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The Archaeology of Money


Colin Haselgrove1 and Stefan Krmnicek2
1
School of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Leicester, Leicester LE1 7RH,
United Kingdom; email: cch7@le.ac.uk
2
Institut fur
72070 Tubingen,
Germany;
Klassische Archaologie, Universitat Tubingen,

email: stefan.krmnicek@uni-tuebingen.de

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012. 41:23550

Keywords

First published online as a Review in Advance on


June 28, 2012

coin, currency, value, context

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at


anthro.annualreviews.org
This articles doi:
10.1146/annurev-anthro-092611-145716
c 2012 by Annual Reviews.
Copyright 
All rights reserved
0084-6570/12/1021-0235$20.00

This article is part of a special theme on


Materiality. For a list of other articles in this
theme, see this volumes Table of Contents.

Abstract
Money is one of the most timeless, all-pervading, and arbitrary inventions in human history. Its ubiquity in time and space offers great scope
for comparative archaeological research into its varying material manifestations. This article takes a broad approach, ranging from Old World
prehistory to twentieth-century ethnography. First, the development
of archaeological approaches to coinage and money is outlined. Subsequent sections explore research into the use of objects as currencies in
prehistory; the origins of coined money; archaeological sites illustrating the adoption and functions of coinage in and around the classical
Mediterranean; and the study of coins as archaeological artifacts in the
more recent past and in non-European contexts. Finally, we suggest
some potential ways forward, employing comparative archaeological
study to enhance our understanding of the complexity of functions performed by monetary objects, both in the past and in the present.

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INTRODUCTION

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Money/monetary
object: artifact (or
commodity) acting as
a means of exchange,
method of payment
and/or standard of
value
Medieval: the period
of European history
between the fall of the
western Roman
empire and the Early
Modern era
Numismatics:
academic study of
coins, medals, and
related monetary
objects

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Archaeology provides a unique perspective on


the role of money/monetary objects over space
and time. As artifacts, coins and other kinds of
currency are an integral part of the archaeological record. By unifying notions of value, symbolism, and fetish in a material form, monetary
objects open up a multiplicity of viewpoints on
the peoples who created and consumed them.
However, even though archaeology offers invaluable insights into the disparate functions
and forms that money can assume in different
cultural settings, we must rely on archaeological evidenceeither alone or in conjunction
with historical sourcesto reconstruct the specic economic, social, or ritual contexts within
which such objects were used. The risk of circular argument that this creates, together with
a mistaken idea that we know what money is,
helps explain why archaeological data have long
been marginalized in discussions of the evolution of money, rather than taking center stage,
as they should.
This article takes a broad geographical
and chronological approach, ranging from Old
World prehistory to twentieth-century ethnography. Within this wider remit, we privilege the
classical Mediterranean and medieval Europe,
partly because these elds have been the focus of
much archaeological research on noncontemporary money and coinage and partly because
of the wealth of material (Amandry & Bateson
2009; for the textual sources, see Melville Jones
1993, Szaivert & Wolters 2005). We are also
concerned primarily with coinage, rather than
with the myriad other forms of money that potentially existed in the past, because otherwise
meaningful boundaries become almost impossible to draw.
To help distinguish between concepts of
money and coinage, we begin with the denitions used in archaeology and adjacent disciplines. Whereas in anthropology, the social and symbolic dimensions of any money
stuff receive particular consideration (Bloch
& Parry 1989, Maurer 2006), in both classical studies and economics, coins are generally
Haselgrove Krmnicek

characterized by their inherent material properties as standardized objectsusually of metal,


at, and circular in shape, and issued (by an authority) for use as currencyemphasizing their
political, economic, and technological dimensions (Shell 1994, Gorini 1997, Eagleton &
Williams 2007). Coins are in fact just one specic form of money, if especially well developed
for the purpose. Moreover, following its spread
throughout the world in the wake of Western colonization and the growth of modern industrialized societies, coinage is the prevailing
physical manifestation of money todayfor a
historical outline of the divergent evolution of
coinage in the Eastern and Western worlds, see
Scheidel (2008). In sum, coinage is money; but
money is not necessarily coinage.
Like classical archaeology, the discipline of
numismatics, as the study of money and coinage
in the past came to be known, is rooted in the
antiquarian tradition of the European Enlightenment. Early curiosity about ancient coins
came from a desire to visualize famous and
mythical people from the Greco-Roman world,
who were then known only from ancient literature, through their portraits on classical coins.
Thanks to the variety of their obverse and reverse types and imagery, the numerous Greek
and Roman coins surviving across Europe thus
served as exotic fossils of a distant past and a
unique illustration of life in the ancient world
(Momigliano 1950).
Coins with less distant and mythologically
blurred origins, such as medieval European issues and contemporary foreign coins, were also
collected and ordered alongside their classical
antecedents to display the lineage of (European)
history and thereby implicitly support contemporary ruling dynasties claiming descent from
Roman emperors or mythical characters (Stahl
2009). At the same time as taxonomies were being established in the natural sciences, scholarly
interest in the study of ancient coins shifted toward the classication, dating, and categorization of the increasingly large corpus available
through the systematic collection of classical
and medieval coins (e.g., J.H. Eckhels Doctrina
numorum veterum).

