Contents

A Comparative Approach to Buddhist Philosophy

McGarrity, Andrew Mdhyamikas and the Moral Self Lin, Kent Does Buddhism Advocate Mind-Body Dualism? Lusthaus, Dan Husserl, Nietzsche, Dignga and Dharmakrti on Cognition, Negation and Apodictic Evidenz (Svasavitti) Jiang, Tao You Cannot Eat Your Cake and Have It Too! Incommensurability of Two Conceptions of Reality in the Mlamadhyamakakrik Ziporyn, Brook Space, Extension and Transcendental Unity of Apperception: Thoughts on Tiantai, Spinoza and Kant 23 23 24 25 25

Approaches to Early Mahayana

Osto, Douglas Imagination, Altered States and the Origins of the Mahyna 27 Walser, Joseph A Genre Approach to the Origins of Mahayana 28 Gummer, Natalie From Quenching the Flame to Fanning the Fire: Nirva, Anuttarasamyaksambodhi, and the Vedic Ritual Cosmos in Certain Mahyna Stras 28 Drewes, David Being a Bodhisattva in Early Mahayana 29 Boucher, Daniel What Do We Mean by Early in the Study of the Early Mahynaand Should We Care? 29

Art and Archeology

Revire, Nicolas Note on Buddhist Practices and Rituals in Dvravat as Gleaned From Archaeological Evidence Mishra, Umakant " Vajrayana Buddhism as an Instrumental and Social Religion Between Wang, Chuan The Legends of Buddhist Supernatural Images in China Jenkins, Stephen Reassessing Aoka as an Arthastric King 31 31 32 32

Buddhism & Sacred Geography I

Wenzel, Claudia Monumental Sutra Rock Carvings in China and Indian Pilgrim Sites 33 Moore, Elizabeth The Sacred Geography of Dawei: Buddhism in Peninsular Myanmar (Burma) 34 Adamek, Wendi Meeting the Inhabitants of the Necropolis at Baoshan 35 Falcone, Jessica Reviving Kushinagar: Contemporary Buddhist 'Life' in the Place of the Buddha's 'Death' 36

Buddhism & Sacred Geography II

Bingenheimer, Marcus Ming-Qing Travelogues Concerning Mt. Putuo 37 Wu, Jiang; Tong, Daoqin Geography Matters: Spatial Analysis of Contemporary Chinese Buddhist Monasteries 37 Robson, James Contesting Sacred Space in Pre-Modern China: On the Buddhist Appropriation of Sacred Geography 38 Liao, Chao-Heng Mount Wutai and Buddhism in the Late Ming 38

Buddhism Among Iranian Peoples

Martini, Giuliana Transmission of Bodhisattva Texts and Ideology in Fifth-/sixth Century Khotan 41 Ching, Chao-Jung The Activities of Sogdian Buddhists in Kucha as Observed in the Tocharian B Secular Documents 41

Ogihara, Hirotoshi On the Karmavcan Text in Tocharian 42 Degener, Almuth Mighty Animals and Powerful Women: On the Function of Motifs From Folk Literature in the Khotanese Sudhanavadana 42 Reck, Christiane The Commentaries to the Vajracchedik Among the Sogdian Buddhist Fragments of the Berlin Turfan Collection 43 De Chiara, Matteo The Two Recensions of the Khotanese Sudhanvadna and Their Indian Parallels 43

Buddhism and Divination (I)

Zhou, Chunyang Mind-reading and Divination in Early Buddhism: Based on Pi and Chinese Sources 45 Kosuta, Matthew Divination in Theravadan Southeast Asia 45 Fiordalis, David Should Monks Tell Fortunes? Rules Against Divination and Their Practical Application 46 Redmond, Geoffrey Divination in Buddhist Doctrine and Practice: Historical and Religious Contexts 46 Sasson, Vanessa Divining Buddhahood 47

Buddhism and Divination (II)

Buhrman, Kristina From Sukuyji and Rokumeishi to Onmyji and Onmy-hshi: The Development, Decline and Survival of Buddhist Astrology in Pre-modern Japan Huang, Shihshan Buddhist Divination Print From Hangzhou, China Zhu, Jingjing Jacqueline Southern Song Buddhist Masters Using of I-Ching in Chan Foulks, Beverley Divination as a Karmic Diagnostic: The Divination Texts of Ouyi Zhixu 49 50 50 50

Buddhism and Law Beyond the Vinaya

Pagel, Ulrich Monks, Merchants and Tax Evasion: Conflicts at the Customs House 53 Sullivan, Brenton Tibetan Monastic Customaries (Bca Yig) in the Growth of Mass Monasticism in Amdo 53 Lammerts, Christian Slavery, Manuscripts, and Monastic Succession: Jurisdictional Conflict and Consolidation in Dhammasattha and Vinaya in Burma, 1602-1651 C.E. 54 Liu, Cuilan Can Buddhists Make Music? The Nature and Role of Music in Buddhist Monastic Code 54 Langenberg, Amy; Langenberg, Amy The Meaning and Management of Menses in Bauddha and Brhmaa Contexts 55 De Bernon, Olivier From Exalted Status to Aggravated Contempt : The Magnifying Factor of Being a Monk in Cambodian Traditional Laws 56

Buddhism and the Medieval Religious Traditions of China/Tibet/Japan I

Kapstein, Matthew The Formation of a Bon-po Scriptural Corpus: The Secrets of the Enlightened Mind Campany, Rob Scriptural Self-Presentation and Scriptures' Reception: A Comparative Case Study Capitanio, Joshua Sanskrit and Pseudo-Sanskrit Incantations in Medieval Daoist Literature Mollier, Christine The Fabric of the Apocalypses in Early Medieval China : Comparative Reflections Copp, Paul Talisman-Seals, Ritual Manuals, and Manuscript Culture in Late Medieval Dunhuang 57 57 58 58 59

Buddhism and the Medieval Religious Traditions of China/Tibet/Japan II

Orofino, Giacomella The Blazing Water Rite of Protection and Prosperity of the Tibetan Bon Tradition. 61 Moerman, D. Max Promissory Notes: Talismans, Oaths, and Contracts in Premodern Japanese Religion 61 Hureau, Sylvie The Fayuan Zayuan Yuanshi Ji, a Corpus of Ritual Practices 62 Hsieh, Shu-Wei Apotropaic Ritual in Buddho-Daoist Context: A Study of Ucchusma and General Master Ma 62 Robert, Jean-Noel Japanese Poetry as an Exegetical Tool of the Lotus Sutra: 63

Buddhism as a Social Minority: Schemas and Strategies for the Identity Maintaining
Bhikkhu, Deba Mitra Sri Lankan Buddhists Inclusive Interpretation of Buddhism in Multicultural Toronto Voulgarakis, Van Modern Orientalists: Buddhism in the Eyes of Modern Rival Missionary Groups Within the Context of Religious Pluralism and Interfaith Cooperation Based on Ethics and Social Action. Schedneck, Brooke International Buddhist Enclaves in Thailands Forest Monasteries Cirklov, Jitka Introduction: Perspectives and Approaches to the Buddhist Identity Problematic Kustiani, - Buddhist Minority in Muslim Country: Balancing the Doctrinal and Political Challenges Dy, Aristotle Chinese Buddhism in Catholic Philippines: Religion and Identity of a Cultural Minority 65 65 66 67 67 68

Buddhism in Taiwan
Voulgarakis, Van Tzu Chi: The Role of Group-identification in Reconciling Religious Exclusivity With Religious Pluralism 69 Chiu, Tzu-Lung Rethinking Buddhist Monastic Rules in Contemporary Taiwan and Mainland China: Can One Eat After Midday? Can One Touch Money? 70 Ong, Clifton Dodatsu History and Development of Jodo Shin Buddhism in Taiwan 71 Yifa, Buddhist Definition of Death and Organ Transplantation in Taiwan 71 Stroefer, Eckhard Intuitives in Industry; Chan Gong-Ans Reflected by a Managerial & Technical Environment 72

Buddhism Naturalized?
Coseru, Christian Reasons and Causes: A Naturalized Account of Dharmakrti's Krynumna Argument 73 Siderits, Mark The Rpamtra School? 74 Tillemans, Tom Naturalism, Serious Metaphysics, or Else? Where Do Buddhists Fit In? 74 Hugon, Pascale What Are Buddhist Epistemologists Talking About? 74 Dreyfus, Georges Naturalism: True or False Friend? 75

Buddhism on the Silk Road II

Chung-Hui, Tsui Transmission of Buddhist Scriptural Calligraphy from the 3rd to 5th Century Based on Buddhist Manuscripts Found in Dunhuang and Turfan 77 Karetzky, Patricia The Image of the Winged Celestial and Its Travels Along the Silk Road 78

Riboud, Penelope Fire Altar or Incense Burner ? The Use of Buddhist Imagery in Central Asian Art Produced in China and Its Significance in the 6th Century AD 78 Walter, Mariko Kushan Buddhism and the Early Mahyna Sanghas in Kroraina Revisited 79 Chen, Huaiyu Invocation Rituals in Motion: Reflections on Liturgical Manuscripts From Dunhuang 80

Buddhist Caves From Practical Points of View: Their Use and Functions
Yamabe, Nobuyoshi Meditation Caves Reconsidered: Focusing on Mogao Cave 285 81 Vignato, Giuseppe Inter-Relationship of Sites, Districts, Groups and Individual Caves in Kucha 82 Howard, Angela The Silent Language of Meditation in the Buddhist Caves of Kucha, Xinjiang 82 Aramaki, Noritoshi The Mahynastra and -stra Movements as Reflected on the Development of the Architectural Plans of the Indian Buddhist Stpa-Complex --Toward an Understanding of a Newly Predominant Type of the Aja Cave 83 Greene, Eric Death in a Cave: The Meditation Cave at Tappa--Shotor 83 Mori, Michiyo Free Standing Temples and Cave Temples in Kucha: A Case Study of the Dulduloqur Temple Site and Kumtura Caves 84

Buddhist Constructions of Rational Religion Across East Asia

Hoshino, Seiji Rational Religion and the Shin Bukkyo [New Buddhism] Movement in Late Meiji Japan 87 Ward, Ryan Rationalizing the Death of Japanese Buddhist Modernity 88 Chen, Jidong Between Religion and Philosophy: The Reinterpretation of Buddhism in Modern China 88 Mohr, Michel Between Skillful Adjustment and Distortion: Nineteenth-Century Buddhist Doctrine With a Rational Spin 89 Schulzer, Rainer Inoue Enry and the Emergence of "Buddhist Philosophy" 89

Buddhist Nuns: Transmission of Ordination

Analayo, Bhikkhu The Founding of the Order of Nuns Heirman, Ann Chinese Buddhist Nuns: A Meeting of the Past and the Present Kawanami, Hiroko Non-Vinaya Provisions and Code of Conduct for Buddhist Nuns in Myanmar-Burma Salgado, Nirmala Sri Lankan Nuns and the Higher Ordination Meeks, Lori Precept Conferral and Patronage Relationships in Premodern Japan 91 91 91 92 92 93 93 94 94 95 95

Buddhist Philosophical Studies

Krasser, Helmut On Ur-texts and Writing Styles in Indian Philosophy Tsai, Yao-Ming How Is Real Abiding Possibly Founded on Non-abiding?: A Philosophical Inquiry Mainly Based on the Vimalakrti-nirdea Hough, Sheridan Would Sartre Have Suffered From Nausea if He Had Understood the Buddhist No-Self Doctrine? Gregory, Kathleen Buddhism as a 'Competing Discourse': A Method for Comparative Philosophy Gilks, Peter An Audience-oriented Approach to Extracting Historical Information From Mahyna Stras Oyang, Yen-Jen System Model of Consciousness-Only Theory

Buddhist Philosophy of Language

Tzohar, Roy Expressing the Inexpressible: Asaga and the Skeptics Fallacy 97 Thakchoe, Sonam A Prsagika Nominalism: Candrakrti and Tsongkhapa on the Philosophy of Language 97 Lugli, Ligeia Language in Early Indian Yogcra 98 Kantor, Hans-Rudolf Philosophy of Language in Chinese Buddhism 98 Gold, Jonathan Sakya Paitas Anti-realism as a Return to the Mainstream 99

Buddhist Places
Chao, Pi - Hua A Time-Space Study on the Development of Master Shengyans Social Solicitude 101 Gardiner, David Paths Across Borders: Comparative Reflections on Japanese and Indo-Tibetan Models of the Buddhist Path 101 Dewitt, Lindsey Construals and Constructions: The Study of Womens Restriction From Sacred Mountains in Premodern Japan 102 Chen, Shuman The Evil Nature of the Buddha and the Buddha-Nature of the Environment in Jingxi Zhanrans Jingangpi 102 Forte, Erika Protecting Khotan: Doctrinal Issues and Local Visual Translation 103

Against Harmony: Radical Buddhism and Buddhist Socialism in Thought and Practice I
Ladwig, Patrice Introduction: The Comparative Study of Budhhist Socialism 105 De Vido, Elise Buddhism and Socialism in Vietnam, 1920-1945 105 Shields, James A Buddha Land in This World: Political Use of the Lotus Sutra in 1930s Japan 106 Ito, Tomomi Dhammic Socialism: A Buddhist Vision of Just Social Order in 1970s Thailand 106

Against Harmony: Radical Buddhism and Buddhist Socialism in Thought and Practice I I
Ladwig, Patrice Revolutionaries in Robes: The Interaction of the Lao Communist Movement and the Buddhist Sangha (1954-1975) 109 Kovan, Martin The Burmese Alms Boycott: Pattanikkujjana and Buddhist Nonviolent Resistance 110 Weriberg-Salzmann, Mirjam The Buddhist Sangha and the Radicalisation of Buddhist Thought and Practice in Sri Lanka in the 20th and 21st Century 110

Chan and the Teachings During the Late TangYuan Dynasties

Levering, Miriam Buddhist Teachings Concerning Mind and Consciousness in Dahui Zonggao (1089-1163)s Letters 111 Welter, Albert Yongming Yanshous View of Harmony Between Chan and the Teachings (Jiaochan Yichi ): The Implications of a Buddhist School of Principle for the Song Intellectual Milieu 111 Huang, Yi-Hsun Chan Master Fayan Wenyi and the Huayan Concept of Six Characteristics 112 Solonin, Kirill Teaching Classifications in Liao and Tangut Buddhist Texts 112 Hamar, Imre Chan Influence on Chengguans Huayan Thought 112

Chinese Buddhist Thought

Tseng, C.M. Adrian A Comparison of Buddha-nature and Dao-nature Before the Tang Dynasty 115 Eifring, Halvor Ridding the Mind of Thoughts: Meditation Objects and Mental Attitude in Hnshn Dqngs Dharma Talks 115 Shih, Jenkuan Reviews on Sengzhaos (4-5th C.) Understanding of Indian Mdhyamika Thought a Buddhist Hermeneutic Perspective 116 Brose, Ben Charlatans, Soldiers, and Spies: Critiques of Buddhist Clergy and Kings During the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms 116 Iliouchine, Alexandre Buddhism in Chinese Inner Alchemy: Zhang Boduans Teahing as a Case Study 117 Ho, Chiew Hui Diamond Sutra Tales and the Reshaping of Medieval Chinese Religiosity 117

Chinese Chan Meditation

Chu, Nai-Shin Buddhist Meditation and the Brainemotional Aspects Nishi, Yasutomo Zen Buddhism in Saddharmapuarka(Lotus Stra) Hsu, Yuan-Ho Chan: Suffering and the Keys to the Cessation of Suffering Shi, Guohuei The Phenomenon of Zen Enlightenment 119 120 121 121

Clinical Buddhist Studies in Hospice Palliative Care

Watts, Jonathan The Global Buddhist Movement for Care of the Dying and Bereaved 123 Shi, Jin-Yong Ways to Be Reborn in the Western Pure Land Besides Reciting Amitabhas Name 123 Bhikshu, Huimin A Quantitative Study of Hospice Care and Meditation Research (1952-2009) 124 Chen, Ching-Yu Clinical Buddhist Chaplain-based Spiritual Care for Terminal Cancer Patients 125 Huang, Feng-Ying The Role of the 49-Day Buddhist Death Ritual During Bereavement 125 Tomatsu, Yoshiharu Japanese Buddhist Attempts to Respond to Living and Dying 126

Digital Resources for Buddhist Studies I

Hung, Jenjou; Bingenheimer, Marcus Recent Advances in Computational Analysis of Buddhist Texts Authorship Attribution and Social Network Analysis 127 Wallman, Jeff Full Text, Topic Taxonomies and Scanned Source: Three-Fold Access to Tibetan Texts 128 Bayer, Achim Core Values in the Digital Reproduction of Buddhist Texts 128 Veidlinger, Daniel The OXFORD BIBLIOGRAPHIES ONLINE BUDDHISM: a Powerful New Digital Resource 128 Westerhoff, Jan Saastravid: A New Electronic Tool for the Study of Indian Philosophical Texts 129 Baums, Stefan The Dictionary of Gndhr: Status Report and Technology 130

Digital Resources for Buddhist Studies II

Wittern, Christian Electronic Buddhist Texts, Collaboration and the Sharing of Knowledge 131 Nagasaki, Kiyonori Interoperation of Databases for Buddhist Studies 132 Shimoda, Masahiro Knowledge Base Through Cooperation:A Model for Evolving Humanities 132 Shi, Fayuan; Tu, Aming Construction of Digital Cross-language Buddhist Dictionary and WordNet 132

Tomabechi, Toru; Kyuma, Taiken; Miyazaki, Izumi Hyper-Lamotte, Cyber-Frauwallner? Transmitting traditional Methods of Buddhist Studies in the Web-sphere

133

Discoursing Journeys: The Authorial Hermeneutics of Travel

Chou, Wen-Shing Pilgrimage and Cosmography in Early Twentieth Century Tibet 135 Hughes, Meredith Aesthetics of Time: Duration in Practices From Indo-Tibetan Buddhism and the Contemporary Performance Art of Tehching Hseih. 135 Brownell, Paul Traveling Interpretive Paradigms: Towards a New Understanding of the Yogcra Text Titled A Commentary on Differentiating the Middle From the Extremes (Tib. Dbus Dang Mtha' Rnam Par 'Byed Pa'i 'Grel Pa). 136 Gamble, Ruth Travelling in Time: Internal, Personal and Heavenly Movement in the 3rd Karmapas Construction of Time. 136 Bhutia, Kalzang Visionary and Physical Travel in the Configuration of Hidden Lands: Terton and the Re-imagining of Space in Tibetan Culture 137 Holmes-Tagchungdarpa, Amy The Traveling Tibetan Buddhist Public Sphere: Flows of Charisma, Print Technologies and Politics in the Journeys of Modern and Postmodern Buddhism 138

Dynamics of Locativization, Translocation, and Recontextualization of Buddhism in and Across Asia

Halkias, Georgios Other Worlds in This World: Pure Land Orientations in Tibetan History 139 Neelis, Jason Locating and Translocating Jtakas, Avadnas, and Rebirth Narratives in Gandhran Literary and Material Cultures 139 Dolce, Lucia Stars Across Asia: The Ritual Translocation of Buddhist Astrological Imagery in Japan 140 Bretfeld, Sven Sri Lankan Ancient Sites as Attractors Between Religious Localization and Global Representation 141

Early Buddhism I
Yagi, Toru On the So-called Predicative Ablative in Connection With Saddaniti 493 and 496 143 Velez De Cea, Abraham Is There Salvation Outside the Buddha's Dispensation? Exclusivist and Inclusivist Interpretations of the Pli Nikyas 143 Dhammadipa, Fa Yao Is the Buddha the Author, in Search of Buddhavacan 144 Schlieter, Jens Did the Buddha Arise From a Brahmanic Environment? The Early Buddhist View of Noble Brahmins and the Ideological System of Brahmanism 145

Early Buddhism II
Leese, Marilyn For the Benefit of Others: Nikya Patronage in South Asia During the C.E. Second-Sixth Centuries 147 Murakami, Shinkan Original Concept of Rupa () in the Early Buddhism: the Visible, Perceptible and Recognizable but Not Matter () 147 Lojda, Linda Arhats and Mahsthaviras: Transmission of Concepts and Depictions 148 Bucknell, Roderick How Are the Two Chinese Sayuktgama Translations Related? 148 Shulman, Eviatar The Four Noble Truths as Meditative Vision 149 Baba, Norihisa Growth of Scriptures: Doctrinal Expressions in the Northern Four gamas as Compared With the Pli Texts 149

Early Buddhist Literature and Art

Stewart, James Pli Buddhism and Moral Realism 151

Yao, Jue The Consistency and the Variation of Pussads Ten Wishes in Sipsonbanna Dai Lues Vessantara Jtaka 151 Ganvir, Shrikant The Protector of Enlightened: Representation of Muchalinda Naga in Early Buddhist Art of India 152 Collett, Alice Life Accounts of Pacr 152 Yamasaki, Kazuho The Legend of Prince Kula in Kemendras Bodhisattvvadnakalpalat and the Ku Na Lai Rtogs Pa Brjod Pa 152

Early Expressions of the Tathagatagarbha Doctrine in India

Gomez, Luis Buddhajna as an Early Expression of "Buddha-nature" in the Avatamsaka 155 Radich, Michael Tathgatagarbha, the Problem of Maternity, and 'Kataphatic Gnostic Docetism' 155 Habata, Hiromi Early Expressions of the Buddha-dhtu in the Mahparinirva-mahstra 156 Zimmermann, Michael Terms for Buddha-nature in the Early Phase of Buddha-nature Thought in India 156 Shimoda, Masahiro The Soteriology of the Mahyna Mahparinirvastra 157

Emptiness and Ethics: Buddhism in Twentieth-Century East Asian Thought

Park, Jin Reconfiguring the Ethical: Ethics and Modernity in Buddhist Discourse 159 Nelson, Eric Emptiness, Ethics, and Nature in Chan Buddhism 159 Boisclair, Annie Confucianism Versus Buddhism: A More Efficient Ethic System According to Mou Zongsan (1909-1995) 160

Epistemology and Soteriology

Lin, Su-An Are Phenomena Established From Their Own Entity Conventionally? The Exploration of Bhvaviveka's Epistemology 161 Zamorski, Jakub Is Faith Necessary to Liberation? - Master Yinguang and His Modern Critics 162 Wang, Chun-Ying An Essay Establishing Critical Epistemology Following Dignga and Kant 163 Liu, Sing Song The Myth of Mind Transmission as a Question for the Formulation of Early Chan Buddhism 164 Brewster, Ernest Three-Treatise Master Jzngs Critical Appropriation of bhidharmika Thought a Case Study of the Zhnggunln Sh 164 Yen, Wei-Hung Lshn Huyuns Interpretations of the Mahprajpramitopadea and His Epistemological Position 165

Ethnic Buddhisms
Porci, Tibor; Srkzi, Alice An Analysis of the Mongolian Buddhist Terminology as Observed in the Mongolian Translations of Sittapatrdhra 167 Kumar, Nirmal DEngaging the Other: Akbar and Buddhists in 16th Century India 167 Krueger, Madlen Relations Between Buddhism and Politics in Contemporary Sri Lanka. The Case of the National Heritage Party (JHU) 168 Puri, Bharati Religion, Ideology and Utopia: Buddhism in the Public Sphere of India 169 Chern, Meei-Hwa Another Dialectics of Encountering Modernity: The Case Study of Master Sheng Yen and Dharma Drum Mountain in Malaysia 170

Ethnic Buddhisms Crossing Ethnic Lines: Buddhisms in Southeast Asia

Dawei, Bei Tibetan Buddhism in Malaysia: Tsem Tulku Rinpoche and the Kechara House Buddhist Association 171 Tsomo, Karma Buddhist Women of Indonesia: Multiple Subaltern Narratives 171 Samuels, Jeffrey Localizing Theravada in Malaysia: Buddhist Communities and the Formation of Transnational Religious Identities 172 Holmes-Tagchungdarpa, Amy Un-binding Buddhist Identity: Beyond the Local in Conceiving International and Inter-traditional Buddhism 173 Borchert, Thomas Race, Ethnicity and Theravada Buddhism: Comparing Minority Buddhisms in Singapore and Southwest China 173

Forms or Aspects in Buddhist Philosophy and Soteriology of Consciousness I

Moriyama, Shinya On Ratnkarantis Theory of Cognition With False Mental Images (Alkkravijnavda) Kobayashi, Hisayasu The Role of Illusion in Buddhist Idealism Kellner, Birgit Forms, Aspects and Appearances - Some Conceptual Remarks on kra in Buddhist Soteriological and Philosophical Analysis Saccone, Margherita Shubhagupta on the Cognitive Process: An Account From His Bhyrthasiddhikrik in Light of Tattvasagraha by ntarakita and Tattvasagrahapajik by Kamalala Vincent, Eltschinger Is a Cultivating Yogin Dependent on Scripture? 175 176 176 177 178

Forms or Aspects in Buddhist Philosophy and Soteriology of Consciousness II

Watson, Alex Light as a Metaphor for Cognition in the Vijnavda Advanced by Dharmakrti and Opposed by Bhaa Jayanta. 179 Notake, Miyako Dharmakrtis Position on Conceptual Cognition and Its Causes 180 Ratie, Isabelle Logical Necessity and Aspects of Consciousness: A aiva Perspective on a Buddhist Problem 180 Sferra, Francesco The Skra/nirkra Debate in Buddhist Tantric Literature 180 Mcclintock, Sara Kamalala on the Nature of Forms or Images (kra) in Cognition: 181

Gandharan and Andhran Buddhist Narratives in Context

Decaroli, Robert Redefining Greatness: Depictions of the Great Miracle of rvast in Regional Context 183 Shimada, Akira Formation of Buddhist Narrative Sculpture in Andhra (Ca. 150 BCE-300 CE) 183 Brancaccio, Pia The Formation of a Visual Idiom for the Life of the Buddha in Gandharan Art 184 Morrissey, Nicolas Mahyna Stra Narratives in Indian Art: From the Northwest to the Deccan Plateau 184 Rhi, Juhyung Modes of Narrative Depictions in Gandhara and Nagarjunakonda 185 Zin, Monika Heavenly Relics Bodhisatvas Turban and Bowl in Reliefs of Gandhara and Andhra (Including Kanganhalli) 185

Gandhran Texts and Gandhran Buddhism (I)

Salomon, Richard "The Study of Gandhran Buddhist Manuscripts: Progress Report and Future Prospects." Silverlock, Blair A Gndhr Version of the Cagosiga-sutta 187 187

Cox, Collett Formalized Scholasticism: Fragments 20 and 23 in the British Library Collection of Gndhr Manuscripts 188 Allon, Mark A Gndhr List of 55 Stras: Senior Fragments RS 7 + 8 188 Baums, Stefan Gndhr and Sanskrit Scholasticism: Case Studies From the Sagtistra and Verse Commentaries 188

Gandhran Texts and Gandhran Buddhism (II)

Hartmann, Jens-Uwe Buddhist Story Collections From Afghanistan 189 Strauch, Ingo What Happened to the Buddhas Robe? the Story of Mahprajpat Gautam in a Gndhr Stra From Bajaur (Pakistan) 189 Choi, Jin Kyoung Two Lohitya-stras in the Drghgama Manuscript 190 Falk, Harry Numismatic Kharosthi as a Means to Date Buddhist Inscriptions and Manuscripts? 190 Matsuda, Kazunobu A Sanskrit Fragment Of "Recension II" of the Udnavarga From Gilgit 190

Gene Smith - His Life and Work

Banned Books, Sealed Printeries and Neglected Dkar chag 191

Humanism and the Human Being in Twentieth-century Chinese and Japanese Buddhist Thought
Wu, Hongyu Dharma Teachers, Moral Instructresses and Talented Women 193 Lai, Rong Dao Praying for the Republic: Buddhist Citizenship Education in the Early Twentieth Century 193 Fong, Grace From Animal Protection to Lay Buddhism: the Sino-Western Humanism in L Bichengs (1843-1943) Writings 194 Curley, Melissa A Shared Life in a Shared World: Yasuda Rijins Buddhist Humanism 194 Main, Jessica A Humanistic Shinran: The Shin Buddhist Thought of Saik Mankichi (18951970) 195

Indian Buddhism Through East Asian Sources I

Deeg, Max Introduction and Examples From the Chinese Buddhist Travelogues 197 Gomez, Luis Avalokitevara in the Buddha-avatasaka: The Testimony of the Chinese Translations 197 Palumbo, Antonello What Chinese Sources Really Have to Say About the Dates of the Buddha 197 Heirman, Ann Moralization of Sleep 198 Dessein, Bart The Nature of the Characteristic Marks of the Conditioned 198

Indian Buddhism Through East Asian Sources II

Leoshko, Janice The Significance of Xuanzang s Legacy 201 Silk, J.A. How, and Why, Studying Buddhist Scriptures Created in China Helps Us Better Understand Indian Buddhist Scripture Composition 201 Legittimo, Elsa The Centennial Drum Sound of Death: A Cross-border Myth From the Chinese Ekottarikgama 201 Pu, Chengzhong Virhakas Massacre of akyas in Chinese Buddhist Translations 202 Wu, Juan From Perdition to Buddhahood: The Redemption of the Patricide Ajtatru in Indian and Chinese Buddhist Sources 202

Indian Buddhist Thought in 6th-7th Century China (II)

Choong, Yoke Meei No-self and Emptiness: Their Roles in Kuijis Exegesis on the Vajracchedik 205 Kantor, Hans-Rudolf Debating on Mind and Consciousness in 6th Century Chinese Buddhism 205 Radich, Michael Pure Mind in India: Indian Background to Paramrtha's *Amalavijna 205 Cho, Eun-Su Wonch'uck's Understanding of Abhidharma Theories on "Buddhavacana" and His Chinese Yogacara Interpretation 206 Keng, Ching A Preliminary Re-examination of the Relation Between the Awakening of Faith and the Dilun Thought: The Works of Huiyuan (523-592 CE) as a Specimen 207 Nattier, Jan From an Shigao to Xuanzang: Toward a History of Translation Policies in Buddhist Chinese 207 Mcrae, John Hunting for Indian Impact on Chinese Chan Buddhism 208

Indian Buddhist Thought in 6th-7th Century China I

Chu, Junjie The Yogcra Thesis of Mental Awareness Accompanying Sensory Awareness 211 Lin, Chen-Kuo Buddhist Epistemology in Sixth-Century China: A Study and Annotated Translation of Jingying Huiyuan (523-592)s Essay on Three Measures of Cognition 211 Katsura, Shoryo Indian Logic and Metaphysics Found in Kuiji's Cheng Weishilun Shuji ( ) --- a Preliminary Report on His Knowledge of the Skhya System --212 Yao, Zhihua The Cognition of Nonexistent Objects: Five Yogcra Proofs 212 Ho, Chien-Hsing The Nonduality of Speech and Silence: A Comparative Analysis of Jizangs Thought on Language and Beyond 213 Lusthaus, Dan The Reception, Dissemination and Analysis of Hetu-vidy in China 213

Japan and Korea

Pye, Michael Japanese Buddhist Responses to Historicist Rationalism 215 Kenney, Elizabeth Infant Salvation in Japanese Pure Land Buddhism 215 Kim, Jongmyung The Theory of Karmic Retribution in Ancient Korea: Its History and Significance 216 Ichimura, Shohei Revisiting the Theravdin Versus Pudgalavdin Controversy to Reevaluate the Non-Theistic Universal Humanity as Evidenced in Dgens Zen Writing Shb-Genz Uji () 216

Jtaka Stories (I)

Kyan, Winston Contested Bodies: Jataka Narratives, Apocryphal Sutras and Filial Cannibalism in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Art 219 Appleton, Naomi What Can the Absence of a Jain Jtaka Genre Tell Us About Buddhism? 219 Strong, John Explaining the Buddhas Afflictions: Karmic Strands, Good Means, or Just Aches and Pains. 219 Shi, Chang Tzu The Employment and Significance of the Sadpraruditas Jtaka Story in Different Buddhist Traditions 220 Nakagawara, Ikuko Jtaka Scenes in Kizil Grottoes, -Focus on the Wall Paintings Depicting on Sudna Jtaka of Kizil Cave 81220 Zhu, Tianshu From Jataka to Avadana and Pranidhi Paintings at Kucha and Turfan 221

Jtaka Stories (II)

Lewis, Todd The Mahsattva Rj Kumr Jtaka: Geographic and Diachronic Domestications in Nepal 223

Sheravanichkul, Arthid Dynamism of the Mahachat Ceremony in Modern Thailand: a Case Study of Mahachat Khamluang, Thet Mahachat, and Mahachat Songkhrueng 224 Chongstitvatana, Suchitra Candakinnara Jataka: A Reflection of Jataka Culture in Thailand 224 Hwang, Soonil The Mahkapijtaka From Various Materials 224 Mcdaniel, Justin Fruit Maidens, Cannibalism, and Flesh-covered Statues: Expanding the Jtakas in Thai Painting 225 Unebe, Toshiya Not for Enlightenment of Svaka, Nor That of Paccekabuddha: The Motive for Bodhisattas' Offering of Themselves in the Pasa-jtaka. 225

Korean Buddhism and Environmental Activism

Seo, Jaeyeong Ecological Ideas in the Heritage of Korean Seon Buddhism Lee, Doheum The Buddhist Ecological Movement in Contemporary Korea and Monastic Activism Park, Kyoung-Joon Sustainable Development and Buddhist Economics Cho, Eun-Su Jiyul Sunims Eco-Feminist Activism and Its Buddhist Foundations Wan, Jung Combination of Buddhist Mountain God Worship and Buddha's Land 227 227 228 228 229

Kumarjva and the Development of Early Mahayana Meditation in ChinaRemarks on Textual and Iconographic Evidence
Yit, Kin-Tung From rvaka Meditation to Bodhisattva Meditation Lai, Wen-Yin The Pure Land Practice of Visualizing Reality by Kumrajva Huang, Yun-Ju The Doctrine of three Periods Buddhas of Kuan-he and the Thousand Buddhas Thought in He-hsi Region Wang, Ching-Wei Seng Zhaos Zhu Weimojiejing and Kumarajivas Mhyana Meditation 231 231 232 232 233 233 234 234 234

Liturgical Manuscripts and the Study of Buddhist Ritual

Goodman, Amanda Amoghavajras Ritual Corpus: A Dunhuang Regional Approach Linrothe, Rob The Image of Vajrasattva: Path and Result Solonin, Kirill Ritual Manuscripts on Vajravarahi in Tangut Teiser, Stephen F. The Language of Brief Liturgies for Making Merit Among the Dunhuang Manuscripts Zieme, Peter Confession and Ritual According to Old Uighur Sources

Logic and Epistemology I

Pecchia, Cristina Causation and Selflessness in View of Liberation 235 Yoshimizu, Chizuko Non-implicative Negation (Prasajyapratiedha, Med Dgag) in Buddhist Logic and Early Tibetan Madhyamaka (Dbu Ma) 235 Nemoto, Hiroshi mKhas Grub Rjes Concepts of Rjes Khyab and Dngos Khyab 236 Ezaki, Koji On Viruddhadharmdhysa 237 Mc Allister, Patrick Ratnakrti on Determination (Adhyavasya) and Cognitive Forms (kra) 237 Matsuoka, Hiroko On the Buddha's Cognition in the Bahirarthapark of the <i>Tattvasagraha</i> 238

Logic and Epistemology II

Sakai, Masamichi Bhva and Abhva in the Buddhist Theory of Momentariness: The View of Dharmottara and Prajkaragupta 239 Lasic, Horst Some Observations on the Skhya Section of Dignga's Pramasamuccaya, Chapter Two (Working Title) 240

Watanabe, Toshikazu How Can the Existence of the Skhya's Pradhna Be Negated? Dignga's View of Refutation (DaA) 240 Choi, Kyeongjin The Purpose of Discussing Vyatireka: Dharmakrtis Criticism of varasena 241 Tamura, Masaki Bhvivekas Refutation of Digngas Twofold-appearance Theory (Dvybhsat) 241

Madhyamaka and Yogacara: Rivals or Allies?

