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Women's Erotic Rape Fantasies: An Evaluation of Theory and Research


Joseph W. Critellia; Jenny M. Bivonaa
a
University of North Texas,

To cite this Article Critelli, Joseph W. and Bivona, Jenny M.(2008) 'Women's Erotic Rape Fantasies: An Evaluation of
Theory and Research', Journal of Sex Research, 45: 1, 57 — 70
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/00224490701808191
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224490701808191

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JOURNAL OF SEX RESEARCH, 45(1), 57–70, 2008
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ISSN: 0022-4499 print=1559-8519 online
DOI: 10.1080/00224490701808191

Women’s Erotic Rape Fantasies: An Evaluation of Theory and Research


Joseph W. Critelli and Jenny M. Bivona
University of North Texas

This article is the first systematic review of the research literature on women’s rape fantasies.
Current research indicates that between 31% and 57% of women have fantasies in which they
are forced into sex against their will, and for 9% to 17% of women these are a frequent or
favorite fantasy experience. Erotic rape fantasies are paradoxical: they do not appear to
make sense. Why would a person have an erotic and pleasurable fantasy about an event that,
in real life, would be abhorrent and traumatic? In this article, the major theories of women’s
rape fantasies are evaluated both rationally and empirically. These theories explain rape
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fantasies in terms of masochism, sexual blame avoidance, openness to sexuality, sexual desir-
ability, male rape culture, biological predisposition to surrender, sympathetic physiological
activation, and adversary transformation. This article evaluates theory and research, makes
provisional judgments as to which theories appear to be most viable, and begins the task of
theoretical integration to arrive at a more complete and internally consistent explanation
for why many women engage in erotic rape fantasies. Methodological critiques and programs
for future research are presented throughout.

Sexual fantasies or daydreams can range from brief unpleasant consequences, but, more importantly,
thoughts or images to stories with detailed plotlines. because the experience of the rape itself would be
They may deal with actual past experiences, purely abhorrent. And although fantasies about unpleasant
imagined experiences, or a mixture of both (Leitenberg events, such as a feared performance evaluation, are
& Henning, 1995). Although psychology has empha- not rare, these fantasies are not pleasurable. In contrast,
sized the study of overt behavior, the investigation of fantasies of forced sex are often exciting, pleasurable,
fantasy may provide unique contributions to the field. and sexually arousing (Kanin, 1982).
As sexual fantasies are relatively unconstrained by Although women’s rape fantasies have been a subject
social consequences, they may reveal underlying of formal study since the 1940s, they are not well under-
psychological processes, motives, and predispositions stood. For example, the existence of these fantasies,
more clearly than does overt behavior (Ellis & Symons, along with the belief that fantasies often operate in
1990). terms of wish fulfillment, allows a possible interpre-
In the realm of sexual fantasies, the area that almost tation that, at some level, women may want to be
certainly has posed the greatest conceptual challenge for raped (Deutsch, 1944; Maslow, 1942). Although many
researchers is that of ‘‘rape fantasies.’’ Women’s rape researchers have argued against such an interpretation,
fantasies exist as a psychological enigma. As Hazen their positions have not been entirely convincing, largely
(1983) articulated, ‘‘It does not seem normal that a per- because of gaps, ambiguities, or other weaknesses in the
son should want to imagine rape. The true mystery is explanations given.
why anyone does’’ (p. 23). Although people often day- One reason why these fantasies are not well under-
dream about events that they do not want to happen, stood is that the study of women’s rape fantasies may
rape fantasies differ in key respects. For example, one have been systematically avoided by some researchers
could fantasize an extramarital affair. For some, an and theorists. Greater awareness that some women
affair would be exciting, both as fantasy and in have erotic rape fantasies could reinforce the myth that
actuality, but they may not want to engage in actual infi- women want to be forced into sex, and this might
delity because of negative consequences to the marriage. encourage male sexual aggression. In addition, psycho-
In contrast, rape would be avoided not only because of analytic (Deutsch, 1944; Freud, 1933=1965) and some
feminist positions (Brownmiller, 1975; Russell, 1980)
have maintained that rape fantasies are masochistic
Correspondence should be addressed to Joseph W. Critelli, and pathological, which suggests that there is some-
Psychology Department, University of North Texas, P.O. Box 311280, thing wrong with the women who have them.
Denton, TX 76205-1280, USA. E-mail: critelli@unt.edu
CRITELLI AND BIVONA

As pioneering sex researcher Alfred Kinsey and considered here. In addition, nearly all studies have
colleagues (1953) forcefully argued, avoiding an area failed to distinguish between the rape fantasies of
of study that is difficult to understand and perhaps heterosexuals and those of lesbians, so conclusions as
uncomfortable to discuss blocks the growth of knowl- to possible effects of sexual orientation cannot be
edge, perpetuates ignorance, and, in the long term, reached at this time.
diminishes societal well-being. Just as important, an
avoidance of this topic sends the false and disturbing
message that there is something shameful about Defining Rape Fantasies
women’s sexuality.
One purpose of the present analysis is to develop a For the purposes of the present review, the term
more integrated, comprehensive, and contextual expla- ‘‘rape fantasy’’ will follow legal definitions of rape and
nation of the phenomenon of rape fantasies so that indi- sexual assault (Corpus Juris Secundum, 2002). This
viduals can better understand why the speculation that term will refer to women’s fantasies that involve the
women want to be raped is in error. We will evaluate use of physical force, threat of force, or incapacitation
existing theories of rape fantasy, seek out other theories through, for example, sleep or intoxication, to coerce a
that can be applied to this phenomenon, and identify woman into sexual activity against her will, that is,
which lines of explanation appear to be rationally sound against the will of the character she identifies with in
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and empirically viable. At the rational level the focus the fantasy. Thus rape fantasies contain three key
will be on whether the theory makes sense. Do its elements: force, sex, and nonconsent. Because indivi-
conceptual strands fit together in a logical and internally duals exert control over the contents of their own fanta-
consistent manner? Which aspects of rape fantasy does sies, many rape fantasies involve sexual activities that
the theory address and which aspects go unexplained? take place consistent with the will and desire of the fan-
At the empirical level the focus will be on how consistent tasizer, even though these activities are against the will
the theory is with data obtained by third-person and of her self-character in the fantasy. From the point of
self-observations, along with a methodological evalu- view of the self-character, there is nonconsent, and these
ation of the quality and credibility of these data. are rape fantasies. From the viewpoint of the fantasizer,
Key questions will guide the analyses: How many an implicit consent has been given and these fantasies
women engage in fantasies of forced sex? Are there might be viewed as ritual displays of male dominance
personality differences between women who have rape and female surrender (Fisher, 1999).
fantasies and those who do not? And what function
do these fantasies serve? Finally, we will begin the pro-
cess of integrating the lines of explanation into a more The Prevalence of Women’s Rape Fantasies
complete understanding of women’s rape fantasies.
We will review more than 30 years of research on A thorough review of the literature on women’s
rape fantasies. It can be argued that, despite this fantasies of forced sex was conducted. Key word
research, any attempt to make final judgments as to searches were carried out on PsychInfo and EBSCOhost.
the validity of the various theories of rape fantasy would The key words, along with truncated versions thereof,
be premature. Early researchers acknowledged the included the following: sex, rape, sexual assault, force,
importance of female erotic rape fantasies, and research forced sex, coercive sex, and submission, with each of
activity in this area increased vigorously between the these combined with fantasy, daydream, and imagery.
1970s and 1980s. This activity, however, has since All sources identified in these searches and their
diminished. This reduction may have to do with the references were examined for possible inclusion.
previously noted social reservations attached to this Table 1 displays the empirical studies that have
topic, or researchers simply may have come to a tempo- reported either the prevalence (percent of women) or fre-
rary impasse. But the reduction has not come about quency of women’s rape fantasies. Twenty studies were
because researchers have arrived at a consensus as to identified. All used convenience samples, seven from
the meaning and function of rape fantasies. Thus we the noncollege community and 13 from college students.
would argue that, although final judgments are not yet Several methodological concerns place limits on the
possible, this is the time for taking stock and preparing conclusions that can be reached from these data. Some
the way for future developments in an area that is impor- measures ask for a direct self-report of whether the
tant in its own right, as a major fantasy theme for women, individual has ever had rape fantasies, and others ask
and important as a scientific enigma whose solution subjects to write out their favorite sexual fantasies,
can lead to a deeper understanding of female sexuality. which are later rated for presence of forced sex. Indivi-
The present analysis covers women’s waking, erotic duals may have had rape fantasies but do not consider
rape fantasies. Although men also have rape fantasies them to be favorite fantasies or they may be reluctant
(Leitenberg & Henning, 1995), these should be con- or embarrassed to write out a detailed description of a
sidered a separate phenomenon and they will not be rape fantasy. Thus the fantasy logs provide valuable