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From the late eighteenth century onward,


knowledge of the ancient world was enhanced by the enormous quantities of objects
unearthed in major excavations around the
Mediterranean, including the spectacular discoveries of Pompeii and Herculaneum. In conjunction with the improvements in scholarly
communication associated with the birth of scientic journals, this focus on the material evidence from Classical societies led to the economic attributes of early coinages taking center
stage in numismatic research (Clain-Stefanelli
1965). The dominance of textual evidence in
classical scholarship led most numismatists uncritically to treat the beliefs and mindset of
the Greco-Roman world as more or less identical to their own contemporary values, separated merely by two millennia and a few minor cultural constraints. Consequently ancient
coinages, and their uses and function, were perceived as equivalent to contemporary Western
money as used in elite circles in Europe and
North America. Interestingly, however, Iron
Age coins were not perceived as part of the
modern European money ideal, being seen instead as exotic objects that needed to be classied andin step with emerging evolutionary
theoriesarranged in hierarchical order to understand their chronology and development of
production (Schlanger 2010).
In the late nineteenth century, the great classical historian, Theodor Mommsen, in his seminal work on the chronology of Roman Republican coinage and on the probable location of the
battleeld where Augustus legions were disastrously defeated in 9 CE (now identied as
Kalkriese, Germany), was among the rst scholars to emphasize the need to record the archaeological context of coin nds comprehensively
(Mommsen 1885). Paradoxically, however, the
scientic development and increasing institutionalization of numismatics as an academic discipline achieved the exact opposite, reinforcing the supremacy of the single object over
its context and perpetuating an approach that
examined coins detached from the rest of the
archaeological evidence with which they were
associated.

The later twentieth century saw the gradual


adoption of archaeologically based methodologies for the study of Iron Age and Roman coin
nds (Gebhart et al. 1956, Haselgrove 1987,
Casey & Reece 1988), which have reshaped the
discipline (Christophersen 1989, Rotroff 1997,
Walker 1997). The study of both periods had
by then become rmly based on eldwork, eschewing the study of the object in isolation in
favor of employing archaeological evidence to
reconstruct and interpret the biographies of objects in their contexts of use (Krmnicek 2009,
Kemmers & Myrberg 2011). This hermeneutic
approach eventually led to a partial reintegration of numismatic studies into the archaeological mainstream (Guest 1999), and in the past
decade, the study of premodern coinages has
become noticeably more open to ideas and explanations from other disciplines, including anthropology (see Kluendorf
2005 for medieval

numismatics; see Haselgrove & Wigg-Wolf


2005 and Nick 2006 for the Iron AgeRoman
periods). For protohistoric coinages, even the
cherished notion that coins can be more precisely dated than other types of artifacts
however limited the textual sourceshas been
abandoned. It is now generally accepted that
Iron Age coinages must be dated rst and foremost by their stratigraphic occurrence and associations and not vice versa (e.g., Haselgrove
1999).
The ubiquity and (generalized) uniformity
of coins make them well suited to quantication. For the Roman period especially, numerical and statistical methodologies are now
integral to the study of archaeological site
nds (e.g., Casey 1986; Reece 1987, 1995;
Lockyear 2000). By making large numbers
manageable, these approaches have revealed
important patterns but can be criticized for perpetuating our perception of coinage as an inherently familiar medium, which behaves according to known rules, while maintaining the
division between coins and the rest of the archaeological record by analyzing them as aggregated assemblages effectively divorced from
their contexts. Tellingly, there has been little interest in developing methodologies that
www.annualreviews.org The Archaeology of Money

Iron Age:
Archaeological period
characterized by iron
technology, beginning
in the late second
millennium BCE in
the east Mediterranean

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Bronze Age:
archaeological period
characterized by
bronze technology,
spanning the third and
second millennia BCE
in the Old World
Hoard: a set of objects
deliberately deposited
together, whether or
not with the intent of
later recovery

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might help us identify specic monetary objects and uses in an archaeological setting, and
most discussions of whether a certain class of
artifact might have functioned as currency are
little more than anecdotal.
Beyond the Old World, in Africa, in
Melanesia, and in the Americas, the boundaries between the archaeological and anthropological study of money tend to be blurred
[for Melanesia, see Gilliland (1975), including
archaeological documentation of the objects,
in addition to records on acquisition and export, and Akin & Robbins (1999); for Africa, see
Herbert (1984) and Eagleton et al. (2009)].
There can be little doubt that more archaeological study of money uses outside the
connes of Eurocentric history will reap signicant rewards, not only by enhancing and extending the time depth of historical and ethnographic accounts, but also by making us rethink
the functions of money in premodern Western
societies.