Siderits, Mark The Case for Discontinuity 243 Seton, Greg Ratnkarantis Presentation of the Pedagogical Differences Between Yogcra and Madhyamaka 243 Lusthaus, Dan Madhyamaka and Yogcra: Sibling Rivalry or Metaphysical Antagonists? 243 Blumenthal, James Some Observations Regarding ntarakita's Yogcra-Madhyamaka Syncretism 244 Suwanvarangkul, Chaisit Prattyasamutpda and Dharmadhtu in Early Mahyna Buddhism 244

Madhyamika
Makidono, Tomoko Ka-thog dGe-rtse Mahpaita's Commentary on lCang-skya Rol-pa'irdo-rje's Song of the View of Madhyamaka 247 He, Huanhuan Bhavyas Critique of Vaieika Theory of Liberation in the Tarkajvl 248 Lang, Karen Emotions and Ethics in Candrakrti's Thought 248 Westerhoff, Jan The Aim and Methodology of Naagaarjuna's Vaidalyaprakara.na 248 Schliff, Henry The Ideology of Love: Subjectification of the Middle Way School 249 Macdonald, Anne The Introductory Verses of the Mlamadhyamakakrik 250

Mahayana Buddhism I
Shi, Huifeng Chiasmic Structures in the Prajpramit Guang, Xing The Concept of Eternal Buddha in Mahayana Buddhism Ishida, Chiko Changes in the Concept of the Equality of Self and Other in the Bodhicaryavatara Saito, Akira Reconsidering ntideva's Legend: His Name, Life and Works 251 252 253 253

Mahayana Buddhism II
Miyazaki, Tensho The Process of Compilation of the *Ajtaatrukauktya(prati)vinodanastra 255 Woo, Jeson Is Enlightenment Possible?: The Practice of Meditation in the Later Indian Yogcra School 255 Katayama, Yumi riputras Entreaty and Brahms Entreaty: riputras Acceptance of the Teaching on Ekayna One-Vehicle in the Lotus Stra 256 Kishi, Sayaka On the Example of a Skilled Physician in the Bodhisattvabhmi 257

Maitreya Buddha: Studies of Images and Texts From Gandhara, China, and Southeast Asia
Revire, Nicolas Maitreya or Not? Understanding Bhadrsana Buddhas in Southeast Asia During the First Millennium CE 259 Lee, Yu-Min The Iconography of Maitreya in the Northern Dynasties Period 259 Handlin, Lilian The Concept of Metteyya in Pagan 259 Chirapravati, M.L. Pattaratorn The Buddha of the Future: Late Maitreya From Thailand (1500 to 1900) 260

Schmidt, Carolyn Images of the Maitreya-Type Bodhisattva in Ancient Greater Gandhra: 260

Meditation, Experience, Transmission, Text, and Interpretation in the Chinese Tiantai Teaching
Wang, Ching-Wei How Do We Read Huisis Interpretations of the Lotus Samdhi? 263 Ziporyn, Brook If Six Were Nine: What Is Viewing Whom in Tiantai Meditation, According to Zhili's Jingguangmingwenjuji 263 Kuo, Chao-Shun Jingxi Zhanrans(711-782) Interpretation of One Mind in the Dasheng Qixin Lun 264 Kantor, Hans The Inter-textual Understanding and Linguistic Strategies in Tiantai Buddhism 265

Narrative Strategies in Buddhist Historical Writings: East Asian Buddhism

Kaufmann, Paulus Historical Narratives as a Means of Persuasion in Kkai's Jjshinron 267 Kim, Thomas Sung-Eun Steles of Illustrious Monks and the Rhetoric of Korean Buddhist Identity 267 Nuernberger, Marc Chronicity in Early Chan Yulu 268 Cai, Jiehua The Presentation of Buddhist Characters in the Ming Novels: The Case of Tianfei 268 Doell, Steffen Continuities and Fractures in the Formation of Japanese Zen Buddhism 269

Narrative Strategies in Buddhist Historical Writings: Indian/Tibetan Buddhism

Galasek, Bruno Narrative Transmission(s) in the Sutta Pitaka 271 Klaus, Konrad The Pali Suttas as Narrative Texts 271 Bhutia, Kalzang Dorjee The Function of Buddhism in 'The History of Sikkim' ('Bras Ljongs Rgyal Rabs) 272 Rheingans, Jim Songs, Empowerments and Dialogues: Embedded Texts and Their Function in Tibetan Spiritual Biographies 272

Narrative Strategies in Buddhist Historical Writings: Methodological Questions

Nichols, Michael Mortifying Kama: Buddhist Literary Uses of the Symbol of Mara 275 Lo, Yuet Keung Indeterminacy in Meaning: Religious Syncretism and Dynastic Historiography in the /Shannren Zhuan/ 275 Mak, Bill Sadprarudita Reconsidered - Principle of Organization and Narrativity of Prajpramit 276 Jin, Tao What It Means to Interpret: A Standard Formulation and Its Implicit Corollaries in Chinese Buddhism 277 Scherer, Burkhard Hagiography and Propaganda: Narrative Strategies of Contemporary Buddhist Movements in the West 278

On the Problem of the Compilation of the Vibhasa

Kritzer, Robert Yogcras in the Vibh and Their Relationship to the Yogcrabhmi 279 Mitomo, Kenyo On the Problem of the Compilation of the Vibhasa 279 Chou, Jouhan The Three Versions of Chinese Translations of the Vibh-stra and Their Formation 280 Sasaki, Shizuka Various Issues Regarding the Vibh 280

Minoura, Akio Opening a Dialogue With the Mahvibh Saito, Shigeru The Ontology Based on Dravya in the *Vibhstra

281 281

Patterns of Transmissions of Indian Buddhism in Medieval Asia

Payne, Richard Yoshida Shint Goma: Terminus Ad Quem of Indic Ritual Culture? 283 Nietupski, Paul Buddhist Monasticism as a Vehicle for Institutional Transmission 283 Handlin, Lilian Pagans Jatakas as Transmission Instruments 284 Kandahjaya, Hudaya The Transmissions of the Teaching of the di Buddha and Related Practices in the Indonesian Archipelago 284 Gray, David Practical Hermeneutics: On the Transmission and Interpretation of the Cakrasavarbhisamaya 284 Friquegnon, Marie ntarakitas Gift to Tibet: Finding Enlightenment Through Philosophy 285

Performance and Recitation: The Vessantara Jataka in Theravada Buddhist Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka
Mahanta, Dipti NARRATOLOGY IN THE ISAN MAHACHAT SUNG-SERMON 287 Bowie, Katherine Regional Variation in Performances of the Vessantara Jataka in Thailand: a Historical Perspective 287 Holt, John A King for All Ages: Vessantara in Lankan Buddhist Art, Ritual and Literature 288 Lefferts, H. Leedom Performance and Recitation: The Vessantara Jataka in Theravada Buddhist Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka 289 Cate, Sandra The Vessantara Scrolls: Creating a Moral Community 290 Lefferts, H. Facilitating Agency in the Bun Phra Wet of Northeast Thailand and Lowland Laos 290

Plants, Animals, and Gardens in Chinese Buddhism

Capitanio, Joshua The Dragon King (Ngarja) in Chinese Buddhist Rainmaking Ritual Lin, Peiying The Lotus Flower in East Asian Buddhism: Beauty, Gender and Cosmology Liang, Li-Ling The Spread of Buddhist Story on the Woodpecker and the Lion in China Clippard, Seth Indra's Net and Understandings of Nature in Chinese Buddhism Chen, Huaiyu Taming Tigers in Medieval Chinese Buddhism 293 294 294 294 295

Precept and Vows

Liu, Cuilan Depraved Conducts Out of Noble Motivation?Understanding a Band of Six Monks and Nuns in Vinaya 297 Maes, Claire The Denomination of the Other in the Pli Vinaya: An Analysis of the Construction of a Buddhist Identity 297 Tournier, Vincent The Mahvastu and the Vinaya Collection of the MahsghikaLokottaravdin: A Reassessment 298 Lee, Sangyop A Comparative Analysis of the Fanwang Jing Bodhisattva Precepts and the Yogcra Bodhisattva Precepts 298

"Protecting the Spiritual Environment": An Inquiry Into Chan Buddhism and Buddhist Ethics
Shi, Chang Shen Chan Buddhism, Global Ethics, and Protecting the Spiritual Environment 301 Hsiang, Guo The Meaning of Bodhisattva With Human Body in the Platform Sutra of the Six Patriarch 301 Shi, Changwu Buddhist Family Ethics and Its Application in the Modern World 302

Shi, Guo Guang "Cordiality in Sharing" - the Buddhist Monastic Economy and Its Modern Significance 303 Huey, Chang Initial Study and Research on the Verse of Faith in Mind 303

Rang Stong / Gzhan Stong: Perspectives on the Discourse in India and Tibet
Komarovski, Yaroslav Does the Self-Cognizing Ultimate Cognize Itself? Some Issues in the Other-Emptiness Theories of Self-Cognition 305 Duckworth, Douglas From Absent-minded Bodies to Body-citta: Self-emptiness, Otheremptiness, and (Post)modernity 305 Mathes, Klaus-Dieter The Synthesis of Yogcra and Tathgatagarbha in the Maitreya Works as a Realistic Indian Precedent of Gzhan Stong 306 Deroche, Marc-Henri The Middle Path of Eclecticism (Ris Med) in Tibet: Some Remarks on the Conjunction of Gzhan Stong and Rang Stong in the So-called Tantric Madhyamaka 307 Wangchuk, Tsering Is Chomden Rigrel a Gzhan Stong Pa?: Problem With the Other-Emptiness Lineage of the Jonang School of Tibetan Buddhism 307 Sheehy, Michael Codifying the Ktayuga: Preliminary Remarks on a Literary History of Gzhan Stong in Tibet 308

Re-examining Sheng-yen's Chan Practice, Academic Research, and Interpretation of Mahayana Sutras
Wang, Ching-Wei Master Sheng-yens Interpretation of Ouyi Zhishus Jiaoguan Gangzong 309 Shih, Chang Transformation: To Know Oneself Is Empty via Huatou 309 Jing, Shi Guo An Exploration on Master Sheng-yen's Chan Buddhist Lineage Through His Teaching on the Dharma-door of Cultivating the Perfect Penetration of the Ear 310 Shen, Haiyen On Master Zhiyi and His Relation With Mount Tiantai 311

Recent Progress in Vinaya Studies

Scherrer-Schaub, Cristina Vinaya Masters and Vinaya Treatises and Their Role in Diffusing Indian Buddhism to the Bahirdeaka 313 Sasaki, Shizuka On the Compilation of the Prjika Section in Vinaya Texts 313 Clarke, Shayne Towards a Comparative Study of the Sarvstivda- and Mlasarvstivdavinayas: A Preliminary Survey of the Kathvastu Embedded in the Uttaragrantha 314 Kishino, Ryji The Concept of Sdom Pa in the Mlasarvstivdin Vinaya 314 Yao, Fumi Stras Embedded in the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya 315 Aono, Michihiko The Disciplinary Procedures in Vinaya Literature 315

Reconsidering the Abhidharma

Meyers, Karin Mapping the Territory of the Path: The Progress of Insight in the Visuddhimagga and Abhidharmakoabhya 317 Braun, Erik The Dhamma Tools for Enlightenment: The Laity and the Study of the Abhidhamma in Colonial Burma 318 Bayer, Achim Is Karma Really a Dharma? Some Reflections on Dharmas, Karman and Reasoning in the Abhidharmasamuccaya 319 Gethin, Rupert How Do Animals and Other Non-Buddhists Have Faith and Knowledge? 319 Brennan, Joy Mind-only Thought in Its Abhidharma Context 320 Meyers, Karin Mapping the Territory of the Path: Dharma-s and the Progress of Insight in the Abhidharmakoabhya 320

Reconstructing the History of Late Indian Buddhism -Relationship Between Tantric and Non-tantric DoctrinesMochizuki, Kaie On the Guhyasamaja Literature Attributed to Dipamkarasrijnana 323 Wangchuk, Dorji The Legacies of Vikramala and Nland Monastic Seminaries in Tibet 323 Tomabechi, Toru Bhavyakrtis Sub-commentary on the Pradpoddyotana as a Doxography324 Yang, Mei Buddha and Yogin in the Buddhakaplatantra and Its Commentary Abhayapaddhati 324 Kyuma, Taiken Bu Ston on Pramitnaya and Mantranaya 325

Relics of Cambodia
Marston, John Buth Savong and the New Proliferation of Relics in Cambodia 327 Kobayashi, Satoru Sima and Barami: A Quest for the Regional Formation of a Buddhist Worldview 327 Guthrie-Higbee, Elizabeth Iconography as Relic: Late Colonial Buddhist Iconography in the Mekong Delta and Its Origins 328 Walker, Trent "Siamese 'Dharm Yog'": A Khmero-Thai Dharma Song for Inviting Relics 328 Hansen, Anne Relics and Other After-lives of the Buddha: 329

Right Belief, Orthodoxy, and the Boundaries of Modern Chinese Buddhism

Wormald, Andrew Buddhist Meditation in Republican China 331 Scott, Gregory Print Culture and the Making of Buddhist Histories in Meiji and Republican East Asia 332 Teng, Wei Jen Rise of Fundamentalism in a Theravda Meditation Movement in Contemporary Chinese Buddhism 332 Chen, Lang Warfare, Nationalism and Sacred Place: A Comparative Study on the Narratives of Yanqing/Guanzong Monastery in the 13th and the 20th Century 333

Searching for Vasubandhu

Sakuma, Hidenori The Legendary Vasubandhu and the Koakra Vasubandhu 335 Kramer, Jowita The Relation of Vasubandhus Pacaskandhaka to Other Abhidharma Works 336 Gold, Jonathan In Search of Philosophical Continuity in Vasubandhu: Causality, Scripture and Language 336 Kritzer, Robert Vasubandhus tmavdapratiedha: Sautrntika, Drntika, Yogcra? 337 Mejor, Marek Vasubandhus Discourse on Ignorance (Avidy-vibhaga) in the First Chapter of the Prattyasamutpda-vykhy 337 Park, Changhwan On the Transformation of Vasubandhus Sense of Real 338

Strategies for Teaching About Socially Engaged Buddhism

Dennis, Mark Teaching Socially-engaged Buddhism to Undergraduates Mun, Chanju Paper Title: Introducing Students to South Koreas Minjung (Liberation) Buddhism in 1980s by Way of the Concepts of Orthopraxis, Violence, and Doctrinal Classification. Green, Ronald Paper Title: Challenging Students to Consider the Inconsistencies in Democracy, Capitalism and Buddhism Forte, Victor Paper Title: Challenging the Classroom With Buddhist Ethics 341 342 342 343

Study of Dignaga
Lysenko, Victoria Actuality and Potentiality in Digngas Understanding of Immediate Perception (Nirvikalpaka Pratyaka) According to His Pramasamuccaya(PS) and lambana-park(AP) 345 Kataoka, Kei Dignga, Kumrila and Dharmakrti on the Potential Problem of Prama and Phala Having Different Objects 345 Franco, Eli A Newly Discovered Manuscript of Jitaari's Works 346 Yao, Zhihua Non-activity (Nirvypra) in Dignga and Sautrntika 346 Chu, Junjie On Dignga's Theory of Mental Perception Presented in PS(V) 347 Katsura, Shoryu Dignga on Non-Buddhist Theories of Proof 348

Tantra
Thurman, Robert Tibetan "Bardo" Vision and Practices: Use in Preparing People for Death 349 Hua-Stroefer, Hai-Yen Buddhas Paste - Buddhas Brush; Rebirth of a Taima Mandala; Restoration and Origin 349 Mak, Bill Master Puans Alphabetical Dhra - Bastardization or Sinicization? 350 Prasad, Birendra Reconsidering Relationship Between Esoteric and Non-Esoteric Aspects of Vajrayana Buddhism: a Study With Particular Reference to the Visual Narratives and Spatial Arrangement of the Vikramashila Mahavihara, Bihar, India. 350 Lin, Tony Methodology in the Reconstruction of Buddhist Mantras 351

Tantric Buddhist Ritual: Esoteric Cult in Southeast and East Asia

Lomi, Benedetta The Esoteric Bat Kannon Ritual: Patterns of Adaptation and Appropriation in the Memorialisation of Horses in Japan 353 Goble, Geoffrey The Esoteric Buddhist and Military Cult of Vairavaa in 8th Century China 353 Glassman, Hank This Very Body: The Tantric Iconography of Human Physical Form as Seen in Grave Monuments in Early Medieval Japan 354

Tengyur Translation Project

Hackett, Paul The AIBS Comprehensive Kangyur and Tengyur Database 355 Priyadarshi, Tenzin Appearance, Disappearance, and Reappearance of the Nalanda System: Relevance of Tengyur beyond Buddhist Scholarship 355 Thurman, Robert Proposal for a Multi-Language Wiki-Tengyur Translation Process in the Dharma-Cloud: Translation beyond the Lotsawa-Egoist Competition toward making the Buddhist Mind (adhytma) and Material (bhya) Sciences (vidysthna) as widely available as possible 355 Yarnall, Tom The Liberative arts of Nlnda and the Indian University System as a Basis for Publishing Translations of Tengyur Texts 356 Geshe Samten The Tibetan Curriculum has kept us AliveHow Tibet Embraced Buddhism 356

Textual Studies in Chinese Buddhism I

Kanno, Hiroshi On the "Four Interpretations" of the Fahua Wenju 359 Jin, Tao The Transmission of Fazangs Commentary on Qixinlun: Its Accepted and Evolving Traditions 360 Qing, Sik A Study on Ji-Zang's Commentary on the Wisdom of the Diamond Sutra. 360 Xiao, Yue The Formation of the Oldest Version of the Larger Sukhvatvyha 361 Chen, Chien Huang Thinking Foundation of Master Sheng Yens The Establishment of Pure Land on Earth Notion: The Inheritance From Yngmng Ynshu and uy Zhx 361

Textual Studies in Chinese Buddhism II

Sangyeob, Cha The Significance of the Chinese Translation of Kamalala's Bhvankrama 363 Bianchi, Ester; Sanders, Fabian Majur-nma-samgti Between China and Tibet 363 Long, Darui A Comparative Study on the Yongle Northern Edition of Chinese Buddhist Canon 364 Tudkeao, Chanwit The Relationship Between Central Asian Versions of Ratnaketuparivarta and the Early Chinese Translation 365 Hsu, Yu-Yin Meditation and Travelthe Experiential Description of Internal / External Body-watching 365

The Ancient Japanese Manuscripts

Ochiai, Toshinori On Ancient Japanese Manuscript Copies of the Drghanakhaparipcch Stra 367 Matsumura, Junko A Unique Viyaghr-Jtaka Version From Gandhra:The Foshuo Pusa Toushen (Yi) Ehu Qita Yinyuan Jing () (T172) 367 Saito, Tatsuya Features of the Kong-ji Version of Further Biographies of Eminent Monks : With a Focus on the Biography of Xuanzang in the Fourth Fascicle 368 Hayashidera, Shoshun The Newly Found Text of the Puxian Pusa Xing Yuan Zan ( , Bhadracarypraidhna) in the Kong-ji Manuscript Collection 368 Chi, Limei Translation or Apocrypha? Two Esoteric Buddhist Texts Regarding Malapdavajra 369 Jo, Gen Newly Discovered Japanese Manuscript Copies of the Liang [Dynasty] Biographies of Eminent Monks 370

The Construction of Contemporary Chinese Buddhism (I)

Goodell, Eric Taixus Response to Liang Shuming 371 Kandahjaya, Hudaya Via Kong Hoa Sie to Borobudur 371 Yu, Jimmy Inheriting the Past and Inspiring the Future: The Construction of Dharma Drum Chan Lineage 372 Chu, William Taixu (1890-1947) and Yinshuns (1905-2005) on Modern Buddhist StudiesA Threat or an Aid to Chinese Buddhism? 373 Lye, Hun Three Generations of a Malaysian Chinese Buddhist Lineage: Chinese Buddhist Identity in Muslim-majority, Multi-ethnic Malaysia 374

The Construction of Contemporary Chinese Buddhism (II)

Heller, Natasha Recollection of the Buddha in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction 375 Foulks, Beverley Welcome Back, Ouyi: Reconstructing Lingfeng Monastery 376 Ip, Hung-Yok The Efficacy of Non-resistant Resistance: Xuyun in the Chinese Communist Regime 376 Nichols, Brian Tourist Temples and Places of Practice: Charting Two Paths in the Revival of Monastic Buddhism in Contemporary China 377 Tarocco, Francesca Visual Piety and Beyond: Buddhist-inspired Images in Modern China 378

The Lotus Sutra: Mahayana or Beyond Mahayana?

Reeves, Gene The Dharma Flower Sutra in the Mahayana and the Mahayana in the Dharma Flower Sutra 379 Sekido, Gyokai Esoteric Buddhism Within the Framework of the Lotus Sutra Buddhism of Nichiren 380 Kubo, Tsugunari What the Lotus Sutra Requires of People 380

Tsuda, Shinichi The Post-mahayanic Character of the Lotus Sutra and Its Principle Tola, Fernando; Dragonetti, Carmen The Lotus Sutra: Mahayana or Beyond Mahayana? Logan, Joseph Ticket to RideBoarding the Great Vehicle by Means of the Lotus Sutra

381 381 381

The Prospects for Bhiksuni Ordination in Tibetan Buddhism

Clarke, Shayne On the Mlasarvstivdin Affiliations of the Bhiku Vibhaga and Bhiku Prtimoka Preserved in Tibetan 383 Roloff, Carola Bhiku Ordination in the Vinayakudrakavastu of the Tibetan Kangyur 383 Mrozik, Susanne Contextualizing the Tibetan Bhiku Debate: What Is at Stake and for Whom? 384 Finnegan, Damcho Finding the Will and the Way: Vinaya Narratives as Resources in Tibetan Debates Over Bhiku Ordination 385

The Role of the Laity in the Formation of Modern Buddhism

Kim, Hwansoo Manufacturing a New Buddhism: a Lay Movement in Colonial Korea, 1920 1945 387 Aviv, Eyal Redefining the Role of the Laity in 20th Century China: The Cases of Oyng Jngw and Wng Hngyun 388 Braun, Erik A New Buddhendom: the Laity's Changing Role in Modern Burmese Buddhism 389 Gayley, Holly The New Upsaka: Lay Ethicization in Tibetan Regions of the PRC 389 Jaffe, Richard Advocating Lay Buddhist Practice in Early Twentieth-Century Japan: Kawaguchi Ekai, Suzuki Daisetsu, and Tanaka Chigaku 390

The Sense of Place, Real or Imagined in Japanese Buddhist Visual Culture

Quinter, David Localizing Strategies: Eison and the Shtoku Taishi Cult in Medieval Japan 393 Vallor, Molly; Vallor, Molly Blossoms Before Moss: Mus Sosekis Saihji as Sacred Site 393 Chin, Gail The Reality of Place in Raigzu, Especially Pertaining to the Work of Taishid, Kakurinji 394 Andrews, Susan Moving Mountains: Japanese Instantiations of the Wutai Wenshu Cult 395 Beghi, Clemente China, Japan or Mirokus Heaven? on the Origins of the Namikiri Fud of Kyasan 395

The Spread and Use of Dharani Sutras in East Asia, 8th-12th Centuries
Mcbride, Richard The Mahpratisar Dhra in Medieval Sinitic Buddhism 397 Wang, Michelle The Role of Dhra Stras in Buddhist Art at Dunhuang 397 Joo, Kyeongmi The Changing Connotation of Dhras in East Asian Stpa Deposits During the 8th-11th Century 398 Vermeersch, Sem Beyond Printing: Looking at the Use and East Asian Context of Dhra Texts in Korea 398

Tibetan Doctrinal Studies

Makidono, Tomoko Emptiness Versus Tathgatagarbha:the Tibetan Recipients of the Tathgatagarbha-stras and the Prajpramit-stras Considering What Is Empty and What Is Not Empty From the Gzhan-stong Perspective. 399 Rinpoche, Yangsi Madhyamaka and Mahamudra 400 Laish, Eran Speaking Without an Object the Integrative Language of Longchen Rabjampa's "The Precious Treasury of the Space of Phenomena" 400

Higgins, David Does Error Exist in the Ground? Investigating the Rdzogs Chen Distinction Between the Grounds of Freedom (Grol Gzhi) and Error (khrul Gzhi) 401 Chen, Shu-Chen Comparison of Tibetan and Chinese Pure Land Practice 402

Tibetan Sociological Studies

Mei, Ching Remedy of Tending Life in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions 403 Viehbeck, Markus The Yogi and the Scholar: Rhetorical Polemics as Frame and Framework 403 Sernesi, Marta A Corpus of 16th Century Tibetan Blockprints: Towards a Catalogue Raisonn 404 Manson, Charles Emaho! The Visions Experienced by Karma Pakshi 404 Baimacuo, Baimacuo Tibetan Nuns in Kham 405

Tibetan Textual Studies

Rondolino, Massimo gTsang Smyon Heruka and Bonaventure of Bagnoregio: Comparative Considerations in Hagiology 407 Cantwell, Cathy The Development of Textual Cycles in a Revelatory Tradition: Preliminary Forays Into the Literature of the Dudjom Corpus 407 Takahashi, Koichi Philological Analysis on the Introductory Chapter of the Sadhinirmocana-stra: With Special Reference to the Phug Brag Manuscript 408 Bentor, Yael How Did Tsong-kha-pa Arrange His Sdhana of the Guhyasamja? 409 Almogi, Orna Various Conceptions of Akaniha in the Tibetan Tradition With Special Reference to rNying-ma Tantric Sources 409 Hackett, Paul On the "Comparative" (Dpe-bsdur-ma) Kangyur and Tengyur 409

Translating Tibetan Buddhism: Language, Transmission and Transformation

Gray, David Translation at the Limits of Buddhist Discourse: The Politics of the Translation of Esoteric Buddhist Scriptures 411 Stanley, Phillip Finding One's Way Around the Kangyur and Tengyur 411 Perman, Marcus Describing the Gdams Ngag Mdzod: A Digital Catalog and Collaborative Venture for Tibetan Buddhist Scholars 412 Tillemans, Tom The Buddhist Literary Heritage Project 413

Women in the Texts of Early Indian Buddhism

Muldoon_Hules, Karen How to Avoid Marriage and Other Themes: Stories of North Indian Nuns in the Avadnaataka. 415 Engelmajer, Pascale Entering the Bhikkhunsangha in the Pli Texts: A Womans Last Option? 415 Collett, Alice On Female Sexuality 415 Fiordalis, David Buddhism, Gender and the Miraculous: Three Stories From the Avadnaataka 416 Lenz, Timothy Behind the Birch Bark Curtain: Forgotten Women in Gandhran Literature 416

A Comparative Approach to Buddhist Philosophy

Jiang, Tao Mdhyamikas and the Moral Self
McGarrity, Andrew
This paper explores occasions in which Mdhyamikas such as Ngrjuna, ryadeva and Candrakrti advocate the expedience of positing a self. Drawing upon earlier Buddhist critiques of nihilism (ucchedavda), they posit what might be termed a moral self , specifically to counter the view of the Materialists. They do so in order to ensure moral responsibility for actions and their consequences, even if the shorter term benefits of positing such a self are later seen to be outweighed by its eventual longer term shortcomings, thus necessitating the teaching of no-self . Rather than being an ontological claim, this expedient usage of selfhood or perhaps more in modern scholarly parlance personhood is advocated purely for the sake of providing a basic moral orientation and a personal narrative in which to situate this orientation. Drawing upon contributions toward the theorization of Buddhist ethics made by Damien Keown, Georges Dreyfus, Mark Siderits and Charles Goodman, this paper will explore some of the ethical implications of this strategy. In particular, I will suggest that it holds some resonance with a stream of Western thought, associated with such thinkers as Charles Taylor and Iris Murdoch, which has sought to restore an ethics of virtue as a counter to reductive analyses that reduce issues of moral personhood to the question of the bare existence or non-existence of a detached ontological subject. Such comparison will also serve as a reminder to recall the necessarily premodern context in which Madhyamaka thought operates, especially when it comes to notions of the Good. For while perhaps at first glance appearing to have more in common with the sort of reductive analyses that Taylor et al criticize, I will argue that in fact the very rigor of the Madhyamaka metaphysical critique is actually what allows for the restoration of this moral self or person purely as a site for the cultivation of virtues.

Does Buddhism Advocate Mind-Body Dualism?

Lin, Kent
The mind-body problem is an important issue often discussed in philosophy of mind, and since the time of Ren Descartes the theory of mind-body dualism has likewise received a great deal of attention. According to contemporary philosopher John R. Searle, mind-body dualism is deeply problematic a view which has since caused him to refute all forms of it, including what he sees as the Buddhist version of mind-body dualism. The distinction between mind and body in Buddhist scriptures, as exemplified by the use of terms such as name (nma) and form (rpa), has led some scholars such as Peter Harvey to search for insights into the mind-body relationship of early Buddhism. However, we have to ask whether the apparent distinction between body and mind necessarily implies that Buddhism advocates, or is, a kind of mind-body dualism. If so, then what kind of mind-body dualism does it represent? And if not, what precisely is the Buddhist position with regard to

23

the mind-body problem? In order to answer these questions, this paper takes core Buddhist tenets as the basis for an investigation into the Buddhist viewpoint on the mind-body problem, and furthermore takes a look at the possible contributions of such findings to contemporary issues in philosophy of mind. The outcome of this paper suggests that the Buddhist employment of a mind-body distinction is for the sake of facilitating discourse. The Buddhist theories of designation by provisional naming (prajapti) and relative truth (sajvrti-satya) clearly reveal this outlook. Besides from the distinction between mind and body, the gama sutra also states that consciousness(vina/vijna) and name-form(nma-rpa) are interdependent as a whole, much like reeds lean on each other in order to stand erect. Furthermore, the Buddha also used the idea of the five aggregates (paca-skandha), i.e. rpa, vedan, sajj, sajskra, and vijna, to refer to the integrated wholeness of a human being. Hence, while the dualistic distinction between mind and body is not an absolute one, it is perhaps best viewed as a temporary distinction used to facilitate communication on a conceptual basis. The Buddhist viewpoint concerning non-duality (advaya) and the idea that nothing exists apart from mind (vijapti-mtrat) the latter of which can indeed be seen as a form of idealism will also be discussed to further shed light on the Buddhist standpoint on mindbody dualism. I conclude by pointing out that on the ultimate level (paramrtha) Buddhism advocates neither mind-body dualism nor non-dualism. On the conventional level however, the mind-body distinction appears as a kind of practical dualism similar to linguistic dualism.

Husserl, Nietzsche, Dignga and Dharmakrti on Cognition, Negation and Apodictic Evidenz (Svasavitti)
Lusthaus, Dan
This paper will present several striking parallels between two Western philosophers and two Buddhist philosophers. During the early 1870s, Nietzsche, in his Notebooks (Nachlass), explored a series of epistemological problems, systematically unpacking them in a way that informed his published works but which never appeared in an orderly fashion in his publications. Although he purports to be examining ancient Greek thinkers in the light of contemporary philosophy (Locke, Kant, etc.), the positions he lays out can also be read as insightful analyses of key elements in the systems of Dignga and Dharmakrti. Husserl, in his early philosophical works, devotes much attention to the problem of apodicticity (e.g., "external perception is deceptive, inner perception evident" HUA XIX, p. 753 [853]), which eventually coalesces into his theory of Evidenz, which, in turn, he often describes as Selbstgegebenheit, "self-giveness." Not only the term, but Husserl's ruminations over several decades and the significant effect that changes in his investigations of apodicticity had on his general philosophy, shed light on curiously parallel issues suggested by Dignga in his Pramasamuccaya. Finally, the most striking parallel is the virtually identical definition of "negation" offered by Husserl and Dharmakrti, a theory of negation as an expression of "frustration" that is otherwise rarely found in philosophers, either in the East or the West. Methodologically, I will attempt to avoid reducing any of these thinkers to their Others, or any system to another. Rather I will try to set up the mirrors so that they each reflect the other and shed light on each other.

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You Cannot Eat Your Cake and Have It Too! Incommensurability of Two Conceptions of Reality in the Mlamadhyamakakrik
Jiang, Tao
There is a clear recognition of the conflict between various conceptions of primary reality, such as essence, substance, and God, etc., and conceptions of secondary reality, such as property, attribute, and creatures, etc., in the history of mainstream Western philosophical discourse and Indian philosophical deliberations. In this presentation, I argue that Ngrjuna stands out as one of the few major philosophers in the world who fully recognize the tension between the two conceptions of reality and vigorously argues for their incommensurability. However, he flouts the mainstream philosophical approaches, both in the West and in India, which tend to sacrifice the secondary reality. Instead, he completely rejects the conception of primary reality, and embraces secondary reality which is in fact not secondary but the only reality for him. More importantly, in so doing he radicalizes the very conception of secondary reality by cleansing it from any primary element, such as substance and essence, etc. I present my case by a reexamination of Ngrjunas important but puzzling discussion of the relationship between two central teachings of Buddhism, namely emptiness (nyat) and dependent origination (prattyasamutpda), in his Mlamadhyamakakrik.

Space, Extension and Transcendental Unity of Apperception: Thoughts on Tiantai, Spinoza and Kant
Ziporyn, Brook
Spinoza and Kant seem in some respects to represent two opposite poles of the European continental philosophical tradition, one a dogmatic rationalist metaphysician and one a transcendental critic of the same. Nonetheless, the need to unify them, and the observation of a certain inverted structural similarity between them, may be viewed as the starting point of the projects of Schelling and Hegel, the forgers of mature German Idealism. That many have been dissatisfied with this synthesis has not diminished its immense importance for the subsequent history of philosophy. In this paper I want to bring certain Tiantai Buddhist ideas into this conversation, in the hopes of addressing the same problem but pointing a way toward a more satisfactory solution. What is shared in Kant and Spinoza is the notion of an exceptionless omnipresence. For Spinoza this was Substance, the essence of which involves existence, and which thus can be conceived only as existing. The reasoning behind this idea relies less heavily on Anselms ontological proof of Gods existence than on the structure of the Cartesian cogito. The key to that structure is instantiation even in negation. Every possible conception will presuppose Substance as the necessarily infinite attribute Thought--even the conception of its negation. Every possible patch of space, even a patch of total nothingness forever empty of all content, will instantiate Substance as the necessarily infinite attribute Extension. In both cases it is instantiated by whatever is, and even by whatever is not. For it is defined as something that is presupposed in having a conceptor having anything at all, even an identifiable lack. It is therefore literally unconditional, necessarily concomitant to anything conditional, copresent to every presence.

