would be relatively global in its
selection. Only a handful of speeches
by non-Westerners, even less of those
made in non-European languages, were included. Even the figures in this tiny minority are
selected primarily for their star roles in Euro-American popular culture. It is sad that this is still
the case in our presumably globalised world that anything that merits to be called great needs
to be of the West or at least widely recognisable by its public. Of course great historical moments
are coming to pass often propelled and expressed by great speeches outside the West, beyond
its concerns and interests. One such moment was the liberation of Bangladesh and the speech
that encapsulated its spirit and launched the final phase of its realisation; Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman delivered on 7th March 1971. Despite its far-reaching significance it was less
than 20 minutes long.
On that day, over a million people gathered in Ramna Race course in Dhaka to hear
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In many ways that speech culminated the long history of
the struggle of Bengali speaking people of the then East Pakistan for democratic rights,
economic justice and cultural self-determination. When Bangabandhu took the stage he was
already the undisputed leader of Bengali speaking people of East Pakistan, who mandated him to
speak on their behalf, looked up to him to express their longing and give direction. It was an
onerous responsibility but Bangabandhu rose to the occasion and spoke, using his considerable
rhetorical skills, judiciousness and charisma, to present on the one hand a constitutional
argument for the legitimate claims of his people, and on the other hand to direct them to take
up arms for achieving national independence.

Background:
The state of Pakistan was created in 1947 during the Partition of India to be a Muslim homeland
in South Asia. Its territory comprised most of the Muslim-majority provinces of British India.
Pakistan included two geographically and culturally separate areas in the east and the west of
India. The western zone was popularly (and for a period of time, also officially) termed West
Pakistan and the eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and
later, East Pakistan. West Pakistan was seen to dominate the country politically and its leaders
exploited the East economically, leading to many grievances.
East Pakistanis noticed that whenever one of them, such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Muhammad
Ali Bogra, or Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy were elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, they were
swiftly deposed by the largely West Pakistani establishment. The military dictatorships of Ayub
Khan (27 October 1958 25 March 1969) and Yahya Khan (25 March 1969 20 December
1971), both West Pakistanis, only heightened such feelings.
In 1966 the Awami League led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman launched the Six Point Movement,
directed toward provincial autonomy of East Pakistan. The Pakistani establishment rejected the
proposals. The military government arrested Sheikh Mujib and charged him with treason in the
well-known Agartala Conspiracy Case. After three years in jail, Mujib was released in 1969; the
case was dropped in the face of mass protests and widespread violence in East Pakistan, with
people demanding his release.
In 1970 the Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party and led by Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of the 169 seats
allotted to East Pakistan, and a majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This gave the
Awami League the constitutional right to form a government. However, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (a
Sindhi ethnic and professor by profession), the leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, refused to
allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan.
Instead, he proposed the idea of having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. Negotiations
began in Dhaka between the two sides. In January 1971, President Yahya Khan left Dhaka after
the first round of negotiations and in the airport promised that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would be
the next Prime Minister of Pakistan and that the newly elected National Assembly would
convene in Dhaka on March 3, 1971. However Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was vehemently opposed to a
Bengali becoming Prime Minister of Pakistan. He had also opposed the Six Points proposal of

the Awami League. Bhutto began a campaign of racially charged speeches across west Pakistan
to invoke the fear of possible Bengali domination. He warned West Pakistani MPs'-elect not to
travel to the East. Capitalization on West-Pakistan and East-Pakistani separatism, Bhutto feared a
civil war, therefore, he secretly send his most trusted companion dr. Mubashir Hassan to meet
with Mujib and his inner circle. Talks were succeeded and it was decided that Mujib would serve
as Prime minister with Bhutto as Mujib's President. These developments were kept hidden from
public and from Pakistan Armed Forces. Meanwhile Bhutto increased the pressure on General
Yahya Khan to take a stance.
The national assembly was thus "postponed" on March 3. This led to a massive outcry across
East Pakistan as thousands protested the postponement which they felt was the last nail in the
coffin for a united Pakistan. The cities of Dhaka, Chittagong, Rangpur, Comilla, Rajshahi, Sylhet
and Khulna were engulfed in violence which saw the security forces killing dozens of unarmed
protesters. The atmosphere became tense as across the province, Bengalis began hoisting the flag
of a future independent Bangladesh. There were open calls from the masses for their leader
Sheikh Mujib to declare independence from Pakistan.
The Awami League then called a mammoth public gathering at Dhaka's historic Race Course
Maidan on March 7 to respond to the boiling tension across the province.