THE EVOLUTION OF
COINED MONEY
In economics and social science, numerous theories have been published about the supposed
reasons for the invention and consequent use of
early money and coinage (Laum 1924, Schaps
2004, Carrier 2005). Archaeology cannot claim
to provide a complete answer to these debates,
but it can contribute a solid foundation for discussion by presenting data drawn from the material record and by providing an interpretation. In the absence of literary sources that can
give further insights to the evolution of monetary use, the study of early money is, more
than any other branch of numismatic research,
dependent on the information that can be extracted from the archaeological record. Accordingly, the interpretation of whether particular
objects or commodities (e.g., salt) performed a
monetary function in prehistoric societies relies
solely on our reconstruction of that society and
its uses of material culture.
Artifacts of European and Near Eastern
prehistory made of valuable material offer an
238

Haselgrove Krmnicek

excellent example with which to illustrate the


continuing debate in archaeological circles on
the difculties of recognizing early monetary
phenomena in general and the possible protomonetary functions of these objects in particular (Briard 2001). For decades, the discussion of hoarding in Bronze Age and Iron Age
Europe and the Near East was driven by attempts to dene the precise nature of assemblages and from this to reconstruct the intentions of the individuals responsible for the
deposit. Consequently, utilitarian denitions
tended to dominate discussion, from the concealment of personal wealth in periods of upheaval to merchants hoards or the burial of
metalworkers stock. Since the 1980s, however,
in line with other developments in archaeological theory, scholars have increasingly tended
to emphasize social and especially votive or ritual reasons governing the deposition of hoards
(Harding 2000, pp. 35268). In effect, any attempt to interpret particular artifacts as an early
form of money must be seen against the theoretical perspectives prevailing in European or
Near Eastern prehistory at the time.
Polished stone axes or adzes are found in
large quantities throughout Neolithic Europe
(Thirault 2005). Petrographic analysis in conjunction with the distributions show that while
some blades were produced and consumed locally, others traveled long distances as raw material or seminished or nished products via
interregional networks of production and supply. The large-scale distribution of these objects across Neolithic Europe highlights their
social and symbolic value, as does their disproportionate occurrence, when recovered in excavations in intentional deposits such as burials or hoards. The accepted interpretation of
these polished axes or adzes as having had a
purpose and value beyond the functional limits of tools for mundane work is thus based on
a reasoned set of observations including careful
sourcing of the raw material, the highly structured mode of manufacture and the extensive
geographical distribution of the blades on the
one hand, and the functioning of the societies
which consumed them on the other.

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A similar approach has been followed in discussions of the vast number of bronze hoards
found in Bronze Age Europe (Hansel & Hansel
1997, Sommerfeld 2004). Some are a mixture of
metal scrap, seminished products, and nished
objects, whereas others contain only nished
products, both broken and intact. Deposits of
bronze sickles, ring-ingots, and bar-ingots have
received particular attention because they stand
out from other Bronze Age hoards, owing not
only to their wide geographical distribution but
also to their uniformity of weight, composition,
and production (Sommerfeld 1994, Innerhofer
2004). Again, a combination of the nature and
form of the objects on the one hand and the
deposition patterns of hoards in both ritual and
nonritual spheres on the other makes their interpretation as forms of monetary objects very
plausible.
The Late Bronze Age shipwrecks of Uluburun (Yalcin 2005) and Cape Gelidonya (Bass
1967), discovered off southwestern Turkey,
have yielded the largest archaeological assemblages to date of various traded commodities
that were previously known only from ancient
texts and Egyptian tomb paintings. In addition
to carrying bun-shaped ingots of copper and tin,
both vessels carried large quantities of oxhideshaped copper ingots, which are generally assumed to combine the functions of raw material and objects of monetary exchange within
and between Mediterranean Bronze Age societies. Their association in hoards with scrap
metal, nished products, and other objects of
value, together with their geographical distribution along trade and exchange routes from
Egypt, Cyprus, Crete, and Turkey in the east to
Sardinia and Sicily in the west, emphasizes their
supraregional signicance (Mangou & Ioannou
2000, Gale 2001, Kassianidou 2001).
Contemporary accounts in Egyptian hieroglyphs and Mesopotamian cuneiform scripts
provide our rst written conrmation of the
appropriation for monetary purposes of valuable weighed-out commodities such as precious
metal objects and grain by later Bronze Age
and Iron Age societies in the Old World. According to these sources, metals were used both