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Kant would say, of course, that this involves only the necessity for our experience of positing the existence of the unconditional, or of Substance, rather than its actual existence. But Kant too has a subjective analogue, not for reality but for experience: the transcendental unity of apperception, the I think which necessary can (not does) accompany any representation, without which no experience occurs. For there to be experience is already for there to be the exceptionless copresence of this possibility of connection to the I think. However we may interpret Kant on what this I think actually is, we can perhaps retain the singling out at least of a connectibility as necessarily intrinsic to any possible experience, and therefore exceptionlessly omnipresent in all experience. Tiantai also offers a notion of the exceptionless. But the central idea of Tiantai is that exceptionless omnipresence is at once 1) unavoidable and 2) self-deconstructive, and therefore 3) applies equally to any possible term at all. Any term that is instantiated everywhere and at all times is thereby drained of its original content, for that content depends solely on its contrast with something other. To be exceptionlessly omnipresent is, ipso facto, to have no particular content, to be empty: whatever is everywhere is also therefore nowhere. This means it is instantiated in no one form more than in any other, and the instantiation even in negation thus applies to every possible experience. Neither Kant nor Spinoza is entirely oblivious to this sort of turnabout. We find it in Spinozas infinite attribute theory and in the equal presence of substance in both empty contentlessness and in any particular content; in Kant perhaps in the nonconvergence of the transcendental and the empirical ego, and in the paralogisms pertaining to the unconditioned. But other philosophical commitments keep both from following through consistently on its implications. In this paper I will try to point a way toward a Tiantai intervention that will perhaps allow us to revisit the relationship between Kant and Spinoza, and (therefore) the possible implications of each of their philosophies.

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Approaches to Early Mahayana

Osto, Douglas Imagination, Altered States and the Origins of the Mahyna
Osto, Douglas
The philosopher of history Hadyen White has posed this rhetorical question: Is it not possible that the question of narrative in any discussion of historical theory is always finally about the function of imagination in the production of a specifically human truth? In this paper, I suggest that the human imagination may be useful both as a tool for our historical inquiry into early Indian Mahyna, and for understanding the origins of the Mahyna within Indian Buddhism. Recognition of the role of imagination in the construction of our historical narratives about early Mahyna will aid us in avoiding what I call the Scylla and Charybdis of historical inquiry positivism on the one hand, and relativism on the other. An acknowledgment of imaginations role in our thinking means we need to accept that all our knowledge is theory-laden and that every history implies a philosophy of history. Thus as historians of religion we need to utilize theory creatively from a variety of disciplines history, anthropology, sociology, neurophysiology, psychopharmacology, etc. in order to expand our knowledge of early Mahyna. Such a rejection of positivism and use of theory does not imply relativism. In the same way as Einsteins theory of relativity was an imaginative leap that also happens to be true about the world, it is possible to use our imaginations to uncover truths about early or original Mahyna. And in fact this is what researchers into early Mahyna have been attempting to do. One recent suggestion by Daniel Boucher and Jan Nattier is that the Mahyna might be usefully compared to other new religious movements such as Mormonism. I think this analogy is apt for highlighting two common features of new religious movements, which are also shared between Mormonism and the Mahyna: charismatic leadership, and altered states of consciousness. What I would like to examine in this paper is the possible role of altered states of consciousness (ASC) in the origins of the Mahyna movement. Building on ideas suggested by recent thinkers such as Paul Harrison on the possible ascetic forest origins of the Mahyna, I argue in this paper that early Mahynists may have been accessing imaginal spaces (Bruce Kapferer) through altered states of consciousness induced by extreme asceticism and meditational techniques. Moreover, in some important Mahyna stras these altered states are valorized as samdhis. I then suggest that the neuropsychological model of ASCs developed by the anthropologist David Lewis-Williams may be used to understand certain distinctive features of the Mahyna as a new religious movement in India. Specifically when applied to the Mahyna, Lewis-Williams model provides a powerful explanation rooted in human neurophysiology for the origins of the Mahynas new cosmology of multiple Buddhas and Buddha lands.

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A Genre Approach to the Origins of Mahayana

Walser, Joseph
The question of the origins of Mahayana has remained a rather thorny issue despite the numerous books, conference panels and journal symposia on the subject over the last century. In this paper I argue that at least some of the difficulties that scholars have encountered are a function of the way the problem has been set up. Specifically, the uncritical treatment of the concept of origin itself may lie at that heart of the problem. By adopting a Genre Studies approach to religion, I argue that origins are necessarily composite events with the creation of religious works and the creation of the corresponding genre classification occurring at separate moments. Any attempt to explain an origin must narrate the dynamic relation between both components. While scholars have done a very good job explicating the textual history of specific Mahayana documents, the larger issue of the origins of Mahayana requires us to interrogate far more of the genre history than has been done so far. This paper will clarify the distinction between textual history and genre history with specific examples from the Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines.

From Quenching the Flame to Fanning the Fire: Nirva, Anuttarasamyaksambodhi, and the Vedic Ritual Cosmos in Certain Mahyna Stras
Gummer, Natalie
As Steven Collins has suggested, the concept of nirva in early Buddhist thought constitutes a deliberate inversion of the Brahmanical image of fire: whereas in Vedic ritual and cosmology, fire is a life-giving force that, properly manipulated, serves to maintain cosmic order, Buddhist thought identifies fire with the kleas, causes of suffering that are extinguished through the attainment of nirva. In some Mahyna strasmost famously, the Saddharmapuarkanirva comes to be figured as a lesser attainment, one that is superceded by anuttarasamyaksambodhi. In this paper, I argue that the demotion of nirva in such stras marks not only a selective inversion of earlier Buddhist conceptions, but also a skillful and large-scale reappropriation of aspects of Vedic sacrificial theory that other Buddhists had explicitly rejected. In such stras, fire functions as a potent trope for the transformative potential of the Buddhas highest teachingsthat is, the stras themselves and their ritual enactment. Just as the sun of the Vedic cosmos cooks the world, and the fire of the sacrifice cooks offerings to the deities, the stras literally cook (pari-pac) audiences into the attainment of complete and perfect awakening that is anuttarasamyaksambodhi. Numerous and striking further parallels between the vision of perfect Buddhahood articulated in these stras and the theory and practice of Vedic sacrificial ritual suggest that at least some forms of Mahyna Buddhism, far from being constructed in opposition to Brahmanical tradition, deliberately co-opt its central tropes of cosmic order and ritual efficacy to articulate and actuate the Mahynas own superior transformative powerboth in relation to Brahmanical tradition and in relation to other Buddhists.

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Being a Bodhisattva in Early Mahayana

Drewes, David
One of the most important characteristics of Mahayana Buddhism is its advocacy of the bodhisattva path, typically imagined to require a vast number of lifetimes of strenuous effort and self-sacrifice. Theorists of early Mahayana have generally sought to account primarily for the development of this new orientation. Scholars long linked it to lay people reacting against the putatively selfish arhat ideal. More recently, scholars have argued that only diehard, primarily monastic, Buddhists would have been willing to undertake such a difficult path. This paper argues that early Mahayanists saw themselves as advanced bodhisattvas who could attain Buddhahood quickly and easily and suggests a basic reconsideration of what it meant to be a bodhisattva in early Mahayana.

What Do We Mean by Early in the Study of the Early Mahyna and Should We Care?
Boucher, Daniel
The study of the cluster of movements we call the Great Vehicle has enjoyed renewed attention over the past few decades. This renewed attention has also brought more texts into the conversation, and perhaps more importantly, new perspectives and reflections on methodology. One of the most frustrating problems for scholarship in this field is periodizing the various extant witnesses, especially in the earliest phase of these movements. My talk will reflect on these ongoing problems and the various efforts to address them to date. I will then offer critical appraisals of some of the presuppositions that have motivated certain of these efforts and propose some desiderata for future work.

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Art and Archeology

Section Moderator: Note on Buddhist Practices and Rituals in Dvravat as Gleaned From Archaeological Evidence
Revire, Nicolas
The archaeological study of Dvravat has much developed since its beginnings in the first part of the twentieth century. Still, very little is yet known about the history, political organization or geographical extant of what is called Dvravat. What we do know derives mainly from the vast number of religious vestiges such as stpa or caitya foundations, stone and bronze sculptures, clay or stucco artefacts, and a few inscriptions. Based on this archaeological evidence, we know that the area that today constitutes roughly central Thailand was largely populated by the Mons and was strongly shaped by Buddhism since about the late sixth or the early seventh century, although Brahmanism was also common. But exactly what kind of Buddhist practices and rituals were observed in the region by these people? The aim of this paper is to discuss some of the evidence we have so far for reconstructing the religious activities of this period circa the seventh and eighth centuries. I will broadly classify the artefacts in two categories, those which are clearly the products of the ideology of merit, and those specifically related to consecration rituals.

Vajrayana Buddhism as an Instrumental and Social Religion Between 5-12th century

Mishra, Umakant
Buddhism found an early beginning in Orissa but it began to expand vertically and horizontally from 5th century AD onwards in a period characterized simultaneously by the growth of temples, land grants, cult appropriation and development of pilgrimage. Conventional Historiography regards this expansion of Buddhism as 'degenerate', with little resemblance with the 'Nibbanic Buddhism' of Buddha's times or the devotional bodhisattvahood of Mahayanism. Buddhism of this period, especially Vajarayana is regarded as imitative and confined to monastic complexes without base with people. The present paper contests these conventional characterizations and argues that it was a social and instrumental religion for laity. Vajrayana Buddhism innovated deities, created rituals for laity, wrote litanies for Buddhist gods and goddesses. Working from arcaheological perspectives, the paper presents the social nature of Buddhism in the period and argues that Buddhism between 5-12th century was not imitative but distinctive with its own identity and worked within the normative tradition of Buddhism.

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The Legends of Buddhist Supernatural Images in China

Wang, Chuan
According to Wang Xuan-ce Xing-zhuan , there are numerous Buddhist Supernatural Images in India. Most of Buddhist Supernatural Images are focused on the true appearances and auspicious images of Buddha, which are called rui-xiang in China. They might have various kinds of magical changes, for example, to become standing up or stooping down, walking or flying, to shine brightly, to have two heads, to appear water and flame from his body, and so on. This paper aims to the legends of Buddhas supernatural images with Chinese Buddhist canon to illustrate the historical meanings and the geographical features for rui-xiang.

Reassessing Aoka as an Arthastric King

Jenkins, Stephen
Tambiah writes that the Aokan edicts are best understood as standing in dialectical contrast to the norms of statecraft propounded by the arthastric writers. However, the acts attributed to Aoka as examples of his moral conversion are recommended for victorious kings by the Arthastra, dharmastras, and the ntiparvan, including his expression of regret for killing his enemies. In light of the fact that Indian statecraft was remarkably sophisticated in regard to manipulating public opinion, the edicts should not be taken at face value as a basis for psychologizing Aoka as experiencing a moral revolution. Buddhist traditions themselves remember Dharmoka as committing religiously motivated mass violence, torture and capital punishment long after his conversion. Norman influentially argued that the edicts abolish the death penalty, based on the conviction that frequent references to ahis are inconsistent with execution. However the stras, which generally valorize ahis, advocate militatry conquest and harsh punitive violence and do not see these as inconsistent. Sacrifice was ahis because it benefited its victim and warfare was homologized with sacrifice. Punitive violence relieved its victim of bad karmic potential and allowed rebirth as a human or deva. Ahis rarely indicates simple nonviolence. The edicts are also the main evidence for the important historical argument that Buddhistic ethics created a crisis for Vedic traditions by curtailing animal sacrifice and promoting vegetarianism. The edicts themselves either contradict or fail to support that view. Aokas expression of regret may be the most effective public relations campaign in world history. Whether sincere or not, his expression of remorse and post-war dharma-campaign demonstrated a strong symmetry with the best practices of power politics, even as conceived by the Machiavellian Arthastra.

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Buddhism & Sacred Geography I

Bingenheimer, Marcus; Robson, James Monumental Sutra Rock Carvings in China and Indian Pilgrim Sites
Wenzel, Claudia
Among the many sites in ancient India that were visited by Chinese pilgrim monks, the rock where the Buddha dried his robe (shaiyishi ) must have been relatively well known in China. It is mentioned in the travelogues of both Faxian (travelling in India from 399 to 414) and Xuanzang (travelling from 627 or 629 to 645 in India). While Faxian simply remarks Moreover, the drying-robe-stone ...... still remains. The stone is a chang and fourtenths high, and more than two chang across. It is smooth on one side (Beal 1968, XXXI), Xuanzang elaborates that This is the place where the tathgata basked his kaya. The pattern of the cloth is distinctly clear, and lucid like a stone carving ( , ). Xuanzangs reference to stone carvings in such a context throws some light on the functioning of monumental sutra stone carvings in China as pilgrim sites. In Stone Sutra Valley at Mount Tai, about two thirds of the text of the Diamond Sutra (T #235, 8:748c18750c23) was carved into the natural rock bed under the open sky sometime between the Northern Qi and the Early Tang dynasty, sanctifying the surrounding landscape. The place of this monumental stone carving was known as Scripture-Basking Valley or ScriptureBasking Rock (Baojingshi or Shaijingshi ) in Ming times. On site inscriptions of Ming literati corroborate this. Even though the denomination Scripture-Basking Rock for the Diamond Sutra carving cannot be traced further back with any certainty, it is possible that the creators of the monumental carving had ancient Indian pilgrim sites on their minds. The Chinese travelogues mentioned above are complemented by the visual evidence of the illustrations of the story of the Buddhas robe in cave 323 of the Mogao caves in Dunhuang from the early Tang dynasty. The murals and the accompanying cartouches reflect the Chinese view on the sacred Indian sites and give an idea of how to better understand sites of monumental stone carvings. While the Chinese could not boast to have the place where the Buddha dried his robe, they turned the landscape into a sacred place by carving the text of the Diamond Sutra, a sutra that was known for its efficacy in magic and wonder-working as narrated in contemporaneous miracle stories. Once the scripture was being spread out on the rock of Mount Tai in the sun, the place became the Scripture-Basking-Rock that may have inspired the historical person of Xuanzang when he described the place where the tathgata basked his kaya in ancient India, and it moreover inspired the novelist Wu Chengen (ca. 1500-ca. 1582) when he invented the literary figure of monk Tripitaka in his Journey to the West who spread out sutras on a rock to dry them in the sun.

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The Sacred Geography of Dawei: Buddhism in Peninsular Myanmar (Burma)

Moore, Elizabeth
The culture of the maritime port of Dawei on the southern peninsula of Myanmar reflects interchange with Upper Myanmar, Thailand and Sri Lanka. This can be seen in distinct characteristics of Buddhist sites around Dawei dating to the 9th-17th century CE which take their names from the founding chronicles. These are kept alive in social memory through Buddhist pilgrimage and patronage today. The region of Dawei (Tavoy) was isolated from the rise of so-called Pyu Buddhist walled sites in Upper Myanmar in the early centuries CE but the ancient site of Thagara displays many parallels with the Pyu sites including urn burials. A locally made image of the Buddha from Thagara, however, resembles images from Central Thailand, accessible via mountain passes east of Dawei. Interchange from Dawei outwards was not only overland, east to Thailand, and north to Upper Myanmar, but also maritime. This can be seen in the 11-13th century CE in a bronze image of the Buddha akin to ones from Sri Lanka and others in bronze and stone following the styles of Thai and Upper Myanmar Bagan courts. In the 15-16th century, large lead and tin coins from Dawei are unmatched elsewhere in the region, reflecting the abundant metal resources of the peninsula. While used for trading, the coins retain links with the Buddhist traditions of the town, being decorated with the auspicious hintha (hamsa) and inscribed in reverse with the name Maha-thuka-nagara or great blessed city. During the British colonial period, the establishment of a well-informed pariyatti teaching monastery by Zayawadi Sayadaw (b.1874), and the solicitation of the Dawei people for an image of the Buddha from King Mindon in Mandalay in the 1870s, testifies both to Daweis distance from the main centers of Buddhist scholarship and also to local efforts to re-gain the independence finally achieved in 1948. Today, Zayawadi is a well-endowed teaching monastery, and the legendary founding of Thagara remains an active pilgrimage circuit in Dawei. The founding of Thagara is linked to the tale of hermit named Gawinanda and his union with a local Ngakoma fish. Two children born of the union were raised by the hermit who in due course received two relics of the Buddha from an arahat Shin Arahan. The relics were enshrined in pagodas founded by the two children, one being the main pagoda of Thagara. All the main pagodas of the town are linked into the narrative of the hermit and the relics. There are sacred sites at the pagoda where the second relic was enshrined, where the hermit washed his robe, and the mountain top where he meditated. The Gawinanda hermit of Dawei chronicle marked out a path that touches most of the towns ancient walled sites. Archaeological survey at the sites has produced artefacts supporting early habitation. This does not validate the legendary history and the point is not to establish a hierarchy between chronological and social or religious narratives. It is rather to guide attention into the quantity of ancient Buddhist stories woven into the present physical and social landscape of Dawei. Attached: Maps of location of Dawei in Myanmar and sacred sites around Dawei

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Meeting the Inhabitants of the Necropolis at Baoshan

Adamek, Wendi
In my years of research on the memorials for Chinese Buddhist monks and nuns at Baoshan and Lanfengshan in Henan, the illusion of meeting a few of the deceased face-to-face continues to be a source of surprise and wonder. Most of these highly individualized portraitlike representations date from the seventh century. The monks niches on Baoshan are generally more exposed and worn, so that few individualizing features can be discerned. Lanfengshan, where the portrait-statues of nuns were carved, has niches that have been protected from the elements by trees and accumulated debris; some were entirely buried. When I was last there in July of 2005, two of these buried niches had been recently excavated and the statues features were startlingly clear. This adds urgency to the conservation issues facing the sites custodians. Baoshans niches are protected with a wall and locked gate, while Lanfengshan remains unprotected. Utilizing natural limestone surfaces, inscriptions were carved beside the ornate sculpted stpa-shaped niches that in some cases still hold exquisite representations of the subjects seated in meditation posture, or shown copying scriptures. The stpa-niches show stylistic continuity with carvings of Buddha-niches at the nearby Northern Qi (550-77) site known as Xiangtangshan. The portrait-images of Baoshan and Lanfengshan appear to be unique; they are both earlier and iconographically distinct from the Longmen donor-images of nuns discussed by Amy McNair. The inscriptions themselves are shaped by the conventions of both Chinese lithographic memorialization and Buddhist donor inscriptions on stelae and carved devotional niches. As Dorothy Wong has shown, the blending of Buddhist devotional icons, epigraphic forms, and classic Chinese stone-carving techniques inspired sculptors to new heights of artistry in the fifth and sixth centuries. We see images of donors in attitudes of worship at other sites, but what inspired the Baoshan community to enshrine images of their deceased as if they were little Buddhas? In India, stpas enshrining the relics of eminent monks and sometimes nuns were among the earliest sites of Buddhist devotional practice, but they do not appear to have included images of the deceased. Images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas with individualized features are associated with Greco-Roman-influenced sculptors at Gandhara, but these devotional images were not necessarily tied to reliquary worship. In Buddhist China, the notion of the stpa as a sacred space and reliquary was linked to the miracle tales of King Aoka, who was said to have built eighty thousand stpas in a day in order to distribute the Buddhas relics. Tales of the legendary rulers pious fervor and the merit he accrued were sources of inspiration for Chinese Buddhist devotees. Elsewhere I have discussed the complex processes that led to the veneration of the Chan patriarchs as living Buddhas in China. Notably, at Baoshan we see some of the steps along this path: the main devotional cave, Dazhusheng, contains the earliest known representation of the twenty-four Indian patriarchs from the Fu fazang zhuan, monks who were later incorporated into the Chan patriarchy. The Dazhusheng shallow-relief carvings of these monks are not portraits, but they provide an immediate precedent for associating seated Buddha-images with seated Buddhist monks transmitting the Dharma.

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In pre-Buddhist China, mortuary representation was associated with stylized tomb-mural depictions of activities in which the deceased participated. Possibly influenced by this practice, in Buddhist votive art of the sixth century stylized representations of the donors are included in shallow-relief carvings or in paintings on stelae and cave walls. Katherine Tsiang makes a connection between two developments in mid-sixth century north China: the sculpting of independent Buddha-images in the round, seated or standing, and inscribed prayers that the donor and all beings become Buddhas. She argues that the sculpting of life-sized free-standing images went hand-in-hand with individual visualization practice aimed at purification and attainment of the ultimate goal of Buddhahood. There are a number of popular visualization scriptures in which the devotee imaginatively projects him/herself into Buddha-form. However, putting a Buddha-like portrait-statue of the deceased into a stpa-niche appears to be a Baoshan innovation. In this paper I will discuss the various antecedents outlined above and suggest reasons for the development of this practice. At Baoshan we see particular regional features and Buddhist soteriology coming together to shape a sacred environment in a unique manner.

Reviving Kushinagar: Contemporary Buddhist 'Life' in the Place of the Buddha's 'Death'
Falcone, Jessica
Although reclaimed from the wilderness by Indian and British archaeologists about a century and half ago, the small town of Kushinagar today remains in a unique sort of stasis that has inspired more than one Buddhist pilgrim to recently remark that the place seems utterly "dead." How is the landscape of Buddhist life mapped and negotiated at this space of Buddhism's most celebrated death? Based on fieldwork in Kushinagar from 2006-7 that focused on the Tibetan Buddhist (via the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition) plans to build a 500 foot statue of the Maitreya Buddha, this paper will examine the current and potential future significance of once and future sacred monuments that mark the location of Buddha's death and his cremation, and how these spaces are envisioned and occupied by pilgrims, monastics and locals. In emphasizing shifting "scapes" such as ethnoscapes and ideoscapes, Appadurai worked to destabilize the notion of situated cohesive communities bound to territory, but how would this perspective apply to our informants' understanding of their ties to sacred ground? For Tibetan Buddhists in exile, and also for Tibetan Buddhist converts, sacred landscapes themselves are a central aspect of religious ideologies, identities and ritual practices, although these disparate constituencies may express their attachments to sacred spaces in divergent ways. While the terrain of certain ritual-scapes has been well-explored by anthropologists, for example, the relationship between the Australian landscape and the aboriginal Dreaming, sacred Buddhist territoriality has not been so famously or exhaustively mapped. Thus, this paper works towards more sophisticated engagements with Buddhist sociotemporal landscapes, especially as issues of displacement and transnationalism serve to give rise to new manners of emplacement, and as aspects of memory, mythology, creativity and change negotiate for inclusion within the cultural milieu of contemporary Buddhist identities. I will draw upon anthropologies of place, as well as cultural geographies and religious intertextuality, to examine the cultural significance of discourse and practices surrounding ritually-created Kushinagari pilgrimage spaces, both old and new. 36

Buddhism & Sacred Geography II

Bingenheimer, Marcus; Robson, James Ming-Qing Travelogues Concerning Mt. Putuo
Bingenheimer, Marcus
Since the Ming dynasty, Mt. Putuo, an island off the coast near Ningbo, has been counted among the "four great mountains" of Chinese Buddhism. Its history is in many ways typical for how sacred sites in China come about: starting from one or two foundational legends the landscape is gradually textualized, it gets inscribed with monuments, epigraphy and buildings, a local pilgrimage economy develops, second-order texts are produced about it, which are again incorporated into the semantics of the site. Often, travelers did not go mainly to visit the place itself, but to follow the traces of previous visitors. Late Imperial China saw a great increase in individual travel for pleasure, at least among the gentry. Sometimes the travelers left a short account of their travels in form of a travelogue (youji ), a genre that gained wide-spread acceptance after the Song. Travelogues enable "writers to articulate fully the autobiographical, aesthetic, intellectual, and moral dimensions of their journeys in first-person narratives" (Strassberg 1994: 4). This paper will examine travelogues from the 17th to the 19th century by visitors to Mt. Putuo. How were they motivated? How did they experience the site? Were there changes in the way Mt. Putuo worked as sacred site in this period? How are the special biases of their respective backgrounds as Confucians, Buddhists and Christians reflected in their understanding of the site?

Geography Matters: Spatial Analysis of Contemporary Chinese Buddhist Monasteries

Wu, Jiang; Tong, Daoqin
This paper approaches the data of contemporary Chinese Buddhist monasteries in mainland by using quantitative methods in geographical studies. Based on recent data from the BGIS project at he University of Arizona, the Atlas of Chinese Religion project at ECAI of University of California, Berkeley, the database of religious sites published by China Data Center at the University of Michigan, we apply geographical method such as Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA) and Regression Analysis to study these data by identifying various social, cultural, economic viables and their relationships to temple building. We find that in contemporary mainland China, the size of the population and the level of transportation conditions are no longer the determining factors in temple distribution. However, regional economic growth does stimulate the development of Buddhist institutions. The distribution of museums shows similar patterns as that of Buddhist monasteries does, indicating their similar roles in local society. We also discovered that the level of higher education and the size of internet users may discourage the development of Buddhist institutions. Through this study, we hope to develop a new paradigm for studying Chinese Buddhism and monasteries.

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Contesting Sacred Space in Pre-Modern China: On the Buddhist Appropriation of Sacred Geography
Robson, James
Research on sacred geography has increasingly revealed that static conceptions of sacred space are inadequate for capturing the complex historical realities of those sites. Contemporary research on sacred geography has raised a variety of questions and issues that can potentially open new vantage points onto the study of Chinas religious landscape. One of the pressing questions that needs to be addressed by those concerned with the formation and development of a Chinese Buddhist sacred geography, for example, is: How were new Buddhist sacred sites created and consecrated in a geographical (and cultural) context at some remove from India, where the sites associated with the historical Buddha were all located? How were Buddhist sacred sites displaced from India and replaced in China? This problemif we can call it thathas for the most part been passed over in silence by most contemporary scholars, but thanks to the development of sophisticated new tools for the analysis of texts concerning Buddhist sacred geography in China we can begin to study these questions in a way that was not possible for our predecessors. In this paper I seek to demonstrate how Buddhists did not set up a new network of sacred sites in China, but alighted on sites that in a large number of cases were already consecrated by the imperial cult, local cults, or Daoists, as sacred spaces. In general, early Chinese Buddhist sacred geography appears to have been overlaid on top of an intricate network of pre-existing sacred sites. Close readings of a variety of primary sources, such as monastic foundation legends in gazetteers and inscriptions, reveals that some of those places were established on sites that are explicitly said to have connections back to ancient Chinese sages, local cults with long histories, or were sites previously noted as sites within Daoist conceptions of sacred geography. In this study I intend to map out the connections between newly instituted Buddhist sacred sites and previous claims to those sites. I will also track the history of some sites over time to assess what kinds of contestation took place over specific sites.

Mount Wutai and Buddhism in the Late Ming

Liao, Chao-Heng
Mount Wutai became the first site widely regarded as sacred mountain by Chinese Buddhists. It emerged as center for the worship of Majur (Wnsh ) in the 4th century under the Northern Wei. Mt. Wutai is holy to Chinese, Tibetans and Mongols alike. Being located in an ethnically diverse and often contested area in North China, Wutai suffered from wars during the Song dynasties, and although the Yuan emperors were associated with Tibeto-mongolian Buddhism, they did not attempt to rebuild the sites at Mt. Wutai. By the 15th and early 16th century Mt. Wutai had reached the nadir of its decline. In the second half of the 16th century and especially under the Wanli emperor (1563-1620), Mt. Wutai saw a revival that lasted far into the Qing dynasty. Famous monks such as Hanshan Deqing , Miaofeng Fudeng , Yuechuan Zhencheng , and influential lay-people such as Wanlis mother, the Empress dowager Cisheng , contributed to the recovery of Wutai as a sacred site.

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Yuechuan Zhencheng established an important Buddhist center on Mt. Wutai, where he and his students devoted themselves to the teaching of the Huayan school. The school became a renown Buddhist center for northern China, that competed for leadership in the interpretation of Buddhist texts with the southern branch of the Huayan school in Nanjing led by Xuelang Hongan . Yuechuan Zhenchengs activities attracted attention not only from Buddhist circles, but also from among the literati and members of the court. The popularity of Mt. Wutai peaked in the early Qing, when the Manchu rulers announced that they were the offspring of Majur and undertook several pilgrimages to the mountain. The paper will focus on the revival of Buddhist activity on Mt. Wutai during the late Ming as a crucial stage in the history of Mt. Wutai when its status as the foremost of the four Buddhist mountains was established.

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Buddhism Among Iranian Peoples

Maggi, Mauro Transmission of Bodhisattva Texts and Ideology in Fifth-/sixth Century Khotan
Martini, Giuliana
This paper stems from a research aiming at a first reconstruction of the religio-historical context of bodhisatva practice in early Khotanese Buddhism. The presentation will be based on a close reading of quotations from the Vinayavinicaya-Upliparipcch and the *Pranavykaraa-stra in the Book of Zambasta, possibly the oldest or one of the oldest extant Khotanese texts. The question raised is what does the presence of these textual materials in the Book of Zambasta indicate in terms of the ideological and ritual aspects of the bodhisatva practice. A special focus will be placed on the transmission of the so-called bodhisatva precepts in Khotan, as well as on the related local building of a Mahyna polemical doxography.

The Activities of Sogdian Buddhists in Kucha as Observed in the Tocharian B Secular Documents
Ching, Chao-Jung
The vast majority of the secular documents written in Kuchean (i.e. the Tocharian B language) are fragments of monastic accounts and records found in the ruins of ancient Buddhist sites on the northern rim of the Tarim basin (Xinjiang Province, China). In addition to Klaus T. Schmidts early discovery of a personal name Putteyne (pwttyn in Sogdian) in these materials as quoted by Dieter Weber in 1975, several other names of probable Sogdian origin or formed on the basis of Sogdian words have been recently identified by the present author in the process of a comprehensive investigation of the Kuchean monastic documents on paper, that are generally to be dated to the seventh and eighth centuries.Some of the people bearing Sogdian names , were deeply involved in the economical management of the local monasteries . For example, some of them were laymen and laywomen working for the monastic community in the Kizil Grottoes. A few others sold the foods offered to the Buddha in the monastery located at todays Duldur-akhur and then returned money to the monks in exchange for them. Their activities, especially the futher transportation of the food offerings and even their sale for the Duldur-akhur monastery, imply that some of these persons were very possibly members of the kapyres (approximate equivalent to Skt. kalpikra(ka)-, Pli kappiyakraka-, Chin. jingren) repeatedly mentioned in Kuchean monastic accounts and the relevant records. Intensive textual analysis reveals that the kapyre-people were not invariably as modest as slaves or serfs. Some kapyres were apparently socially important and owned valuables such as horses and fields. There was even a person, Puttewante (*pwttynty, a late (?) variant of pwttyntk in Sogdian), who imposed levies on kapyres as a

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tax collector working for higher regional officials. These phenomena raise the issue about the Sogdians immediate interactions with the local Buddhist monasteries in Kucha as well as in other oases on the Silk Road. Conceivably, in ancient Kucha under the Tang rule (648 ca. 790s CE), the Sogdians played a major economical and social role in the local Buddhism.

On the Karmavcan Text in Tocharian

Ogihara, Hirotoshi
Among the Tocharian Buddhist texts, there is a group of fragments which belong to the Vinaya texts. They can be divided into three main genres: the Prtimoka, the Vinayavibhaga and the Karmavcan. Here, the main focus is placed on the last one. Although a Tocharian B Karmavcan text written on birch bark (= THT1102~1125, actually belonging to a single manuscript) has already been studied by K.T. Schmidt in his habilitation thesis (1986) and a provisional list of the Karmavcan text in Tocharian is given there, its systematic survey is still a desideratum. In this presentation, the overview of the Tocharian Karmavcan text will be first introduced, then five fragments of the same genre recently identified by the present author in the Berlin collection will be presented in comparison with the Sanskrit text. It is worth of notice that [1] these five fragments show the notation of the archaic stage of the Tocharian B language in spite of the paleography which can be classified as the standard stage as established by Melanie Malzahn (2007), and that [2] they give the ritual formulae for Upsakas. As Schmidt shows in his studies (1986 and 1988), the Tumshuqese Karmavcan text kept in Paris (the so-called Pelliot no. 410), which shows similarities to the Tocharian B text on birch bark in its syntax, gives the ritual formulae for Upsiks. The newly found Tocharian Karmavcan text can also be compared with the Tumshuqese one.

Mighty Animals and Powerful Women: On the Function of Motifs From Folk Literature in the Khotanese Sudhanavadana
Degener, Almuth
The new edition of the Khotanese Sudhanvadna as well as renewed interest in recent years in studies of folk and fairy tales call for a fresh appreciation of this famous work from the point of view of comparative literature and mythology. The Sudhanvadna has long been recognized as one of the most popular Buddhist stories in South and South East Asia as well as in Buddhist Central Asia as far as China. Less well known is that the motifs which make up a major part of the narrative can be seen in a wider context of world wide folk literature. Two motifs in particular belong to the general theme of relation between man and animal: 1) the rescue of an animal and the gift of a magic object as a reward, and 2) the union of a human being with an animal partner, the swan woman. The Sudhanvadna is an example of how in a process of domestication popular literary subjects were incorporated into a Buddhist frame for educational purposes.

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The Commentaries to the Vajracchedik Among the Sogdian Buddhist Fragments of the Berlin Turfan Collection
Reck, Christiane
The Sogdian Buddhist fragments of the Berlin Turfan collection give an impression of the Iranian Buddhism in Central Asia. They differ from the Sogdian Buddhist texts in Dunhuang in several ways. While many of the Dunhuang remains represent longer parts of the texts and usually their Chinese original can be identified, The bulk of the Sogdian Buddhist texts from Turfan are preserved in very small pieces. Some of them could be identified as parts of at least two different manuscripts of commentaries to the Vajracchedik by Werner Sundermann. In the course of the work on the catalogue of the Buddhist Sogdian fragments of the fragments are examined and described in detail. The results of this examination will be presented here.

The Two Recensions of the Khotanese Sudhanvadna and Their Indian Parallels
De Chiara, Matteo
Work on a new edition of the Late Khotanese metrical Sudhanvadna which tells the story of Sudhana and the fairy princess Manohar identifpage number baried with kyamuni Buddha and his wife Yaodhar has shown that the three main manuscripts of the work belong to two strictly related but different recensions: mss. C and P preserve a popular recension characterized by colloquial language, while the one preserved by ms. A is a more literary and somehow artificial composition. The paper will exemplify how comparison with the Sanskrit versions of the narrative chapter 30 of the Divyvadna and especially Kemendras Avadnakalpalat help establish a tentative relative dating of the two Khotanese recensions and solve the complicated puzzle of the relationships between the two recensions and between these and the Sanskrit texts.

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Buddhism and Divination (I)

Redmond, Geoffrey Mind-reading and Divination in Early Buddhism: Based on Pi and Chinese Sources
Zhou, Chunyang
The ability to read others' mental contents (Sanskrit: deanprtihrya, paracittajna; Pi: desanpihriya etc.; Chinese: , ; Tibetan: pha rol gyi sems shes pa) is closely related to the divination in Buddhism. Many legends about divination preserved traces of mind-reading. As one of the oldest forms of the Buddhist belief in supernatural powers, it shows more psychological and practical properties than the other. Many Buddhist texts including the earliest Stras reported or suggested this superpower to be possessed by the Buddha kyamuni. However, it seems that the Buddha himself considered it to be irrelevant to the attainment of liberation and even to the preaching of Buddhist teaching. But for all that, the Mind-reading has developed into a very important element for the divinational acts of the Buddhist monks in later epochs. Such a tradition has persisted to this day. In the structure of Buddhist divination, it played a double role: on the one hand, it was applied as one of the most basic methods, on the other hand, it was produced as a result of the divination. Therefore, the understanding of mind-reading has special significance in the interpretation of the Buddhist divination. This presentation will provide a survey of selected textual evidences for Mind-reading from early Pi and Chinese scriptures, e.g. the Kevaddhasutta (Chinese: ), and try to discuss the structural and historical relationships between Mind-reading and Divination in the early Indian Buddhism.