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RAPE FANTASIES

Table 1. How Common are Women’s Rape Fantasies?


Wording of Rape Fantasy Prevalence/Frequency of
Study Sample Measure(s) Measure Rape Fantasies
Hariton & Singer Community sample; Checklist of sexual fantasies ‘‘I imagine that I am being 49% have had fantasy. 14%
(1974) N ¼ 141; married women; during intercourse. overpowered or forced have as recurring fantasy.
Median age: 32; 76% to surrender.’’ Second most frequent
Jewish. sexual fantasy of 15.
Hunt (1974) Community sample; Solitary item on rape ‘‘Being forced to have sex.’’ 19% of those who have
N ¼ 1,044; Age: 75% fantasy during masturbated have had
25–77; 71% married. masturbation. fantasy.
Crepault, Abraham, Community sample; N ¼ 66 Checklist of sexual fantasies ‘‘Scene in which you are the 42% have had the fantasy.
Porto, & Couture partnered women from during sexual activities victim of aggression.’’ 9% have the fantasy
(1977) Quebec, France, and with partner. ‘‘often.’’ 33% have the
Switzerland; Age: 20–40. fantasy ‘‘occasionally.’’
13th most frequent=12th
most prevalent of 31.
Sue (1979) College sample; N ¼ 116 Checklist of sexual fantasies ‘‘Being forced or 36% have had fantasy. 4th
sexually active women; during intercourse. overpowered into a most prevalent of 13.
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Mean age: 19; 93% sexual relationship.’’


single.
Masters & Johnson Community sample; N ¼ 60 (30 Face-to-face interviews. ‘‘Forced sexual Homosexuals: Most
(1979) heterosexual, 30 homosexual) encounters.’’ frequent sexual fantasy
Age not reported. Volunteered of 5. Heterosexuals: 2nd
to be observed having sex. most frequent sexual
fantasy of 5.
Talbot, Beech, & Community sample; N ¼ 67 Checklist of sexual fantasies ‘‘Overpowered=raped’’ 29% have had fantasy.
Vaughan (1980) sexually active women; Mean during sexual activity. (exact item not listed).
age: 27; Volunteers were author
acquaintances=referrals.
Responses mailed in.
Kanin (1982) College sample; N ¼ 203; Age Solitary rape fantasy item. ‘‘Since college entrance, did 57% have had rape fantasy.
not reported. you ever have fantasies 29% have had erotic rape
(daydreams) about being fantasies. 29% have had
raped? More specifically, aversive rape fantasies.
did you ever have Aversive rape fantasies:
thoughts where you put 4 times per year.
yourself in the place of a
woman being raped so
that you were able to
visualize the rape
situation and the rapist?’’
Price & Miller College sample; N ¼ 73; 62% Checklist of sexual ‘‘Being overpowered or African Americans: 2nd
(1984) Caucasian, 38% African fantasies. forced to surrender most frequent of 34
American; Mean age: sexually against sexual fantasies.
21; 70% single. your will.’’ Caucasians: 9th most
frequent of 34 sexual
fantasies.
Knafo & Jaffe College sample; N ¼ 30; Checklist of sexual fantasies ‘‘I imagine that I am being Intercourse: Most frequent
(1984) Mean age: 22; 100% during masturbation, overpowered or forced sexual fantasy of 21.
American Jews. intercourse, and when not to surrender.’’ Masturbation: 4th most
engaging in sexual frequent of 21. Nonsexual
behavior. behavior: 5th most
frequent of 21.
Davidson (1985) College sample; N ¼ 166 Checklist of sexual ‘‘Overpowered by 16% listed as one of 5
sexually experienced fantasies. an acquaintance.’’ favorite sexual fantasies.
women; Mean age: 21.
Price, Allensworth, College sample; N ¼ 64 Checklist of sexual ‘‘Being overpowered or Heterosexuals: 7th most
& Hillman (1985) (33 heterosexual, fantasies. forced to surrender frequent of 34 sexual
31 homosexual); sexually against fantasies. Homosexuals:
Age: 18–44. your will.’’ Not in 10 most frequent
of 34.

(Continued )

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CRITELLI AND BIVONA

Table 1. Continued
Wording of Rape Fantasy Prevalence/Frequency of
Study Sample Measure(s) Measure Rape Fantasies
Davidson & College sample; N ¼ 212 Checklist of sexual ‘‘Overpowered by 15% included acquaintance
Hoffman (1986) married students; Mean age: 28 fantasies. Rank 5 acquaintance and as one of 5 favorite. 7th
favorite sexual forced to sexually most preferred of 49.
fantasies of 49. surrender.’’
‘‘Overpowered by 9% included stranger as one
stranger and forced of 5 favorite. 14th most
to sexually surrender.’’ preferred of 49.
Wilson (1987) Community sample; N ¼ 409 Describe favorite ‘‘rape=force’’ 13% included ‘‘rape=force’’
Readers of British daily sexual fantasy. content in favorite sexual
newspaper; Mean age: 28 fantasy.
Pelletier & Herold College sample; N ¼ 136 Checklist of sexual ‘‘Forced sex with 51% have had the fantasy.
(1988) single women; Mean age: 22 fantasies. a male.’’
‘‘Forced sex with 18% have had the fantasy.
more than one male.’’
Person, Terestman, College sample; N ¼ 77; Checklist of sexual ‘‘Being forced to submit.’’ 31% have had the fantasy.
Myers, Goldberg, Age: 80% 20–26; 80% single. fantasies. 20% had fantasy in the last
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& Salvadori 3 months.