as a means of direct payment and as units of


value or account for a range of goods exchanged
in barter transactions (Eagleton & Williams
2007, p. 19). Archaeological evidence of
Egyptian and Near Eastern metal hoards containing gold and silver ingots, jewelry, and
pieces of cut silver (Hacksilber) provides further corroboration of the written record. The
weights of the ingots and the pieces of cut silver in Egyptian hoards seem to approximate to
multiples and fractions of standard weights used
to account for value. The same is true of the redistributive economies of the Near East (Le
Rider 2001, Rollinger et al. 2004), where the
value of particular commodities, labor, and social obligations was expressed in terms of xed
amounts of silver of standard weight (for a discussion of the depth of monetization, see Gitin
& Golani 2004, Kletter 2004). The plentiful archaeological evidence for balance weights
in the Eastern Mediterranean provides further
grounds for inferring the development of negotiated standards of shared value (Albert et al.
2006, Pakkanen 2011). In this context, the Iron
Age silver hoards from Cisjordan, found in bundles wrapped in cloth and sealed by stamped
clay bullae, are of particular signicance for tracing the transition from money to money and
coinage, since by guaranteeing weight to a set
standard and indicating authoritative control,
this sealed silver anticipates two of the key
features of early coinage (Thompson 2003).
Early monetary development in East Asia
also seems to be based on notions of value
given to rare natural and artisanal products.
Cowrie shells (and later their imitations), bullion, and metal and jade objects are all thought
to have performed functions of monetary character from at least the second millennium BCE
(Yung-Ti 2006). The literary reference dating
from the later Zhou period to the monetary
use of these objects, in conjunction with archaeological evidence mostly from burials, provides solid grounds for acknowledging these
artifacts as early money. A recent overview
of published literature highlights the new approaches now being applied to the study of early
money in China (Wang et al. 2009), reecting
www.annualreviews.org The Archaeology of Money

Cowrie shell:
Egg-shaped shell of
sea-snails (Cypraeidae)
with porcelain-like
shine, used in many
parts of the world as a
form of currency

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the changes in Chinese archaeology since the


1960s, in particular advances in recording ancient monetary objects in their archaeological
context. From around the late seventh century
BCE, broadly contemporary with the adoption
of coinage in the Aegean, a range of bronze objects were apparently all embraced for monetary
purposes in China: round discs with a hole in the
center; imitation cowrie shells; and spade and
knife money, modeled on agricultural tools
but cast in miniature and bearing inscriptions
conrming the issuing authority and weight. In
the third century BCE, under the unifying rule
of the Qin dynasty, bronze coins with a square
hole and a two-character inscription, literally
half-ounce, were established as standard currency throughout their empire (Thierry 1997,
2003).
In the Mediterranean, comparable development toward a stamped piece of metal of
standard weight, certied by an authority
with marks of identication, took place in a
framework lacking comparable large-scale centralization of social life and political power. The
earliest coinage, made of electrum (a naturally
occurring alloy of gold and silver), emerged in
the seventh century BCE in western Asia Minor. Although abundant literary sources of later
date refer to the invention and use of coinage
in the Aegean (e.g., Testart 2001, von Reden
2010), archaeological data are limited to a few
well-documented nds and hoards. For early
electrum coinage, discussion still rests heavily
on the hoard excavated in 19041905 beneath
the temple of Artemis at Ephesos, Turkey,
and recent archaeological reassessments of
the site (Karwiese 1991, Williams 1993, Muss
2008). This discovery remains the largest and
best-stratied assemblage of weighed electrum
pieces stamped with simple designs, together
with unstamped silver nuggets. These nds imply the acceptance of coins and bullion equally
as objects of value and suggest the overlapping
monetary character of early coinage and valuable metals. The adoption and subsequent rapid
spread of coinage did not mark the immediate
end of noncoined money; in various parts of
the Greek mainland weighed silver continued

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to be employed as currency, attested both by


the written sources (e.g., the laws of Solon) and
archaeologically through mixed hoards (Kroll
2008).

THE DIFFUSION OF COINAGE IN


THE GRECO-ROMAN WORLD
Following its adoption in western Asia Minor,
the concept of coinage was swiftly transmitted
and elaborated through and beyond the Aegean.
Thanks to the increasingly extensive data from
well-documented excavations, it is now possible to examine how the economic, technological, and symbolic dimensions of coined money
were transformed by successive encounters with
different ideologies, value systems, and nonmonetary currencies (see, for example, papers
in Garca-Bellido et al. 2011). However, the
fact that key Mediterranean communities, notably the Phoenicians, Egyptians, and Romans,
did not see t to adopt coined money until
the fourth century BCE demonstrates that this
medium did not necessarily fulll the economic,
social, or political requirements of ancient societies, but instead became important within particular networks (von Reden 2010, p. 71).
In this section, we draw on three extensively excavated sitesLattes, the Magdalensberg, and Pompeiito explore the evolving
use of coinage in the Greek, Celtic, and
Roman worlds from an archaeological perspective. These examples show the ability of archaeology to reconstruct ways in which coinage
was used and perceived in past societies, from
the level of the individual household to general
spheres of social, cultural, and economic behavior. The coins from these sites also contribute
to debate about the noneconomic qualities of
money in the ancient world, as compared with
modern western concepts of money (see also
Aarts 2005, Bursche et al. 2008, von Kaenel &
Kemmers 2009).
The Celtic-speaking settlement of Lattara
(modern Lattes) was founded toward the end
of the sixth century BCE on the Mediterranean
coast of southern France. For half a millennium, Lattes served as a prominent port of