Divination in Theravadan Southeast Asia

Kosuta, Matthew
In the countries where Theravada Buddhism predominates there is a wide range of religious practice that surrounds, intertwines, and even merges with Theravada practice, chiefly animism and Brahmanism. A common practice in these two religious traditions is divination, and while this practice, it would seem, should lie outside the practice of Theravada, it nonetheless is integrated into Theravada belief and practice. This paper presents a general survey of divination in Theravadan Southeast Asia (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Thailand) specifically looking at where and how divination fits into Theravada belief and practice. It concentrates on divination in contemporary Theravadan Southeast Asia with some historical references being made. Contemporary divination is compared to relevant passages in the Tipitaka and Atthakathas in order to discern similarities and differences. The types of divination, the practitioners, and the role of divination in peoples lives will be noted and compared cross-culturally. In addressing divinations relationship with Theravada, particular attention is paid to monk practitioners and concepts such as kamma. Special consideration is given to contemporary diviner apologetics concerning the Tipitakas prohibitions on practicing divination and that divination is stated as a wrong livelihood. Within the categories of divination and Southeast Asia, the paper concentrates on the practice of astrology and the country of Thailand. 45

Should Monks Tell Fortunes? Rules Against Divination and Their Practical Application
Fiordalis, David
Ethnographers and historians of Buddhism in the Himalayan region, Tibet, Southeast Asia and other parts of Asia attest to the common practice of divination and other mundane sciences (laukika vidy) by Buddhist monks. Yet, many textual scholars have generally given the impression that such practices were prohibited or at least discouraged by certain canonical passages found in classical Indian Buddhist scriptures and monastic regulations. This apparent incongruity between classical doctrines or rules and actual, historical practices has led to the suggestion of laxity or degeneration on the part of later Buddhists in regard to some of the ideals of the tradition. This essay will briefly explore the category of the mundane sciences in Buddhist thought, while reexamining the textual bases for the claim that divination and other mundane sciences should not be performed by Buddhist monks. Ethnographic data from a series of recent interviews with divination specialists and other Buddhist practitioners in contemporary Nepal will then be provided in the form of contemporary perspectives on the nature and place of divination and the other mundane sciences within the Buddhist path. Upon closer investigation, one can see that both classical and contemporary Buddhist understandings of the mundane sciences and their place in Buddhist path theory are more nuanced than a cursory reading of one or two canonical passages might initially lead one to conclude.

Divination in Buddhist Doctrine and Practice: Historical and Religious Contexts

Redmond, Geoffrey
Divination, though specifically forbidden to monks by Shakyamuni Buddha in Pali texts, was widely practiced by religious and laity alike. In contemporary world, divination is undoubtedly performed by more people then ever before, despite its exclusion from the scientific worldview. This paper seeks to provide a context for understanding why divination was, and is, a prevalent religious practice, despite its frequent condemnation by religious and scientific authorities alike. Despite its widespread practice by Sangha members, often within temples, divination associated with Buddhism has received somewhat limited scholarly attention, in large part because of its assignment to the category of superstition. Oddly, it has been less respectable than, for example, the study of ritual, perhaps because divination claims to describe this-worldly events rather than those in other worlds not accessible to normal consciousness. Science has been particularly unsympathetic because divination seems to assume patterns of causality for which science can find no evidence. Carl Jung, however, revalidated divination for the modern Western sensibility with his famous Foreword to the Wilhelm/Baynes translation of the I Ching. While psychological reductionism can result in anachronism, Jungs work has had the positive effect of emphasizing the divination is not merely fortune-telling but has other spiritual and religious implications.

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The basis for banning divination by monks seems to have been the general concern to avoid worldly activities, especially using religious charisma for generation of income. Inevitably this was not followed since it is the provision of religious services that attracts lay financial support. While the simple presence of those living a holy life is perceived as beneficial in itself, inevitably there is demand for more tangible benefits, including ritual performance, merit making and spiritual advice, which often took the form of divination. While Shakyamuni forbade divination for the Sangha, he did not imply that it was invalid, nor did he condemn it for non-monastics. In contrast, Christianity did condemn many divinatory practices, though astrology was considered legitimate, because any ritual seeking contact with spirits was deemed to be Satanic, as well as an attempt to gain knowledge that was properly reserved for God. The Christian attitude seems to underlie, perhaps unconsciously, the general Western modernist disdain of divination that has often clouded scholarly consideration. In contrast, in Mesopotamia, Greece, Rome and China, among other cultures, divination was not seen as diabolical but as a force for morality and social order. Since divination revealed the will of the gods, or of an impersonal Dao or Heaven, divinatory advice would incline questioners toward proper conduct. However because divinatory results or omens could be pretexts for rebellion, there were often attempts to regulate it. These measures were no more effective in banning divinatory practices than are the efforts of modern day doctrinaire skeptics. The challenge for moderns in understanding divination is recognizing the multiple meanings it has had in peoples lives, with both positive and negative effects.

Divining Buddhahood
Sasson, Vanessa
Buddhahood is generally not understood as a spontaneous accomplishment. Lifetimes of preparation are required before the moment itself might unfold. In the Pali Canon alone, 547 previous lifestories are narrated, each one a kind of stepping stone towards the next. Countless Jatakas are scattered, moreover, throughout Buddhist literature, combining entertainment value with moral plays along with the persistent reminder that Buddhahood is the pinnacle of an otherwise very long process. Buddhahood is announced as a coming attraction in most (if not all) of these sources. In the hagiographies dedicated to his final life, these announcements become more pronounced with cosmic portents declaring his now inevitable and foreseeable awakening. His conception is marked by his mothers famous dream, for which she urgently requests expert interpretation. His gestation is guarded by the Four Great Kings as they invisibly surround Maya throughout her pregnancy and ward off whatever evil advances might be made. When labor begins, the highest gods of the Indian pantheon descend to earth in order to receive him. After his birth, magical water pours out of golden urns to bathe him and the universe trembles and explodes with light. These signs, among many others, articulate the cosmically pivotal fact that a great being had come to town. Although Maya may have required dream interpreters at first, by the time this unusual infant was born, it was surely obvious that the ten-thousand world system was celebrating an extraordinary arrival. One need not be a great fortune-teller to know this.

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And yet fortune-tellers are nevertheless required. Not long after his birth, sages appear at the kings doorstep to examine the child for whom the universe so enthusiastically applauds. The interpretations provided play a key role in the Buddhas hagiography, for it is the ambivalence of the interpretation that determines how the king chooses to raise his son. This paper will explore the various ways in which Buddhist hagiography divines the Bodhisattvas status and what role such predictions may have played in his larger narrative.

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Buddhism and Divination (II)

Redmond, Geoffrey From Sukuyji and Rokumeishi to Onmyji and Onmy-hshi: The Development, Decline and Survival of Buddhist Astrology in Premodern Japan
Buhrman, Kristina
The Kamakura-period encyclopedia Nichreki (early thirteenth century) lists famous sukuyji ( ) and rokumeishi ( ) in its arts section. The esoteric monks named hereboth Shingon and Tendai schools are representedappear in the historical record as experts in calendrical calculations, astronomy and astrology; sometimes working in tandem with the astrologers and ritualists known as onmyji ( ), sometimes competing or disputing with them. Both sukuyji and rokumeishi practiced a form of astrology that has been designated as Sukuyd ( ), a combination of Greek, Indian and Chinese astrologies primarily drawn from Chinese texts authored by such figures as Amoghavaira and Yi Xing. Sukuyd has garnered some scholarly attention as important to the worldview of courtiers in the Heian (794-1185) and Kamakura (1185-1333) periods, but much about the factors leading to its appearance and disappearance as a separate field of specifically Buddhist astrology have been left unexplained. While Buddhist astrologers can be found in the historical record up through the Meiji Restoration (1868), sukuyji and rokumeishi start to fade from the historical record in the late thirteenth century, and are thought to have died out as a group after the loss of a ritual complex in Kyoto during the fifteenth century. The standard explanation for the disappearance of this group has been the decline of power of the traditional nobility in late medieval Japanhowever, this explanation elides over the fact that elements of Sukuyd astrology survived as part of Onmyd practice. This paper looks at some of the social factors that lead to the appearance of the specifically Buddhist astrology of Sukuyd, and how these factors led to the disappearance of Sukuyd as a separate field of astrology even as certain aspects were absorbed into the practice of onmyji and onmyhshi (onmyji-monks). The rise of Sukuyd can be attributed both to the growing influence of esoteric Buddhism at the Japanese court during the Heian Period and to the relaxation of state controls on astrology and divination at the same time; however, court onmyji also must be given some credit. Early in the history of the development of Sukuyd in Japan, onmyji were studying and adopting parts of the system. As many aspects of Sukuyd became incorporated in onmyji practice and the population of onmyji grew during the Heian Period, the identity of a sukuyji became more that of a celebrant of certain Buddho-Daoist rituals than that of an astrologer. Rather than a loss of court prestige, it was the dispersal of these rituals that dealt the deathblow to sukuyji as a group, even as elements of Sukuyd lived on.

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Buddhist Divination Print From Hangzhou, China

Huang, Shihshan
This paper evaluates the significance of the richly illustrated thirteenth-century printed divination booklet Tianzhu lingqian (Efficacious Lots of Tianzhu), a booklet that illustrates a collection of one hundred temple oracles with illustrations, divination poems, and additional explanatory texts. This booklet is associated with the Shang Tianzhu si (Upper Tianzhu Monastery ) in Hangzhoua Buddhist temple noted for its miracle of Guanyin in the tenth century and its generous patronage from the imperial court throughout the Song dynasty (960-1279). Efficacious Lots of Tianzhu is one of the earliest extant temple booklet reflecting the long-lasting tradition of the so-called qian divination. Although the booklet is associated with a Buddhist temple, its divinations downplay the religious overtone and highlight the secular concerns. In particular, many qian divinations reflect thematic concerns most relevant to officials and examination candidates. These concerns, expressed in both image and text throughout the booklet, may reflect the preoccupations of the metropolitan scholarly elite during the Song period and in turn suggest that the educated few formed a significant portion of the intended audience.

Southern Song Buddhist Masters Using of I-Ching in Chan

Zhu, Jingjing Jacqueline
Southern Song dynastys New Confucianism and its related I-Ching (Yijing) studies developed to a new period. Buddhism was involved directly in this very social and political atmosphere. With the communication among the literati, politicians, and Chan masters, IChing was able to be used in Chans teaching rather than be prohibited. In this paper, the author will discuss the social background of Southern Song dynasty and how the theory of Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism affected among each other. The author will give the example records of using of I-Ching divination and sixty-eight diagrams to explain and teach Chan by several Buddhist Chan masters, such as Fozhao Deguang 1121-1203 , Wuji Liaopai 1149-1224 and Wuzhun Shifan 1179-1249 . This paper will also shed light on how these methods affect some Japanese Buddhist monastic students while they travel to China to study.

Divination as a Karmic Diagnostic: The Divination Texts of Ouyi Zhixu

Foulks, Beverley
Although Buddhist monastic codes formally prohibit divination, astrology and fortunetelling by Buddhist monks, the late imperial Chinese Buddhist monk Ouyi Zhixu (1599-1655) describes engaging in such activities throughout his life. Shengyan considers Ouyis practice of divination anomalous among Buddhist scholastics (1975, 222), but he does not elaborate on its possible signifiance for Ouyi, which is one of the main criticisms raised by Jan Yn-hua in his review of Shengyans work (1979, 131). In this paper, I argue that divination serves as a karmic diagnostic for Ouyi, enabling him to determine his karmic status by identifying past sins, signaling spiritual potential, or indicating future rebirths. Divination not only offers insight into how Ouyi understands karmic causality and cosmology, but it also reflects his

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own values and spiritual aspirations. Far from being a superstitious or degenerate practice, Ouyis use of wheel marks (lunxiang ) to determine ones past karma and future potential makes sense if one appreciates that for Ouyi, such marks or characteristics (xiang ) are integral with ones nature (xing ). If we consider one of the most basic definitions of divination as the discovery of what is hidden or obscure by supernatural or magical means, we find that it fits with Ouyis own estimation of the aim of divination being to reveal (lou ) the various sins of sentient beings. (SSZZ1485: 74.579a14) Divination can enable him to determine whether he has karmic obstacles, his spiritual potential, and his future rebirth. Divination allows Ouyi to understand himself and uncover karma that would otherwise be hidden. Ouyi takes divination quite seriously, holding himself accountable for the lots chosen. Although some scholars consider divination to be evidence of the degeneration of Buddhism in late imperial China, if we consider that karma was portrayed as something hidden or opaque in early Chinese Buddhist texts, it makes sense that divination could be used as a means of uncovering karma, especially given the prominence of divination rituals and texts such as the Zhouyi from the earliest dynasties of Chinese history to today. I discuss three divination texts that serve as the primary basis for my argument that Ouyi views divination as a tool for understanding his karma: one commentary on the Zhouyi and two works about the Sutra on the Divination of Good and Bad Karmic Retribution (Zhancha shan e yebao jing ). Divination serves as a strategy for self-interpretation, enabling Ouyi to determine his future potential by shedding light on his karmic past. Works Cited Jan Yn-hua. 1979. Review of Minmatsu Chgoku bukky no kenky: toku ni Chikyoku o chushin to shite (A Study of Chinese Buddhism during the Late Ming Dynasty by Focusing on the Central Position of Chih-hs), by Chang Sheng-yen. Journal of the American Oriental Society 99.1: 131. Shengyan . 1975. Minmatsu Chgoku Bukky no kenky: toku ni Chigyoku no chshin to shite : (A Study of late Ming Buddhism: focusing especially on [Ouyi] Zhixu). Tky : Sankibo busshorin.

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Buddhism and Law Beyond the Vinaya

Lammerts, Christian Monks, Merchants and Tax Evasion: Conflicts at the Customs House
Pagel, Ulrich
This paper examines Buddhist monastic attitudes towards taxation and duty payments as described in the Mlasarvstivda vinaya. First, it investigates the factors that shaped the dynamics governing the relationship between monks and merchants in ancient India. Second, it identifies the commercial, social and religious pressures that could easily create tension when colliding with classical Indian tax law at border crossing and city gates. Accounts of these conflicts reveal valuable information about the status of monks within the wider brahmanical society and throw light on the measures the Sangha took in order to accommodate the prevailing legal traditions of the Dharmastras and their commentators.

Tibetan Monastic Customaries (Bca Yig) in the Growth of Mass Monasticism in Amdo
Sullivan, Brenton
My presentation is based on a systematic study of the chayik (T. bca yig)customary or monastic constitutionof one of the most influential monasteries in Amdo (northeastern Tibetan cultural sphere) from the late Ming (1368-1644) and Qing Dynasties (1644-1911) as well as those chayik of its numerous branch monasteries. There are three central bodies of literary documents that pertain to ethics and conduct within and the administration of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries: the canonical Vinaya literature from India, the "three vows" indigenous literature that relates monastic vows to lay and tantric systems, and chayik. Chayik are the most customized and local of these literary documents, and thousands of them have no doubt been produced over the past millennium and particularly over the past four hundred years. Chayik are meant to codify the rights and responsibilities of monks and positions within a monastery, and in that sense they share some common attributes with the better known Chinese Buddhist literature known as qinggui , or pure codes. In addition, I contend that chayik play an equally (or more) important role in the establishment of formal relationships between monasteries and thereby in the growth of powerful webs of monastic institutions. The central monastery in question is known as Gnlung Jampa Ling (T. dgon lung byams pa gling; Ch. Youning si ). Founded in 1604 by an important incarnate lama from Central Tibet, it grew in size and influence, and by the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1661-1722) it is said to have housed over 7,000 monks and to have had over 2,000 temples, nangchen or lama compounds, monastic quarters, and other buildings. Moreover, it came to be referred to as the mother of all the [nearly fifty] monasteries north of the Huang (T. Tsong) River. My reading and analysis of Gnlungs chayik and those of its branch monasteries will make it possible to determine both the literary character of these documents and to see what role they have played in defining the relationship between parent and child monasteries. In addition to looking at how these texts are indebted to the Vinaya for much of their language, 53

I would like to examine the inter-textual relationship of these texts themselves to determine how 'original' or formulaic they are. More importantly, I believe, these documents also contain important historical details that we can use to better understand the different types of relationships that existed between parent and child monasteries. This presentation is part of my larger, ongoing study of the history and administration of Gnlung Monastery and my attempt to better understand what factors contributed to the success of the Geluk (T. dge lugs) sect in Amdo along with its system of mass monasticism. The Geluk sects prodigious production and dissemination of chayik seems to be one of these important factors. I have so far managed to collect half a dozen chayik related to Gnlung and its branch monasteries, and I will be in Amdo through next June during which time I hope to collect and study others for the purpose of this presentation.

Slavery, Manuscripts, and Monastic Succession: Jurisdictional Conflict and Consolidation in Dhammasattha and Vinaya in Burma, 1602-1651 C.E.
Lammerts, Christian
In BEFEO 37 (1937) Robert Lingat published a foundational descriptive account of conflicting monastic regulations in two genres of Buddhist written law transmitted in precolonial Southeast Asia: dhammasattha (inaptly dubbed "secularized dharmastra in Buddhist guise") and the texts and commentaries of the Mahvihra-vinaya. Lingat observed that the laws of the former "droit laque" regulating monastic inheritance evince a "complexity unknown to the Vinaya while they reflect new trends specific to the local church." However, the historical, jurisprudential, and textual relations in question are far more dialogic and nuanced, and suggest important insights concerning the negotiation of Vinaya in practice and the crystallization of distinct monastic and non-monastic jurisdictions in Burma. This presentation will examine select records from a compendium of monastic court cases tried by a vinayadhara around upper Burma between 1602-1613 and assess the authority its compiler accords to dhammasattha as a form of "mundane law" (lokavatta) with jurisdiction in disputes over the inheritance of slaves and manuscripts by monks. It will then turn to the two earliest datable Pali and vernacular dhammasattha treatises (c.1628-1651), to consider their interactions with "Vinaya"especially the "Discourse on the Property of the Dead" (Matasantakakath) of the Mahvagga and its later commentariesas an authoritative corpus regulating monastic succession. It will conclude with a discussion of how and why dhammasattha jurisdiction over bhikkhus was eventually displaced by Vinaya in Burma, and offer some reflections that link this transformation with projects aimed at consolidating and disseminating Mahvihrin textual-legal orthodoxy in the early modern period.

Can Buddhists Make Music? The Nature and Role of Music in Buddhist Monastic Code
Liu, Cuilan
Music is viewed with mixed feelings in early Buddhist literature. Depending on the way in which it is performed and the purpose of its application, the function of music has been portrayed as a double-edged sword capable of facilitating or impeding religious practices. At first glimpse, praises of heavenly musicians and monastic chanting experts seem to suggest 54

that music plays an important role and has a wide range of applications in Buddhist traditions. Yet upon closer examination one would be aware that such a statement is overgeneralized and requires careful redefining. The use of music in Buddhist practices, despite of its miraculous powers to rapidly accumulate merits, could also be disturbing, distracting, and even destructive. The role of music in Buddhist practices is further complicated by the fact that monastic application of music has been condemned by doctrinal teachings, in particular, Vinaya, the Buddhist monastic code. Anyone who has ever tried would be surprised by the fact that from Buddhist lay men and lay women to fully ordained monks and nuns, all the seven categories of Buddhist practitioners-male and female lay Buddhists (Upsaka and Upsik), male and female novices (rmaera and rmaerik), female religious student (ikam), ordained monks and nuns (Bhiku and Bhik) -are advised to distance themselves from performing or consuming music to varying degrees. To disentangle the problem posed by the above mentioned complications, a review of various religiously used music genre is indispensable. Speaking of music genre, an important criteria used to distinguish Buddhist music from non-Buddhist music stresses lyrical differences over melodic ones. Telling evidence is found in Mahsaghikavinaya (T1425, 518b25-519a02). When nun Karmradht () was suspected for violating the Vinaya by performing singing, the first question Buddha asked her was: Did you really praise secular affairs in melody? When she negated it, Buddha declared her innocent. In this connection, I propose to use lyrical differences to reconstruct the early Indian conceptualization of music genres used in Buddhist context. Briefly speaking, music-related activities in early Buddhist literature will be divided to three categories: instrumental music, vocal music, and musical shows incorporating instrumental music, vocal music, dancing, and drama. Vocal music, depending on the nature of the lyric, are further divided into three subcategories: singing, folk melodies with lyrics narrating secular life; reciting, doctrinal texts recited in religious melody; chanting, religious or folk melodies sung with Buddhist narratives composed by lay and monastic scholars. In past literature, Rakra Tethong (1979), John Ross Carter (1983), and Li Wei (1992) have paid certain attention to doctrinal prohibition on monastic music participation in their researches on Buddhist musical traditions in Tibet, Sri Lanka, and China. Yet a systematic understanding of the role and nature of music in Buddhism is lacking and a comprehensive examination of its historical development has yet to be written. To fill this gap, this paper explores how music is viewed and positioned in early Buddhist literature, with a specific focus on its interpretation in the Buddhist monastic code.

The Meaning and Management of Menses in Bauddha and Brhmaa Contexts

Langenberg, Amy
The rules regulating nuns' sexuality are well known. Another related body of vinaya guidelines are devoted to legislating the reproductive bodies of nuns. They deal with issues such as pregnancy, menstruation, and nursing children. Men and women enact their masculinity and femininity in a cultural performance expressive, in complex ways, of both affective internal states and shared social values. Steeped in a gender culture that emphasized the importance of female fecundity, new female recruits had to learn an 55

awkward and unfamiliar set of gender behaviors, as did their male counterparts. The prescriptions regarding nuns' reproductive bodies in the various Vinayas can be viewed as an attempt to write a script for the performance of gender by nuns. This paper compares discussions of strdharma in select dharma stras and stras with the Bhikuvastu section of the Mlasarvstivda Vinaya, focusing especially on ideas and practices surrounding menstruation. Its aim is to understand special Buddhist laws for nuns as a product not just of Buddhist doctrine, but also of the sophisticated and layered Sanskritic culture in which Mlasarvstivda Buddhism thrived.

From Exalted Status to Aggravated Contempt: The Magnifying Factor of Being a Monk in Cambodian Traditional Laws
De Bernon, Olivier
The exalted status of the members of the Sangha in Cambodian society has been codified in Cambodian traditional law texts. It is stated, for instance, that the single testimony of a monk (bhikkhu), considered as a divine witness (tip sak), would outbalance the testimony of two elevated witnesses (otar sak) like civil servants, or even the testimony of five ordinary witnesses (asor sak) as peasants or musicians. Considering again the exalted status of the members of the Sangha, Cambodian traditionnal law texts also stipulate that, in any circumstance, the grievousness of a crime and its punishment are considerably aggravated if the victim is a member of the religious community. On the other hand, the same texts would state that, for the same offence, let alone the same crime, committed by an ordained monk, after he would have been forcibly defrocked, the punishment would be more severe and infamous than for a lay person. Sometimes, also, when enough doubt remains, an accused monk could be put through an ordeal before being forcibly defrocked. Anyhow, the investigation of a case in which a monk is accused would not be committed to the ordinary civil juge (tralakar), but to a special group of royal commissionners, the sanghars . Indeed, the sanghars would also investigate and decide in many cases involving defrocked monks, recently re-entered in secular life, assuming that their voluntary defrockment might result from engagements or commitments not allowed to a monk. Interrestingly enough, Cambodian traditional law texts would occasionnaly refer to supposedly nuns, the bhikkhuns . Without any epigraphical record of this term, it is very difficult to assert precisely the religious status of such nuns labbeled bhikkhuns in medieval Cambodian context, and comparative study with Siamese traditional legal litterature is of no help in this respect since they contain no record of this technical word. This paper will focus on the analysis of the Code of the Royal Order for the Sanhgar (Kramm Preah Reachakrit Sangharey) belonging to the Corpus of khmer legal laws collated in 1891 by order of King Norodom I.

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Buddhism and the Medieval Religious Traditions of China/Tibet/Japan I

Kapstein, Matthew; Mollier, Christine The Formation of a Bon-po Scriptural Corpus: The Secrets of the Enlightened Mind
Kapstein, Matthew
Although a number of Bon-po (or "proto-Bon-po") works have been identified among the late first millennium Tibetan documents discovered at Dunhuang, none seems to reflect the rigorous Indian scholasticism that played a major role in the development of Bon-po scriptural canons not long thereafter. While it is by now widely accepted that knowledge of specific Indian Buddhist textual traditions did inform the transformations of Bon-po literature that were involved here, only a few studies have begun to trace out the process in any detail. In the present communication, I examine the formation of the Byang sems gab pa dgu bskor ("Ninefold Cycle of the Secrets of the Enlightened Mind"), the first revelations of which date to perhaps the beginning of the eleventh century, with a view to clarifying the tacit dialogue with Buddhist sources that is elaborated therein.

Scriptural Self-Presentation and Scriptures' Reception: A Comparative Case Study

Campany, Rob
My paper will examine aspects of the complex relations between scriptural texts and their readers, hearers, and users in early medieval China. A scriptural text that prescribes practices is necessarily designed to persuade readers to follow its prescriptions. The very need for the prescription suggests that the practices urged on the reader are new, or different from those to which he is presumed to be accustomed; how, thenon what authoritywill the text justify its demands on readers? How does it attempt to invest itself with authority in the readers eyes? How does it present itself? Among such devices are the following: narrating the texts own divine or prestigious origins; promising the efficacy of the prescribed practices; instructing on how to use, treat, copy, distribute (or not distribute), or behave in the presence of the text; telling stories of others in the past who successfully followed its prescriptions; and featuring scenes exemplifying the appropriate responses to the scripture by hearers present at its initial revelation. So much for the scriptural side of the equation. But, as with any self-presentation, success depends on the responses of others to these demands. To what extent is it possible to gauge peoples responses to scriptural selfpresentation in early medieval China? I will here undertake a case study of scriptural selfpresentation and readers reception in practice, one for which relatively copious evidence survives: the Lotus Sutra. I will conclude with some comparative observations on several types of Daoist scriptures from this period.

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Sanskrit and Pseudo-Sanskrit Incantations in Medieval Daoist Literature

Capitanio, Joshua
In this paper, I will discuss the use of incantations that were either copied directly from, or modeled upon, transliterated Sanskrit Buddhist dhra and mantra, in Daoist literature from approximately the fourth to fourteenth centuries. I will argue that the incorporation of these forms of incantation into Daoist literature and ritual practice represented a deliberate effort to co-opt rival Buddhist ritual technology, and that the use of pseudo-Sanskrit in Daoist incantations became more sophisticated over time, particularly as Daoists, during the late Tang and Song, began to draw upon the large body of dhra literature and esoteric ritual manuals translated during those periods. The paper will begin with an examination of the early use of pseudo-Sanskrit in Lingbao texts such as the Scripture for the Salvation of Humanity (Duren jing ), and a review of the scholarship on this early phenomenon. Already at this early stage of the incorporation of pseudo-Sanskrit terminology into Daoist texts, a theoretical background drawn partly from Buddhist scriptures and treatises in contemporary circulation can be observed. Subsequently, I will discuss the development of this usage of pseudo-Sanskrit in later texts, with particular emphasis on the incantations found in those ritual texts of the late Tang and Song periods, identified with the various ritual lineages (Tianxin, Shenxiao, Qingwei, etc.) generally subsumed under the rubric of Thunder Ritual (leifa ). I will argue that certain formal aspects of the incantations found in these Daoist texts, as well as the ways in which these incantations were used in the context of Thunder Ritual, display significant differences when compared with the use of pseudo-Sanskrit in earlier texts. These differences, I will argue, reflect changing understandings of dhra and mantra in Chinese Buddhism itself, particularly under the influence of the writings and translations of various dhra-stra and Tantric ritual manuals during the Tang. Nevertheless, though these Daoist incantations display close connections to Buddhist forms, their usage should not be viewed as examples of a mere syncretism; rather, I will suggest that they were in most cases consciously transformed and re-situated within ritual and theoretical contexts that were characteristically Daoist.

The Fabric of the Apocalypses in Early Medieval China : Comparative Reflections

Mollier, Christine
It was during the turbulent period of the Six Dynasties that China saw a massive profusion of apocalyptical literature. Daoism and Buddhism were then in full expansion and, through their mutual influence and reaction to one another, they simultaneously labored toward institutional, ideological, and theological consolidation. The two religions thus competed in a mass-production of Apocalypses or revelations . The claim that these works had been preached or pronounced by the most prestigious deities of their respective pantheons lent them authenticity and authority. As objects of the highest respect, they were worshipped by their devotees and subsequently canonized.

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For modern readers, however, these Buddhist and Daoist apocalyptical scriptures entail an enormous paradox. The sacrality for which they became widely renowned markedly contrasts with their literary paleness and their rhetorical and discursive lack of substance. Without narrative linearity, their stylistic redundancy and confusion give the impression that these texts were not intended, in fact, to deliver a focused message or to be read. What, therefore, in ideological and practical terms, made these scriptures sacred ? This is the question that I will attempt to address here. In most cases, we have very little information concerning the socio-religious contingencies that contributed to the exceptional fame and broad diffusion of some of these scriptures, in this respect resembling the great Mahyna stras. By contrast, we are able, through careful textual and comparative analysis, to define a set of standard literary expedients used and shared in particular Buddhist and Daoist works in order to establish their respective supremacy and authority, and to promote their infallible ritual efficacy. To illustrate my thesis, I will examine and compare about half a dozen Daoist and Buddhist eschatological works, mostly dating to the fifth and sixth centuries, with particular attention to the great Daoist Apocalypse, the Divine Spells of the Abyss. Among the themes that I will develop in the course of my investigation are the origin of these scriptures and their canonicity, the texualization of their oral or talismanic transmission and their stratification, the underdetermination of their titles, their self-referential and self-sufficient character, their proselytic goals and intented audience, and the polyvalence of their ritual functions.

Talisman-Seals, Ritual Manuals, and Manuscript Culture in Late Medieval Dunhuang

Copp, Paul
In this paper Id like to present some preliminary observations about four versions of a manual for the making and use of Buddhist talismanic seals (fuyin ; yinfu ) to be used for stamping healing, protection, and other powers into the body. The manuals exist only on four Dunhuang manuscripts held in the Pelliot collection. These texts were, like a great many other ritual manuals at Dunhuang, treated as modules that could be fitted together with any of a range of texts treating similar rites and deities. As I will discuss, they are found in their manuscript contexts in conjunction with several different ritual texts presented in different combinations. Taking the four manuscripts seriously as coherent wholes, as sources in themselves for the history of religious practice rather than as irrelevant capsules whose contents are the true sources, we find a world of practice revealed in great detail. The four manuscripts containing the seal manualPelliot numbers 2153, 2602, 3835, and 3874seem to have been handbooks of practitioners of a local religious style we might tentatively consider an occult Buddhism heavily influenced by native (perhaps Daoist) forms of religious practice.

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Buddhism and the Medieval Religious Traditions of China/Tibet/Japan II

Kapstein, Matthew; Mollier, Christine The Blazing Water Rite of Protection and Prosperity of the Tibetan Bon Tradition.
Orofino, Giacomella
Among the various apotropaic rituals of the Tibetan Bon tradition, the dbal chu deserves much attention. It is a protection rite of aspersion and purification, rich of mythological elements that are rooted in the popular cultural substratum of ancient Tibet. This rite belongs to the Dzo dbal thigs kyi sngags byad , the fierce magical formula practices of the mKha gyin dbal gyi rgyud a tantric cycle that, according to the tradition, was practiced in Tibet at the time of the first kings and belongs to the Phrul gshen theg pa, the third vehicle of the Bonpo categorization of their doctrines. The myth of the cosmic eggs at the origin of this tantric cycle represents the primordial scene from where the magical blazing waters of the protection ritual spring out. The scriptural and ritual interaction is very evident in this case where traces of the authoctonous Tibetan tradition are intermingled with other elements deriving from the buddhist esoteric indian tradition. Among the different rituals, I will analyse a series of texts on the dbal chu tradition preserved in the Tucci Tibetan Fund Collection of the Is.IAO Library.

Promissory Notes: Talismans, Oaths, and Contracts in Premodern Japanese Religion

Moerman, D. Max
This presentation analyzes the historical use and the cultural significance of written oaths and legal contracts (kishmon) inscribed on the religious talismans known as gohin (precious seal of the ox-king) produced at temples and shrines and circulated by itinerant priests and nuns in the late medieval and early modern periods. The talismans are single sheets of paper with wood block printed seals, circulated and sold from the thirteenth through the nineteenth centuries, in which the names of temples or shrines are rendered in a highly stylized orthography. Such talismans were affixed to buildings to protect them from fire and burglary, worn on persons to protect them from all range of misfortune, and burned and ingested while taking an oath. The veracity of these oaths was often demonstrated in ordeals such as plunging one's hand in boiling water or grasping a rod-hot iron. Their most common use, however, was in the writing of contracts. Inscribed on the reverse side of many of these talismans were written pledges, promises, and contracts of various kinds, which if broken carried the threat of not only legal but also divine retribution. Such punishments included disease in the present life and rebirth in hells in future lives. Blood was often used to sign these documents and occasionally to write them out as well. These talismanic contracts were used by people of all classes, by warriors and military commanders to swear their allegiance their lord, by merchants as promissory notes and testamental claims, by farmers in pledging unity among co-conspiritors of peasant uprisings, by prostitutes and 61

prostitution houses to document economic and sexual servitude, and by those same prostitutes as pledges of undying devotion to their patrons. In both form and practice these talismans served religious, legal, and political functions. They were often prepared after the petitioner had undertaken rites of seclusion and purification at a temple or shrine. The deities that appear in such oaths were organized within a Buddhist cosmology with local deities identified as manifestations of Buddhist deities. Such oaths were also incorporated into codes of judicature, used by individual warriors to pledge allegiance to regional lords, by the regional lords to the shogun, and even by the captured king of the Ryky islands to cede authority of his country to Japan. This rich but largely unstudied body of material can provide the sources for a detailed and historically contextualized analysis of the relationship between religious, legal, and economic practices in premodern Japan.

The Fayuan Zayuan Yuanshi Ji, a Corpus of Ritual Practices

Hureau, Sylvie
The medieval period in China saw a massive influx of Buddhist writings of all kinds. While certain masters collected texts so as to classify them according to critical criteria of authenticity, others collected them to create corpuses and collections, and still others compiled anthologies, selecting extracts from texts to offer to their readers the essential writings on particular topics. My paper will treat the composition of the first anthology of extracts of texts on Buddhist practices, compiled in China at the beginning of the sixth century C.E., titled Garden of Prescriptions : Anthology on the origin of various practices (in India and in China) (Fayuan zayuan yuanshi ji ), by the Vinaya master Sengyou (445-518). This anthology, declared lost since the 8th century, is known to us only by its table of contents, but a careful reading of that document allows us to trace the contents of the texts and to identify those texts that Sengyou considered authoritative and that he found inspiring (not only the Vinayas or sutras of canonical status, but also writings of less certain origin, such as the apocrypha). The anthology lists numerous practices concerning monthly or annual ceremonies, the use of ritual objects, alimentary practices, clothing, hygiene, and many others as well, some well known, others less so. As an encyclopedia of ritual prescriptions, this work is equally valuable for what it tells us about the earliest Buddhist ritual practices and for what it tells us about the intentions of its compiler.