Aims and Objectives of the research

1.

To understand the impact of Sheikh Mujibs speech of 7th March 1971 in relation to
defining the future direction for the liberation struggle of Bangladesh as well as its bearing on the
socio-politics of the subcontinent;

2.

To capture the political situation of the country as well as the sentiments and expectations
of the people of Bangladesh at the time through talking to eye witnesses;

3.

From 1971-2016, forty-five years on, what appeal this speech has on three generations of
Bengalis (from fathers to sons/daughters and grandchildren);

4.

The research also aims to help the younger generation of Bengalis born and brought up
particularly in Europe and America to learn more about the liberation struggle of Bangladesh and
its great leader;

5.

Examine the speech in the context of the national, regional global politics of 60s and 70s;

Circumstances of the Speech:

Under the leadership of Sheikh Muibur Rahman, the Awami League won an absolute majority in
the National Assembly elections of Pakistan held on 7 December, 1970. In that election, Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman's Awami League won 167 out 169 seats in East Pakistan, with the other two
seats going to PDP. After the 7 December elections, the then military ruler of Pakistan General
Yahya Khan called for session of the National Assembly on 3rd March, 1970.
But the leader of West Pakistan's PPP Z A Bhutto and the military establishment of Pakistan
started their conspiracy to resist the elected Awami League from gaining their rightful governing
powers.
1 March
The President of Pakistan was supposed to address the nation on this day. The entire country
waited to hear what he had to say via their TVs and radios. But to the dismay of these people,
instead of Yahya, another spokesperson announced that: "Till next announcement, President
Yahya Khan has indefinitely suspended the session of the National Assembly. He has commented
that the current situation in Pakistan as a deep political crisis".
This deeply angered Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He called for the liberation of the
Bangali people. In a press conference he stated that this is no political crisis but the expression of
the autocratic attitude of the Paksitani rulers. He added that the Bangalis have rejected this
announcement and called for a general strike on behalf of the people for 2nd March in Dhaka
and 3rd March nationwide. He also asked the Bangalis to wait for his next instructions.
Subsequently, the Bangalis for the first time called for their independence with slogans like:
"Brave Bangalis Take Up Arms, and Liberate Bangladesh". The Shadhin Bangla Chatro
Shongram Parishad (Independent Bangla Students Struggle Council) was formed.
2 March
Dhaka was a city of strikes, processions and curfew on this day. The highlight of the day was the
raising of the flag by Chatro Shongram Parishad at university.
From the morning, all processions were headed to the university. Such gathering of students was
hitherto unseen at that time. It spread from New Market to Public Library via the Nilkhet Road.
The flag of independent Bangladesh was flown proudly at the Bottola (shed of banyan tree) on
this day by Chatro Shongram Parishad led by Chatro League. Following the rally, a massive
procession moved around Dhaka with sticks and rods.