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trade and center of cultural interaction between


the peoples of southern Gaul and Etruscans,
Greeks, and Romans; after 121 BCE, Lattes was
assimilated into the Roman province of Gallia Narbonensis, before falling into decline during the Empire. Extensive excavations since the
1980s have yielded more than 6,000 coins with
good contextual information (Py 2006, Luley
2008). Unlike some settlements in southern
Gaul, Lattes never minted its own coins. Instead, most of the coins used there originated
from the nearby Greek foundation of Massalia
(Marseille). Coins from other Mediterranean
cities and from more distant parts of Gaul are
relatively uncommon, and even Roman coins
remained rare until well after the conquest. Although Massalia began to strike coinage around
the time that Lattes was founded, no coins have
been found at Lattes in archaeological deposits
dating before the later fourth century BCE,
when small numbers of Massalian silver issues
of low denomination (obols) occur. In stark
contrast, however, three hoards dating to the
late fourth and third century BCE have been
found in the town; between them, they contain
almost 3,500 Massalian silver obols, indicating
that some of the inhabitants at least had access
to large numbers of coins.
In the centuries that followed, individual
coin nds become more common. A growing
number are base metal issues after Massalia
started to strike bronze coins as well as silver, but interestingly, virtually all come from
domestic contexts. Prior to the Roman conquest, hardly any coin nds occur at workshops or other places where commercial exchanges might be expected to have taken place.
This fact challenges the conventional expectation that, once adopted, the Greek coins would
have played a full monetary role in the daily
life of the settlement. Instead it would appear
that the value system represented by the silver coinage introduced by the Massalian Greeks
was incompatible with preexisting indigenous
systems of value, exchange, and the calculation
of wealth (Luley 2008, p. 183).
Before the Roman conquest, coin use appears to have been bound up with the sphere

of external exchange and foreign imports, but


with the social transformation set in motion by
Roman rule, coinage entered other exchange
networks and became a more widely shared
standard of value. More than 20% of coins
from stratied contexts postdating the conquest
come from workshops (Py 2006), suggesting
that by the rst century BCE, craft specialists
such as bronze- and ironworkers were accepting money in exchange for goods and services
(Luley 2008, p. 185). Emergent use of coins in
the ritual sphere at Lattes is attested by a handful of deposits, such as an obol placed under a
mud-brick bench along with a pig jawbone (Py
2006). Interestingly, the hoards were all buried
around the edges of the town, which recalls
the widespread practice in Iron Age temperate
Europe of depositing coin hoards or hoards of
iron bars in liminal contexts, such as enclosure
boundaries, bogs, and cliffs (e.g., Hingley 2005,
Score 2011).
The extensively excavated site on the Magdalensberg, Austria, was founded by the Romans in the mid rst century BCE, apparently
as an emporion for the territory of Noricum. After the Roman conquest around 15 BCE, the
settlement briey became the administrative
center and economic hub of the region before
being abandoned in the mid rst century CE.
Good contextual data are available for the 1,434
coins from the site. In contrast to preconquest
Lattes, nds from both residential and workshop contexts are plentiful, enabling us to examine how the inhabitants of this settlement
on the fringe of the expanding Roman Empire
made use of coins in different spheres of activity.
Study of the stratied sequence shows that
by the Augustan period Roman coins predominated among the casual losses, suggesting that once introduced into the local coin
pool, Roman issues rapidly supplanted Iron Age
coins for commercial transactions (Krmnicek
2010). However, from their occurrence at signicant structural locations, many other coins
found at the Magdalensberg appear to have
been intentionally deposited in the enactment
of ritual practices. These deposits included
coins embedded in walls or under doorways or
www.annualreviews.org The Archaeology of Money

Casual loss: a result


of accidental loss
rather than deliberate
deposition, regularly
used for individual
coin nds on
archaeological sites

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associated with hearths, in both these latter


cases echoing earlier votive traditions in the region. The earliest of these intentional deposits
were of Iron Age coins only, and it was not until
the nal phase of occupation well into the rst
century CE that Roman issues accounted for
the majority. This implies a time lag in the transition away from using Iron Age coins in a ritual
context, compared with the earlier adoption of
Roman coins in the economic sphere. The few
Greek coins from the site were treated differently from either Iron Age or Roman issues,
being deposited exclusively in wet locations.
The Roman towns of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Oplontis near Naples, Italy, are inextricably linked to the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE, burying the settlements under
thick layers of volcanic ash and pumice. The
time capsule of material culture created by the
sudden destruction makes these sites the most
prominent case studies for investigating the use
of Roman coins in the near-intact contemporary setting of rst-century rural towns in central Italyeven if coins from the earlier excavations were not recorded in the detail they would
receive today. Few other sites provide a similar
unbiased view directly into the past.
Recent studies have used these data to provide insights into the inhabitants attitudes toward coinage before and during the catastrophe
(Taliercio Mensitieri 2005, Vitale 2008). The
pre-eruption evidence reveals a highly monetized society, utilizing coins as impersonal tokens of value. Individual hoarding at Pompeii
from small change kept in jars set into the
counters of food and drink outlets, to high denominations saved in wooden casketsimplies
deliberate saving of earnings (Castiello &
Oliviero 1997, Giove 2003). On the other hand,
ritual deposits, such as Greek coins buried near
the temple of Jupiter (Duncan Jones 2007,
p. 12), or coins placed in wall foundations (Ellis & Devroe 2006), point toward diversied
use of these objects. In addition to objects of
nancial or sentimental value (precious gold
jewelry and simpler adornments of glass beads)
or on which their livelihood depended (surgical instruments and basic work tools), individu-