Apotropaic Ritual in Buddho-Daoist Context: A Study of Ucchusma and General Master Ma

Hsieh, Shu-Wei
This research compares and contrasts the apotropaic rituals of the Ucchuma and Luminous Agent Marshal Ma, and analyses the relationship between them. This paper first discusses Ucchuma and analyses its images and ritual methods in the light of related texts. Additionally, this paper analyses the esoteric rites of the Numinous Official Marshal Ma, taking as its subject the images and ritual magic from juan 220 to 231 of the Daofa huiyuan, paying particular attention to the apotropaic methods of j. 224 and 225 and the commonalities in images and incantations between the Ucchuma and Luminous Agent Marshal Ma. The author finds that Song Dynasty images of Luminous Agent Marshal Ma are 62

not stabilized, and that certain early images, with three heads, nine eyes and six arms, are derivative from those of Ucchuma, in addition to various incantations which show similar derivation. This demonstrates the close syncretic relationship between Tantric and Daoist ritual, a phenomenon which also occurs in the Marshal Tianyou. After the Ming dynasty, images of Marshal Ma became gradually more standardized, in particular the form with three eyes and two arms, one which is closely related to those of Wuxian and Huaguang Bodhisattva. This paper also focuses on tantric possession and child-possession to identify the role of young boys in apotropaic rituals of exorcism, and proceeds from this to analyse the overall structure of the ritual. This method for using young boys in apotropaic rites bears a strong relationship to the vea rites transmitted from India, which also use boys as mediums to perform divination and exorcism. From the Tang dynasty onwards, this kind of ritual gradually spread in common religion, by both Daoist priests and specialists of common religious magical rites. The author understands that these kinds of exorcistic ritual did not only appear in scriptures, but were practiced in folk religious contexts by Daoist priests, Tantric monks and ritual master, as can be seen in rough descriptions of such in the Yijianzhi. According to records in the Yijianzhi, avesa rites and Ucchuma were both practiced in sects of Daoist magic and ritual masters. The Esoteric Rites of Marshal Ma also contains complex and detailed exorcisms using children, from which its uses in Daoism and Tantrism can be seen. From the analysis in this paper, it can be demonstrated that there was a great deal of interchange, borrowing and transformation between Song dynasty Daoism and Buddhism, generating a rich and multi-valent ritual culture.

Japanese Poetry as an Exegetical Tool of the Lotus Sutra:

Robert, Jean-Noel
The practice of composing poems in Japanese on Chinese quotations from the Lotus Sutra has been well attested since mid-Heian period. The fact that many poets were learned monks confers to their poetical pieces a definite value as oral commentaries on their understanding of the meaning of the sutra. This fact explains that Japanese poems could be used as arguments in doctrinal debate (rongi) or that scriptural poems (hmonka) could become the object of doctrinal commentaries as is the case with Jikkai and his Yakuwa waka-sh. My paper will deal with a work pertaining to the same period, although its author does not belong to the Tendai school : the Hokke wago-ki (either Notes in the Japanese language on the Lotus Sutra, or The Lotus Sutra and the Japanese language) written in 1490 (Entoku, 2) by Nichiyo (1426-1491), a monk of the Nichiren school. The main interest of that work lies in its twofold structure : it is both a doctrinal commentary on the Lotus Sutra entirely written from the standpoint of Tendai dogmatics and a collection of poems chosen from the imperial anthologies, which are mainly utilized as the conclusion of a learned expos. Although in many cases the logical link between the poem and the doctrinal part can be rather easily made out, it is often left to the reader to decide how both discourses interfer with each other. Unlike Jien or Jikkai, who wrote prefaces stating clearly the relationship they envision between the religious role of classical Chinese and Japanese, Nichiyos foreword does not explicitely describes his aim in developping simultaneously his commentary along two different and parallel lines, the dogmatic and the poetic one. The purpose of this paper will be to elucidate the role of Japanese-language poetry not only as an exegetical complement within a doctrinal treatise but as a symbolic representation of the Sutras action in the human world.

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Buddhism as a Social Minority: Schemas and Strategies for the Identity Maintaining
Cirklov, Jitka Sri Lankan Buddhists Inclusive Interpretation of Buddhism in Multicultural Toronto
Bhikkhu, Deba Mitra
This paper explores Toronto-based Sri Lankan Buddhists strategies of the transmission of Buddhist knowledge, understanding, and practices to their children born and/or raised in Canada. They suggest that the Canadian social setting demands a novel response, and they identify their response to the demand as intelligent adaptation expressed in their teaching manual: Teaching Buddhism to Children: A Curriculum guide to Dhamma School Teacher. As I analyze the curriculum, I suggest that the phrase intelligent adaptation includes an inclusive interpretation of Buddhist concepts and practices, which incorporates the religious and secular sentiments of the North American culture. I characterize the interpretation as to be inclusive because it takes into account the Judeo-Christian emphasis on believing in the divine, it incorporates the non-Theravada concept of the Buddha, and it capitalizes on the prevalent secular language in the public domain. However, Sri Lankan Buddhists do not appropriate alien religious worldviews for their use as the term inclusivism implies. Instead, they reflexively interpret their own religion to resonate with the religious and secular other. This reflexive and inclusive interpretation then not only extends our theoretical understanding of inclusivism, but it also, I contend, demonstrates how Buddhism as a social minority responds to the ambient religio-cultural diversity.

Modern Orientalists: Buddhism in the Eyes of Modern Rival Missionary Groups Within the Context of Religious Pluralism and Interfaith Cooperation Based on Ethics and Social Action.
Voulgarakis, Van
If Orientalism was a presumptuous approach to the study of Eastern religions, it nevertheless contained an element of genuine interest in the comprehension and presentation of such systems to Western contexts. Today religious pluralism displays the same genuine sentiments at the opportunity to understand Buddhism and thus to establish a more efficient dialogue on the basis of cooperation on ethical and social issues between missionary groups and local Buddhist organizations. Even in such a promising proposition, however, a flavor of Orientalism becomes hard to ignore. Religious pluralism manifests itself in a number of ways: dialogue initiatives among groups which wish to appear tolerant and cooperative; groups which accommodate dialogue on common considerations such as social work; organizations genuinely interested in promoting knowledge and understanding of religion. While any of these approaches may prove beneficial to the cooperation among different religious creeds, one manner of

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ascertaining a religious groups fundamental vision of the future with relation to the role of other rival faiths in that vision is the examination of that groups patterns of interpreting and presenting the doctrines of the outsider groups to its own adherents and to the body of possible convertees. When the element religious pluralism, and interfaith interaction and even affiliation, exists alongside evangelization and organizational self-promotion within a context of religious competition, the rhetoric of exclusivity changes form, if not content, from dialectical to informative, though with still the same doctrinal barriers which obstruct syncretism. That is to say, even groups which emphasize social engagement and de-emphasize doctrine among their own adherents, will nevertheless uphold the doctrinal incompatibilities between themselves and other groups or faiths and present these incompatibilities as information rather than criticism of the other religious systems. In-group de-emphasizing of doctrine for the promotion of social action somehow coexists with the emphasis of those same doctrines when the category of interfaith dialogue and cooperation emerges. This paper, therefore, examines the manner in which Buddhism is interpreted and presented by non-Buddhist mission groups mainly within Buddhist environment (especially Taiwan). By way of clarification: First an explanation of what constitutes a Buddhist environment must be offered with regard to the opinion of this papers author as well as with regard to the definition offered by the foreign missions. Secondly, Buddhism must be categorized and defined in accordance with the missionary initiatives which offer an informative evaluation of Buddhism to their adherents. One issue, for example, which must be observed is the extent to which missionary groups approach Buddhism from a Protestant basis of seeking original intent, historical foundation and doctrinal accuracy in their presentation of Buddhism or whether they are aware of a more anthropological approach which examines each Buddhist context on its own sociological, geographical, historical and political merits. For this study, a number of missionary Taiwanese organizations were interviewed, both Christian and non-Christian. The above-mentioned patterns of the upholding of doctrinal incompatibility between the missionary organization and Buddhism are almost causally connected to simultaneous emphasis of the missionary groups on social action as a possible common ground for interfaith cooperation.

International Buddhist Enclaves in Thailands Forest Monasteries

Schedneck, Brooke
A new group of international meditators and monastics have emerged in Thailand. The international visitors receive teachings about meditation and Buddhist concepts in unique ways, not only because of language differences but also because this group largely did not grow up in a Buddhist culture. Ideas of religion and Buddhism in particular, are applied and expressed in different ways within these groups from those beginning to explore meditation and Buddhism to those who have made the commitment to monastic life. With the increasing number of foreign teachers establishing international meditation centers under the lineage of particular Thai meditation masters, the teachers of international meditators and monastics adapt teachings to this unique audience as well as create new Buddhist communities. These travelers and long-term residents, composed of both Euro-

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American and other English-speakers interested in Buddhism, engage the tradition through eclectic processes, such as participating in temporary meditation retreats and joining monastic communities. Within both of these circumstances, non-Thai teachers and their students form English-speaking communities within Thailand. This paper focuses on the international Buddhist enclaves within Thailands forest monasteries. I outline the history and particular features of these enclaves that have been created in Wat Pah Nanachat, Wat Pah Baan That, and Wat Marp Jan. These international Buddhist enclaves present a new way to look at the intersection of ethnicity and religion in a global context. The analysis of this phenomenon illustrates ways global Buddhist communities form. International Buddhist enclaves are a complex religious formation based on a diversity of ethnicities and ways of practice that are not completely connected to the host countrys Buddhist practices. This demonstrates the multiplicity and creativity of global Buddhism, the flexibility of the category of religion as well as the openness of Thai Buddhist communities to let these international Buddhist enclaves form.

Introduction: Perspectives and Approaches to the Buddhist Identity Problematic

Cirklov, Jitka
An introduction by the convenor

Buddhist Minority in Muslim Country: Balancing the Doctrinal and Political Challenges
Kustiani
Buddhism was a glorious religion in Indonesia during 4th-14th century. Nowadays, Indonesia is the country with the largest Muslim community in the world. Recently, a report says that the percentage of Buddhists in Indonesia is less than 1 %. More or less, the religious belief gives influence to the social and political life of the country. For example: the first principle of five pillars of the country (Pancasila) is believing in the supreme God because this is the fundamental teaching in Islam. Literally, it shows that Indonesians should believe in the supreme God. Buddhism is one of the religions acknowledged and allowed by the government. Doctrinally speaking, the cardinal teaching of Buddhism does not teach about the belief in the creator God (ato loko anabhissaro). Accordingly, the belief in the creator God is one of the speculative views. Although so, it does not mean that Buddhism neglects the importance of moral values. Not only that, Buddhism also give more emphasize in the importance of spirituality in human life. Taking the political and doctrinal facts as mentioned above into consideration, Buddhists in Indonesia apply the critical tolerance attitude. It is to maintain their existence and harmonious life in Indonesia. Hence, how to balance the doctrinal and political challenges of Buddhists in Indonesia will be elaborated in this article.

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Chinese Buddhism in Catholic Philippines: Religion and Identity of a Cultural Minority

Dy, Aristotle
Drawing on my personal experience of growing up exposed to the rituals of Chinese Buddhism and Chinese religions, and yet being a practicing Catholic in the Philippines, I venture to examine Chinese Buddhism in the Philippines and its impact on the religious, cultural, and social dimensions of Chinese-Filipino life. The practice of Chinese Buddhism in the Philippines is confined to the ethnic Chinese community, a minority group comprising only 1.2% of the population in the Philippines. This profile gives rise to different layers of discourse, such as the unique development of Buddhism in China, and the ways in which the religion has been transformed historically and then brought to other places by the sojourning Chinese. Further, there is the articulation of Chinese identity, its particularization in the Philippine context, and the place of religion in such an identity. This study will explore these layers of discourse through the looking glass of Chinese Buddhism in an overseas Chinese community, that of the Philippines. The paper will present preliminary data from fieldwork conducted in more than thirty Chinese Buddhist temples in the Philippines. In the religious sphere, the paper will examine the religious practices at the temples and identify what strains of Chinese Buddhism are present in temple and lay practice. This will include ritual practices as well as the texts and doctrines being promoted at the temples. The religious aspect will then be evaluated in terms of its place in the religious life of the Chinese community, especially in the face of syncretism within and beyond Chinese religions. The temples also carry out cultural activities such as language classes, publications, and the religious celebration of Chinese festivals. The paper will explore how such activities contribute to the Chinese sense of identity, asking whether temple activities tended towards isolation or integration of the minority community with the larger Philippine society.

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Buddhism in Taiwan
Tu, Aming Tzu Chi: The Role of Group-identification in Reconciling Religious Exclusivity With Religious Pluralism
Voulgarakis, Van
This paper examines the manner in which historical and philosophical trends combined with socio-political developments in order to produce in Taiwan a rhetoric of (ethnic, doctrinal and organizational) exclusivity which is successfully presented, interestingly enough, by the organization under scrutiny, as compatible with a general notion of religious pluralism within the wider context of globalization. Pluralism suffers to a small or large degree from the notion of exclusivity and noble and pure origins because it contradicts the basic criterion of awareness and understanding of what Diana L. Eck, the Director of the Harvard Pluralism Project expressed as our multiply-situated [and multiply-originating] selves. [Eck, 2007]. And yet, distinctiveness through exclusivity is another fundamental aspect of pluralism insofar as it ensures, where it occurs, a sincere interest in the understanding among distinct groups. What happens, however, when there emerges a religious group or organization whose defining function is charity? What, furthermore, happens to distinctiveness and exclusivity when that groups religious doctrine of compassion is interpreted in a way which only seeks to ensure the increase and perpetuation of charitable endeavours? Finally, how does exclusivity survive when members of that organization can, and often are, members of other, usually exclusive, religious traditions? Tzu-chi is a non-religious organization which employes and co-operates with many nationalities and religions, but it is founded on very Buddhist principles, which are interpreted and applied by a very Taiwanese leader who, in turn, follows very traditional Chinese values, methods and philosophies. Furthermore, this context seems to be producing a rather particular meaning to the followers of Dharma Master Cheng-yen, a meaning which is more relevant to the followers individual needs (both practical and existential) often in sharp contrast to the underlying (but often downplayed) doctrinal foundation on which the entire organization purportedly stands. Tzu-chi therefore, is neither a religious nor a secular-humanist organization. It is a collective entity, with very distinct and exclusive goals, and which emphasizes the local origin of the groups successful performance. What might be construed, from a Western egalitarian viewpoint, as the near-worship reverence of its leader, is, in principle, antithetical to the pluralist eagerness to understand the distinctiveness of other groups and to admit own multiplicity of influences, including Western Catholic ones. Furthermore, the cult of personality, even one as enlightened, compassionate, and inspirational as Master Chengyens, is inherently antithetical to pluralist axioms insofar as it undermines egalitarianism. And yet, the emerging exclusivity of focus, by its members, on particular interpretations of doctrine and on ethnically defined identities, encourages the notion that tolerance and appreciation of diversity can find their most thorough and fulfilled expression only within these members own organization and Founder. If pluralism is defined as the active engagement with, and understanding of, otherness, without loss of distinctiveness, for the 69

purpose of realizing our own multiplicity of origins (Eck, 2002) then the Tzu Chi phenomenon seems to be approaching that definition the closest, given the sincere eagerness of the organization, on the one hand, to learn from, and support when necessary, foreign contexts, and, on the other, to maintain its organizational distinctiveness through very particular definitions of religious and ethnic identity.

Rethinking Buddhist Monastic Rules in Contemporary Taiwan and Mainland China: Can One Eat After Midday? Can One Touch Money?
Chiu, Tzu-Lung
While various academic studies have focused on the translation of Buddhist monastic rules, and have interpreted the literature of Buddhist vinaya texts, they often failed to develop an understanding of modern Buddhists experience of monastic guidelines. Taking into consideration the contemporary background of monastic practice, including socio-cultural factors, this paper hopes to clarify how traditional monastic codes are practised by the modern Buddhist sagha in Chinese contexts today, with a particular focus on mealtimes and attitudes towards money. It hereby explores differences of viewpoint about food and money in contemporary monastic institutions of Taiwan and Mainland China. Given the prominent role played by nuns in todays Chinese monastic institutions, I have focused mainly on nunneries. In Taiwan, Dharma Drum Mountain (Fagu Shan), Nanlin Nunnery and Luminary Nunnery (Xiangguang nisi) were selected as research project sites, and in Mainland China, Wutaishan Pushousi was chosen. The research was undertaken using interviews and participation, supplemented by the writings of contemporary nuns. Analysis and interpretation were applied to senior nuns interview responses and their views about precepts and Buddhist practice. Results indicate a diversity of practice of the rules on mealtimes and money. While, for instance, one monastery in Taiwan and one in Mainland China each insist on only eating before noon and on a strict ban of the use of money, the other two sagha in Taiwan do not impose these rules, leaving it to the individual to decide. Crucial factors influencing the practice of monastic rules include the viewpoint of the monasterys senior teachers, the internal culture and vinaya education, and the degree of engagement with secular society. It is also significant to explore the background issues on rule-observing relevant in the Chinese context. Today, there is much debate and controversy about how to properly observe monastic rules in the contemporary world. In what sense can or should one reform rules of the past? How does one deal with contemporary conditions? Different ways of observing rules and various interpretations of Buddhist precepts appear in todays Mahayana Buddhism. This paper on the one hand reveals the different ways in which monastic institutions try to respond to the modern world and its use of food and money, and on the other hand shows that we have to be very cautious not to connect the idea of a strict observance of the rules to a literal application of vinaya precepts. In our contemporary world monastic leaders answer with a multiplicity of voices to the challenges of todays conditions, striving to find the best way to guide their junior monastic students in continuously changing circumstances.

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History and Development of Jodo Shin Buddhism in Taiwan

Ong, Clifton Dodatsu
Following the defeat of the Qing dynasty during the First Sino-Japanese War and the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895, Taiwan was ceded to Japan. For the next 50 years, Taiwan was a colony of Japan and many Japanese migrated to Taiwan. Nishi Hongwanji sent missionaries in order to cater to their spiritual needs. Other than catering to the Japanese, these missionaries also tried to spread the teachings to the local Taiwanese populace. In the space of 50 years, more than 60 temples ( ) and mission centers ( ) were built in various cities and towns in Taiwan, and a Regional Branch Temple (Betsuin ) was built in Taipei in 1922. However, due to language barriers, Jodo Shin did not spread much within the local populace, although there were more than a dozen Taiwanese who went to Kyoto to receive training and ordination as Jodo Shin priests. After the defeat of Japan in 1945, Taiwan was ceded back to the Republic of China government. Japanese were repatriated and the various Jodo Shin temples were shut down or confiscated. Some of the Taiwanese priests were also subject to persecution and discrimination. Despite so, they were still personally spreading the Jodo Shin teachings. From the 1990s, there was a renewed interest in the Jodo Shin teachings in Taiwan. Various groups were spread up but without formal support and training, the Jodo Shin teachings did not spread widely. Currently, there are a total of 5 temples and Shin associations that are formally or informally recognized by Nishi Hongwanji. This paper will look into the history and development, and the challenges facing the propagation of Jodo Shin Buddhism in Taiwan, focusing primarily on the Jodo Shinshu Hongwanji-ha ( ), the largest of the Jodo Shin sub-sects in Japan, which the author is affiliated to.

Buddhist Definition of Death and Organ Transplantation in Taiwan

Yifa
By examining the meaning of death in Chinese Buddhist canon and the Buddhist practices toward the dying in Taiwan, this paper intends to echo Damien Keowns article Buddhism, Brain Death and Organ Transplantation (Journal of Buddhist Ethics, vol.17, 2010) which explores the definition of death in the Pali canon and the organ transplantation practice in United Kingdom. This presentation will cover the discussion of the attitudes of Buddhist leaders in Taiwan toward organ donation, and explore the origins in the Buddhist sutras and commentaries regarding the common practices toward the dying and the dead, such as keeping the dying intact for eight hours after being pronounced dead and undertaking Buddhist prayer for the dead for forty nine days.

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Intuitives in Industry; Chan Gong-Ans Reflected by a Managerial & Technical Environment

Stroefer, Eckhard
Intuition is the anchor for creativity and for sustainable and wise action in a complex nonlinear and fast changing environment. Managerial decision making and the roll-out of technical innovations occur on a global scale along the modern silk road which stretches from Europe and the Middle east across the Americas into China and India. Intuitives as defined by C. G. Jung are the nuclei for inventive and innovative change and at the same time the advocates for sustainability and humanity in technical progress. How to find our intuitive center without being overrun by waves of urgency, emotions, economic greed and egocentric carreer planing? The classical gong ans which nucleated in remote Chinese monastries of ancient times scale up to a global guideline. The author has over 30 years experience in industrial innovative networks and investments around the world. He will draw on this knowledge and his humble Chan practising in giving a very personnal interpretation of Chan gong-ans with respect to technical & managerial challenges.

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Buddhism Naturalized?
Siderits, Mark Reasons and Causes: A Naturalized Account of Dharmakrti's Krynumna Argument
Coseru, Christian
Dharmakrti's arguments in support of providing a metaphysical basis for inductive reasoning, especially as presented in the Pramavrttika II, address a series of important and as yet unresolved issues regarding the foundational role of perception for knowledge. Resolving any or all of these issues would arguably have broader implications for our understanding and assessment of the nature and scope of the Buddhist epistemological enterprise. In this paper, I propose that we open our investigation of Dharmakrti's causal account of knowledge to input from the sciences of cognition as a means of providing an empirical justification for his krynumna argument (that is, the argument that an inference is sound only when one infers from the effect to the cause and not vice versa). In response to Dignga's (allegedly failed) attempt to resolve the problem of induction by means of the triple inferential method (trairpyahetu), Dharmakrti formulates his well known principle that reasoning from the empirical data must be grounded on more than the simple observation and non-observation of occurring associations and dissociations. Thus, Dharmakrti postulates that for a sound argument to obtain two natural relations between the evidence and what is to be established thereby must be present: the relation of identity (tdtmya) and that of causal generation (tadutpatti). Dharmakrti's answer to the question of how these two natural relations are to be ascertained, is framed by his defense of core Buddhist metaphysical principles (such as that of momentariness). It is here that Dharmakrti's text raises three important issues concerning the nature of evidence and the role of perception in disclosing something essential about the order of the causal domain: First, what is the nature of evidence or, more specifically, of the evidential property (hetu) for the thesis, or that which is to be established (sdhya)? Second, what would be the implication of asserting that the truth of the major premise can be known by perception? And finally, can a careful inspection of the effect, in the case of Dharmakrti's krynumna argument, be conducive to ascertaining the unique causal totality that is its source? As I will argue, recent work on embodied and embedded cognition (Clark 1997, Pessoa, Thompson & No, 1998, No 2004, Keijzer and Schouten 2007, Thompson 2007, Shapiro 2010) provides new ways of thinking about the relation between reasons and causes that I think could be profitably used in unpacking some of the implications of the Dharmakrtian model of inferential reasoning. A central principle of the embedded and embodied cognition paradigm is that at least a subset of our cognitive processes are not entirely internal but rather are co-constituted by external processes. I will argue that Dharmakrtis krynumna argument could be interpreted as a species of process externalism: the view that (inferential) cognition depends on, or is continuous with, causal processes that extend into the environment by virtue of the tight relations between perception and action.

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The Rpamtra School?

Siderits, Mark
Is it possible for there to be a school of Buddhist philosophy that could deservedly be called Rpamtra? Are the basic projects of Buddhism compatible with a physicalist ontologywith the claim that everything that exists is physical in nature? Much obviously depends on what we take to be essential to Buddhism, and I begin by sorting out the available options. I then investigate some common objections to the very idea of a Buddhist Rpamtra on even the most minimal understanding of Buddhist projects. I claim that many of these objections turn out to be misguided. Some can be shown to be less than fully cogent by applying a common Madhyamaka analogy. Surprisingly, other objections can be replied to using a leading idea of Yogcra.

Naturalism, Serious Metaphysics, or Else? Where Do Buddhists Fit In?

Tillemans, Tom
Naturalism the view that natural facts are all that there is to reality has its epistemological versions and its metaphysical versions. There is however a common feature to naturalistic philosophies: their deep suspicion of entities that are somehow too weird to be part of the natural world, especially because they wouldn't do anything or make any genuine, discernible, causal differences. Just which entities are considered spooky in this way by contemporary philosophers will vary, but the list will typically include purely normative facts (i.e., ethical properties, norms of rationality, etc.), universals, instantiation relations, negative facts, mental properties, and maybe even numbers or sets. Now, prominent Indian and Tibetan Buddhists, especially those of the Dharmakrtian school, share that suspicion about many (but not all!) of the same items and for roughly the same reasons, i.e., their weird unnaturalness and causal superfluity. These Buddhists also do what we shall call "serious metaphysics" the term is due to Frank Jacksonin that they use a considerable dose of conceptual analysis (rather than just scientific observations) to come up with fundamental ontologies pared-down to those entities that deserve to underly our beliefs and ways of speaking about the world. We'll spell out some of the details in the case of Dharmakrti. Finally, does that project make any sense for anti-realist Mdhyamika Buddhists? Many of them, of a Svtantrika persuasion, thought it did and that one just had to shift levels and focus on conventional realitiesfor the rest one could remain just as metaphysically serious as were the Dharmakrtians. The last part of the paper looks briefly at Mdhyamika strategies to skinny out of serious metaphysics and naturalism.

What Are Buddhist Epistemologists Talking About?

Hugon, Pascale
In Dharmakrtis philosophical system, the theory of exclusion (apoha) and its ramifications (notably the so-called theory of unconscious error) are invoked in a variety of contexts linked with conceptual operations that play an essential role in knowledge acquisition and the enabling of successful transactional usage, including intersubjective agreements, typically linguistic ones. Previous scholarship on Dharmakrtis views on

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language has brought to the fore, on the one hand, a top-down aspect consisting in an ultra-intensional theory of meaning, and on the other hand a bottom-up approach in which the bridging of language and reality invokes a causal chain of events, which would provide resources for a naturalized theory of reference. Turning to Dharmakrtis Tibetan interpreters, I will seek to evaluate to what extent their theories of language preserved the resources for a naturalized account present in Dharmakrtis works. I will examine in particular the models developed by gSang phu scholars in the 12th-13th centuries and by Sa skya Paita Kun dga rgyal mtshan (11821251). While based on his predecessors model, the latter involves some crucial modifications. Notably, Sa skya Paitas endeavor to avoid the reification of universal properties appears to lead him to the daring move of eventually dispensing with meaning while preserving reference. The question will be raised whether an overall naturalized account would have been deemed acceptable by these Buddhist epistemologists. An issue that I would like to consider in this regard is whether the adoption, by a number of Tibetan thinkers, of a moderate realism regarding universals (whose explicit expression can be traced as early as the 13th century) could be linked to the fact that neither a naturalized account emphasizing error nor a topdown apohistic account were deemed entirely satisfactory to explain the success of language.

Naturalism: True or False Friend?

Dreyfus, Georges
In this essay, I will analyze some of the benefits and dangers that the adoption of a naturalistic perspective entails for fusion philosophy and its project of explaining Buddhist ideas in reference to the contemporary philosophical conversation. First, I will argue that contemporary Buddhist thinkers should welcome naturalism as it will enhance the explanatory power of important Buddhist theories such as Dharmakrti's explanation of how conceptuality is causally grounded in reality. I will also argue, however, that the adoption of a naturalistic perspective should be handled with caution and should not be thought to entail that of reductionism, particularly in its eliminativist mode. This is so not because eliminativism is intrinsically incompatible with a modern Buddhist perspective. In fact, there is a consistent reductionist streak in the Buddhist tradition that can be taken to support eliminativism, as Siderits has argued with his idea of Robo-Buddha. But, as I will show, this idea that the mental can be eliminated and that sentient beings are just zombies who ignore their true Robo-Buddha nature is both mistaken in its explanation of the mental and counter-productive. To do so, I will examine Siderits' arguments for Robo-Buddhahood and show that they blow out of proportion a few relevant but by no means decisive facts about the mental. More importantly, I will also argue that Siderits's view fails to provide a perspective that would be able to find a place for the diversity of meditative experiences, particularly those that explicitly require reflexive attention to one's own experiences. Thus, in the same way that Tibetans during the Buddhist renaissance rejected the overly reductive explanations of Buddhahood as being merely a suspension of cognitive activities, modern Buddhists should do the same for eliminativist ideas such as Robo-Buddhahood and seek a naturalistic perspective that supports the phenomenological explorations of the mental rather than restrict the purview of the tradition.

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Buddhism on the Silk Road II

Walter, Mariko Transmission of Buddhist Scriptural Calligraphy from the 3rd to 5th Century Based on Buddhist Manuscripts Found in Dunhuang and Turfan
Chung-Hui, Tsui
Before invention of printing technology, the ancient books or Buddhist texts were all relied on copying by scribes. In the process of transmission Buddhism into China, foreign Buddhist monks played an important role in translation teams to translate, write down, or copy Buddhist texts. The flourishing of Buddhism stimulated an increasing demand for copies of Buddhist sutras for circulation. It also encouraged sutra copy and indirectly enhanced practicing Chinese calligraphy by foreign monks or professional scribes. According to a comprehensive survey from literary resources which focuses on the foreign monk translators and scribes during and before the Northern Liang period, historical documentation shows that an increasing number of foreign Buddhist scribes joined the translation team of Dharmaraka from the Western Jin period onwards. Buddhist scribes played a key role in producing the diversity and vigorous calligraphic styles of the Northern Liang period. However, in the traditional history of Chinese calligraphy, Buddhist scribes or foreign calligraphers were ignored and unknown in official records. The time span of the Dunhuang and Turfan Buddhist manuscripts runs from the 3rd to the 13th centuries which makes it extremely valuable for the study of the historical, cultural, and religious development of the Silk Road, as well as for the historical development of Chinese calligraphy. As we know that from the Han to the Wei-Jin is an important period of transition and transformation of Chinese writing from clerical to standard script. Based upon a detailed examination and analysis of calligraphic style from the dated Buddhist manuscripts before 500 CE, some of them were unique in the history of Chinese calligraphy which shown a certain degree of Central Asian influence. As the earliest extant Buddhist manuscript in Chinese is the Buddhasagti Sutra , the calligraphy of the Buddhasagti Sutra was written in the style of standard script. Through a comprehensive review of both literary resources and archaeological findings, it will provide the information we are concerned with by primarily addressing and answering the following questions: The first part of this paper will contain a detailed survey of what was the Buddhist scriptural calligraphy that was used before the Buddhasagti Sutra in 296 CE ? The second part of the paper will further examine and analyze the origin, formation, features and styles of the Northern Liang Buddhist scriptural calligraphy. Special attention will be paid to researching the reason for the formation of Northern Liang style, its evolution during transmission of Buddhist texts, and who were the scribes of this period? How and to what extent did this style influence calligraphy historically? The purpose of the paper is not merely to examine a significant type of historical calligraphy but also, through observations

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and analyses, to present a broader and more in-depth study of the extent and nature of the role of the early foreign Buddhist scribes who were active in transmission of Buddhism along the Silk Road, and to the significance of their calligraphic expertise to the history of Chinese calligraphers and calligraphy.

The Image of the Winged Celestial and Its Travels Along the Silk Road
Karetzky, Patricia
It has been well established that a plethora of Buddhist texts, images and icons traveled east along the Silk Road from the early centuries of the common era to the ninth century. Important studies continue to consider which texts and translations had an impact on the evolution of Buddhism in China. But the unique role of visual evidence has often not received the full attention it deserves. Textual studies tend to downplay the importance of the images as anything other than an illustration of the doctrine conveyed in the texts. In contrast this study will examine the artistic evidence of the origin and evolution of the winged celestial, one of the embodiments of the divine realm. Though much attention has been focused on the development of Buddhist icons in China, secondary motifs have not been fully studied. First is an analysis of the material evidence of the depiction of winged celestials in classical Mediterranean art and trace their journey through the Gandharan realm--Northern India, Pakistan and Afghanistan, especially the excavations in Tilia Tepe Afghanistan, and elsewhere. Then there is a consideration of Buddhist art of North China during the medieval period. In addition to establishing the evolution of the image in these various cultures, the iconographical significance of the motif and its relationship to indigenous forms of the theme will be considered.

Fire Altar or Incense Burner? The Use of Buddhist Imagery in Central Asian Art Produced in China and Its Significance in the 6th Century AD
Riboud, Penelope
One of the most fascinating and the most puzzling aspects of the rich iconography discovered in tombs belonging to the Central Asian elite established in China during the 6th century AD is the variety of pictorial languages that these images convey. Buddhist-like Apsaras dance above fire altars, lokapalas solemnly protect Zoroastrian liturgical scenes, while bearded Buddhas preach to those who are about to enter an Iranian-like Paradise. What do these images mean in terms of religious vocabulary, and who were they meant for ? It is common knowledge now that hu foreigners in mediaeval China believed in a number of faiths. Buddhists, Manichaeans, Zoroastrians and Christians were to be found amongst the colourful communitarian melting-pot formed by individuals of miscellaneous Central Asian origins. Hence, a difficult question is that of the degree of syncretism this religious proximity resulted in. Recent studies have demonstrated for instance that the fusion of Sogdian and Turkik populations amongst these communities lead to a progressive evolution of the Zoroastrian ritual, that became more and more centred around a unique heavenly god, whereas the original Central Asian form of Zoroastrianism was quite polytheistic.

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On the other hand, history has shown the that Central Asian artists often opened up to exotic figures to represent their gods. Sogdian religious painting discovered in Pendjikent remains a vivid example of how Gods could borrow Indian figures without departing from their original theistic function. So what do mixed images found in Central Asian tombs in China reveal the most ? Changes in individual beliefs or the mere loan of a pictorial vocabulary with no semantic consequences ? This paper aims at interpreting the combination of Buddhist and non-Buddhist elements in Central Asian tombs discovered in China and dating back to the 6th century AD.

Kushan Buddhism and the Early Mahyna Sanghas in Kroraina Revisited

Walter, Mariko
In this paper I would like to explore the nature of the Mahyna sangha in Kroraina according to the Kharoh documents found in the region, and its relationship to the Kushan Buddhism spread in the Greater Gandhra (Pakistan and Afghanistan) during the third century. Kroraina (Loulan in Chinese) is the name of the ancient kingdom existed on the southern rim of the Tarim Basin in present-day northwest China. The region is currently under China, but at that time around the third century, it was predominantly the area of Indo-Iranian culture and language. According to the Kharoh documents, many Buddhist monks in the kingdom were married and often held bureaucratic positions in the local government. They were called ramaa in the Sanskrit form and had Indian personal names although the rest of the populations had Iranian or other non-Indic names. Some of the monks or part-time monks owned slaves and enjoyed wealth and high status in the society. These ramaas or monks lived in their family residence, married, raised children, and owned property and business. An influential official even had a title he who has set forth in Mahyna. Thus this is the earliest written evidence for the existence of Mahyna society in Asia. The archaeological evidence of the stpas in the region also indicates Mahyna elements. In the Mran temple sites, located 50 km south of Kroraina, there found twelve statues of "angels" with wings in Hellenistic style, showing strong Gandhran influence. It was built near the stpa site inside the fortified compound, where the royal palace of the king of Kroraina was located. The close proximity of the stpas and the vihra indicates that they belong to a Mahyna school, since many of the stpas donated to rvakayna sangas were structurally separated from their vihra in the early period of Gandhran Buddhism. It is notable that the earliest written Mahyna evidence is found in Kroraina, during the time of colonization by the Kushans, who brought the colonial administrative system interwoven with non-monastic Mahyna sangha and Kharoh language into the region. Gregory Schopen suggests that the Mahyna arose in these peripheral areas, because established monastic Buddhism was non-existent or declined there. But it is hard to accept that Mahyna sanghas arose independently and spontaneously in the scattered areas in Central Asia by themselves. I assume these sanghas in Kroraina kingdoms were modeled on non-monastic Mahyna sanghas existed in Greater Gandhra, and not independently developed in Kroraina, although there is no clear evidence for the existence of such Mahyna sanghas in Gandhra or India under the Kushans. I believe non-monastic Mahyna Buddhism in the Greater Gandhran region spread until around the third century

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but declined since then. Kroraina sanghas were the remnants of the earliest form of Mahyna sangha existed in Greater Gandhra, which probably disappeared by the fourth century. Using this case of Kroraina and others, I would like to re-examine and tentatively reconstruct the history of early Mahyna Buddhism in this paper.