(1989)
Gold & Clegg (1990) College sample; N ¼ 58; Fantasy log for N=A 26% wrote sexual fantasy
Age not reported. 3 sexual fantasies. with at least some use
of force.
Gold, Balzano, & College samples; Experiment Fantasy log for 3 N=A Experiment 1: 17% wrote
Stamey (1991) 1: N ¼ 94; Experiment 2: frequent sexual sexual fantasy with at
N ¼ 87; Ages not reported. fantasies. least some use of force.
Experiment 2: 9% wrote
sexual fantasy with at
least some use of force.
Hsu, Kling, Kessler, College sample; N ¼ 106; Checklist of sexual ‘‘Being forced to submit.’’ 36% have had the fantasy.
Knapke, Mean age: 25; 72% single. fantasies. 22% have had fantasy
Diefenbach, & within the last 3 months.
Elias (1994)
Strassberg & College sample; N ¼ 137; Checklist of sexual ‘‘I imagine I am being 55% have had the fantasy.
Lockerd (1998) Median age: 20. fantasies. Fantasy log overpowered or M ¼ 3 times=month. 8th
for 3 favorite sexual forced to surrender.’’ most prevalent sexual
fantasies. fantasy of 16.
12% wrote fantasy
involving force.
Shulman & Internet survey; N ¼ 261; Checklist of sexual ‘‘Scene in which you 33% have had the fantasy.
Horne (2006) Median age: 26. fantasies. have the impression 10% have fantasy once a
of being raped.’’ month or more.

evidence but they can offer only lower-bound estimates included a number of older women. Without a
of prevalence. In addition, when participants are asked replication of this finding, it is unclear whether this
directly if they have had rape fantasies, the item used indicates that women typically do not engage in rape
may either appear on its own or as part of a checklist fantasies during masturbation or, perhaps, whether it
of sexual fantasies. When asked as part of a checklist, reflects an age-related decrease in rape fantasies, as
which has been the most common procedure, this may Hunt suggested that women over 35 showed unusually
guide individuals to respond in terms of fantasies that low prevalence rates. Another study (Talbot, Beech, &
are more erotic in nature, whereas stand-alone items Vaughan, 1980) used a sample of author acquaintances
may be more likely to reflect either erotic or aversive and their referrals, making these data nearly uninterpre-
rape fantasies. In the following discussion, results based table. Because of these special methodological concerns,
on stand-alone measures will be identified explicitly. findings from these two studies appear in Table 1 but
The term ‘‘context’’ will refer to what activity the will not be included in summary statistics.
individual was engaging in during the rape fantasy, such As the number of studies involved with each of the
as masturbation, intercourse, sexual activities with a specific comparisons employed below is six or fewer
partner, and nonsexual activity. One study (Hunt, and these studies typically vary in methodology, it
1974) yielded an unusually low prevalence: 19% of the would not be meaningful to report aggregated indexes,
women who had masturbated reported having rape fan- such as weighted means and confidence intervals; these
tasies during masturbation. In addition, this study would give an appearance of conclusiveness that would

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RAPE FANTASIES

not be justified by the data (Wilkinson & Task Force Two ways of considering rape fantasies are to assess
on Statistical Inference, 1999). We will, however, their relative prevalence and relative frequency of
characterize the distribution of scores so that their occurrence as compared with other sexual fantasies.
practical and theoretical implications can be determined. Unfortunately, there is no standardization across studies
Key comparisons were made regarding type of in their checklists of sexual fantasies, with lists differing
sample, context, and item wording. Community and considerably in number of fantasy items included, ran-
student samples would be expected to differ somewhat ging from five items to 34 items. With this caution in
on age, educational level, and perhaps on socioeconomic mind, relative prevalence indicates that rape fantasies
status (SES). Table 1 indicates that estimates of how are not the most common sexual fantasies, but they do
many women have had rape fantasies are comparable show a median ranking in the top 10. With regard to
for the community and student samples. Community relative frequency for those who do have rape fantasies,
estimates ranged from 31% to 49%, while student sam- they show a median ranking within the three most
ples ranged from 31% to 57%. With regard to context, frequently experienced sexual fantasies.
estimates of ever having rape fantasies with context For absolute frequencies of rape fantasies, estimates
unspecified show a range of 31% to 57%, while have varied. Strassberg and Lockerd (1998) found that
estimates for rape fantasies during intercourse or other 55% of females have had rape fantasies, and these
sexual activities are comparable, ranging from 36% to females estimated that their rape fantasies occurred an
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49%. With the possible exception of rape fantasy during average of three times a month with a median of once
masturbation, context does not appear to be a major a month. Shulman and Horne (2006), in an Internet sur-
factor. The wording of the rape fantasy item did not vey, reported that 10% of women have rape fantasies
appear to affect results. Studies that used a variation that occur once a month or more. Two studies (Person,
of ‘‘overpowered or forced’’ showed a range of 31% to Terestman, Myers, Goldberg, & Salvadori, 1989; Hsu
55%, while those using the more explicit wording of et al., 1994, respectively) have estimated the percentage
‘‘rape’’ ranged from 34% to 57%. of women who have had rape fantasies within the last
As awareness of rape as a social problem and 3 months as 20% and 22%. With the exception of those
depictions of rape in the popular culture have increased by Strassberg and Lockerd (1998), the above estimates
over the past 40 years (Bevacqua, 2000), it is possible that are fairly consistent.
this has affected the prevalence of rape fantasies. An
inspection of prevalence across decades reveals that
studies published in the 1970s show prevalence rates Erotic and Aversive Rape Fantasies
ranging from 36% to 49%; studies from the 1980 s show
prevalence rates ranging from 31% to 57%; studies from Kanin (1982) has presented the most detailed content
the 1990 s show prevalence rates ranging from 36% to analysis of rape fantasies. In estimating prevalence of
55%; and the study from the 2000s shows a 34% rate. rape fantasies, he asked a solitary question rather than
Despite the increased prominence of rape themes in popu- embedding the rape item within a checklist of sexual
lar culture, prevalence rates for rape fantasies appear fantasies, and he used unusually direct and explicit
to have been relatively stable over the past 4 decades. wording (see Table 1), which may have primed parti-
Overall, there are nine reports of the percentage cipants to report more fearful or aversive fantasies.
of women who have had rape fantasies, with these Kanin stated that some women have rape fantasies that
estimates ranging from 31% to 57%. Estimates were are exclusively sexual and erotic, while other women
evenly distributed, with a median of 42%. In addition, have rape fantasies that are exclusively fearful and
these may be underestimates. Claims have been made aversive. This conclusion may be somewhat misleading,
within the academic and popular cultures that rape as 21% of his participants classified their fantasies as
fantasies reflect personal and societal pathology (e.g., reflecting a combination of sexual excitement and
Brownmiller, 1975). Sentiments such as these suggest fear=terror, and 54% of fantasies that were character-
that many women may be ashamed of having rape fan- ized as exclusively fearful contained male rapists who
tasies. For example, research (Gold, Balzano, & Stamey, were described as physically attractive.
1991) has found that women who wrote fantasies of According to Kanin, erotic rape fantasies contain low
forced sex also rated themselves as more frightened, to moderate levels of fear with no realistic violence.
guilty, and disgusted after writing the fantasy than did In these fantasies, women typically are approached
women who did not write about forced sex. aggressively by a dominant and attractive male who is
Table 1 shows that there are eight known estimates of overcome with desire for her; she feels or expresses
the percentage of women for whom rape fantasies are nonconsent and presents minimal resistance; he over-
frequently recurring or preferred sexual fantasies. These powers her and takes her sexually. Kanin made the
estimates range from 9% to 17%, with a median of interpretation that these were not true rape fantasies, that
14%. As with the prevalence findings, these may be the described resistance amounted to a ‘‘token no,’’ and he
underestimates. called these ‘‘seduction fantasies.’’ Participants themselves