One of the most notable things was the fading away of the use of the word 'Pakistan' from the
vocabulary of Bangalis of East Pakistan from that day. In his press conference in the evening,
Bangabandhu Sheiklh Mujibur Rahman repeatedly uttered the term 'Bangladesh'.
The government backed goons came out on the streets to resist the general strike of the common
people. At least 50 were admitted Dhaka Medical College Hospital with gunshot wounds. They
were mostly from the Tejgaon area. Azid Morshed and Mamoon of Tejgaon Poly Technique
College died after being brought to the hospital with gunshot wounds.
The martial law administrator imposed curfew on that day. It was announced that until further
announcement, the curfew would remain in place from 7.00 pm to 7.00 am every day.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in a press conference in the evening strongly condemned
the shooting of unarmed people. Mujib announced half-day nationwide general strikes between
March 3 to March 6 from 6.00 am to 2.00 pm. The following day he announced a rally at Paltan
after meeting with Chatro Shongram Parishad.
3 March
A mourning day was observed in remembrance of those killed. In a meeting of Chatro League
and Sromik League as the Chief Guest, Bangabandhu observed with a heavy heart: "Whether I
am here or not, Bangalis' liberation struggle should not stop. The blood of Bangalis cannot go in
vain. If I am not here, my colleagues will lead. If they are killed, then those who survive, will
lead. The struggle must go on at any costs. The rights must be established".
Bangabandhu announced earlier that his next instructions would come at the Racecourse Maydan
on 7 March.
4 March
4 March 1971 was tumultuous from the mass demonstrations. As the day passed, the one point
demand as in the aspiration for independence became even more stronger. On this day, thousands
of people came out on the streets breaking the curfew imposed by the military junta.
In Khulna, there were clashes among Bangalis and non-Bangalis on this day. In Dhaka, the
Awami Legaue Parliamentary Group strongly condemned the repression of general strikes and
processions. Due to the continuous strikes, Dhaka along with the whole nation came to a virtual
standstill. East Pakistan Women's Council leaders poet Sufia Kamal and Maleka Begum in a joint
statement called for a demonstration on 6 March at Baitul Mukarram area.

Something significant happened on this day. The name of Radio Pakistan Dhaka was changed to
Dhaka Betar Kendro. This event of that day added a new momentum to the movement which
facilitated the path towards liberation.

6 March
One day before March 7, on March 6, General Yahya Khan had a phone conversation with the
majority leader of the Pakistan National Assembly, Awami League President Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. It was also announced on March 6 that the session of the National
Assembly would sit on 25 March at Dhaka.
Due to the prevailing situation, the cornered East Pakistan military establishment tried to
sporadically send messages to Sheikh Mujib and Awami League that independence not be
declared on 7 March. Tanks were put in place keeping the 7 March rally in mind. Military grade
weapons were stockpiled and kept on standby. Major Siddiq Sadiq in his book wrote that the
GOC of East Pakistan told Bangabandhu clearly: "If anything is said contrary to the unity of
Pakistan, it would be met with strong force. Tanks, cannons, machineguns all have been kept
ready for wiping out traitors (Bangalis). If need be, Dhaka would be raised to the ground. There
will be no one left to rule or be ruled".
7 March
It was in this difficult and crisis filled context that Bangabandhu delivered his historic speech at
the Racecourse Maydan on March 7. By stipulating four conditions for the Pakistan military
establishment, Bangabandhu concluded his thunderous speech by saying: "This time, the struggle
is for our liberation, this time the struggle is for our independence".

7th March Speech

My dear brothers...
I have come before your today with a heavy heart.
All of your know how hard we have tried. But it is a matter of sadness that the streets of Dhaka,
Chittagong, Khulna, Rangpur and Rajshahi are today being spattered with the blood of my brothers,
and the cry we hear from the Bengali people is a cry for freedom a cry for survival, a cry for our
rights.
You are the ones who brought about an Awami League victory so you could see a constitutional
government restored. The hope was that the elected representatives of the people, sitting in the
National Assembly, would formulate a constitution that would assure that people of their economic,
political and cultural emancipation.
But now, with great sadness in my heart, I look back on the past 23 years of our history and see
nothing but a history of the shedding of the blood of the Bengali people. Ours has been a history of
continual lamentation, repeated bloodshed and innocent tears.
We gave blood in 1952; we won a mandate in 1954. But we were still not allowed to take up the reins
of this country. In 1958, Ayub Khan clamped Martial Law on our people and enslaved us for the next
10 years. In 1966, during the Six-Point Movement of the masses, many were the young men and
women whose lives were stilled by government bullets.
After the downfall of Ayub, Mr. Yahya Khan took over with the promise that he would restore
constitutional rule, that he would restore democracy and return power to the people.
We agreed. But you all know of the events that took place after that I ask you, are we the ones to
blame?
As you know, I have been in contract with President Yahya Khan. As leader of the majority part in
the national Assembly, I asked him to set February 15 as the day for its opening session. He did not
accede to the request I made as leader of the majority party. Instead, he went along with the delay
requested by the minority leader Mr. Bhutto and announced that the Assembly would be convened on
the 3rd of March.
We accepted that, agreed to join the deliberations. I even went to the extent of saying that we, despite
our majority, would still listen to any sound ideas from the minority, even if it were a lone voice. I
committed myself to the support of anything to bolster the restoration of a constitutional government.
When Mr. Bhutto came to Dhaka, we met. We talked. He left; sing that the doors to negotiation were
still open. Moulana Noorani and Moulana Mufti were among those West Pakistan parliamentarians
who visited Dhaka and talked with me about an agreement on a constitutional framework.
I made it clear that could not agree to any deviation from the Six Points. That right rested with the
people. Come, I said, let us sit down and resolve matters.
But Bhuttos retort was that he would not allow himself to become hostage on two fronts. He
predicted that if any West Pakistani members of Parliament were to come to Dhaka, the Assembly
would be turned into a slaughterhouse. He added that if anyone wants to participate in such a session,
a countrywide agitation would be launched from Peshawar to Karachi and that ever business would
be shut down in protest.
I assured him that the Assembly would be convened and despite the dire threats, West Pakistani
leaders did come down to Dhaka.
But suddenly, on March I, the session was cancelled.
There was an immediate outcry against this move by the people. I called for a hartal as a peaceful
form of protest and the masses redial took to the streets in response.