Invocation Rituals in Motion: Reflections on Liturgical Manuscripts From Dunhuang

Chen, Huaiyu
This paper deals with the invocation ritual in reading several ritual texts from Dunhuang manuscripts. It aims to investigate how different Buddhist traditions of the invocation ritual from the Western Regions, Tibet and Central China encountered in Dunhuang and the new tradition of ritual practice was invented in order to fulfill the religious needs of local people. First of all, it will introduce some Buddhist liturgical texts (Dunhuang manuscripts S. 3875, S. 5456, S. 5957 in the Stein Collection) involving the invocation ritual, by analyzing their content and writing style. Some Buddhist documents are liturgical texts for creating Tantric Buddhist mandalas. Second, it will establish the connection between these manuscripts and traditional sources in Buddhist canon and look at the evolutionary process of the invocation ritual in the context of Chinese Buddhism. By doing so, this paper attempts to contextualize these liturgical texts and to illustrate their roles in the practice of Tantric Buddhist rituals in Dunhuang area in the ninth and tenth centuries. In the meantime, this study will use these new materials to further explore the influence of Tibetan Buddhism in Dunhuang area. Third, this paper will also compare the mandala creating ritual and the ritual for creating an ordination platform in terms of using the invocation ritual. Therefore, this study will cast new light on how different Buddhist traditions in terms of ritual practice interacted with each other in Dunhuang area in the Middle Ages.

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Buddhist Caves From Practical Points of View: Their Use and Functions
Yamabe, Nobuyoshi Meditation Caves Reconsidered: Focusing on Mogao Cave 285
Yamabe, Nobuyoshi
In the Xinjiang and Gansu areas of China, there are Buddhist caves consisting of a central hall and several side cells. They seem to be modeled after Indian Vihra (residential) caves, but unlike their Indian counterparts, in China these side cells are often too small to live in. Therefore, they are usually considered to be places for meditation. A well-known example of this type of cave is Dunhuang Mogao Cave 285. This cave is usually assumed to be a meditation cave, but this assumption does not seem to be based on solid grounds. The cave in question is highly decorated and is apparently not fit for deep introspection. This impression is further strengthened when we look at the caves in the northern area of Mogao Caves that have similar structures but have no decoration. In this paper, I discuss this problem from the following four angles. First, I consider the development of Indian Vihra caves. It has been pointed out that in India, generally speaking, early Vihra caves do not have decorations or a main statue as the object of veneration. By contrast, later Vihra caves are richly decorated and have a special chamber for the main statue. Thus the simple residential caves in the earlier periods seem to have been transformed into ritual spaces in the later periods. Mogao Cave 285 might have been somehow influenced by these later Indian Vihra caves. This possibility needs to be explored. Second, I compare Mogao Cave 285 with other residential/meditation caves in Central Asia (Qizil, Subashi, Shikchin, Toyok, Bezeklik, Yarchoto, etc.). Particular attention will be paid to Toyok Cave 42, which I have noted as an important meditation cave in my earlier writings. Though their plans appear similar, I believe there are significant differences between Toyok Cave 42 and Mogao Cave 285. These differences are discussed in detail. Third, I examine textual sources that indicate the uses of these caves. There are two types of written documents relevant to the present subject, Vinaya texts and inscriptions. Among the Vinaya texts, of particular interest are the passages from the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya discussed by Gregory Schopen. These passages show how caves were actually used in India. As for Mogao Cave 285 itself, many inscriptions found in that cave reveal the nature of this cave. Thus these inscriptions are examined carefully. Fourth, modern uses of Buddhist caves need to be taken into consideration. In some Buddhist countries, like Sri Lanka and Tibet, caves are still used for meditation by practitioners. These living traditions may provide helpful clues for reconstructing the now-lost meditative practices in Central Asian caves. From these viewpoints, I attempt to discuss the uses of Central Asian meditation caves on a more solid basis. 81

Inter-Relationship of Sites, Districts, Groups and Individual Caves in Kucha

Vignato, Giuseppe
A large number of rock-carved sites, big and small, are preserved in Kucha. These, together with the now lost surface temples in the capital and surrounding communities, and large monastic settlements such as Subashi, constituted an organic whole and formed the very structure of the Buddhist establishment of this ancient kingdom. A concise analysis of the construction and distribution of caves at three sites --Kizilgaha, Mazabaha and Simsim -- based on the function of the caves shows that in the Kucha kingdom different guidelines applied in the creation of monastic complexes, most likely in response to the differing needs of the practice of Buddhism in Kucha. Focusing on Kizilgaha and on the Guxi area of Kizil, I will postulate that a site consisted of a number of districts which, in turn, were formed by particular caves or groups of caves whose varied planning responded to the diverse needs of the residing community. Examination of some typical groups of caves shows that groups were the basic unit forming the districts. The function of an individual cave is therefore best understood from the perspective of the Buddhist establishment of an identifiable territory; the context of its particular site; the position it occupies in a district and in its group within the district.

The Silent Language of Meditation in the Buddhist Caves of Kucha, Xinjiang

Howard, Angela
Buddhist caves and sanctuary in Asia share commonalities, but depending on each country they also carry distinctive traits. My study of the caves used by the Central Asian monastic communities of Kucha shows not only their particular character but also their independence from either India or China. The distinctive nature of Kucha caves is reflected in their structure and grouping, in the specific iconographic program painted on the walls, and in the doctrinal affiliation and religious practices of the monks who used them. My research focuses specifically on peculiar images whose persistent presence reveals their prominence in the doctrinal beliefs and devotional practices of Kucha monks belonging to the Sarvastivadin school. These are pictures of miracle-making or of mystical visions derivative from deep concentration seances carried out in barren, cubicle-like grottoes hewn in the cliff side. Sutras and the fragmentary yoga manuals found in situ lend further support to the idea that meditation had such a potent appeal to local monks. In conclusion, the miracles and the visionary vistas which fill ceilings and walls of Kucha caves are possibly records of concentrated states of mind attained through rigorous meditation; the meditation itself, however, was practiced in those bare cubicle previously mentioned. If correct, this assumption challenges the traditional, unproven belief that Buddhist cave paintings acted as meditation aids. Rather they were a reflection of visions already achieved in the most austere surroundings.

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The Mahynastra and -stra Movements as Reflected on the Development of the Architectural Plans of the Indian Buddhist Stpa-ComplexToward an Understanding of a Newly Predominant Type of the Aja Cave
Aramaki, Noritoshi
The present paper is intended to propose the three theses as follows: 1) The Mahynastra and -stra movements should be distinguished as the primary and the secondary stages within the Mahyna movement. 2) The former Mahynastra movement is preceded and attended by the emergence of the Buddha image from within the Indian Buddhist stpa. 3) The latter Mahynastra movement is reflected on the new development of the architectural plans of the Buddhist stpa-complex. Accordingly 1 The Mahynastra Movement and the Emergence of the Buddha Image from within the Buddhist Stpa will discuss how the pre-Mahyna literary and artistic movement culminates in the emergence of the Buddha image from within the Buddhist stpa artistically and in the origin of Mahynastra movement literarily. At this stage the Buddhist stpa attended by the Buddha image as the space for the scriptural and artistic creativity and the vihra area as the residential and practical, are separated from each other according to the distinction of their sacerdotal functions. 2 The Mahynastra Movement as Reflected on the Development of the Architectural Plans of the Buddhist stpa-complex at Ngrjunakoa will discuss how the Mahyasnastra movement begun by the philosopher Ngrjuna, necessitates the new development of the architectural plans of the Buddhist stpa-complex perhaps first at Ngrjunakoa in order to accommodate the new space for the new style of meditative practice. At this stage the traditional Buddhist stpa and the newly emerging Buddha image as the object of the new meditative practice begin to be annexed to or introduced into the new space for the new meditative practice to be awakened to the communal essence of lifeas-such (nyat) enlivening all Budhdas, bodhisattvas and sentient beings in all the directions. This new space will function as something between the two traditional ones, stpa and vihra. To be concluded is that this new space for the new practice in the architectural plan of Indian Buddhist stpa-complex will be continued to a newly predominant type of the Aja cave with the huge enshrined Buddha image in the deepest front and with the wall-paintings and some narrow cell-like rooms on the side-walls and as a whole with the same sacerdotal function to practice the new bodhisattva path.

Death in a Cave: The Meditation Cave at Tappa--Shotor

Greene, Eric
Paintings of skulls and skeletons are common in Buddhist caves throughout Central Asia. Since their discovery in the last century, the usual interpretation has been that the caves housing such images were used by monks for meditation. This interpretation is supported by the images of meditating monks which often appear in such caves, frequently depicted as meditating upon or visualizing the skulls and skeletons in question. Outside of Central Asia proper, only a single example of such a painting has been discovered, in a subterranean cave 83

dug within the precincts of the monastery of Tappa--Shotor, at the site of Haa near Jallbd in modern Afghanistan. This cave, together with its stunning paintings, has now been entirely destroyed and is known only from a few surviving photographs and the original archeological report. Like the caves with skeleton imagery in Central Asia, the Haa cave has been interpreted as a meditation cave, specifically as a place where monks would have practiced the aubhabhvan, the contemplation of impurity. In the following paper I will try to offer plausible grounds for entertaining a more nuanced understanding of how this space may have been used. In particular I will argue that while the imagery of the Tappa--Shotor cave is actually more likely to have been an aid to meditation practice than the other examples from Central Asia, the cave itself was perhaps not a place for normal meditation practice. The first question will be the practice of the aubha-bhvan in Northern Indian and Central Asian Buddhism. We will see that the iconographic emphasis on skeletons is indeed mirrored in an emphasis in the texts on the visualization of skeletons as opposed to other kinds of impure bodies. Next, I will examine the known textual evidence which describes how paintings (as well as sculptures) of skeletons and other kinds of corpses were used both as monastic dcor and as aids for meditation practice, and further consider some texts which describe the kinds of buildings and rooms within which meditation was supposed to take place. Finally, I will examine one text which suggest that viewing images of skeletons may have been part of pre-death ritual practice. Although we cannot establish a definite connection between the Tappa--Shotor cave and pre-death ritual practice, the other imagery in the cave can be seen as consonant with such a function. At the least then this suggests that caves with imagery of skeletons may have served a variety of functions, and cannot automatically be equated with meditation caves in the sense of sites of regular, daily meditation practice.

Free Standing Temples and Cave Temples in Kucha: A Case Study of the Duldul-oqur Temple Site and Kumtura Caves
Mori, Michiyo
The present paper examines the use and functions of Buddhist caves in Kucha, Xinjiang, through a comparison with those of free standing temples, focusing on the Duldul-oqur temple site and Kumtura caves. These sites face each other on the west and east banks of the Muz-art River, which debouches from Tien-shan foot hills into the large cultivable areas of Kucha, Shar and Xinhe. Such locations of sanctuaries are commonly seen throughout the oases in the Tarim basin, from the ancient Buddhist period to the pre-modern Muslim age. It calls our attention that a number of Chinese documents unearthed from a monastic cell of Duldul-oqur indicate that in the 8th century a Tang administrative office in charge of irrigation was situated within the temple site. Some archaeological traces show us that such a secular facility and the Buddhist sanctuary existed side by side. Duldul-oqur, at least in the 8th century, was seen as a knot of irrigation systems.

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Kumtura is a complex of several groups of caves scattered along the eastern bank of the Muzart River and its four tributary ravines. This paper will discuss the character of the innermost area of the main valley by analyzing a Chinese graffiti in Kumtura Cave 76. According to the graffiti, this cave was known as an arhats memorial cave among Chinese pilgrims from the end of the 7th century to the end of the 8th century. Its character as a Buddhist sanctuary makes a remarkable contrast with contemporary Duldul-oqur.

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Buddhist Constructions of Rational Religion Across East Asia

Mohr, Michel Rational Religion and the Shin Bukkyo [New Buddhism] Movement in Late Meiji Japan
Hoshino, Seiji
This paper focuses on rational religion in the Shin Bukkyo [New Buddhism] movement, by examining its journal Shin Bukkyo during the late Meiji era. Previous research tends to evaluate the Shin Bukkyo movement as an attempt to modernize Buddhism by connecting it to social issues, in contradistinction to Kiyozawa Manshi, who sought to reformulate the Buddhist faith in a way that would be accessible to modern individuals. My own analysis rather emphasizes the fact that the Shin Bukkyo representatives were also concerned with faith, although in a way that was different from Kiyozawas approach. Sound Buddhist faith, one of the principles of this movement, must be considered after taking into account the influence of liberal Christianity and rational religion, because of the close relations that existed between some members of the Shin Bukkyo movement and Unitarians. The Shin Bukkyo movements renown largely came from its journal Shin Bukkyo, which was published from 1900 to 1915. In addition to core members of the movement, such as Sakaino Koyo and Takashima Beiho, contributors to the journal included Miyake Setsurei (a philosopher) and Sakai Toshihiko (a socialist). This periodical also published debates and articles unrelated to religious and Buddhist themes. Focusing on this journals contents allows us to identify some typical patterns in the religion-based arguments of Japanese intellectuals in late Meiji Japan, as well as those expressed by members of the Shin Bukkyo movement. Moreover, examing topics that are only indirectly dealing with religious matters reveals their authors ingrained understanding of religion. In order to determine how the idea of rational religion became accepted in this journal, I will examine two types of recurrent themes. First, I will focus on essays that directly argue for rational religion, specifically, those dealing with faith and reason. Among such essays, I will focus on those by Sakaino Koyo and Tanaka Jiroku. Both Sakaino and Tanaka were the founding members of the movement and kept contributing articles until they decided to discontinue the journal in 1915. Previous studies have scarcely examined Tanakas essays, in spite of the fact that he wrote in-depth discussions of the relationship between faith and reason. Moreover, his essays on faith were held in high regard by Sakaino, a leading figure of the movement, who also provided his own perspective on faith. By examining Sakaino and Tanakas essays, I will analyze the theoretical understanding of rational religion in the Shin Bukkyo movement.

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Secondly, I will examine the concept of ideal religion, which was indirectly expressed in essays evaluating other religions such as Christianity, and is also reflected in essays introducing religion abroad, for example in China. By highlitghting the ideal model of religion formulated in these essays, I will show how the idea of rational religion relates to that model, and compare it with the theoretical understanding of Sakaino and Tanaka. In conclusion, I will draw a synthesis of my observations about the sociohistorical context of late Meiji, thus opening the debate to a larger discussion encompassing East Asia.

Rationalizing the Death of Japanese Buddhist Modernity

Ward, Ryan
In 1905 (Meiji 38) the Shinbukky movement published the results of a survey (Raisei no umu : On the Existence of an Afterlife) designed to discern contemporary beliefs in the possibility of an afterlife as held by Japanese "intellectuals" (i.e., scholars), Christians, and Buddhists. The "intellectuals"many of whom regarded themselves as materialists and students of Western sciencedismissed the notion of an afterlife. Christians, on the other hand, almost unanimously concurred that a posthumous paradise existed. Those Buddhist intellectuals who bothered to respond to the survey (many suddenly become "too sick" or "too busy" to reply), vacillated: "That's what the sutras say"; "It depends on what one believes"; "First we need to deal with the question of our current existence"; "If we consider tomorrow as our 'next life,' then it certainly exists"; and so forth. Beginning with an examination of this survey, I will address the ambiguous place of the afterlife in modern Japanese Buddhist discourse. Notably, I will focus on the views of the afterlife as seen in the writings of such representative modernist Buddhist intellectuals as Kiyozawa Manshi (18631903), Murakami Sensh (18511929), Nukariya Kaiten (18671934), and Nonomura Naotar (18701946). Along with examining the "rational" and "modern" writings of these thinkers, I will also turn to traditionalist reactions and responses to such attempts at demythologization Buddhism. In doing so, I hope to show the doctrinal marginality and apologetic tone of many of these modernists and their musings on what awaits Buddhists after death.

Between Religion and Philosophy: The Reinterpretation of Buddhism in Modern China

Chen, Jidong
In China of the late 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Buddhism came to be used as an intellectual resource that was able to respond to the demands of modernity. This was achieved by redefining Buddhism based on the two modern concepts of "religion" and "philosophy," and contrasting these two concepts with each other. These two differing approaches to Buddhism had at least two main effects. The first result was that Buddhism, and in particular mind-only thought (Ch. weishi), came to be praised as a reformatory or revolutionary theory of salvation that could save Chinese society and its people. The two figures most closely related to the propagation of this understanding of Buddhism were Liang Qichao and Zhang Binglin. The ideas for reform or revolution proposed by these individuals were not merely related to the rebuilding of Chinese society, but were 88

also closely connected to the creation of the modern individual in Chinese society. Secondly, as a result of the juxtaposition of religion and philosophy, the originality and superiority of Buddhism were established, and a movement seeking a return to what was considered "true" Buddhism emerged. Its foremost proponent was the layman Ouyang Jian. What the participants in this movement sought was not traditional Buddhism, but a Buddhism created anew based on the concepts of religion and philosophy. In this paper, I will introduce the views of the individuals mentioned above and discuss in which ways Buddhism was reinterpreted in modern China.

Between Skillful Adjustment and Distortion: Nineteenth-Century Buddhist Doctrine With a Rational Spin
Mohr, Michel
My comments will be comprised of an introduction to the topic of the panel followed by a response to each paper in the form of a synthesis. My presentation will focus on the transnational dimension of the efforts aimed at rationalizing Buddhism and on their possible agendas. Not only do we need to ask how the Buddhist teachings were reformulated to respond to this new demand for rationality, but also to scrutinize the particular ways in which this transformation was accomplished across time and space. We will also consider to what extent the complex mechanisms guiding the circulation of ideas throughout East Asia were linked to the increasing global mobility of single individuals and of the religious concepts traveling with them.

Inoue Enry and the Emergence of "Buddhist Philosophy"

Schulzer, Rainer
My paper aims at reconstructing the emergence of a new discourse in the Meiji era. "Buddhist Philosophy" as a scholarly field in Japan is a product of the 1880s. This presentation will attempt to retrace the most important steps that led to the first articulation of such discourse in Inoue Enry's "Prolegomena of a Vitalizing Discourse on Buddhism" (Bukky katsuron joron ) in 1887. Special emphasis will be put on the interrelation between concepts and institution. The introduction of the western university model together with its guiding ideas will be considered a crucial factor in the emergence of the Japanese modern intellectual discourse on Religion in general, and on Buddhism in particular. I will argue that the accent put on rational elements and the reformulation of Buddhist doctrine in philosophical terms (as can be seen in the works of Inoue Enry) was a direct result of the institutional logic of the western university system.

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Buddhist Nuns: Transmission of Ordination

Heirman, Ann The Founding of the Order of Nuns
Analayo, Bhikkhu
The presentation will place the canonical accounts of the founding of the order of nuns in comparative perspective, with an aim to give a hearing to the concerns and strategies underlying the different extant canonical accounts of this event, most of which are in Chinese and hence rarely made use of in the ongoing discussion on the significance of this account.

Chinese Buddhist Nuns: A Meeting of the Past and the Present

Heirman, Ann
According to tradition, the first Buddhist nun, Mahprajpat, accepted eight fundamental rules as a condition for her ordination. One of these rules says that a full ordination ceremony must be carried out in both orders: first in the nuns order, and then in the monks order. Both orders need to be represented by a quorum of legal witnesses. It implies that in the absence of such a quorum, an ordination cannot be legally held. This was a major problem in fifth century China, when, as a result of a wave of vinaya translations, monastics became aware of many detailed legal issues, including the rule on a dual ordination for nuns. Since the first Buddhist nuns in China were ordained in the presence of monks only, doubt was raised on the validity of the Chinese nuns lineage. The discussion came to an end, however, when in ca. 433 a so-called second ordination ceremony could be held, now in the presence of a sufficient number of Sinhalese witnesses. Today, a similar issue is raised again, since in two of the three active Buddhist ordination traditions, nuns cannot be legally ordained due to the absence of a nuns order providing a legal quorum of witnesses. In the present-day debates on the possible (re-)introduction of a nuns lineage in both these traditions, the historic case of the fifth century Chinese nuns is often referred to. The present paper examines firstly in which ways technical issues discussed fifteen centuries ago lingered on among the most prominent Chinese vinaya masters, with a focus on the masters Daoxuan and Dajue, and secondly how these same issues still fuel and influence present-day discussions.

Non-Vinaya Provisions and Code of Conduct for Buddhist Nuns in Myanmar-Burma

Kawanami, Hiroko
Although Buddhist nuns (thilshin) in Myanmar-Burma are not fully ordained and live without the provision of the Vinaya, customary provisions and communal code of conduct regulate every aspect of their daily life. If we were to list those normative rules in detail they could add up to nearly the same number as 311 rules prescribed for bhikkhun in the Ptimokkha. Officially endorsed by the Sangha Council in 1994, the national codebook stipulates detailed rules for Buddhist nuns in their daily situations providing a clear 91

guideline as to their monastic duties, obligations, and responsibilities. The paper attempts to show how their codebook provides nuns with a legal framework to deal with problems and difficult situations encountered in their communal lives; disputes, ownership of monastic property, oaths, contracts, and relationships with other members (both monks and nuns), and penalties. Their legal provisions emphasize collective responsibility in case of violation of communal rules, and duties and tasks are stipulated according to their respective positions in the monastic hierarchy.

Sri Lankan Nuns and the Higher Ordination

Salgado, Nirmala
The higher ordination of Sri Lankan nuns has involved numerous controversies in the past several decades. This paper seeks to examine the nature of some of these debates. In particular, the paper will examine how Sri Lankan monastics articulate views concerning the validity of a Theravada ordination lineage for nuns, as well as the need to legitimize it. The paper will also investigate how perspectives on the higher ordinations impact monastic practices and the everyday lives of contemporary nuns living in Sri Lanka.

Precept Conferral and Patronage Relationships in Premodern Japan

Meeks, Lori
As scholars have explored at length elsewhere, the early Japanese state sponsored the ordination of bikuni (bhiku) through the late ninth century, when the practice was, for reasons not revealed in historical sources, abruptly put to an end. In the centuries that followed, many women continued to receive various sets of precepts, but such conferrals took place largely within the context of patronage relationships. That is, most women who succeeded in obtaining precept conferrals in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries did so by establishing themselves as patrons and devotees of male priests. The situation changed during the thirteenth century, however, when priests became increasingly interested in reestablishing orders of bikuni in Japan. This paper will consider how dynamics governing womens access to various sets of precepts changed over time, and in response to particular social, doctrinal, and institutional changes within the mens orders.

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Buddhist Philosophical Studies

Section Moderator: Tsai, Yao-ming On Ur-texts and Writing Styles in Indian Philosophy
Krasser, Helmut
Among scholars of Indian philosophy prevails the strong belief that, in general, the texts of the first millennium being dealt with, be this in form of manuscripts or modern editions, are either copies (of copies) of autographs, or based on the same. The style in which these texts are written, mainly in the form of dialogs questions or criticism and answers or refutations is said to represent the fashion of the period in which these texts were written. No autographs or style manuals being available, an on-going project is trying to find evidence for this assumption by examining certain texts by the Buddhist philosopher Dharmakrti and their various styles. At the present stage of research, no evidence can be provided for the supposition that, for instance, the Hetubindu or the Vdanyya, two works by Dharmakrti quite different in style, came directly from his pen or that the dialogs they contain are samples of the writing style of the time. On the contrary, an analysis of the arguments and dialogs in these two texts suggests that it is more likely that we are dealing with notes taken by students during classes in which students were being trained in argumentation and rhetoric. It seems that the dialogs found therein do not represent the writing style of the time, but rather discussions between Dharmakrti and his students, or even between the students themselves. At the conference first results of this project will be presented.

How Is Real Abiding Possibly Founded on Non-abiding?: A Philosophical Inquiry Mainly Based on the Vimalakrti-nirdea
Tsai, Yao-Ming
Buddhist teachings lay persistent emphasis on inconstancy of the secular world. Since nothing is permanently constant or settled, inconstancy can also be understood as not abiding or non-abiding. In the Vimalakrti-nirdea, the topic of abiding is not limited to teach one how not to abide. Abiding is affirmative as well when it comes to how one abides in practicing Buddhist teachings and how one can be a bodhisattva abiding in practice. For example, the idea of a bodhisattva who abides in the inconceivable liberation elicits many interesting questions: what is the abiding doctrine in the Vimalakrti-nirdea? How is real abiding possibly founded on non-abiding? All these are worth further discussion. The method of this paper is to go deep into the theoretical foundation, instead of superficial descriptions. The paper is composed of six sections. The first one is Introduction, bringing out the theme and the outline of the paper. The second one is focused on the idea of abiding as a philosophical concept. The third one is about the reasoning and discourse of non-abiding. The fourth one is about the reasoning and discourse of real abiding. The fifth one is to discuss how real-abiding is possibly founded on non-abiding. The final one is Conclusion.

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Would Sartre Have Suffered From Nausea if He Had Understood the Buddhist No-Self Doctrine?
Hough, Sheridan
In this paper I will compare elements of the Yogcra account of consciousness as developed by Vasubandhu (particularly the theory of consciousness-only (vijaptimtra)) with JeanPaul Sartres analysis of the egoless self. I will then consider how Sartres fictional rendition of his claims reveals a fundamental problem with his own philosophical conception. The central character in Sartres 1938 novel 'La Nause', Antoine Roquentin, has lost his sense of things, and now the world appears to him as utterly unstable. Roquentin suffers from what he calls nausea: his environment shows up to him as viscous, and spreading at the edge, like an oil stain. This state of nausea is caused by an ontological intuition that gradually dawns on Roquentin: in a climactic moment, he realizes that the self, as well as the world through which that self moves, lacks a substantial nature, essence or fixed features, and that his attempts to label and categorize himself, and the world, merely cover up this reality. This moment is a vivid portrayal of Sartres own philosophical account of the self, first elaborated in a work published a year earlier, 'La transcendence de l'go'. In this essay, Sartre argues that Husserls account of consciousness is not radical enough; Sartre proposes to dispense with the notion of a pure ego that founds conscious experience. Instead, Sartre conceives of consciousness as an ego-free, pure open awareness, a transcendental field in which objects can be placed or posited. Of course, among the many objects posited by consciousness is the self as a person with particular features, habits and characteristics; however, these features cannot be fixed, since a personas an open, transcendent field of awarenessis essentially featureless. The I or ego is thus a pseudo-source of activity. Here, of course, Sartre seems to draw very close to a properly Buddhist account of personal identity. My essay questions Roquentins response to his ontological insight: why is this the occasion for nausea? Why doesnt Roquentin celebrate and embrace his non-self ? I will provide an analysis of the assumptions at work in Sartres vivid depiction of Roquentins ailment, and the unsatisfactory solution he provides. I will then sketch out an alternative affect for Roquentin by appealing to Vasubandhus analysis of the dynamics of the five aggregates in the 'Pacaskandhaprakaraa'. Finally, I argue that Vasubandhus account of the source of subliminal impressions and his theory of the apparitional nature of cognitive aspects at work in 'Viatik' and 'Triik' provides an interesting philosophical remedy for nausea.

Buddhism as a 'Competing Discourse': A Method for Comparative Philosophy

Gregory, Kathleen
In Comparative Philosophy Garfield (2002) suggests two traditions need enough distance and proximity for each to be disclosed to the other. Gmez (1995) suggests the employ of Buddhism as a competing discourse. In my PhD thesis I considered these ideas and developed a method for a parallel reading from Western and Buddhist perspectives. I utilised the story of the development of the nineteenth-century European view of and subsequent reactions to Buddhism as a religion of the void to bring these perspectives into relationship. I showed that in parallel, Buddhism is understood in this context as both a socio-historical phenomenon (Western) and an object of individual consciousness (Buddhist). 94

In this paper I argue that a method of parallel reading in this way provides the right distance and proximity between Buddhist and Western perspectives to naturally reveal sameness and difference between the traditions. Further, the method of parallel readings is shown to be an effective way to present Buddhism as a competing discourse on its own terms, in relation to, and equal to, Western discourses. Garfield, J.L. (2002). Empty words: Buddhist philosophy and cross-cultural interpretation. New York: Oxford University Press. Gmez, L.O. (1995). Unspoken paradigms: Meanderings through the metaphors of a field. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 18 (2), pp. 183-230.

An Audience-oriented Approach to Extracting Historical Information From Mahyna Stras

Gilks, Peter
Without a clear theory on how to read stras for historical information about early Mahyna, it is possible for scholars to reach diametrically opposite conclusions based on the exactly the same scriptural evidence. I take the view that since Mahyna stras are fundamentally prescriptive (as opposed to descriptive) texts, they have what the philosopher John Searle calls a "language to world" direction-of-fit. This means that we should not attempt to determine the extent to which the stras represent historical reality. Instead, the question should be whether or not they were successful in having their normative injunctions implemented by actual audiences. I argue that for a text to be successful, there must be actual audiences who are willing to identify with what the reader-response literary critic Wolfgang Iser calls the text's "implied audience". Applied to the "Signs of Irreversibility" chapter of the Aashasrik, this theory allows me to argue that there were members of the stra's actual historical audience who saw themselves as bodhisattvas. The conclusion is significant in light of the fact that when inscriptional evidence of Mahyna begins to appear in the middle of the third century C.E., persons belonging to the tradition do not refer to themselves as bodhisattvas, preferring instead terms such as "those who have set out on the Mahyna path" (mahyna-samprasthita), "Mahynists" (mhynika) and "followers of Mahyna" (mahynuyyin).

System Model of Consciousness-Only Theory

Oyang, Yen-Jen
In recent years, many scientists have made significant progresses in interpreting Buddhist philosophy with contemporary scientific knowledge. Such kinds of efforts not only are of academic interest but also are crucial for promoting general awareness of Buddhist philosophy. Based on the same thinking, the study presented in this article aims to establish a system model for consciousness-only theory. Systems science is a research field that studies how to develop accurate quantitative models for describing the observed behaviors of systems. In this respect, a system can be any object that generates certain kinds of outputs in response to input stimuli. Therefore, each beings mind can be regarded as a system since when we are awake our minds continuously respond to the stimuli received by our sense organs. According to the consciousness-only theory, each 95

beings laya consciousness (the eighth consciousness) stores various types of seeds. One special category of seeds is called the karma seed. The collection of various types of karma seeds stored in one beings laya consciousness reflects this beings previous experiences and behaviors. When activated under proper conditions, a karma seed will introduce a certain type of influence to one's perceptions and behaviors. Then, new karma seeds will be generated based on how one being responds to the external world. This article proposes that the theory of contemporary systems science can be exploited to create a quantitative model for describing the operations of the laya consciousness. In this model, one state variable, which stores a non-negative real number, is allocated for each type of karma seed. The value that a state variable stores corresponds to the magnitude of influence that the seed will introduce when activated. Then, depending on how one being responds to the external world, the values stored in the state variables will change accordingly. The creation of new karma seeds that were previously nonexistent in the laya consciousness can be modeled by increasing the values stored in the corresponding state variables from zero to a positive real number. When one being is in the process to determine how to respond to the external world, the values stored in some of this beings state variables are retrieved and introduce their influences. Here, it must be stressed that the contents of the state variables may play a prevailing role in the decision process but is never be determinant because each being can always ignore the influences of karma seeds and act with ones own will. The merit of this article has two aspects. One aspect is that this article proposes a quantitative model for describing the operations of our minds with the theory of contemporary systems science. The second aspect is that it provides an illustration of how Buddhist philosophy can be interpreted with the theories of natural sciences. It is anticipated that the second aspect will motivate more scientists to examine this interesting and challenging issue and propose more innovative ideas.

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Buddhist Philosophy of Language

Garfield, Jay and Westerhoff, Jan Expressing the Inexpressible: Asaga and the Skeptics Fallacy
Tzohar, Roy
This paper analyzes a set of arguments presented in the * Vinicayasagraha* ascribed to Asaga, designed to demonstrate through reasoning (*yukti)* the inexpressibility of the true essential nature of reality (*svabhvat*). This theme is developed into a comprehensive negation of a correspondence theory of truth, which then gives rise to a series of objections, some of which, along with Asagas responses, will be shown to recall similar exchanges in early Madhyamaka texts (especially Ngrjunas *Vigrahavyvartta *1-4 and 21-29). In one of these objections, the opponent deems Asaga as guilty of the skeptics fallacy and questions the very coherence and legitimacy of Asagas use of language, since the content of his claims challenges the very assumptions that enable their meaningful expression. This critique is addressed in particular to Asagas claim regarding the "inexpressibility of reality," seen to be itself expressive in some minimal way and therefore resulting in a performative contradiction. Asagas reply points out that while a world-word correspondence can be efficacious at the conventional level, it reflects nothing but the machinations of discursive thought (*vikalpa*), hence the meaningfulness of language is not taken to be a criterion for its adequacy. Within this framework, his own assertions (and by extension those of philosophical discourse in general) are understood to be efficacious insofar as they have* **informative* value (making known a certain possible state of affairs but without reifying it) and more importantly because of their *performative *value by actively engaging in self-negation they delineate the limits of language and the possibility of the ineffable. Seen in this light, Asagas argumentative project assumes a particular vantage point, namely from within the confines of discursive thought. In accordance with the methodological constraints of such a position, his arguments are therefore understood as reflexively revealing their own situatedness within language and thus as marking the limits of meaningful expression.

A Prsagika Nominalism: Candrakrti and Tsongkhapa on the Philosophy of Language

Thakchoe, Sonam
The philosophy of language inspired by Dignga-Dharmakrti epistemological tradition including the Svtantrika Madhyamaka argues that language is non-referential; it deals only with the universals (or generalities) that are purely mental constructs, and not with the realities of the senses themselves, for the realities, being unique particulars constituted by simple atomic particles, always remain untouched by language. Only concepts can be directly expressible, thus are the only referents of all the linguistic expressions. The Prsagika fundamentally disagrees. It proposes a theory of language in which the epistemic efficacy of 97

language and the reality of objects are coreferential, coconstitutive and coterminous. It argues that words are unreal empty of any intrinsic meaning. To the extent to which words are meaningful to that extent, they are directly referential. Like words themselves, the referent objects are also intrinsically unreal. They are merely labelled entities constituted by causes and conditions that are equally merely labelled. Therefore reality (yod pa), for the Prsagika, is established on the strength of conceptuality (rtog pai dbang gis yod pa), that is to say, on the strength of the cognition that posits conventionality (tha snyad dogs byed kyis bloi dbang gis bzhag pa). Thus reality, for the Prsagika, is no more than merely (tsam) nominal (ming), symbolic (brda) and conventionally (that snyad) designated (btags yod). In this paper, I make two attempts. First, I present my understanding of Candrakti and Tsongkhapas critical defence of the Prsagikas theory of language. I intend to undertake this task by comparing and contrasting the Prsagikas theory with other theories of language proposed in other Indian and Tibetan Buddhist schools. Wherever possible I will also consider the Prsagika critique of the other theories. Then I analyse the two central implications arising from the Prsagikas philosophy of language concerning the current debate in the Madhyamaka epistemology: Can the Prsagika coherently hold philosophical positions? Can perceptual cognitions be conceptual in nature, and yet be epistemically reliable (prama)?