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CRITELLI AND BIVONA

characterized these as rape situations, however, and the another, and some stand on stronger ground than do
self-character in these fantasies showed nonconsent. As others.
no evidence was presented that the self-character’s non- An acceptable explanation should address the three
consent was insincere, the label of ‘‘seduction’’ does not defining features of erotic rape fantasy: sex, use of force
seem justified. Certainly, in actual rapes minimal resist- to obtain sex, and female nonconsent. In particular, a
ance and female sexual arousal do sometimes occur (Dud- theory should explain why many women actively engage
dle, 1991; Johnson, 1985), and their occurrence would not in rape fantasy for their own enjoyment and erotic
render the encounter a seduction rather than a rape. arousal when their dominant reaction to actual rape is
Aversive rape fantasies come closer to representing one of repugnance. And as a large majority of women
realistic rape. In these fantasies, the male is more likely have consensual sexual fantasies (Leitenberg &
to be older, unattractive, and a stranger. These fantasies Henning, 1995), it should explain why women engage
contain coercive and painful violence, and little or no in rape fantasies when they could just as easily initiate
sexual arousal. A typical scenario for an aversive fantasy a consensual fantasy.
would consist of an assailant ‘‘grabbing, throwing to the
ground, ripping off clothing, while the victim is fighting
Masochism
to keep the aggressor from achieving penetration’’
(Kanin, 1982, p. 117). Kanin found that women with The earliest major theory of rape fantasy is a psycho-
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aversive rape fantasies were more apprehensive about analytic position developed by Deutsch (1944), which
actual rape and more likely to have dreams of rape than states that rape fantasies are an expression of women’s
were other women. The more aversive rape fantasies innate masochism, i.e., their unconscious desire for suf-
may operate as attempts to deal with the fear of actual fering and pain. Deutsch speculated that, because girls
rape by gaining some sense of control over rape situa- are physically weaker and more in need of protection
tions and rehearsing how one might deal with actual than are boys, movements toward independence from
rape (Gold & Clegg, 1990; Gold, et al., 1991). the parents and the expression of natural aggressive
Kanin (1982) found that 29% of his subjects reported impulses are more strongly inhibited in girls than
having aversive rape fantasies. No other studies have they are in boys. To help induce this renunciation of
classified rape fantasies in this way, and his methods independence and aggression, parents offer their
were unique and may have primed participants to recall daughters the reward of being loved and cared for: ‘‘In
aversive fantasies. Several studies using more conven- this renunciation the aggressive forces that are not
tional methodologies have suggested that a small pro- actively spent must find an outlet, and they do this by
portion of rape fantasies are aversive (Maltz, 1995), endowing the passive state of being loved with a
including those of some women who were sexually masochistic character’’ (Deutsch, 1944, p. 251).
abused as children (Gold, 1991). Women who have been The empirical evidence does not support masochism
raped as adults, however, are not more likely than as a general explanation of rape fantasies. Kanin
other women to have rape fantasies (Gold et al., 1991; (1982) examined women’s written descriptions of rape
Gold & Clegg, 1990; Kanin, 1982), suggesting that these fantasies specifically to determine if, in the fantasy,
fantasies are not reexperiences of past adult sexual women appeared to be deriving sexual pleasure from
aggression. It appears that most of the current research the pain and suffering of rape, and he found no evidence
deals with erotic rape fantasies, and these will be the for masochism. Bond and Mosher (1986) presented
focus of the present investigation. women with either realistic depictions of rape containing
pain and suffering or with depictions containing mini-
mal discomfort and found reported sexual arousal to
Current Explanations for Rape Fantasies be much higher in the latter. Most women, over 99%
by one assessment (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, &
Researchers and clinicians have created a number of Michaels, 1994), clearly state that they do not want to
theories for explaining rape fantasies. Each of the major be raped in reality, and considerable evidence supports
theories will be examined and evaluated in an attempt to the demonstrated fact that they would be repulsed
develop a clearer and more comprehensive understand- and traumatized by actual rape (Bond & Mosher,
ing of why some women have rape fantasies. It is 1986; Gold et al., 1991; Resnick & Acierno, 1997; Wil-
unlikely that one of these theories is right and all the son, 1987).
others are misguided, and it is unlikely that all women On the other hand, Hsu and colleagues (1994) found
have rape fantasies for the same reason. Instead, a that 8% of women in a sample of college students had
theory may provide a valid explanation for one compo- fantasies of being sexually degraded, and 5% had fanta-
nent of rape fantasies, so that various theories would sies of being whipped or beaten by a partner. Estimates
need to be combined and integrated to approach a com- are that between 5% and 10% of the general population
prehensive understanding. At the same time, it is clear has engaged in some form of sexual masochism and that
that some of these theories are incompatible with one these acts generally are consensual, pleasurable, and