And what did we get as a response?

He turned his guns on my helpless people, a people with no arms to defend them. These were the
same arms that had been purchased with our own money to protect us from external enemies. But it
is my own people who are being fired upon today.
In the past, too, each time we the numerically larger segment of Pakistans population-tried to assert
our rights and control our destiny, the conspired against us and pounced upon us.
I have asked them this before: How can you make your own brothers the target of your bullets?
Now Yahya Khan says that I had agreed to a Round Table Conference on the 10th. Let me point out
that is not true.
I had said, Mr. Yahya Khan, you are the President of this country. Come to Dhaka, come and see how
our poor Bengali people have been mown down by your bullets, how the laps of our mothers and
sisters have been robbed and left empty and bereft, how my helpless people have been slaughtered.
Come, I said, come and see for yourself and then be the judge and decide. That is what I told him.
Earlier, I had told him there would be no Round Table Conference. What Round Table Conference,
whos Round Table Conference? You expect me to sit at a Round Table Conference with the very
same people who have emptied the laps of my mothers and my sisters?
On the 3rd, at the Paltan, I called for a non-cooperation movement and the shutdown of offices,
courts and revenue collection. You gave me full support.
Then suddenly, without consulting me or even informing us, he met with one individual for five
hours and then made a speech in which he trend all the blame on me, laid all the fault at the door of
the Bengali people!
The deadlock was created by Bhutto, yet the Bengalis are the ones facing the bullets! We face their
guns, yet its our fault. We are the ones being bit by their bullets- and its still our fault!
So, the struggle this time is a struggle for emancipation, the struggle this time is a struggle for
independence!
Brothers, they have now called the Assembly to assassin on March 25, with the streets not yet dry of
the blood of my brothers. You have called the Assembly, but you must first agree to meet my
demands. Martial Law must be withdrawn; the soldiers must return to their barracks; the murderers
of my people must be redressed. And Power must be handed over to the elected representatives of the
people.
Only then will we consider if we can take part in the National Assembly or not!
Before these demands are met, there can be no question of our participating in this session of the
Assembly. That is one right not gives to me as part of my mandate from the masses.
As I told them earlier, Mujibur Rahman refuses to walk to the Assembly trading upon the fresh stains
of his brothers blood!
Do you, my brothers, have complete faith in me.?
Let me tell you that the Prime Minister ship is not what I seek. What I want is justice, the rights of
the people of this land. They tempted me with the Prime Minister ship but the failed to buy me over.
Nor did the succeed in hanging me on the gallows, for your rescued me with your blood from the socalled conspiracy case.
That day, right here at this racecourse, I had pledge to you that I would pay for this blood debt with
my own blood. Do you remember? I am read today to fulfill that promise!
I now declare the closure of all the courts, offices, and educational institutions for an indefinite
period of time. No one will report to their offices- that is my instruction to you.
So that the poor are not inconvenienced, rickshaws, trains and other transport will ply normallyexcept serving any needs of the armed forces. If the army does not respect this, I shall not be
responsible for the consequences.