Language in Early Indian Yogcra

Lugli, Ligeia
Yogcra views words to be the source ofs asric experience. Familiarity with language, this schoo lholds, triggers misapprehension of reality and preludes to the development of passion and other kinds of defilement. Perceived phenomena, which are the object of attachment, amount to conceptual fabrications. Yet, although they are illusory, their appearance is consistent throughout the population. This is because people decodify reality according to shared cognitive parameters: linguistic conventions. This paper examines this theory as it emergesfrom several stras and stras, including the Sadhinirmocana, Lakvatra, Ghanavyha, Bodhisattvabhmis Tattvrthapaala, Mahynasagraha and Mahynastralkra.

Philosophy of Language in Chinese Buddhism

Kantor, Hans-Rudolf
Buddhist philosophy subordinated to the ideal of salvation called liberation from suffering is inseparably linked with soteriology. Also, Buddhist soteriology of liberation implying our realization of detachment and non-clinging as well as the awareness of falseness mainly involves philosophical thinking. Based on the inspiration of Indian Mahayana Buddhism, the Chinese schools teach the awareness of emptiness of all things, which emptiness does not equal complete non-existence. The correct understanding of emptiness rather embodies and performs the awareness of and the non-clinging onto a non-realness intrinsically bound up with the linguistic level. This awareness is inexpressible and must be distinguished from all conceptual thinking and linguistic expression, yet it is inseparable from that level. Buddhist philosophy of emptiness in China not only investigates the falseness of the linguistic level but also develops and performs linguistic strategies evoking the awareness of the 98

inexpressible. The Chinese Tiantai, Sanlun, Huayan, and Chan schools presented various ways of a philosophical thinking focusing on the inexpressible awareness of emptiness and the linguistic strategies realizing it. This paper introduces, discusses, and compares those philosophical issues in Chinese Buddhist views on language from the fifth to the seventh century which is the formative period of the indigenous Buddhist schools in China.

Sakya Paitas Anti-realism as a Return to the Mainstream

Gold, Jonathan
The Tibetan Sakya traditions distinctive tshad ma (prama) views, rooted in Sakya Paitas Treasury of Reasoning (Tshad ma rigs pai gter), are best known for having played minority counterpoint to mainstream Geluk positions, especially in the writings of kya Chokden and Gorampa. Sakya Paita (Sa-pa), for his part, had complained of Tibetan innovations in epistemology and debate, and sought to restore what he saw as a valid interpretation of Dharmakrti. The present paper investigates Sa-pas approach to the concepts of appearance (snang ba, pratibh) and exclusion (sel ba, apoha) and explains how he combines his conceptualist, causal theory of meaning with a conventionalist exposition of linguistic terms borrowed from the grammatical tradition. This analysis agrees with Dreyfus suggestion (in Recognizing Reality) that Sa-pa revived positions of Dignga and even Bharthari in his attempts to restore Dharmakrti. Indeed, it is argued that Sa-pa sought to restore a broad legacy of mainstream Indian Buddhist anti-realism that Dignga had inherited from Vasubandhu. Yet where Vasubandhus anti-realism was systematized in a Yogcra three natures view, Sa-pas was indebted to Candrakrtis Madhyamaka. Both systems provided the means to forswear realism and its temptations to epistemic foundations without entirely giving up on validity in reasoning.

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Buddhist Places
Section Moderator: Gardiner, David A Time-Space Study on the Development of Master Shengyans Social Solicitude : The Application of GIS
Chao, Pi - Hua
As a Zen master who later attained a statue as the representative of Sino-Buddhism, Master Sheng Yen has a solid academic background and vast experiences on teaching Zen meditation. Through talks, involvement s in international seminars and various international Zen meditations, he propagates Sino-Buddhist thoughts and Zen. And his contribution is widely and deeply recognized by international community. This study will base on timespace, that is, how Master Sheng Yen devoted his entire life to spread social solicitude and to establish a paradise by using the geographic information system ( GIS). Through GIS, he presents his work on propagating social solicitude and establishes a diverse and in depth model of social solicitude. The study depicts vertically the time locus of his propagation work whereas horizontally, the study illustrates the wide-ranging dimension of his social solicitude. In other words, the study uses GIS to collect a database of time-space narration. Based on this time-space interactive, the study attempts to propose a new paradigm of study and infers moving map information of the development of Master Sheng Yens social solicitude. The study constructs the time-space of the Masters social solicitude propagation and the practice of humanistic Buddhism and contains of 1) descriptive function in which GIS shows a clear locus of the Masters social solicitude propagation; 2) explanatory function in which the time-space foundation enables a further study on the background elements of contemporary social ambience, for examples, how the Masters solicitude work and view affected society? What were the responses from it? Furthermore, for the first time use of GIS as an attempt to study Master Sheng Yens thoughts of social solicitude and time-space propagation, a conversion of the research data from words into a geographical space environment for the sake of analysis will delineate the result of study in interactive mode.

Paths Across Borders: Comparative Reflections on Japanese and Indo-Tibetan Models of the Buddhist Path
Gardiner, David
The thrust of this paper is to urge students and scholars of Buddhist thought to think more broadly about the tradition in at least two ways. One is to see commonalities across subtraditions, such as Japanese and Indo-Tibetan. Another is to appreciate more openly similarities in Buddhist thought with theistic, non-Buddhist traditions. It is my premise that in both these areas comparative investigation within Buddhist traditions and between Buddhism and other religions there are unfortunate prejudices that obstruct possibilities for deeper understanding of both self and other, whether these terms designate bodies of scholarly or of religious identification.

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The first broadening I emphasize concerns the comparison of models of the Buddhist path (mrga) across Buddhist traditions. For this topic I focus on the ten-stage model created by Kukai, founder of the Japanese Vajrayana school of Shingon, and the three-tiered model used by Tsongkhapa, founder of the Tibetan Gelugpa school, and Tsongkhapa's Indian predecessor Atisha. The second broadening regards the exploration of how important aspects of Buddhist faith are more substantialist, with similarities with theistic traditions, than commonly acknowledged.

Construals and Constructions: The Study of Womens Restriction From Sacred Mountains in Premodern Japan
Dewitt, Lindsey
The practice of restricting women from sacred mountains in Japan (nyonin kekkai , nyonin kinzei ) spans a range of scholarly disciplines, from history and religion to sociology and economics. Perhaps owing to this amorphous character, scholarship on womens restrictions has long suffered from scholarly inattention and analytic myopism, thus despite its undeniable significance to Japanese history and religion, the phenomenon remains underexplored in academia. This paper explores historiographical and methodological issues in modern scholarship on womens restrictions by investigating the small corpus of primary texts (ranging from the eighth- through the fourteenth-centuries) scholars use to explain its provenance and diffusion. I argue that close readings of these texts suggest a disjointed, narrative view of womens restrictions that streamlined narratives and interpretive accounts based on selective readings (and occasional mis-readings) largely ignore.

The Evil Nature of the Buddha and the Buddha-Nature of the Environment in Jingxi Zhanrans Jingangpi
Chen, Shuman
Perhaps the most unconventional theories of Buddha-nature to have developed in the history of Mahayana doctrine are the Tiantai claims concerning the inherent evil (xinge) of the Buddha and the Buddha-nature of insentient beings. Contrary to the traditional view that a Buddha is perfect and pure, Zhiyi (538-597), the founder of Tiantai school, taught that all Buddhas inherently have an evil nature. One of the doctrinal bases he uses to support this claim is the Tiantai theory of mutual entailment (huju), according to which each of the ten dharma realms (including on the one hand the hells embroiled in ignorance and evil and on the other hand Buddhahood characterized by liberation and wisdom) mutually includes the others, and therefore, it is permissible to say that Buddhahood entails evil. Embracing Zhiyis teachings, Jingxi Zhanran (711-782), who is known for his revival of the Tiantai school in the Tang dynasty, insists that the inanimate surroundings of sentient beings also possess Buddha-nature. This paper explores these two unique Tiantai theories, focusing on Zhanrans final work, the Jingangpi (the Diamond Scalpel), dedicated to defending and developing the idea of insentient beings Buddha-nature. Even though the term inherent evil never appears in the Jingangpi, its philosophy is embedded in the text, and the significant connection between inherent evil and insentient beings Buddha-nature deserves more scholarly attention. I argue that their relation is indirectly linked through the notion of mutual entailment. Elaborating on the theory of inherent evil, Zhanran argues that the ordinary and the enlightened interpenetrate and entail each other. The whole realm of hell is 102

located in the Buddhas mind, and the Buddhas body and land are in the evil realms of animals, ghosts, and hell-dwellers. In addition, since Buddha-nature is all-pervasive, Zhanran contends, it never excludes any insentient being. In other words, each of the pleasant and unpleasant environments without exception has Buddha-nature. He further asserts that the unaware insentient things are not separate from enlightenment. Through textual interpretation, I will discuss how Zhanran presents the ideas of inherent evil and insentient beings possessing Buddha-nature as reciprocally supporting each other, which will allow an understanding of some of the soteriological, ethical, and philosophical implications of this doctrine which would otherwise be ignored.

Protecting Khotan: Doctrinal Issues and Local Visual Translation

Forte, Erika
Representations of protecting deities in Khotan are known from wall paintings, wooden tablets and sculptures found in archaeological remains of Buddhist temples discovered at the beginning of the 20th century. The protectors of Khotan are also a popular subject in Dunhuang, in the depictions, for example, of the so-called auspicious images (ruixiang ), between the 7th and the 9th c. The background of protective deities representations can be found in Mahayana texts that have circulated in Khotan roughly from around 3rd-4th century (especially the Candragarbha the Sryagarbha, and the Suvarnaprabhasottama stras), where the guardians of Khotan are listed in catalogues. The Tibetan texts (Li yul lung btsan pa, The Prophecy of the Li Country, Li yul gyi lo rgyus pa Annals of the Li Country and Ri glang ru lung bstan pa, The Prophecy of Goga) give us significant literary evidence as well. Previous studies have identified some of these guardians in the Khotanese artistic production, providing a visual vocabulary of the cult of protective deities in Khotan which remains nevertheless incomplete, due to the gaps of the available documentation and to the uneven distribution of research. As a matter of fact, while a fair amount of scientific works on Vairavana has been produced so far, given the major role played by this latter in the Khotanese foundation myths, much less attention has been paid to other guardians, whose role and importance can be nonetheless equally significant in the Khotanese religious universe.

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Against Harmony: Radical Buddhism and Buddhist Socialism in Thought and Practice I
Ladwig, Patrice; Shields, James Introduction: The Comparative Study of Budhhist Socialism
Ladwig, Patrice
An introduction by the convenor.

Buddhism and Socialism in Vietnam, 1920-1945

De Vido, Elise
The period 1920s to the 1940s in colonial Vietnam was a time of great intellectual, religious, and political ferment. The Buddhist Revival in Vietnam of this time is inextricably tied to contemporaneous debates and struggles involving nationalism, socialism and internationalism. This paper, based on the works of Vietnamese Buddhist socialists and revolutionaries, Vietnamese contemporary journals and newspapers, monastic biographies, and histories of Buddhism in modern Vietnam, will consider two aspects of Buddhist and Socialism to 1945. First, the realm of ideas: how Buddhists argued that Buddhism is scientific, atheist, and egalitarian, and furthermore, as the national religion of Vietnam, was a viable path to save Vietnam and was completely compatible with socialism. Second, structure and events: how monks, nuns, and laypeople participated in anti-colonial struggle, specifically Marxist or socialist-inspired. My paper focuses on Thien Chieu (1898-1974) the famous revolutionary activist monkturned- revolutionary layperson. Thien Chieu, from southern Vietnam, was a pioneering and major figure in the Buddhist Revival in Vietnam from 1920-1936 and is the archetype, in Vietnamese historiography, of the politically engaged Buddhist monk. Though he publically recanted Buddhism in 1936 and left the sangha to devote his life to serving the socialist cause, he is still honored in Buddhist circles for his great efforts to strengthen and modernize Buddhism. This paper will also discuss Nguyen An Ninh (1900-1943), another southern Vietnam native, who studied at the Sorbonne and translated J.P Rousseaus Social Contract into Vietnamese. Nguyen An Ninh was a comrade of anti-colonial revolutionaries Phan Chu Trinh and Ho Chi Minh who turned to Buddhism in jail but then renounced it in 1937. Why did the brief marriage of Buddhism and socialism in Vietnam fail?

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A Buddha Land in This World: Political Use of the Lotus Sutra in 1930s Japan
Shields, James
In the early decades of the twentieth century, as Japanese society became engulfed in war and increasing nationalism, the majority of Buddhist leaders and institutions capitulated to the status quo, preaching, in the words of Joseph Kitagawa the virtues of peace, harmony, and loyalty to the throne. This emergence of so-called Imperial Way Buddhism (kd bukky) has been examined in recent works by Brian Victoria and Christopher Ives, among others. And yet, most of the focus has been on Zen Buddhism, to the relative neglect of othe major Japanese sects, such as Jod, Shin and Nichiren. While these sects also contributed to modern Japanese nationalism, the specific details of their involvement remains underexplored. This paper explores the ideas and actions of several figures affiliated with the Nichiren sect during the high point of modern Japanese nationalism (some would say fascism): the 1930s. Throughout its seven-hundred year history, the Nichiren sect, based on a reliance on the Lotus Sutra (Jp. Hokke-ky), has been the most overtly political of Japanese Buddhist sects, but alsoprobably for this very reasonthe one that has historically had the most conflict with secular powers; i.e., the most radical. Indeed, exclusivist commitment to the Lotus Sutra has led to both what we might today call both intolerance and prophetic critique. Within the tumultuous context of the 1930s, this dual heritage resulted in a striking degree of political variance among Nichirenistsparticularly lay followers of Nichiren and the Lotus Sutra. This paper explores and attempts to explain this variance by comparing and contrasting the life and work of four figures active during the 1930s: Inoue Nissh (1887 1967), Senoo Gir (18891961), Miyazawa Kenji (18961933), and Kon Tk (18981977).

Dhammic Socialism: A Buddhist Vision of Just Social Order in 1970s Thailand

Ito, Tomomi
Buddhadasa Bhikkhu (1906-1993) was a prominent Thai Buddhist monk who dedicated himself to the propagation of transcendent dhamma by means of which people could actually experience inner peace and happiness in the present life, at the present moment. He had little interest in rebirth, next lives or rituals that could allegedly transform ones life as if by magic. His teaching was widely regarded as modern and scientific and was supported by progressive Thai intellectuals and students. In Thailand Buddhadasas intellectual exchanges with renowned Thai socialist intellectuals such as Pridi Phanomyong, Kulap Saipradit, and Samak Burawat are widely known through a number of magazine features. In addition, Thai people over the age of fifty still remember that Buddhadasas reputation suffered attacks in the form of vulgar accusations and wild rumours branding him as a communist. That background reinforces a view of his notion of Dhammic Socialism as a Buddhist version of socialism; however, for an accurate understanding of the notion, superficial analysis of Buddhadasas sermons is insufficient. It is essential to explore his notion of Dhammic Socialism in the context of dynamic political and social currents in Thailand at that time.

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To that end, this paper divides the second half of the twentieth century into three periods: from the October 1958 coup through to the 14 October 1973 uprisings, from 14 October 1973 to the 6 October 1976 coup and after 6 October 1976, and proceeds to examine the development of Buddhist social concerns in each of the three periods. Along with the changing political landscape, the paper also traces shifts in the nature of Buddhadasas notion of Dhammic socialism and in radical students attitudes toward Buddhadasas teaching.

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Against Harmony: Radical Buddhism and Buddhist Socialism in Thought and Practice II
Ladwig, Patrice; Shields, James

Revolutionaries in Robes: The Interaction of the Lao Communist Movement and the Buddhist Sangha (1954-1975)
Ladwig, Patrice
The interaction between communism and Buddhism has usually been perceived as being marked by antagonism, violence and oppression. In a similar vein, the close ties between the Lao Buddhist Fellowship Organization the official representative body of all Buddhist monks and laypeople and the Lao Revolutionary Party have usually been explained in terms of a coercive integration after the socialist revolution of 1975. Although coercion has certainly played a role in this process, most research has failed to take into account the prerevolutionary socialist engagement of certain Lao monks: From the late 1950s onwards, certain members of the Buddhist clergy (sangha) voluntarily cooperated with the communist movement and thereby laid the foundations for a far reaching collaboration. Propagating a form of patriotic Buddhism and later on a form of Buddhist Socialism, these monks aimed at integrating models of righteous Buddhist governance with the aims of the Lao communist liberation movement. This initially rather small movement of revolutionary monks was supposed to play a central role in the institutionalization and re-definition of Buddhism after the establishment of the socialist regime after the second Indochina war (Vietnam War). This contribution sets out to explore from a mainly historical and ethnographic perspective the interaction between the Lao communist liberation movement and aligned Buddhist monks. Monks have traditionally a high standing in Lao society and therefore had an effective propaganda value for the communist movement. They featured extensively in the communist movements self-representation in the 1960s. Some of them became members of the Pathet Lao (the Lao revolutionary partys precursor) in the liberated zone and the presentation will explore the motives for joining the fight against American imperialism. Besides referring to their roles as propaganda preachers, teachers and traditional doctors, the closer ideological links with the communist movement are also analyzed: Some monks participated in political meetings, received training in Marxism-Leninism and thereby became revolutionaries in robes. The new roles monks were taking on were by no means unproblematic in relation to their traditional ones, but were part of a larger plan of the liberation movement to instrumentalize and reshape Buddhism. Based on extensive life history interviews of monks and other historical data, and with reference to Gramscis understanding of Marxism as a cultural movement in need of intellectual propagators, the contribution argues that monks were supposed to be transformed from traditional to organic intellectuals. I will finally outline a comparative framework referring to neighboring countries such as Burma and Vietnam, where around the same time ideas of Buddhist socialism were also widespread.

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The Burmese Alms Boycott: Pattanikkujjana and Buddhist Nonviolent Resistance

Kovan, Martin
The announcement in early 2010 from the organisation of Burmese sangha of the voluntary boycott of alms (pattanikkujjana) received from military representatives identifying as Buddhist is believed to be, in the words of prominent Burmese pro-democracy activist U Win Tin, very effective...When you are under a pattanikkujjana, you are no longer a Buddhist...in a situation like this, the monks could make a movement if they were a political party, but they are not. The status of the sangha as religiously a-political (despite their very high tradition of political activity) disallows their voting in elections or claiming political selfinterest. U Gambira, the leader of the All-Burma Monks Alliance, has made this clear: We monks asked the regime tofind peace and national reconciliation...The monks did not ask the generals to give up their power. Yet it can be seen, both through the formal disobedience of the pattanikkujjana and the widespread anti-government solidarity evidenced in the 2007 Saffron Revolution, that Buddhist self-representation in these cases occupies an ambiguous relationship with state power. Indeed, as U Win Tin suggests, the Buddhist sangha are more political than us...because they are in close contact with the people and can exchange ideas and opinions. This paper considers the scriptural-ethical bases for the pattanikkujjana and its transgression of Buddhist a-politicisation, and to what degree its Burmese impact might potentially translate into a more generalised civil disobedience in the time to come.

The Buddhist Sangha and the Radicalisation of Buddhist Thought and Practice in Sri Lanka in the 20th and 21st Century
Weriberg-Salzmann, Mirjam
The ideas of non-violence, peace and non-discrimination have been systematically developed in Buddhism. Other religions will be much more prone to violence and exclusion because of their fundamentals or practices. Nonetheless, as research has shown Buddhist thoughts contribute to the escalation of conflicts, racial belief systems and radical movements, too. Those elements of Buddhism, which diverge from the agenda, have been disregarded and ignored. Political theory suggests that political actors regularly try to exploit religion in order to remain in power or to establish exclusive group-identities etc. In this perspective, religion did not have an independent role but the state has co-opted a certain form of religion. But empirically these assumptions were often not as clear as theoretically demanded. There is ample evidence that religious actors further their own objectives and strategies, and in an extreme case trying to take over the political system. The development of Buddhism in Sri Lanka in the 20th and 21st century is presented here as an example. My case study deals with the role of religious actors in promoting an ethno-religious nationalism, the exclusion of the minority population and the justification of violence.

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Chan and the Teachings During the Late TangYuan Dynasties

Huang, Yi-Hsun Buddhist Teachings Concerning Mind and Consciousness in Dahui Zonggao (1089-1163)s Letters
Levering, Miriam
Dahui Zonggao is known for having drawn on Buddhist teachings in his letters and Dharmainstructions (Fa-yu) to individuals, in order to correct errors in the individual's understanding of practice. This paper will describe Dahui's use of Mahayana Buddhist sutras and theoretical writings in Dahui's Letters (Dahui Shu), of which I am currently making a complete translation. The paper will center on Letter #19, which describes the activity of consciousness from the moment the layman wakes up in the morning.

Yongming Yanshous View of Harmony Between Chan and the Teachings (Jiaochan Yichi ): The Implications of a Buddhist School of Principle for the Song Intellectual Milieu
Welter, Albert
For Yongming Yanshou , (904-975) following Guifeng Zongmi (780-841), textual and non-textual (i.e., mind-to-mind) transmissions represent two aspects of the same phenomenon, the public and private dissemination of a single truth. Moreover, both forms of transmission are complementary to each other, and cannot be conceived of independently. Yanshou was highly dependent on Zongmi, who he cited directly in support of this position that scriptures are the word of the Buddha (foyu ); Chan is the thought of the Buddha (foyi ). Yet, while Yanshou consciously pursued Zongmis lead, there are conspicuous differences between them as well. Zongmis view of Chan was predicated on verifying Shenhuis teaching as the true interpretation of the sixth patriarch Huinengs teaching in the face of mounting competition from other factions. Yanshous conception of Chan is not driven by such divisionshe sees the entire Chan school in all its manifestations as a single faction based on the principle of zong . In a word, for Zongmi Chan zong is divisive; for Yanshou it is a tool for reconciliation. In addition, I explore an unheralded dimension of Yanshous thought as a Buddhist School of Principle that influenced the Song intellectual milieu and beyond. Neo-Confucian critiques tended to subsume all of Buddhist teaching under the rhetoric of Linji Chan as the Buddhist Mind School , with its anti-nomian posturing and morally ambiguous assertions. My paper explores the shifts necessitated in our understanding if Yanshous principled Buddhism, based on the notion of harmony between Chan and the teachings, is reinserted into the intellectual terrain.

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Chan Master Fayan Wenyi and the Huayan Concept of Six Characteristics
Huang, Yi-Hsun
In Chinese Buddhist history, the Huayan tradition enters an important stage of development during the period including the late Tang and early Song. Although no Huayan master from this period enjoys the same eminent status as the early Huayan patriarchs, Huayan teachings maintained an influential role in the Chan school. The Huayan term six characteristics (liuxiang ) was a popular topic in the Tang and Song Chan texts. Among the Chan schools, the Fayan school is considered to be the most receptive to sutra teachings. Chan master Fayan Wenyi (885958) provided the most detailed discussion about the six characteristics. The present paper aims to analyze Wenyis verse entitled Huayan liuxiang yi and an encounter dialogue between Wenyi and his disciple Yongming Daoqian (?961) on the six characteristics found in the Jingde chuandeng lu in order to understand how this Huayan concept was applied in Wenyis teaching.

Teaching Classifications in Liao and Tangut Buddhist Texts

Solonin, Kirill
The paper is going to present three sets of the classification schemes (pan jiao, doctrinal taxonomy), dound in three different texts dating back to the Liao Dynasty. The first is the scheme found in the first juan of Xianmi Yuantong Cheng foxin Yaoji by Daoshen, a monk from Jinhe si monastery near Beijing, active in the middle of the 12th century. The second text is the Mirror of the Mind (Jingxin lu), by the same author, currently available only in Tangut translation. Both texts are based on the tradtional taxonomy developed by the Huayan school, but demonstarted certain peculiarities, especially concerning the position of Chan Buddhism within the general doctrinal framework. The third text is Huayan jing tanxuan jueze, which is also a Huayan work by famous Liao scholar Yuantong Xianyan. This text, although not exclusively a pan jiao work, also demonsrates a number of specific features characteristic of Liao Buddhism

Chan Influence on Chengguans Huayan Thought

Hamar, Imre
According to Chinese Buddhist tradition, Chengguan was the fourth patriarch of the Huayan school, which flourished under the Tang dynasty but became less significant after its collapse. Chengguan was a monk of vast erudition. His main contribution to Huayan philosophy is the theory of the four dharma-dhtus, which synthesizes two special Huayan tenets, i.e. the nature-origination (xingqi) and the dependant arising of the dharma-dhtu (fajie yuanqi). Despite his achievements as an exegete, it would be wrong to surmise that he was solely a scholar or a philosopher. He was an accomplished master of meditation. Due to his power of concentration, his corpse is said not to have decayed after his death.

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Chan Buddhism made considerable impact on Chengguan. He studied under Niutoushan Master Huizhong, the fifth patriarch of the Niutou school of Chan. In addition, we are told that he mastered the Southern school (nanzong) of Chan under Wuming, and the Northern school (beizong) under Huiyun whom no biography is found. Chengguan was certainly familiar with the tenets of the Northern school as he refers to them with the phrase "the Northern school says". In this paper we are going to show how Chan teachings were incorporated into Chengguans Huayan thought, laying the ground for his disciple, Zongmi, who made a synthesis of Chan and Huayan Buddhism.

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Chinese Buddhist Thought

Section Moderator: Iliouchine, Alexandre A Comparison of Buddha-nature and Dao-nature Before the Tang Dynasty
Tseng, C.M. Adrian
My paper will investigate the historical formation of the concept of Buddha-nature before the Tang dynasty (618-907 A.D.) from a comparison of Buddha-nature and Dao-nature. The idea that insentient things are able to possess Buddha-nature is a distinctive new interpretation of Chinese Buddhism in contrast to the exclusion of insentient things from the concept of Buddha-nature in Indian Mahyna Buddhism. This paper will examine reasons behind the new interpretation of Chinese Mahyna Buddhism to see why and how insentient things are able to be included in the concept of Buddha-nature by looking at the meaning of xing in Chinese philosophical perspective, such as Daoism. Although the term Buddha-nature, or foxing in Chinese, first appeared in the Chinese version of the Mahyna Mahparinirva-stra, in fact, the term foxing is a Chinese translated term. It is interesting that some Buddhist masters in China, such as Jizang (549-623) who was the first Buddhist master in China to make the new interpretation, encountered the term Buddha-nature through the Chinese translated version of the Mahyna Mahparinirvastra, not the original Sanskrit version of the sutra. Therefore, my paper suggests that those Buddhist masters in China, including Jizang, made this new interpretation partly based on Chinese philosophical perspectives. My questions are, Why are insentient things included in the concept of Buddha-nature in Chinese Mahyna Buddhism? Is the inclusion of insentient things in the concept of Buddha-nature necessary in Chinese Mahyna Buddhism? What does the term Buddha-nature mean in terms of Chinese Mahyna Buddhism, so that insentient things are considered able to possess Buddha-nature? Why and how are insentient things considered to be able to possess Buddha-nature? To answer these questions, it is necessary to pay a close attention on the meaning of nature, or xing . The examination of my paper takes a doctrinal approach. This paper proposes to examine the meaning of xing in Daoism and its relationship with the Dao before Jizang, and it will show why and how the inclusion of insentient things is significant in Chinese philosophy as well as in Chinese Mahyna Buddhism. This paper will demonstrate a doctrinal interaction between Buddhism and Daoism, and this interaction will provide a new perspective on the concept of Buddha-nature from an approach that reflects Chinese culture and philosophical development before the Tang dynasty in China.

Ridding the Mind of Thoughts: Meditation Objects and Mental Attitude in Hnshn Dqngs Dharma Talks
Eifring, Halvor
While psychoanalysis views the spontaneous flow of random thoughts as a key to treatment, meditative traditions both within and outside Buddhism tend to view this flow with suspicion, as a problem to be overcome. The Chinese meditation master Hnshn Dqng (1546-1623) approaches this problem in his dharma talks, in which he recommends 115

keyword investigation as being particularly efficacious, but where he also gives almost equal treatment to buddha invocation , sutra chanting , and mantra repetition , in all cases turning simple recitation into the object of Chn investigation. This paper argues that the inclusion of these meditation objects, as well as the exclusion of others, should not be explained in terms of Hnshn's well-known syncretism, but are based on technical similarities between these methods. The paper also discusses Hnshn's emphasis on mental attitude and the possible paradox implied in his warning against the active suppression of thoughts combined with his recommendation of the use force to drive thoughts away.

Reviews on Sengzhaos (4-5th C.) Understanding of Indian Mdhyamika Thought a Buddhist Hermeneutic Perspective
Shih, Jenkuan
As one of Kumrajvas prominent direct disciples, Sengzhao (384-414) not only productively assisted Kumrajva to translate the Praj/Mdhymika texts from Sanskrit into Chinese language, but he also took one step further to interpret them and, in the end, made himself a great thinker in Chinese Buddhist history. Yet, due to his well-educated in Chinese intellectual tradition as well as his well-versed in adopting Chinese metaphysical terminology his writings, Sengzhao is always viewed as the one initiating the movement of Sinification of Buddhism. More radically, Sengzhaos understanding of Indian Praj/Mdhyamika thought has been believed in the past century in the field of Chinese Buddhism as simply a misunderstood in the process of creating a new religion, the theoretical aspect of which was fundamentally Chinese. This paper tries to review Sengzhaos understandings of Indian Mdhyamika key concepts, such as emptiness (Skt. shunya), non-conceptuality (Skt. avikalpa), and middle-path (Skt. madhyampratipad). By doing so, this paper sheds light on two critical issues. First, Sengzhaos thought has clear characteristics and patterns that echo the system of Mdhyamika thought found in Ngrjuna's works. Second, Sengzhao in fact crafted a special exegetical method that presents Indian Praj/Mdhymika thought in a more accessible way to his Chinese fellow thinkers, many of whom carried Xuanxue (i.e. Chinese metaphysics during the 3rd-4th c.) background. Using this delicate hermeneutics, Sengzhaos expressions linguistically stayed close with Xuanxue but somewhat strange to Indian Praj/Mdhymika expressions; yet at the same time, philosophically stayed far away from Xuanxue but strictly abided by Indian Praj/Mdhymika concepts.

Charlatans, Soldiers, and Spies: Critiques of Buddhist Clergy and Kings During the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms
Brose, Ben
Although modern historians of Chinese Buddhism tend to treat post-Tang Buddhism as a tradition in decline, Buddhist canonical sources depict the tenth century as a period of tremendous vitality, when monastic communities flourished in several sovereign kingdoms in southern China. The unprecedented support of the samgha by the rulers of kingdoms like Min, the Southern Tang, and Wuyue was later sharply denounced by Song historians, who charged that it was precisely the overzealous patronage of regional rulers that resulted in an undisciplined and avaricious samgha. These critics claimed that several southern kings had become so enamored of Buddhist practices that they had abandoned the reins of 116

government. Political turmoil was in turn exacerbated by economic instability as monastic estates accumulated tremendous wealth from their extensive agricultural and industrial holdings. To make matters worse, many of these southern monks were believed to have been directly involved in military operations, serving as both spies and soldiers in a succession offensive and defensive campaigns. This paper will examine these accusations in conjunction with the writings of contemporary Buddhist apologists to arrive at a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between the samgha and the state during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms.

Buddhism in Chinese Inner Alchemy: Zhang Boduans Teaching as a Case Study

Iliouchine, Alexandre
Zhang Boduan was a prominent advocate of the unity of the Three Teachings (Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism). His magnum opus Wuzhen pian (Folios on Awakening to Perfection), completed circa 1075, became the main scripture of the Southern Lineage of Daoist Inner Alchemy. Zhang himself was retroactively recognized as first patriarch of the lineage; he has thus become associated with Daoism. Yet, in his works, Zhang did not show any links to Daoist movements or traditions. Instead, he expressed reverence to kyamuni Buddha and Majur, and declared himself to be a follower of Bodhidharma and Huineng. Zhang devoted the later years of his life to Chan Buddhism; after his death, Zhangs disciples cremated him according to Buddhist ritual and reported to have found an unusual amount of relics in his ashes. In this paper, I shall analyze the influential and complex role of Buddhism in Zhangs inner alchemical teaching. I shall first explore his usage of Buddhist concepts and metaphors, as well as his reverence for Buddhist characters. Then, I shall examine his criticism of Buddhist ideals and practices. Finally, I intend to demonstrate that Zhang, although engaging in covert and overt polemics with Buddhism, was influenced by Buddhism to such extent that it informed the basic categories of his teaching.

Diamond Sutra Tales and the Reshaping of Medieval Chinese Religiosity

Ho, Chiew Hui
While scriptural knowledge was transmitted to later generations of monks and scholars by elite exegetes through their commentaries, Buddhist teachings and values were orally transmitted by laypeople across the different social strata of the larger population through the medium of indigenous Buddhist tales. This presentation explores how indigenous Buddhist tales related to the Diamond Sutra served to disseminate and instill religious values and knowledge during the TangFive Dynasties period (7th10th centuries).

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While most Pre-Tang Buddhist tales conveyed straightforward messages about the goodness of Buddhist faith, and therefore played an important role in converting laypeople, the Diamond Sutra tales were deployed to inculcate in laypeople specific religious values and the importance of living them. These tales not only imbued laypeople with enhanced religiosity, opening up new vantage points from which they could perceive their everyday lives, but also changed their worldview. The dissemination of these tales thus contributed significantly to a reshaping of medieval Chinese religiosity.

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Chinese Chan Meditation

Shi, Guo Huei Buddhist Meditation and the Brain emotional Aspects
Chu, Nai-Shin
Buddhist meditation and the brain emotional aspects Nai-Shin Chu, MD Department of Neurology, College of Medicine, Chang Gung University, Taoyuan, Taiwan Western interest in the Buddhist meditation has gained momentum, particularly in the last 20 years. Those interested Westerners were not only laypersons but also neuroscientists. In recent years, most likely under the influences of Dalai Lama who had initiated a series of the Mind and Life Conferences, more senior monks and practioners have been recruited and participated actively in the experiments on meditation. Although the effects of meditation on the brain are not yet been fully understood, some results of those studies seem to provide promising and exciting results on what have happened to our brains during both short-term and long-term meditations. The Buddhist meditation has been considered to cultivate mainly 3 kinds of brain functions, including attention, emotion, and cognition. In Tibetan Buddhism, attainment of compassion and wisdom has been emphasized. These effects can be divided into short-term and longterm effects. The short-term state effect means a temporary change of brain function or consciousness during meditation, and the long-term trait effect indicates a kind of neuronal plasticity after several or many years of meditative practice. Buddhist meditation usually consists of shamatha and vippasana principles. The former is often related to concentration, focus on certain objects, and/or settling of mental wondering. The latter is related to inner reflection or introspection to produce insight and wisdom. From the standpoints of neuroscience, the practice of meditation is a kind of brain training to enforce concentration, to cultivate positive emotions (including compassion, happiness, lack of fear, etc.), and to improve cognition by gaining insight. Although concentration and wisdom have been traditionally emphasized, cultivation of positive emotions from mediation has not been so emphased and even neglected. Dr. Davidsons group at the University of Wisconsin reported in 2003 that mindfulness meditation resulted in shifting frontal waves from right to left. They also observed that left lateralization of frontal waves was associated with development of positive emotions and vise versa. They further observed that the immune response to influenza vaccination was boostered with mindfulness mediation, suggesting that meditation may exert multiple effects on mind as well as on body.

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Davidsons group also reported in 2007 that long-term meditation, as practiced by senior Tibetan monks, decreased the activation of the amygdala in response to negative emotions. The degree of the amygdala deactivation was inversely correlated with the total time of mediative practice. Furthermore, Lazars group from Harvard and MIT reported in 2010 that mindfulness meditation decreased the gray matter density of the amygdala, suggesting that mindfulness meditation may inhibit the activation of the amgydala which gates the negative emotions. At present, those studies on meditation seem to suggest that one of the major effects of Buddhist meditation is on emotion, and that mediation may enhance positive emotions and reduce negative emotions. Further studies are needed to elucidate the mechanisms for emotional balance from Buddhist meditation.