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RAPE FANTASIES

nonpathological (Baumeister & Butler, 1997). As might scored higher than other women on positive attitudes
be expected, some research (Gosselin, Wilson, & Barrett, toward sexual stimuli (Gold et al., 1991; Shulman &
1991) indicates that women who engage in masochistic Horne, 2006). Thus studies that have provided the most
sex are more likely than other women to fantasize about direct tests of the sexual blame avoidance theory, taken
being forced to do something sexual. Taken together, as a whole, do not support it as a general explanation
these findings suggest that masochism may play a role for rape fantasies.
in the rape fantasies of a small proportion of females. An issue that has not been discussed in this litera-
Deutsch’s theory of the origin of female masochism, ture is that nearly all individuals who have rape fanta-
however, remains untested. sies also engage in consensual sexual fantasies. For
example, Strassberg and Lockerd (1998), in a sample
of college women, found that 97% had experienced
Sexual Blame Avoidance
the fantasy, ‘‘I imagine I am having sex in a secluded
The most frequently cited explanation for why some setting (island, cabin, etc.),’’ while 55% have had rape
women have rape fantasies is that these fantasies allow fantasies. Nearly all women who have rape fantasies
women to avoid blame or responsibility for expressing also have consensual fantasies. As the same women
their sexuality (Crepault et al., 1977; Deutsch, 1944; are experiencing both consensual and rape fantasies,
Hollender, 1970; Knafo & Jaffe, 1984). According to it does not seem likely that they are using the rape fan-
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this explanation, women have been socialized as to the tasies to escape blame for expressing their sexuality. It
importance of not being perceived as promiscuous, is possible, however, that rape fantasies are situation-
overly sexual, or insufficiently reticent with regard to ally triggered; that is, conditions that make sexual
sex. Powerful labels, such as ‘‘loose,’’ ‘‘easy,’’ ‘‘tramp,’’ taboos more salient also may increase the likelihood
and ‘‘slut’’ have been used to control and restrict of rape fantasies.
women’s sexual behavior and, by extension, their sexual Other research on rape fantasy and personality
feelings. This theory suggests that, for some women, a suggests that sexual blame avoidance may be applicable
sexual fantasy of their own in which they participate for some women. Hariton and Singer (1974), in a com-
or seek out consensual sex may arouse anticipations of munity sample of married women, found that having
self-blame and feelings of guilt, anxiety, and depression, rape fantasies during intercourse correlated with marital
which would inhibit sexual gratification. By having the contentment and erotic arousal leading to orgasm.
fantasy take the form of rape, the woman is forced to Hariton (1976), in further qualitative analyses, sug-
do something she does not want to do, so she cannot gested that there may be two different types of women
be blamed for what happens. The use of force combined who have rape fantasies and a third type that does not
with her own nonconsent allows her to avoid blame, have any sexual fantasies during intercourse. The first
reduce guilt and shame, and therefore enhance sexual type, comprising 14% of their sample, reported having
gratification as compared with engaging in a fantasy rape fantasies during intercourse ‘‘very often.’’ These
of consensual sex. women described their rape fantasies as highly erotic,
It has been well documented that, across nearly all often leading to orgasm. Women in this category
cultures, female sexuality has been actively suppressed reported having positive relationships with their
(Allgeier & Allgeier, 2000; Baumeister & Twenge, 2002; husbands and being relatively passive during inter-
Brownmiller, 1975). Thus the precondition for this course. These women were characterized as dependent,
theory is sound. Researchers have inferred from this unobtrusive, controlled, serious, inquisitive, and con-
theory that women who are raised in sexually repressive formist. Hariton’s (1976) second group experienced a
environments, women who are high in sex guilt, and wide variety of sexual fantasies during intercourse,
women who have negative attitudes toward sexual including rape fantasies. This high-variety group was
stimuli would be more likely than other women to described as impulsive, independent, aggressive, and
engage in rape fantasies. nonconformist. This group engaged in rape fantasies,
Studies have produced conflicting evidence, with the but not with the frequency of those in the first group.
majority of research at odds with blame avoidance. In The high variety group showed an active, exploratory
support of the theory, some studies have found that rape approach to sex, engaging in premarital and extramari-
fantasies were more likely in women with high sex guilt tal sex, suggesting that they were not sexually repressed.
(Moreault & Follingstad, 1978) and in women who were A third group was brought up in a background of sexual
reared in sexually repressive families (Hariton & Singer, repression, but these women reported no fantasies at all
1974). One study found no relationship between rape during intercourse, and they had difficulty with orgasm
fantasies and sex guilt (Pelletier & Herold, 1988). In and sexual arousal.
direct opposition to blame avoidance, other research Overall, the evidence for the sexual blame avoidance
has found that women who had rape fantasies scored theory is not strong, but it would be premature to con-
lower than other women on sex guilt (Shulman & clude that this theory is not helpful for understanding
Horne, 2006; Strassberg & Lockerd, 1998) and they rape fantasies. Based on Hariton’s (1976) analysis, it is

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possible that blame avoidance will have validity for did not include forced sex in their written fantasies. In
women who use rape fantasies very often. But her a second sample, women who had written fantasies that
research also suggests that if the level of sexual included forced sex were more sexually experienced in
repression is too high, there may be a shutdown of all terms of number of partners and variety of sexual acts,
sexual fantasies during intercourse. and they had more positive feelings toward sexual stim-
Studies have found that women with high sex guilt uli. Researchers concluded that women who have fanta-
have fewer sexual fantasies in general (Leitenberg & sies of forced sex are interested in a range of sexual
Henning, 1995; Moreault & Follingstad, 1978; Pelletier stimuli and activities.
& Herold, 1988). This creates a problem for a strong Strassberg and Lockerd (1998) found that college
interpretation of the blame avoidance theory, since its women who had rape fantasies and those who included
prediction of sex guilt leading to rape fantasy goes forced sex in their written fantasies scored lower on sex
against this general restriction on sexual fantasies for guilt than did other females. Those who had rape fanta-
those with high sex guilt. It is possible that those who sies also scored higher in sexual experience, had more
are high on sex guilt do not differ from those who are nonforce sexual fantasies, and showed more positive
low on sex guilt in frequency of rape fantasies, but when feelings and expectations toward sexual stimuli than
they do have a sexual fantasy, it may be more likely to did other women. The authors concluded that rape
involve forced sex than would the fantasies of those with fantasies seem to be ‘‘just one more expression of a
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low sex guilt. Thus individuals with high sex guilt may generally open, positive, unrestrictive, and relatively
show a higher proportion of rape to nonrape sexual guilt-free expression of one’s sexuality’’ (p. 413).
fantasies than those who are low in sex guilt. In The openness explanation for why women have rape
other words, previous research may have used an fantasies may complement Hariton’s (1976) descriptive
inappropriate metric to test this theory. system. Recall that one of the types of women that
Hariton identified had a wide variety in their fantasies,
with rape being only one of their many sexual fantasies.
Openness to Sexual Experience
These women were described as impulsive, independent,
In direct contrast to sexual blame avoidance is the aggressive, nonconformist, and exploratory in their
openness to sexual experience theory. Instead of being approach to sex. Hariton’s group that reported frequent
driven by repressed sexuality, this theory states that rape rape fantasies on a checklist, however, does not appear
fantasies may just be part of a woman’s generally open to match the Gold and colleagues (1991) openness
and accepting attitude toward sex (Gold et al., 1991; pattern of those who wrote out frequently occurring fan-
Pelletier & Herold, 1988; Strassberg & Lockerd, 1998). tasies that involved rape. Research that employs both
This theory is more descriptive than explanatory. What checklist and fantasy log methodologies may be able
it does is to identify a pattern of empirical findings and to clarify this issue.
describe what appear to be their direct implications. Although the openness theory does appear to describe
Pelletier and Herold (1988) found that women who the rape fantasies of many women, it may be deficient in
had experienced a greater variety of sex acts and those explaining why women would choose to include force
who had more sexual partners had a greater variety of in their fantasies, and if force is chosen, why the self
sexual fantasies, fantasized more often about sex, and character in these fantasies experiences nonconsent.
were more likely than other women to have rape The openness theory avoids and thus fails to explain
fantasies. The researchers interpreted this to mean that the most central, paradoxical aspects of rape fantasy.
as women have more sexual experiences, their diversity
of fantasies also increases, including rape fantasies.
Desirability
The connection between experience and fantasy has
not yet been elaborated on in this theory. For example, Another explanation for women’s use of rape fantasy
does the diversity of fantasies come from women having considers its implications for a woman’s sense of sexual
fantasies about their actual experiences? With regard to attractiveness and desirability. The essential idea here is
rape fantasies, this does not appear to be the case, as that the rape fantasy portrays the woman as so attract-
women with rape fantasies are not more likely than ive, seductive, and desirable that the man loses control,
other women to have experienced actual rape (Gold breaking core expectations of civil decency in order to
et al., 1991; Gold & Clegg, 1990; Kanin, 1982). have her (Hariton, 1973; Heiman et al., 1976; Kanin,
Gold and colleagues (1991) had college females write 1982; Knafo & Jaffe, 1984). In this way, the rape becomes
out their three most frequently occurring sexual fanta- a testament to her sexual power. Kanin (1982) suggests
sies. Those who wrote a fantasy that included forced that such a fantasy not only enhances the female’s self-
sexual activity also had written fantasies with more esteem, but also generates excitement as she feels the
themes of group sex and sex with strangers. These extent of the man’s desire. Women often mention ‘‘feeling
women had also read more soft-core pornography and desired’’ by a partner as an excitatory factor in sex
had seen more pornographic movies than those who (Graham, Sanders, Milhausen, & McBride, 2004).