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als eeing the eruption carried with them both


high- and low-value coins (dAmbrosio et al.
2003, pp. 13749), underlining the different sets
of values coins communicated to their owners.
The possessions of some 300 individuals slain
in the boat houses at Herculaneum provide a
unique record of the types, number, and value
of coins that people belonging to different social groups selected and carried with them in
the emergency (Petrone & Pagano 2006).

MONEY AS ARTIFACT
Like other artifacts, coined money encapsulates a wide range of material and stylistic
attributes (for developments in archaeometry,
see Ponting 2003, Nick & Diaz Tabernero
2007, Rehren & Pernicka 2008). Although only
partially explored, the archaeological evidence
for minting is better understood than are
underlying processes such as the sourcing of alloys (Butcher & Ponting 2005). Quantication
of mint output remains an imprecise science
for most periods of the past, although there
have been useful studies of how known outputs
are reected in actual coin nds (e.g., Newton
2006). Even where mint inventories and other
documents survive, archaeological data can
often add signicant information (La Guardia
2001), as studies of Spanish colonial mints in

the Americas have shown (Anes y Alvarez


de
Castrillon
& Cespedes del Castillo 1997). In
Germany, where abundant literary evidence for
medieval minting survives (Emmerig 2006),
a study of twelfth- to nineteenth-century
mints in Frankfurt shows what can be gained
from a combined archaeological-historical
approach (Moller
2006). A similar holistic

approach was pursued to investigate the Royal


Mint in London (Challis 1992). Elsewhere
in medieval Europe, particularly Scandinavia,
archaeological eldwork on its own has produced worthwhile results (Risvaag 2001, Skre
2007).
Abundant evidence indicates that, even in
the recent historical past, coins were put to
a variety of nonmonetary uses. In particular,
those found in contexts atypical of their cultural

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setting may well not be indicative of general


circulation patterns. One example is provided
by coin nds from late medieval Swiss churches
(Zach 1992). Although these nds were initially
viewed generally as casual losses, there is now a
growing body of opinion that at least some were
conscious deposits (Schmutz & Koenig 2003,
Meier 2004, Eggenberger et al. 2009), although
the precise intentions of the depositors remain
unclear.
Like coins, medals were intended as objects
conveying political messages and thought, but
in an artistic form suitable for passing on as
gifts. In Renaissance Italy, deposits of medals
were built into the walls of prominent buildings
as foundation deposits, including the Tempio
Malatestiano in Rimini (Panvini Rosato 1970)
and the Palazzo di Venezia in Rome (Balbi de
Caro 1973). Contemporary sources allude to
the custom, behind which lay the belief that the
inclusion of these coin-like objects in a structure would preserve the memory of contemporary glory for the future. Medals were deemed
particularly appropriate for such a purpose because they combined the most recent taste in
fashion and developed craftsmanship in a small
object (Weiss 1958).
The African Diaspora provides another clear
example of the assimilation of coins, medallions, and even metal discs as objects imbued
with meaningful powers. Such objects are documented as charms for protection against spells
and as a general cure-all and are often recovered in archaeological contexts associated with
enslaved African Americans. Finds of pierced
coins corroborate the documented practice of
tying a piece of silver with a hole in it to ones
leg, thought to offer protection from malevolent forces (Fennell 2000). Similarly, unmodied coins were carried in the stocking or shoe
as protective charms. Although behavior of this
type is almost impossible to reconstruct from
the archaeological record, the occurrence of
outdated or unusual coins in antebellum African
American contexts might suggest that such objects were kept and passed on deliberately for
the purpose of providing luck, healing, or protection (Russell 1997, p. 68).

The meaning with which these objects were


imbued in an African American context mirrors the powers thought to be encapsulated
in coins placed in medieval European burials.
The occurrence of coins, mostly low-value denominations, in medieval burials is geographically widespread if relatively infrequent across
Europe (for recent surveys of objects, including coins, deposited in medieval graves, see
Travaini 2004 for Italy and Gilchrist 2008 for
Britain). The coins are generally interpreted
as protective and apotropaic charms, thought
to possess or transmit supernatural or occult
power (e.g., Merrield 1987).
Although much is still unanswered about the
potentially multiple meanings of coins recovered in the contexts of superstition, folk magic,
and formalized religion, some distinctive patterns emerge of intentional modication of the
objects before deposition. A good example is
the presence of bent or folded coins in medieval
burials. According to medieval accounts of miracles, bending a coin represented a contract
with the saint, the promise to make a pilgrimage to their shrine, often undertaken as part of
a healing charm. Coins folded in this manner
have been recovered at various religious centers
in Britain (Gilchrist 2008, p. 135). This mutilation of coins resembles the bending of textual
amulets, which implies that the act of folding
was crucial to the rite connected with the invocation of the saint. Ritual killing or mutilation
of coins (and indeed other forms of material culture, especially weaponry) is not infrequent at
Iron Age and Roman religious sites in northwest Europe. In medieval Christian custom,
coins were utilized in the course of venerating
saints remains. Coins deposited around and inside reliquaries are well recorded for medieval
Italy (Travaini 2004, Perassi 2009). Burials of
saints were apparently deliberately opened and
coins inserted to establish personal and enduring contact with the remains of the deceased.
In early medieval Europe, artifacts, particularly coins, from Roman times were apparently attributed the power to bring luck or avert
evil because it was thought that their antiquity
gave them apotropaic value and magical power.
www.annualreviews.org The Archaeology of Money