The Secretariat, Supreme Court, High Court, Judges Courts, and government and semi-government
offices shall remain shut. Only banks may open for two hours daily for business transactions. But no
money shall be transmitted from East to West Pakistan. The Bengali people must stay calm during
these times. Telegraph and telephone communications will be confined within Bangladesh.
The people of this land are facing elimination, so be on guard. If need be, we will bring everything to
a total standstill.
Collect your salaries on time. If the salaries are held up, if a single bullet is fired upon us henceforth,
if the murder of my people does not cease, I call upon you to turn ever home into a fortress against
their onslaught. Use whatever you can put your hands on to confront this enemy. Ever last road must
be blocked.
We will deprive them of food; we will deprive them of water. Even if I am not around to give you the
orders, and if my associates are also not to be found, I ask you to continue your movement unabated.
I say to them again, you are my brothers, return now to the barracks where you belong and no one
will bear any hostility toward you. Only do not attempt to aim any more bullets at our hearts: It will
not do any good!
And the seven million people of this land will not be cowed down by you or accept suppression any
more. The Bengali people have learned how to die for a cause and you will not be able to bring them
under your yoke of suppression!
To assist the families of the martyred and the injured, the Awami League has set up committees that
will do all they can. Please donate whatever you can. Also, employers must give full pay to the
workers who participated in the seven days of hartal or were not able to work because of curfews.
To all government employees, I say that my directives must be followed. I had better not see any of
you attending your offices. From today, until this land has been freed, no taxes will be paid to the
government any more. As of now, leave everything to me. I know how to organize movement.
But be very careful. Keep in mind that the enemy has infiltrated our ranks to engage in the work of
provocateurs. Whether Bengali or non-Bengali, Hindu or Muslim, all is our brothers and it is our
responsibility to ensure their safety.
I also ask you to stop listening to radio, television and the press if these media do not report news of
our movement.
To them, I say, You are our brothers. I beseech your to not turn this country into a living hell. With
you not have to show your faces and confront your conscience some day?
If we can peaceably settle our differences there is still hope that we can co-exist as brothers.
Otherwise there is no hope. If you choose the other path, we may never come face one another again.
For now, I have just one thing to ask of you: Give up any thoughts of enslaving this country under
military rule again!
I ask my people to immediately set up committees under the leadership of the Awami League to carry
on our struggle in every neighborhood, village, union and subdivision of this land.
You must prepare yourselves now with what little you have for the struggle ahead.
Since we have given blood, we will give more of it. But, InshaAllah, we will free the people of this
land!
The struggle this time is for emancipation! The struggle this time is for independence!
Be ready. We cannot afford to lose our momentum. Keep the movement and the struggle alive
because if we fall back the will come down hard upon us.
Be disciplined. No nations movement can be victorious without discipline.
The struggle this time is for emancipation!
The struggle this time is for independence!
Joy Bangla!