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RAPE FANTASIES

Zurbriggen and Yost (2004) found that fantasies with As the fantasy theme of perpetrating rape on women
forced sex were no more likely than other fantasies to is not a dominant male fantasy (Leitenberg & Henning,
include descriptions of the male’s sexual desire. 1995), and since a sizable minority of men themselves
Although inconsistent with one implication of desir- have fantasies of being forced into sex by women, it
ability theory, this study does not provide a direct seems unlikely that men would be the source for
enough test of the theory to place it in jeopardy. women’s fantasies of forced sex. Currently, it does not
Researchers might investigate, for example, whether seem likely that this theory plays a major role in explain-
women who are most insecure about their attractiveness ing female rape fantasies, especially since gender roles
to men are more likely than others to have rape fantasies have changed considerably over the past 40 years
or whether, among women who do have rape fantasies, (New Strategist Editors, 2006) while, as indicated pre-
those who are more insecure about their desirability viously, the prevalence of rape fantasies has been stable.
have these fantasies with greater frequency.
It seems likely that desirability contributes to the
Biological Predisposition to Surrender
occurrence of rape fantasies, but there are other fantasy
themes that also, and perhaps more directly, focus on In contrast to Brownmiller’s cultural explanation for
the woman’s desirability. For example, Strassberg and women’s rape fantasies, this theory suggests that under-
Lockerd (1998) found the following themes to be similar lying biological factors play a role in the attractiveness
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in prevalence to rape fantasies: ‘‘I imagine myself of rape as a fantasy theme for women. In a number of
delighting many men,’’ and ‘‘I pretend that I am another species, for copulation to take place, the male must
irresistibly sexy female.’’ Desirability theory could be present a display of dominance, pursue, and some-
tested by determining whether women who have times physically subdue the female (Fisher, 1999).
rape fantasies are also more likely than other women Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1989) explains that the reciprocal dis-
to have other desirability fantasies. play of male dominance=female surrender is a basic pat-
tern in the animal world, and that these predispositions
originate from primitive brain regions that have evolved
Male Rape Culture
to insure successful mating in reptiles, birds, and mam-
Brownmiller (1975) argued that women’s rape fanta- mals. Helen Fisher (1999) suggests that females may
sies are a pathological manifestation of male-dominated have a natural desire to surrender to a selected, domi-
culture. She maintained that, ‘‘the rape fantasy exists in nant male. If so, humans may also have a corresponding
women as a man-made iceberg’’ that can and should be tendency to portray this ritual in fantasy. Fisher main-
destroyed by feminism (p. 322). Brownmiller observed tains, however, that the human desire to surrender is
that American culture is saturated with fantasies of not a desire for actual rape. There is currently no evo-
men as the conquering sexual hero and sexual aggressor, lutionary basis for thinking that women would have a
while women’s attractiveness to men is predicated on natural predisposition to seek rape. To the contrary,
showing vulnerability and playing the victim. She rape almost certainly would have reduced the repro-
argued that, as women have not been given the oppor- ductive success of ancestral human females by making
tunity to explore and create their own sexual fantasies, them vulnerable to impregnation by men with inferior
the fantasies they do have are a product of male genes. Because women’s total reproductive output as
conditioning. In her view, rape fantasies are ‘‘a pitiful measured by number of children is relatively restricted,
effort on the part of young girls . . . to find their sexuality much of their long-term reproductive success would
within the context of male [desires]’’ (p. 325). have been determined by the selection of strong, domi-
There is no research that directly tests this theory, but nant, healthy mates who could pass on some of these
several studies do have implications for its validity. advantageous traits to her children (Fisher, 1999). Both
Certainly, the culture is permeated with depictions of rape and any desire for rape by nonselected males would
men as conquering sexual heroes and women as vulner- reduce women’s reproductive success.
able sex objects, and one way of developing a fantasy At the present time, it would be premature to attempt
storyline is to combine these depictions into a theme an evaluation of the relative contributions of cultural and
of rape. In contrast to Brownmiller’s position, several biological explanations of rape fantasy, and the biological
studies indicate that roughly 10%–20% of men also predisposition to surrender has not been directly tested.
have fantasies of being forced into sex (Hunt, 1974; It is of considerable importance, however, to determine
Person et al., 1989; Sue, 1979). This large proportion whether women’s erotic rape fantasies are arbitrary
of men in a submissive role to women is not consistent cultural artifacts or whether they have biological roots.
with the view of a monolithic male culture that forces
ideas of rape onto women. In addition, research
Sympathetic Activation
(Shulman & Horne, 2006) has found that women who
espouse feminist beliefs are just as likely to have Although theory and research on sympathetic physio-
fantasies of forced sex as are other women. logical activation have not previously been linked to