Circulation:
movement of coins
between individuals in
economic or social
transactions, the total
in circulation being
dened as the coin
pool

243

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Given the widespread early medieval belief that


the rulers portrait on contemporary coins was
endowed with protective properties (Maguire
1997), a coin from a distant or mythical past
was presumably an even more powerful talisman. Early medieval graves containing Roman
coins range from the tomb of King Childeric
in Tournai, Belgium (Cochet 2008), to those
of ordinary individuals in Northern Italy or
France. Particular designs may have been especially prized, a good example being the Iron
Age torc-bearer potin coins, which are regularly found in early medieval graves beyond
their primary area of circulation. Frequent reworking of coins as ornaments or jewelry (e.g.,
Maue & Veit 1982, Perassi 2007) provides another example of the diverse afterlives of monetary objects through the ages.

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AN41CH15-Haselgrove

RECONFIGURING THE
ARCHAEOLOGY OF MONEY
The production and technology of nonEuropean money have received far less attention than have European currencies. The same
is true of the archaeological study of nonEuropean monies in general. Although a range
of ethnographic accounts record the nature and
dynamics of monetary practices encountered
in the context of colonial expansion, there has
been little archaeological study of the relevant
artifacts in context to complement or qualify
the written accounts and oral traditions. Much
of the work undertaken on ethnographic monetary objects relies heavily on data gathered from
research collections, which are subject to many
of the same uncertainties as are museum coin
holdings (Casey & Reece 1988, Kluendorf

2005, Barello 2006), added to which the collection of unprovenanced objects is increasingly seen as unethical because it feeds looting
(Brodie & Renfrew 2005; for coin evidence, see
Elkins 2008).
As in other branches of archaeology, the political dimension has impacted on the study of
money. In colonial Africa, the study of money
bolstered the contemporary political agendas
of European supremacy. Coins of Mediter244

Haselgrove Krmnicek

ranean origin found in sub-Saharan Africa, and


to a lesser degree East African Islamic coins,
were subtly used to convey a model of ancient colonialism and a tradition of the economic superiority of the nonindigenous peoples
(e.g., Davis 1950; on the historical signicance
of coin nds, see Freeman-Grenville 1960,
Chittik 1963, Chami & Msemwa 1997). Although we have come on a long way since
then and the record of cultural encounters in
Asia, the Americas, and Africa provides a wide
range of excellent data, the study of money
in such situations is still rarely driven from a
noncolonial perspective (e.g., notable exceptions for Africa are Schrire & Meltzer 1992,
Stahl 1999, Wynne-Jones & Fleisher 2012; for
Asia, see Walburg 2008; for the Americas, see
Hoge 2002, Cooper et al. 2008). Independent
of its material manifestation, whether wampum,
cowrie shells, or silver coins, many scholars
seem to see money as an elite product, meaningful only within its specic cultural context,
rather than utilizing a cross-cultural approach
(for the South-East AsianAfrican evidence of
cowrie shell economies, see Ogundiran 2002,
Yang 2011).
Independent of continent or period, and irrespective of the quality of historical sources
available, we can be condent that comparative
archaeological study using data collected under controlled conditionswhether at a site or
a landscape levelhas the capacity to augment
our understanding of the forms that money and
money uses have taken in the past. As noted
above, one priority is to devise methodologies
that will help us identify in an archaeological
setting whether and which objects had monetary uses of any kind and, by extension, to treat
the functions of past coinages as a subject for investigation rather than assumption, to be characterized through cross-cultural analysis of the
types of context in which coins were lost or deposited and of their archaeological associations
(for initial steps, see, for example, Haselgrove
2005, Hingley 2005).
While seeking to collapse the dichotomy
between coins and other general- or specialpurpose currencies, we need, however, to avoid

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throwing out the baby with the bathwater. As


Kemmers & Myrberg (2011, p. 89) emphasize,
a very distinctive feature of coins is that they
are archaeological artifacts as well as, in most
cases, historical documents, able to furnish insights into behavior, actions, and events at all
levels of society from top to bottom. They also
integrate image, text, and materiality, each of
which can be studied separately but when combined form more than the sum of their parts
(p. 89). Work by Creighton (2000) provides a
good example of how the interplay of these different dimensions can enhance our understanding of the big picture in a protohistoric setting
(see also Williams 2005).
We have only just begun to consider
the plethora of alternative meanings, biographies, and roles associated with coins (see also