Analysis
BANGABANDHU Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's speech of March 7, 1971, will remain as a
milestone in the history of independence of Bangladesh. It is one of the few speeches on record
that changed the course of history and created a new nation. A million people from every walk of
life came to the Ramna Race Course (now Suhrawardy Uddyan) to listen to Bangabandhu. All of
them were charged with emotion. Their expectations were high. Speculation was rife that he
would declare independence of Bangladesh at the meeting. The situation was, therefore, very
tense since nobody knew the consequences of such a declaration.
Bangabandhu spoke for nearly 20 minutes, point by point, without mincing words. He used the
common man's language and dialect, easily understood by the people. His voice was emotional
and thunderous, as usual.
Bangabandhu did not want any bloodbath. He preferred a negotiated settlement of the political
crisis through a peaceful non-cooperation movement. He ordered: Close all courts, offices and
educational institutions for an indefinite period of time. No one will report to their offices -- that
is my order to you. At the same time he asked his people to remain prepared for war and said:
If a single bullet is fired upon us from now on and the killing of my people does not cease, I call
upon you to turn every home into a fortress against their onslaught. Use whatever you can put
your hands on to confront the enemy ... Even if I am not around to give you the order and my
associates are also not to be found, I ask you to continue your struggle unabated.
Finally he made the most famous declaration: Since we have shed blood, we shall shed more
blood but we will free the people of this land, In Shaa-Allah (If God is willing). The struggle this
time is for our freedom; the struggle this time is for independence. Joy Bangla (Victory to
Bangladesh).
With these words, Bangabandhu essentially declared independence in diplomatic language
without proclaiming it openly. There lies the real beauty of the speech. He refrained from making
an open declaration for tactical reasons. A premature declaration of independence would have
labeled him as a secessionist and derailed the whole movement for independence.
The speech mesmerized the audience and inspired the Bengali nation. It resurrected a sleeping
nation and transformed it into a fighting force. The Bengalis fully cooperated with him. All
government offices in Bangladesh started to operate under his instructions. He thus became the
de-facto ruler of Bangladesh.
On March 25, 1971, President Yahya Khan ordered his army to crack down on the Bengalis. By
midnight, the army moved in and began what was called Operation Searchlight. They started
killing unarmed Bengalis ruthlessly and indiscriminately.
The door to a negotiated settlement was thus closed for ever and the War of Independence started
when the Pakistan army fired the first bullet at the Bengalis. During the early hours of March 26,
Bangabandhu had declared the independence of Bangladesh just before he was arrested by the
Pakistan army.
It was Bangabandhu's epoch-making speech of March 7 that inspired and motivated the
liberation forces who fought the war in his name. With the support of our ally India, they were
able to bring the war to its inevitable end in less than nine months. The Pakistan army
surrendered in Dhaka to the joint command of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian army on
December 16, 1971. Bangladesh thus emerged as an independent country.

Key lines:
The struggle this time is for emancipation! The struggle this time is for independence!
Bangladeshis were so sick of the oppression by the Pakistani government. This two lines sums
up what the freedom fight of 1971 meant for every Bangladeshi. This was the fight for their
future, their existence. This line mesmerized the audience and inspired the Bengali nation. It
resurrected a sleeping nation and transformed it into a fighting force.
Bangla Translation:
,
This is without argument the most inspirational line in the whole speech.

Acknowledgment of merit for the speech

In a writing published in the weekly magazine Bichittra on March 26, 1974, Ziaur
Rahman (later President of Bangladesh) wrote that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman's March 7 address was the inspiration behind his taking part in the 1971
liberation war.

The speech has been recognized as one of the world famous speeches in the book "We
Shall Fight on the Beaches: The Speeches That Inspired History", by Jacob F. Field

7th March Speech in popular culture

The highly applauded documentary film Muktir Gaan by Tareque Masud and Catherine
Masud begins with the video of Sheikh Mujib's 7th March speech.

Prominent novelist and columnist Anisul Hoque splendidly blended 7th March speech in
his much-acclaimed fact-based novel Maa (novel), published in 2004.

In his first English novel, The Black Coat, Bangladeshi-Canadian author Neamat Imam
creates a character called Nur Hussain who memorizes Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's 7th
March speech during the Bangladesh famine of 1974. Nur Hussain and his trainer
Khaleque Biswas begin to earn money utilizing the nationalistic fervor of Bengali people,
but as the famine deepens, Nur utilizes the tone of the speech to speak out his own mind
against Sheikh Mujib's rule.

Reference:
http://www.bongobondhuinfocenter.org/speeches/7th-march-speech
http://www.7thmarch.com/the-speech-text/
http://www.albd.org/index.php/en/resources/articles/336-historic-7-marchspeech-context-and-significance
http://bangabandhuporisadmv.blogspot.com/2011/09/60-years-of-struggleand-achievements.html
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/7th_March_Speech_of_Sheikh_Mujibur_Rahma
n
http://genius.com/Sheikh-mujibur-rahman-7th-march-speech-of-sheikhmujibur-rahman-annotated