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rape fantasies, this literature makes an important contri- whereas moderate levels of stimulus intensity may
bution to understanding how rape fantasies might func- facilitate a response, high levels are often disruptive
tion. Sympathetic activation enhances ‘‘fight or flight’’ (Anderson, 1990; Yerkes & Dodson, 1908).
reactions by, for example, dilating pupils to facilitate No research has tested the sympathetic activation
vision, constricting peripheral arteries to supply more theory with reference to rape fantasies, but its empirical
blood to the muscles and brain, and secreting epineph- support in related areas is promising. As a start,
rine to increase metabolism. A growing body of evidence researchers could determine whether rape fantasies are
indicates that anxiety, fear, and anger, which activate effective in producing sympathetic activation. Research
sympathetic arousal, can enhance sexual response. also should determine whether erotic rape fantasies
Some of the fear-inducing stimuli that have been used during intercourse result in enhanced attraction to an
include crossing an unstable bridge (Dutton & Aron, actual partner.
1974) and threat of electric shock (Barlow, Sakheim, &
Beck, 1983). Palace and Gorzalka (1990) found that,
Adversary Transformation
during an erotic video, female subjects with anxiety
pre-exposure showed enhanced rate and magnitude of Romance novels, which account for 40% of mass
genital arousal (vaginal blood volume), as compared paperback sales in the United States (Salmon &
to those with neutral preexposure. Symons, 2003), are erotic love stories written almost
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Recent work on the physiology of sexual arousal exclusively by women for a female audience, and it is
suggests that the interaction of both sympathetic and not uncommon for these novels to include themes of
parasympathetic systems is crucial for women’s sexual rape. One review of historical romance novels found
response (Motofei & Rowland, 2005). Palace and that 54% included the rape of the lead female character
Gorzalka (1990) state that anxiety may enhance sexual (Thurston, 1987). In particular, Hazen’s (1983) analysis
arousal through the direct instigation of sympathetic of rape in romance novels also functions as a theory of
activation (i.e., increased blood pressure, heart rate, women’s erotic rape fantasies.
respiration, and muscle tension), which prepares the In essence, both romance novels and rape fantasies
way for genital arousal and vaginal lubrication. They are created works of fiction. Sexual fantasies are self-
explained that an anxiety-evoking stimulus ‘‘provides a generated erotic stories often intentionally initiated to
jump start or preparedness for sexual arousal. When provide enjoyment and sexual arousal. Romance novels
sexual cues are provided, this enhanced sympathetic are structured erotic fantasies that individuals inten-
responsivity may activate specific genital responses’’ tionally expose themselves to, typically for emotional
(Palace & Gorzalka, 1990, p. 410). satisfaction and sexual arousal. In a rape fantasy women
In a related line of research, a meta-analysis (Foster, create an imaginary scenario and they participate in the
Witcher, Campbell, & Green, 1998) concluded that sym- fantasy through the rape experience of their self
pathetic physiological activation, whether the source is character. In a romance novel that includes rape, women
aversive, such as fear or anger, or nonaversive, such as identify with the lead female character and vicariously
physical exercise, increases attraction to an attractive experience her rape.
individual in the situation and decreases attraction to Hazen (1983) notes that, although the hero in
an unattractive person. romance novels must be handsome, he may also be
As previously discussed (Kanin, 1982), during erotic cruel. Gorry (1999), in a content analysis of male
rape fantasies women typically envision an attractive romance heroes, found that these men are strong,
male overcome with passion who uses mild to moderate masculine, muscular, sexually bold, and dangerous.
force to overcome her nonconsent. The level of violence According to Salmon and Symons (2003), romance
used is typically minimal, resulting in little pain. During heroes are not gentle and sensitive; they are men with
the fantasy, the woman may experience some anticipa- the physical and temperamental qualities of warriors.
tional anxiety, fear, tension, and anger, along with There are systematic differences in the ways that men
images of struggling against the assailant. In addition, and women view sexual interactions. In sexual fantasies,
this fantasy is often experienced as part of consensual both consensual and forced, men typically see them-
sex with a chosen, attractive partner. According to selves as doers and women see themselves as the ones
research on sympathetic activation, such a fantasy would to whom sexual acts are done (Ellis & Symons, 1990;
be expected to increase sexual arousal and to increase Leitenberg & Henning, 1995). When men view explicit
sexual attraction to an actual partner. In other words, sexual activity, the woman in the scene often functions
this theory provides a physiological basis for understand- as a sexual object and he imagines taking her out of
ing how rape fantasies can enhance sexual experience. the scene and having sex with her. Viewing the same
In the case of aversive rape fantasies, the presence of scene, women typically imagine themselves as the object
an unattractive fantasy rapist and the level of violence of male passion rather than focusing on the male and
employed may produce reactions of disgust rather than expressing her passion for him (Money & Ehrhardt,
erotic arousal. Considerable research indicates that, 1972). This carries over to romance fiction, where the

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RAPE FANTASIES

focus is on the heroine’s subjective experience of the and penetrate a woman despite her nonconsent. More
male’s passion for her and sometimes of her pain from aversive fantasies typically involve a threatening, often
male abuse, which heightens the emotional intensity of unattractive, male who uses more violent levels of force
the story (Hazen, 1983). to rape or attempt to rape a female who shows strong
Hazen argues that the romance novel presents the nonconsent and active resistance. Erotic rape fantasies
heroine with an exciting challenge. In male fiction, are not realistic depictions of actual rape. Most research
the challenge takes the form of a violent confrontation has involved erotic rape fantasies, and there is currently
with an evil adversary. In romance novels, there is no good basis for estimating proportions of rape
often a violent confrontation with a dominant, sexually fantasies that are more erotic or more aversive.
aggressive adversary who appears to be evil. The chal-
lenge for the heroine is to conquer his heart, seduce
Erotic Rape Fantasies and Wish Fulfillment
him into falling in love with her, have him voluntarily
make a lifetime commitment to her, and transform his The erotic rape fantasy exists as a psychological
apparent evil and cruelty into something more socially enigma: many females actively engage in an erotic
acceptable without diminishing his masculinity. In and pleasurable fantasy of an encounter that satisfies
romance novels, rape is used as an effective means of the technical definition of rape, that is, nonconsensual
creating excitement and dramatic tension. Hazen forced sex, when the actual experience of such an
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argues that, in the female imagination, shattered purity encounter would be traumatic and repugnant.
through violent sex is a primordial danger whose Because fantasies often involve a wish fulfillment,
tension creates a powerful story. does this mean that many women want to be raped
In romance novels the narrative structure allows the in real life? Some early theories conjoined the notions
fantasy to continue to completion in marriage. In of fantasy wish fulfillment and female masochism to
erotic rape fantasies, the notion of conquering the heart answer this question in the affirmative. Nearly all
of the rapist may be implicit. Researchers could investi- current researchers disagree with this position, and
gate the attitude of the rapist toward the self character the evidence does not support masochism theory for
at the end of the fantasy. Has he been won over and the vast majority of women. At the same time, expla-
transformed? For rape fantasies that occur during inter- nations given for why so many women would have
course, research could determine whether there is any erotic fantasies about rape often have been concep-
linkage between the partner and the fantasy rapist. tually deficient. Some have mentioned that rape fanta-
Adversary transformation provides a fresh view of sies are not all that popular, that the fantasies are not
what may transpire in rape fantasies, but it is yet to be very realistic, and that women can control their fanta-
empirically tested. It is generally compatible with each sies but they cannot control actual rape. These points
of the other theories except for masochism and male are well taken, but they do not answer the question
rape culture, and it shows a close fit to sympathetic of why women would want to have fantasies that
activation theory. depict their own rape.
Viewing rape fantasies with a simplistic model of wish
fulfillment assumes that what is important is what the
fantasy reveals about real-life desires. It also assumes
Conclusion
that rape, as a fantasy event, corresponds in toto to
actual rape. These assumptions may lead to a misinter-
The Context for Understanding Rape Fantasies
pretation of rape fantasies. Fantasies are powerful
Current research indicates that from 31% to 57% of emotional experiences in their own right, and the aspects
women have had rape fantasies, with from 9% to 17% of rape fantasy that do apply to wish fulfillment may
reporting that rape fantasies are either a frequent occur- involve an aspect or component of fantasized rape
rence or a favorite fantasy. Because rape fantasies are rather than a desire for actual rape. For example,
perceived as socially unacceptable or potentially embar- biological predisposition and sympathetic activation
rassing, these are most likely underestimates. Although theories suggest that what is ‘‘wished for’’ in real life is
rape fantasies are not the most prevalent or most surrender to a powerful and attractive selected male
frequent sexual fantasies, they are among the most and a sense of danger, excitement, and passion in real-
popular, and they play a major role in the fantasy lives life relationships. In addition, simplistic wish fulfillment
of one or two women in 10. is not supported empirically, as women who have erotic
The content of rape fantasies appears to vary along a rape fantasies are not more likely than other women to
continuum, possibly with the majority of women who be rape victims (Gold et al., 1991; Gold & Clegg, 1990;
have experienced rape fantasies having primarily one Kanin, 1982). If having rape fantasies revealed a motive
type or the other. The more erotic fantasies typically for actual rape, one would expect at least a moderately
involve an attractive, dominant male who is overcome by strong relationship between fantasy rape and actual
passion and uses mild to moderate force to overpower rape, as each woman makes numerous decisions on a