Kemmers & Myrberg 2011, pp. 94103), but


already archaeology is producing innovative insights into how past peoples used monetary
objects and how these shaped their behavior (for coins used in the context of bathing
in late medieval Solothurn, Switzerland, see
Frey-Kupper 2009). The scope of this approach is not conned to past societies but
can illuminate present behaviors, as demonstrated by an analysis of money lost on the
streets in Australia between 2006 and 2008
(Frazer & van der Touw 2010). In effect, archaeology offers a way to understand human
choices, preferences, and fears when dealing
with money according to social and cultural
background and beyond the purely economic
not immaterial in these days of global nancial
instability.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

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51

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Contents

Annual Review of
Anthropology
Volume 41, 2012

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Prefatory Chapter
Ancient Mesopotamian Urbanism and Blurred Disciplinary Boundaries
Robert McC. Adams p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
The Archaeology of Emotion and Affect
Sarah Tarlow p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 169
The Archaeology of Money
Colin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 235
Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology
Matthew H. Johnson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
Paleolithic Archaeology in China
Ofer Bar-Yosef and Youping Wang p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 319
Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:
The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic
and Paleoenvironmental Archive
Daniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 371
Colonialism and Migration in the Ancient Mediterranean
Peter van Dommelen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 393
Archaeometallurgy: The Study of Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy
David Killick and Thomas Fenn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 559
Rescue Archaeology: A European View
Jean-Paul Demoule p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 611
Biological Anthropology
Energetics, Locomotion, and Female Reproduction:
Implications for Human Evolution
Cara M. Wall-Schefer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p71

vii

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Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of the


Human-Primate Interface
Agustin Fuentes p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 101
Human Evolution and the Chimpanzee Referential Doctrine
Ken Sayers, Mary Ann Raghanti, and C. Owen Lovejoy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 119
Chimpanzees and the Behavior of Ardipithecus ramidus
Craig B. Stanford p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 139
Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human Prehistory
Richard Potts p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 151
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by Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp) on 04/04/13. For personal use only.

Primate Feeding and Foraging: Integrating Studies


of Behavior and Morphology
W. Scott McGraw and David J. Daegling p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 203
Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,
and Will Happen Next
Robert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 495
Maternal Prenatal Nutrition and Health in Grandchildren
and Subsequent Generations
E. Susser, J.B. Kirkbride, B.T. Heijmans, J.K. Kresovich, L.H. Lumey,
and A.D. Stein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 577
Linguistics and Communicative Practices
Media and Religious Diversity
Patrick Eisenlohr p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p37
Three Waves of Variation Study: The Emergence of Meaning
in the Study of Sociolinguistic Variation
Penelope Eckert p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87
Documents and Bureaucracy
Matthew S. Hull p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 251
The Semiotics of Collective Memories
Brigittine M. French p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 337
Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism
Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 355
Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures
and Contingent Pasts. Archives as Anthropological Surrogates
David Zeitlyn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 461
Music, Language, and Texts: Sound and Semiotic Ethnography
Paja Faudree p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 519

viii

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International Anthropology and Regional Studies


Contemporary Anthropologies of Indigenous Australia
Tess Lea p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 187
The Politics of Perspectivism
Alcida Rita Ramos p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 481
Anthropologies of Arab-Majority Societies
Lara Deeb and Jessica Winegar p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 537

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Sociocultural Anthropology
Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations
Rebecca Cassidy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p21
The Politics of the Anthropogenic
Nathan F. Sayre p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p57
Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the Image
Elizabeth Edwards p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 221
Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate Change
Heather Lazrus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 285
Enculturating Cells: The Anthropology, Substance, and Science
of Stem Cells
Aditya Bharadwaj p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 303
Diabetes and Culture
Steve Ferzacca p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 411
Toward an Ecology of Materials
Tim Ingold p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 427
Sport, Modernity, and the Body
Niko Besnier and Susan Brownell p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 443
Theme I: Materiality
Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the Image
Elizabeth Edwards p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 221
The Archaeology of Money
Colin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 235
Documents and Bureaucracy
Matthew S. Hull p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 251
Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology
Matthew H. Johnson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269

Contents

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Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism


Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 355
Toward an Ecology of Materials
Tim Ingold p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 427
Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures and Contingent
Pasts. Archives as Anthropological Surrogates
David Zeitlyn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 461
Theme II: Climate Change

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Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations


Rebecca Cassidy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p21
The Politics of the Anthropogenic
Nathan F. Sayre p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p57
Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of the
Human-Primate Interface
Agustin Fuentes p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 101
Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human Prehistory
Richard Potts p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 151
Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate Change
Heather Lazrus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 285
Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:
The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic and
Paleoenvironmental Archive
Daniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 371
Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,
and Will Happen Next
Robert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 495
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 3241 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 627
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 3241 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 631
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at
http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

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