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daily basis that easily could increase the likelihood of been elaborated, and this theory has not been tested in
actual rape, if that were desired. the domain of rape fantasy.
Sympathetic physiological activation provides an
explanation for the biological basis on which a fantasy
Theories of Erotic Rape Fantasy
about an aversive event, such as rape, can lead to heigh-
Current theories of rape fantasy represent research- tened sexual arousal and possible increased attraction to
ers’ best attempts at answering the question of why an actual partner. This theory has strong support with
many women would want to engage in erotic rape fanta- regard to fear and anxiety manipulations, but it has
sies. Eight major theories have been identified. How do not yet been tested’ on rape fantasies. Laying the physio-
these theories relate to one another? Six of the theories logical groundwork for explaining how the experience
are psychosocial in nature, and biological predisposition of a negative event can enhance a positive emotional
could be classified with these six, as its main implica- experience is a pivotal step forward in making sense
tions are behavioral. Sympathetic activation operates of rape fantasies. Adversary transformation provides a
at a different, physiological level of analysis. In this perspective for understanding how, in a fantasy, the idea
sense, sympathetic activation does not compete with of rape could operate as a means to an end rather than
the other seven theories, and it could potentially as an end in itself. In this sense, rape in a female fantasy
complement one or more of the psychosocial theories would be similar to a male fantasy of physical conflict
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by providing the physiological grounding for its psycho- with an evil foe. Adversary transformation, however,
social effect. The remaining seven theories potentially has not been tested empirically.
compete with one another, but some theories overlap An integration of biological predisposition,
or show compatibilities such that they could be com- sympathetic activation, and adversary transformation
bined into a broader, internally consistent explanation, should be explored. These theories are not only mutually
as will be illustrated in this section. compatible, but they also seem to fit together and comp-
Other theories appear to be logically inconsistent lement one another, despite being developed in widely
with each other, such that support for one would tend different contexts. Biological theory sets the stage by
to disconfirm the other. Combinations that show incom- identifying ritualistic displays of male dominance and
patibilities include masochism and openness, blame female surrender as important parts of the courtship
avoidance and openness, and male rape culture and ritual in many species. The display of male dominance
biological predisposition. At the same time, incompat- may function as a way for females to assess genetic
ible theories may identify separate components of a quality and the ability to protect. Sympathetic activation
broader model of rape fantasies. For example, blame provides the physiological basis for understanding how
avoidance and openness each may apply to different fantasies that generate feelings of fear and anger may
types of women, and cultural and biological factors enhance sexual arousal. Adversary transformation sug-
each could operate as separate, valid, but competing gests that in rape fantasies, the idea of rape, because of
influences on rape fantasies. To the extent that one of women’s inherent fear of actual rape, functions as a
these components makes a greater contribution to rape powerful means for producing the danger and excitement
fantasies, the other components would have less of the that gives the fantasy sexual and emotional impact.
phenomenon left to explain, but both components may Rape fantasies, however, are certainly not the only
be needed for a comprehensive understanding. mechanisms for generating a sense of sexual excitement.
It is important for researchers to be aware of each Consensual fantasies of sex with a special partner or sex
theory’s strengths and limitations. In our judgment, in a romantic setting also are effective for many women.
current evidence does not support masochism theory Which women show a particular attraction to rape fan-
as a general explanation of rape fantasies. Similarly, tasies may be determined by some combination of the
sexual blame avoidance is not supported as a general blame avoidance, openness, and desirability theories.
explanation, but it may apply to women who have rape In this way, theories that provide a general explanation
fantasies with high frequency. Openness appears to for why a rape fantasy could be erotically effective may
describe women who report having occasional rape fan- be complemented by theories that explain why some
tasies, but, by itself, it is deficient in explaining why they women may respond more strongly than others to erotic
have these fantasies. Desirability theory does appear to rape fantasies.
explain one of the contributing factors in rape fantasies,
with the importance of this factor as yet undetermined.
Methodology and Future Research
Although male rape culture generally is not sup-
ported by current evidence, pervasive media depictions Future research should explore the generalizability of
of males as conquering heroes and women as vulnerable prevalence estimates across demographic characteristics
sex objects may influence the prevalence of women’s such as age, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. In
rape fantasies. Biological predisposition theory seems particular, research should be expanded to include rape
promising, but the details of this position have not yet fantasies of lesbian and bisexual women to determine

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differences in context, content, or other variables, such as Barlow, D. H., Sakheim, D. K., & Beck, J. G. (1983). Anxiety increases
gender of assailant. Future research also should focus on sexual arousal. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 92, 49–54.
Baumeister, R. F. & Butler, J. L. (1997). Sexual masochism. Deviance
samples from cultures that are both more androcentric without pathology. In D. R. Laws & W. O’Donohue (Eds.), Sex-
and more egalitarian than that of the United States, as ual deviance. Theory, assessment, and treatment (pp. 228–239).
these will provide valuable evidence as to the relative New York: Guilford Press.
biological and cultural contributions to rape fantasies. Baumeister, R. F. & Twenge, J. M. (2002). Cultural suppression of
Research employing daily diaries of sexual fantasies, female sexuality. Review of General Psychology, 6, 166–203.
Bevacqua, M. (2000). Rape on the public agenda: Feminism and the
later rated for force and nonconsent, should be politics of sexual assault. Boston: Northeastern University Press.
compared with retrospective checklists as a way of Bond, S. B. & Mosher, D. L. (1986). Guided images of rape: Fantasy,
determining the accuracy of the retrospective measures. reality, and the willing victim myth. Journal of Sex Research, 22,
Rather than measuring frequency of rape fantasies with 162–183.
scales that use vague descriptive markers such as Brownmiller, S. (1975). Against our will: Men, women, and rape.
New York: Simon & Schuster.
‘‘often’’ or ‘‘occasionally,’’ scales of absolute frequency Corpus juris secundum (Vol. 75, 2002). St. Paul, MN: West Group.
should be employed. These would reduce error variance Crepault, C., Abraham, G., Porto, R., & Couture, M. (1977). Erotic
attributable to individual differences in the interpret- imagery in women. In R. Gemme & C. C. Wheeler (Eds.),
ation of nonspecific descriptive labels. Work is needed Progress in sexology (pp. 267–283). New York: Plenum Press.
on the content validity of sexual fantasy measures so Davidson, J. K. (1985). The utilization of sexual fantasies by sexually
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