Zen Buddhism in Saddharmapuarka (Lotus Stra)

Nishi, Yasutomo
In Chinese Buddhist history, it has been told that origin of Zen Buddhism is brought by Bodaidaruma (P'u-t'i-ta-mo, Dharma Daishi) around 520 A.D.. As far as Gautama Buddha is the founder of Buddhism, Zen Buddhisms model can be said as, the time when Gautama Siddhrtha starts his meditation process in Buddha-Gay. I believe the origin of Zen Buddhism is when Bodaidaruma tried to experience the process of mediation, until at that time, it was told the way Gautama Siddhrtha reached his enlightenment. If you see Zen Buddhism from the point of view of Buddhism, all Mahyna Buddhist Stras can be conceived as Zen Stras. On this presentation, within the Mahyna Buddhist Stras, I have chosen, one of the Early Mahyna Buddhist Stra, the Saddharmapuarka or the Lotus Stra, which was translated by Kumrajva. The Lotus Stra, one of the early Mahyana Stras, came to existence around 150 A.D. at Gandhra district. It is still one of the Buddhist Stras that is expressly popular in the world today. It has been said that there were six classical Chinese translations of the Lotus Stra. These six are: Zheng-fahua-jing ( ) in ten volumes with twenty-seven chapters (translated by Dharmaraka in 286 A.D.); Lotus Stra, Miaofa-lianhua-jing ( ), in seven volumes with twenty-seven chapters (translated by Kumrajva in 406 A.D.); Tianpinmiaofa-lianhua-jing ( ) in seven volumes with twenty-seven chapters (translated by Jnagupta and Paramrtha in 601 A.D.); Satan-fentuoli-jing (); Fahua-sanmei-jing ( ); and Sanche-youyin-huozhai-jing ( ). However, out of these six, three translations; the Satan-fentuoli-jing, the Fahua-sanmei-jing, and the Sanche-youyin-huozhai-jing are presently missing and cannot be located. Since the original text of the existing three classical Chinese translations of the Lotus Stra is unknown, research concerning the original text of the Lotus Stra has extensively been performed. Generally, the Lotus Stra is understood as the shortened form of the Lotus Stra of the Wonderful Dharma. However, it is also understood that Lotus Stra includes Saddharmapuarka and Chinese version of Lotus Stra. As for my presentation, I would like to utilize the most popularly used text which was revised by Kern and Najio and the Lotus Stra 120

translated by Kumrajva. There are many reasons for distinguishing the differences between Saddharmapuarka and the Lotus Stra. To state a few, for example, in Saddharmapuarka, the process of establishment of the Lotus Stra can be seen within the Stra, and in the Lotus Stra, the Ten Suchness does not exist. Through these examples, we can understand that the Lotus Stra was translated by Kurmajva with deep understanding of Buddhism. Moreover, since Kumrajva has translated many Zen Stras, Lotus Stra is often quoted in the Shobo-genzo, which was written by Dogen, the founder of Soto Sect. From within the Saddharmapuarka and the Lotus Stra.

Chan: Suffering and the Keys to the Cessation of Suffering

Hsu, Yuan-Ho
Happiness is universally desirable yet is not always attainable; even though one may momentarily experience bliss yet no one can hold onto it permanently. Suffering steals away stealthily the happiness of people and is unwanted for everybody. Nevertheless, one would inevitably come across it every now and then. The sensation of being happy and being suffered are quite different qualitatively, yet the fact is that both are merely the mirror of ones own mindset. This fact provides a clue for people to surpass suffering and hence to make the pursuing of true happiness possible. Chan practice is the key to the blissful state of being no suffering. This paper first illustrates the paradoxical and erroneous human behaviors that, while subjectively one is aiming at the pursing of ones own happiness, the objective end result is that one has pushed oneself into a muddy pool of vexation and suffering. In the second part, this paper discusses how the teaching and the practice of Chan can help people illuminating their own ignorance to get away from doing erroneous and contradictory behaviors. The conclusion section of this paper discusses several practical methods that can be conveniently practiced in every day life so as to help keeping peaceful mindset.

The Phenomenon of Zen Enlightenment

Shi, Guohuei
The Phenomenon of Zen Enlightenment The practice and cultivation of Traditional Zen School emphasizes in Mind-to-Mind Transmission in which the teaching is passed from a Zen master to their disciples and heirs as an unbroken lineage of teacher and disciple relationship. In the golden age of Zen, practitioners can easily find a Zen master, or even many, to learn and practice Zen to achieve enlightenment. For those without a master, if they can seize and follow through the correct concepts and methods of Zen practice and finally awaken to truth, they can also find a so-called the experienced to examine and corroborate if they are truly enlightened. Besides, the other important principle of Chinese Zen School is to pursue seeing the nature, not meditative liberation. This illustrates that Zen practice focuses much more on seizing the grand principle of realization of wisdom, than on the reaction to ones body and mentality during the practice.

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In the historical literature of Chinese Zen School, many episodes and cases had been documented regarding the phenomenon of Zen Enlightenment. A conspicuous one noted is sweating all over. Obviously what were discussing here is the physical and psychological reaction the practitioners experienced while getting enlightened, not the sweating due to the heat of the weather, which easily happens during the summer time in retreat. However, traditional Zen School uses mind-sealing-the-mind, an intuitive method independent to the spoken or written word, to evaluate and corroborate the practitioner if he is already enlightened. The single external phenomenon of sweating all over heavily during enlightenment can hardly be a criterion for the corroboration. And theres no record in Zen School literature showing that was implemented before. Even though, we do have many exemplary cases documented in the Zen School scriptures and literatures that can be perceived as a common phenomenon of enlightenment and can be used as a reference for further study. So far, we dont have any counter-evidence to show that if a practitioner does not sweat all over, he is surely not yet enlightened. On the other hand, we can also assume that not all the practitioners who had the experience of sweating all over during enlightenment did have that experience narrated to others and/or documented, and have that become a historical data. Key words: Zen Enlightenment, Sweating, Chinese Chan, Master Sheng-Yen, Doubt Sensation

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Clinical Buddhist Studies in Hospice Palliative Care

Chen, Ching-Yu The Global Buddhist Movement for Care of the Dying and Bereaved
Watts, Jonathan
The modern hospice movement is generally regarded to have begun with the founding of St. Chirstophers Hospice by Cicely Saunders in 1967 in the United Kingdom. As the movement has grown, it has inspired Buddhists in Asia to rediscover and revive their own traditions around death and caring for the terminally ill and the bereaved that date back to the time of the Buddha. This presentation will show some of the innovative work Buddhists both in Asia and the West are doing in the area of caring for the terminally ill and also the bereaved. Some of the most compelling, pioneering work has actually taken place in the West, from the Zen based care movements for AIDS patients and the terminally ill poor in San Francisco to the Tibetan Buddhist based Rigpa Spiritual Care Program which works extensively in both Europe and the U.S. These movements have shown how Buddhism can work in multi-cultural contexts to offer practices for people of all spiritual persuasions. The West has also pioneered research to prove the medical effectiveness of meditation and other spiritual interventions as well as programs to develop highly trained Buddhist chaplains to work in hospital environments. In Asian and predominantly Buddhist contexts, we are witnessing the work of several groups attempting to revive the role of Buddhism in modern society and new modern medical settings. This work is as equally important as the new wave work in the West as it develops Buddhist methods for handling death that meet the cultural backgrounds of people to whom modern medicine is an alienating system of care.

Ways to Be Reborn in the Western Pure Land Besides Reciting Amitabhas Name
Shi, Jin-Yong
The most common practice among Chinese Mahayana Buddhists is the recitation of the name of Amitabha Buddha so that one can be reborn in Amitabhas Western Pure Land at the end of ones life. However, this practice may not be welcomed by some terminal patients and their families because to them the recitation of Amitabha Buddhas name may be inferred to mean that the patients death is imminent. In this paper we will discuss alternative practices found in the Chinese Mahayana Sutras that may be easier for people to accept and may also lead one to be reborn in the Western Pure Land. The practice of reciting Amitabhas name is primarily based on Amitabhas 18th & 20th vows in Measureless Life Sutra, the Sutra of Contemplating Buddha Measureless Life, and the Amitabha Sutra ( , , ; CBETA, T12, no. 360, 365, and 366). However, Amitabhas 19th vow says that for those who have resolved to become fully enlightened, practiced various meritorious activities, and earnestly vowed to be reborn in Amitabhas land, Amitabha vows to appear before them at the end of their lives. This is consistent with that seven (except the lowest and third lowest) out of the nine levels of rebirth in the Western Pure Land require practicing meritorious deeds other than reciting Amitabhas name. 123

Other practices that may lead one to be reborn in the Western Pure Land include reciting Samantabhadras vows (Gandavyuha Sutra ; CBETA, no. 293) and hearing the Lotus Sutra and practicing accordingly (Lotus Sutra ; CBETA, no. 262). Beings with pure mental activity alone in their minds, as well as blessings, wisdom, and pure vows can also at the end of their lives be reborn in the pure land of their wish (Surangama Sutra ; CBETA, no. 945). Reciting the Great Compassion Mantra and practicing Forty-two Hands and Eyes may also lead people to the pure land of their wish (Great Compassion Heart Dharani Sutra ; CBETA, no. 1060). According to the Universal Door Chapter of the Lotus Sutra, reciting Guan Yin Bodhisattvas name generates tremendous merits. Further, Guan Yin has been predicted to become the next Buddha in the Western Pure Land (Guan Shi Yin Bodhisattva Receiving Prediction Sutra ; CBETA, no. 371). The late eminent monk Xuan Hua ( ) went as far as saying that to be reborn in the Western Pure Land, one must recite Guan Yins name. As Guan Yin is the symbol of great compassion and is welcomed by almost all Chinese and others, Buddhists or not, reciting Guan Yins name seems to be a plausible alternative practice for terminal patients and their families.

A Quantitative Study of Hospice Care and Meditation Research (1952-2009)

Bhikshu, Huimin
The purpose of this study is to investigate the characteristics of research related to hospice care from 1952 to 2009 within the Science Citation Index Expanded (SCIE) and the Social Science Citation Index (SSCI) databases using the search query: Topic= (hospice care*) OR Topic= (terminal care*) OR Topic= (palliative care*). This study shows the growth of research related to hospice care as a well-known phenomenon and that statistics of the Bradfords Law identified five core journals related to hospice care. We also applied Growing Hierarchical Self-Organizing Map (GHSOM), a text-mining Neural Networks tool, to obtain a hierarchical topic map. The topic map illustrated the delicate intertwining of subject areas and provided a more explicit illustration of the concepts within each subject area. The results of the topic map may indicate that the subject area of health care science and service played an importance role in multidiscipline within the research related to hospice care. However, when the search query element meditation* was added as a keyword to retrieve data related to hospice care and meditation research, only 16 results (8 articles, 3 reviews and miscellaneous others) were found. This indicates that studies on meditation and hospice care have not yet been extensively explored and further studies in this field may hold promise as a potential way to advance hospice care.

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Clinical Buddhist Chaplain-based Spiritual Care for Terminal Cancer Patients

Chen, Ching-Yu
Taiwanese indigenous spiritual care began in 1995 when the Hospice & Palliative Care Unit of National University Hospital was first established. The Unit received research grants to study the possibility of applying Buddhadharma in terminal care, then a training program for clinical Buddhist chaplains was launched in 2000. Taiwanese Association of Clinical Buddhist Studies was established in 2008 to provide the service network of clinical Buddhist chaplains. Taiwanese indigenous spirituality is thus defined as: the ability to respond to, to realize and to understand the right dharma; it is a life power, and it manifests the maturity of the mind. It emphasizes to regard patients as demonstrator, not only receiving care but also presenting how to face death. Qualified clinical Buddhist chaplains are required to successfully complete a rigorous training program consisting of classroom instructions as well as bedside practicum on applying Buddhist principles and practices to terminal care. According to the Four Noble Truths, clinical diagnosis and treatments can be stated as follows: (1) Spiritual suffering is identified from the sickness categorized into physical, psychological, family, social and spiritual aspects according to the Five Skandhas; (2) the Truth of the Origin of Suffering is evaluated according to the Twelve Causes and Conditions; (3)The goal of care (Cessation of Suffering) is planned according to Four Dwellings in Mindfulness; (4) The effects of the practice of the Buddhist methods are carefully evaluated and recorded (the Truth of Path). There are five stages in the framework of Taiwanese indigenous spiritual care, namely, truth telling, death preparation, spiritual responses, following and practicing Buddhist methods, and becoming a Buddha. In hospice and palliative care units, clinical Buddhist chaplains who have completed the proper training provide direct bedside care to terminal patients, resolve patients spiritual sufferings, elevate their spiritual states and reduce their death fears. By following the Buddhist practices, patients transcend the worldly dharma, discover their internal power, improve their life quality and achieve good death. Buddhist chaplains also provide life and death education to family members, transform obstacles into assistance, reduce forthcoming grief, and elevate the morality of the hospice and palliative care team. To sum up, the application of Buddha Dharma in hospice and palliative care is truly a unique feature of Taiwanese indigenous spiritual care system.

The Role of the 49-Day Buddhist Death Ritual During Bereavement

Huang, Feng-Ying
This study focuses on six Taiwanese case studies involving bereaved individuals and the 49day Buddhist death ritual which was performed following the death of their loved ones. Though not all of the bereaved individuals were practicing Buddhists, the rituals were nonetheless followed, based on the influence that Buddhism has on Taiwanese society in general. The six individuals were interviewed and discourse analysis was subsequently relied upon to obtain information regarding the death ritual. The findings suggest that the practice of the Buddhist death rituals were able to assist the bereaved in terms of helping them come

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to terms with the loss of a loved one, thereby providing a degree of comfort during their period of mourning. While the findings mirror many previous studies on the role of ritual during bereavement, the focus on the 49-day Buddhist death ritual is underrepresented within the literature, thereby justifying its inclusion in the present study.

Japanese Buddhist Attempts to Respond to Living and Dying

Tomatsu, Yoshiharu
Japan today is facing a dual crisis in dealing with the dying and death of its aging population. Its medical system is not only in financial crisis, it also lags behind many other modernized countries in providing holistic care with covers psychological and spiritual needs as well as purely medical ones. On the other hand, Japanese Buddhism has become marginalized and longer fulfills the daily spiritual needs of the people. Japanese priests have become specialized ritualists for funerals and ancestor veneration based memorial services; this whole system now being pejoratively called Funeral Buddhism. While holistic teamcare with spiritual inputs and trained hospital chaplains are needed in Japan, such a system is still a long way from being realized. Furthermore, attempts by Buddhists groups to create Buddhist hospices have not been able to bridge these gaps with both medical personnel and patients uninterested in what Buddhist priests have to offer. What is more practical and immediately helpful is for Japanese Buddhists to engage from the ground level: firstly, by seeking out temple members in declining health, many who have been discharged from due to financial restrictions, through home visits; and secondly, by expanding funeral activities to extended grief care activities for bereaved families. It is only through the concrete engagement of priests in the real suffering of the dying that Buddhism can restore its public confidence and find its proper role in public health services.

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Digital Resources for Buddhist Studies I

Bingenheimer, Marcus; Hung, Jenjou Recent Advances in Computational Analysis of Buddhist Texts Authorship Attribution and Social Network Analysis
Hung, Jenjou; Bingenheimer, Marcus
In recent years a number of new digital corpora have been made available (e.g. Temple gazetteers) and old ones enhanced (e.g. Gaoseng zhuan literature). These documented, digital datasets make it possible to analyze texts algorithmically with the aim of discovering new significant facts about the texts, their history and the history of Chinese Buddhism. In this presentation we will present recent advances made in two fields: computational authorship attribution and social network analysis. Computational authorship attribution has a relatively long history in the Digital Humanities. It was one of the first things attempted with digital texts once computers were able of more than to receive them and store them in memory. For modern texts in European languages there is a wide range of approaches and methods concerning authorship attribution. In the context of Chinese Buddhist texts the task at hand is to ascertain or disprove attributions as to who translated a text. Considering that for pre-Tang translations more than half of the attributions found in the Taish are spurious, this is one of the most pressing problems we face in textual studies. We need to develop ways of analysis that allow us to assist and complement non-computational scholarship on this topic. Social network analysis, on the other hand, is a relative new methodology for the Digital Humanities. Developed in Social Sciences, it has seen a strong growth in both theory as well as practical application in the last two decades. The convergence of statistical models with increased hardware power and the availability of new digital datasets opens up new vistas on past and present alike. The presentation will discuss the application of social network analysis to a dataset of Buddhist biographies, enabling us (within the limits of the dataset) to explore communication channels between subgroups in Chinese Buddhist history and come up with quantitative evidence for the relative importance of figures in the historical development and discovering new important actors that have so far received little attention by traditional and modern historiography alike.

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Full Text, Topic Taxonomies and Scanned Source: Three-Fold Access to Tibetan Texts
Wallman, Jeff
Tibetan literature has an exceptionally rich heritage in all fields of knowledge. In order to organize and provide access to this treasure trove, TBRC has developed a system of three-fold access using the latest advances in information science and computing. Tibetan texts are represented in a simple XML markup that mirrors the scanned published form. A separate taxonomical repository organizes the structure and topics (genres, keywords, folksonomical tags, etc.) for each text and its contents. The resulting system provides the user with a wide variety of access points for research, discovery and validation.

Core Values in the Digital Reproduction of Buddhist Texts

Bayer, Achim
Core Values in the Digitalization of Buddhist Texts The public discussion about copyright and intellectual property in the digital age has not bypassed the field of Buddhist studies. Even though the up- and downsides of digital data traffic are mostly the same in our field as in any other area of cultural life, the legacy we inherit nonetheless suggests a peculiar constellation of motives. Based on recent and more ancient discussions, I would like to filter out the core values for dealing with digitalized Buddhological material, naming and defining those values in a descriptive manner.

The Oxford Bibliographies Online Buddhism: a Powerful New Digital Resource

Veidlinger, Daniel
It is a great challenge for the student of Buddhism to navigate intelligently the wealth of resources related to the study of this religion. Besides the hundreds of thousands of primary and secondary works available in print on this topic in the libraries and repositories of the world, there is also a body of online materials that is increasing exponentially. Oxford University Press has recently begun to publish a large annotated online Buddhist Studies bibliography [www.oxfordbibliographiesonline.com] whose aim is to create a guide for students of all levels to find, assess and contextualize the most important and relevant resources about Buddhism. The Oxford Bibliographies Online - Buddhism (OBO-B) currently hosts 50 entries on seminal topics in Buddhist Studies and will eventually cover over 250 subjects of importance to the field. Each subject entry has an introduction and is divided into headings and subheadings each with its own introductory paragraph that helps to situate the subject and place the individual citations in context. As such it can serve many of the functions of an encyclopedia in addition to its bibliographic utility. The OBO-B is unique in its ability to help students and researchers find and critically assess the merit of various resources. Each individual citation of a book, article, database or other resource is accompanied by a short description of its content, accessibility and scholarly value. The entries are arranged so as to facilitate quick and easy navigation within and

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amongst them using the power of hyperlinks and other digital features of the Internet. The bibliography does not attempt to be comprehensive rather, the knowledge of dozens of leading scholars in the field has been brought to bear to sift through and highlight the most important and useful sources for the study of Buddhism. The OBO-B is a living document that will grow over the years as new sources become available and as new scholars get involved to produce subject entries that have not yet been completed. The OBO-B is designed to be used by people of all levels above absolute beginner, from undergraduates with a little knowledge of Buddhism to professional researchers in the field. The guided tour of Buddhism provided by the OBO-B will help undergraduates who are often not able to assess the relevance of a particular source and will help advanced scholars to get started in new research. Scholars who focus in their research on one of the subjects would likely be familiar with most of the citations within that entry, but there are hundreds more subjects with which they will, in the course of their studies of Buddhism, wish to become familiar. The OBO-B can also help in building course syllabi and lesson plans. The IABS conference presentation will provide a sense of the topics that are currently being covered and will run through some sample entries while suggesting ways of maximizing the helpfulness of this resource.

Saastravid: A New Electronic Tool for the Study of Indian Philosophical Texts
Westerhoff, Jan
The aim of this talk is to provide an introduction to a new web-based tool for the encoding and analysis of Indian philosophical texts currently developed under the auspices of the European Research Council. This tool, called 'Saastravid, displays both the textual and the conceptual dimension of Indian philosophical material. The textual component allows the user to access sections of the root text, and to navigate from there to translations as well as to successive layers of commentaries and sub-commentaries. Each piece of text is also connected to a set of philological and textual notes further elucidating its content. The conceptual component encodes the philosophical theses argued for by the texts in a set of propositions, each of which is supported by a collection of authorities (sections of the texts supporting that proposition). The textual and conceptual component are interlinked in such a way that the user can navigate from a piece of text to a proposition and back again, allowing to explore its philosophical contents without sacrificing philological accuracy. At the present stage of its development 'Saastravid focuses on the encoding of Madhyamaka texts. The architecture of the system, however, allows it to be used for the study of all Indian philosophical texts, and even for studying other Indic texts composed according to the roottext / commentary model. This talk will provide a brief overview of the features of 'Saastravid, focusing on how individual researchers can use this tool in their own research.

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The Dictionary of Gndhr: Status Report and Technology

Baums, Stefan
The Dictionary of Gndhr, Bibliography of Gndhr Studies, and Catalog of Gndhr Texts (coedited by Stefan Baums and Andrew Glass) are three closely connected longterm research and publication projects to provide a complete collection of Gndhr primary sources (transcriptions and images), to document scholarly activity in this field of study, and to lay the groundwork for a comprehensive description of the Gndhr language. After eight years of work, the public database serving these projects contains a total of 2,129 Gndhr texts (manuscripts, inscriptions and coins) and 1,441 bibliographic references. The transcriptions of the unpublished items remain preliminary and are updated as their study progresses; lexical and grammatical tagging has been applied to a minority of the texts in the database and is gradually being expanded to all currently published texts. At this juncture, as the initial collection of raw material is complete and significant experience in the handling of this material has accumulated, the editors are evaluating the merits and limitations of the current database system and considering structural changes to increase the accessibility of the data and to provide richer means of analysis to its users. The present paper will provide a detailed overview of the current content, organization and technical implementation of the database. It will explore the possible benefits of switching from the current PostgreSQL database with textual content in a custom markup scheme to a native XML database with textual content in a TEIbased markup scheme. The paper will conclude with a discussion of improvements to the display of images in the database, and of the promise that the linking of image regions and text segments holds for the editorial work on texts, their paleographical analysis, and their general use by scholars and students.

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Digital Resources for Buddhist Studies II

Bingenheimer, Marcus; Hung, Jenjou Electronic Buddhist Texts, Collaboration and the Sharing of Knowledge
Wittern, Christian
Within a very short period of time, we have moved from a paucity of digital resources to a overwhelming wealth of material. While this is on the whole a wonderful development, there are drawbacks as well, among them the fact that we have been flooded with electronic texts before we really understand what new forms such text could take and what properties it should have. Although electronic texts can be easily and identically copied, they can also as easily be changed, be it through damage in transition, correction, annotation, translation, cross-referencing, identification of textual features or any other reading activity that might leave traces in the text. The current approach to this problem has either be trying to avoid it altogether by denying the reader ownership of the text and only showing her a text to in a temporarily and epehemer way, for example on a web page, or to locking a text down in a way that it can't be edited; this is done in many commercial text collections sold on CD-ROM. If the problem is not avoided, it is more or less ignored, like for example in the texts freely distributed by CBETA, where no attempt is made to keep track of changes made by a user. This paper proposes to present some preliminary results of experiments trying to embrace the fact that readers can own their digital texts and interact with them and developing a system that allows texts to float freely among all those with an interest in them, but still being able to keep track of all the changes and ensure the integrity of texts received. At the most basic level, a set of protocols has to be in place to (1) identify texts, (2) their versions and (3) dependencies of this versions, as well as the (4) changes and (5) agents that produced these changes. If these protocols are in place, software can be developed that is aware of the protocols and can provide useful interfaces to them, and allowing the reader to not only find the text she is interested in, but also other readers of these texts (past and present), translations, adaptions, corrections, manuscript version and more. A prototype software environment for interacting with text collections, but also for analysis and scholarly work with these texts called "Mandoku" is currently under development and the current state will be shown in the presentation.

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Interoperation of Databases for Buddhist Studies

Nagasaki, Kiyonori
This presentation will report on the possibilities of the interoperation of Buddhist Databases. Recently, the technology supporting the interoperation of Web services has become significantly more applicable due to the dissemination of the AJAX, Web API, and so on. Such tools are especially useful in the implementation of the types of text databases we are using in the field of Buddhist Studies. Thus, in this presentation, I will demonstrate examples of the application of these technologies that I have implemented and discuss their purposes and methods.

Knowledge Base Through Cooperation: A Model for Evolving Humanities

Shimoda, Masahiro
The SAT project, having established a firm foundation in its implementation of the Taish database, and the beginnings of connections with external resources such as the DDB, is now initiating cooperation with various other online data projects in the field Buddhist studies. To this end, project members are working to resolve a range of technical problems arising from the opportunities to be gained from the new vistas opened up by humanities informatics, while at the same time maintaining a strong fundamental awareness of the approaches and needs of traditional humanities scholars. With this as our approach, we seek to construct the "Research Base for Indology and Buddhist Studies (RBIB)."

Construction of Digital Cross-language Buddhist Dictionary and WordNet

Shi, Fayuan; Tu, Aming
Based on the work of Cross-Language Information Retrieval (CLIR) and indexes of Buddhist Digital Texts, this study attempts to organize a Buddhist lexicon and terminology dataset into a digital dictionary and WordNet. Four language groups of Buddhist lexicon and terminology are integrated in our digital dictionary and WordNet: Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan and English. The main source of Buddhist lemmas comes from various versions ofyi qie jing yin yi (The Sound and Meaning of the Tripitaka), Mahvyutpatti (The Great Volume of Precise Understanding or Essential Etymology) and HTSED (Hopkins Tibetan Sanskrit English Dictionary). The online dictionary platform provides online search and API (Application Program Interface) for Cross-Language Buddhist lexicon and terminology. Their are two main kinds of translation ambiguity between Cross-Language lexemes: homonymy and polysemy. A lexicon item with two distinct meanings is said to be a homonym. Polysemy means a lexeme has more than one sense. This study tries to construct a Buddhist lexicon WordNet to solve the problem of lexical ambiguity. In the future, more languages will be employed to expand this Cross-language Digital Dictionary. Moreover, the dataset of Chinese digital literature archives will be enlarged continuously. With advances in information technology, new techniques of information retrieval and text mining will be applied to build an online Buddhist lexicon and terminology research agent system. This kind of system will improve research processes, effect research methods, and make possible new research subjects in Buddhist lexicons and terminology datasets. Key words: CLIR, Term Extraction, Text Mining, WordNet, ontology 132

Hyper-Lamotte, Cyber-Frauwallner? Transmitting traditional Methods of Buddhist Studies in the Web-sphere

Tomabechi, Toru; Kyuma, Taiken; Miyazaki, Izumi
Some recent shifts of center of interest and methodological diversification notwithstanding, Buddhist Studies has been and will continue to be fundamentally based on philologicohistorical analysis of textual sources. While some may express a radical doubt about what is pejoratively called the philological positivism, it is undeniable that this not-so-sexy way of research has greatly enriched our understanding of the history of Buddhist thought and practice. It seems essential, therefore, that, in the age of emerging Digital Humanities, we preserve the basic framework of Buddhist philology while fully benefiting from technological advancements. The RBIB (Research Base for Indology and Buddhist Studies, see Prof. Shimodas paper) project comprises a workgroup for transmission of conventional or traditional methodology. This workgroups task is to analyse the nature of the time-tested methods of Buddhist Studies and to explore the possibility of transferring/transforming them in the Web-based collaborational space. Our aim is to develop a framework that enables scholars to collaborate and to produce significant both in quality and in quantity research results which would have been only achievable by such talented philological giants as Etienne Lamotte or Erich Frauwallner with a heap of paper-based material. In this paper we shall examine some basic features of past works of Buddhist philology and discuss technical problems in their transmission in the Web-sphere as well as the long-term perspective of the philology-based Buddhist Studies within Digital Humanities.

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Discoursing Journeys: The Authorial Hermeneutics of Travel

Holmes-Tagchungdarpa, Amy; Brownell, Paul Pilgrimage and Cosmography in Early Twentieth Century Tibet
Chou, Wen-Shing
Artistic production in the Tibetan Buddhist world has been guided by concerns for truth and authenticity. Observing strict iconographic and iconometric standards, the tradition developed an extensive pictorial repertoire for the indescribable vision of the minds eye. In the 1920s, the same concerns also led to new visual strategies such as images appropriated from photographs and eyewitness representations that selectively appeared on wall paintings commissioned by the 13th Dalai Lama (1876-1933) for his palaces in Lhasa. Not coincidentally, these new techniques of truth-making were applied to depictions of two sacred realms that have earthly geographic correspondences, Wutai Shan in northern China, and Bodh Gaya in northern India, both places to which the 13th Dalai Lama had made pilgrimages during the decade of his wandering exile between 1904 to 1913. These modernized renditions, which deviated from the accepted norms of truth-making, were nonetheless incorporated into a pictorial assembly of sacred sites, events, and personages in order to articulate a familiar, if rarely pictorialized, Buddhist cosmology. Retracing the 13th Dalai Lamas peripatetic decade based on multifarious and oftentimes conflicting accounts of his travels, this paper reconstructs the colliding worlds and worldviews of the various constituencies with whom the 13th Dalai Lama came into contact. His experiences at sites like Wutai Shan and Bodh Gaya allowed the 13th Dalai Lama to map his own journeys onto a sacred cosmography, bringing to the present here and now the eternal, timeless, and often distant landscapes of the divine. By mapping a geo-political temporality onto a timeless cosmology, I argue that the mural program can thus be seen as a medium through which ideas of spiritual identity and authority are articulated in a time of uncertain political destiny and shifting state boundaries.

Aesthetics of Time: Duration in Practices From Indo-Tibetan Buddhism and the Contemporary Performance Art of Tehching Hseih.
Hughes, Meredith
Buddhist concepts and practices travel in many ways. Sdom pa is the Tibetan word for vow, describing a commitment of restraint and the means to shape ones behaviour. This concept differs from its Christian counterpart where commitment is attached to devotion, the giving over of oneself or material offerings. The vow in Buddhism is also expressed with the word samaya, in this context meaning tenets that inform a practitioners conduct, in combination with time.

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The Lifeworks by Tehching Hseih are seen in the context of works by artists such as Marina Abramovic and Vito Acconci, who have used their bodies to interrogate their own subjective experience and the relationship of this to the artwork and spectator. The Lifeworks are distinguished within this discourse, by their attendance to temporal and kinetic elements that make up subjectivity. In this presentation I will describe the Lifeworks with a focus on the function of duration. I will engage concepts and practices such as those that relate to the vow within Indo-Tibetan Buddhism, that illuminate how duration in these works demonstrates the continuing journey of Buddhist perspectives in contemporary art.

Traveling Interpretive Paradigms: Towards a New Understanding of the Yogcra Text Titled A Commentary on Differentiating the Middle From the Extremes (Tib. Dbus Dang Mtha' Rnam Par 'Byed Pa'i 'Grel Pa).
Brownell, Paul
This paper will examine the Buddhist philosophical classifications of rnal byor spyod pa (Yogcra) and sems tsam (Cittamtra) from the marginalised perspective of authorial and liberative hermeneutics. It will demonstrate that when these two systems are used to denote a single classificatory system the nuance of their individual philosophical subtleties and differences are not acknowledged. I will use the textual Tibetan language source titled A Commentary on Differentiating the Middle from the Extremes (Tib. dbus dang mtha' rnam par 'byed pa'i 'grel pa) as the case study for this examination. This paper will further demonstrate that when scholars describe these two philosophical traditions as being the same they are focusing on a few hegemonic historical lenses from which this text has been primarily interpreted. These historical vantage points are from the valid cognition teachings of Dignga and Dharmakrti and the Tibetan hegemonic doxography, the great exposition of tenets (Tib. grub mtha chen mo), which privileges the Prsagika Madhyamaka philosophical school of Candrakrti. It is through the discourse of traveling interpretive paradigms that I will demonstrate the usefulness of examining hegemonic authorial hermeneutics, re-invigorating a debate that has become marginalised.

Travelling in Time: Internal, Personal and Heavenly Movement in the 3rd Karmapas Construction of Time.
Gamble, Ruth
As the last month of spring began in the year 1318, the third Karmapa, Rang byung rdo rje, was locked away in bDe chen Hermitage, in the mountains above his main-seat of Tsurphu in the sTod lung Valley, completing his re-interpretation of the Klacakratantras astronomical calculations, or in other words the movement of the stars and other heavenly bodies. In the process, he was also re-making time itself into a new calendar. As he said in the colophon to this work: I have seen how this maala of known things inside, outside and other - comes about interdependently.. Having understood this, having entered into the Klacakra, its tantras and commentaries completely, I have written down these divisions, my calculations [of the stars movement]. Having realised this, it is not possible for my calculations to be wrong. I beg the forgiveness of all the ryas that this contradicts. Rang byung rdo rjes construction of time, along with almost all other constructions of time, was based on a widely accepted paradigm, that time is measured by 136

the journeys of heavenly bodies. It takes a year for the sun to journey around the earth, months are at least loosely tied to the circumambulations of the moon, and the days of the week, at least in the Indo-European cultural sphere of influence, are often associated with planets. In Tibetan this link between time and the journeys of heavily bodies is even more explicit: the word for moon is the same as the word for month, zla ba, and the word for day is the same as planet, gza. In other words, time is literally the measurement of astral journeys. Rang byung rdo rjes approach to this widely accepted paradigm and the authorial hermeneutics of its astrological travels is interesting in that it combines a respect for the traditions of the Klacakratantra, but at the same time, based on his realisation of the inner, outer and other, he is willing to contradict this construction, and even contradict people that he respects as aryas. This paper will examine Rang byung rdo rjes conception of time and movement; reflect on the conviction that gave him the confidence to stand outside the widely accepted construct of time; look at the strategies he employed to promote his alternate description of astral journeys; and explain the historical coincidences and personal charisma that encouraged the acceptance and continued use of his calendar as an alternate, authorial hermeneutic of times journey.

Visionary and Physical Travel in the Configuration of Hidden Lands: Terton and the Re-imagining of Space in Tibetan Culture
Bhutia, Kalzang
The concept of Hidden Lands (Tib. Sbas yul) as imagined spaces that are preordained to function as safe havens for Buddhist practice are intimately tied to the Treasure (Gter) tradition of Tibetan Buddhism, and even more so, to individual practitioners who are responsible for re-discovering hidden Treasures who are known as Terton (Gter ston). The visionary, social and political role of Terton in re-discovering and opening Hidden Lands for practice has been well explored in recent scholarship. A more neglected part of this scholarship however is the importance of the process of the journey to open these Hidden Lands. This journey is two-fold: firstly, there is a visionary journey undertaken by the terton to receive information about the Hidden Land and its location; and secondly, there is the physical journey, where the terton travels to this Hidden Land and goes through the ritual of opening it. This paper will explore how this two-fold journey is crucial to the configuration of Hidden Lands, as it represents part of the process of discovery of Hidden Lands and establishes authority and veracity for these locations, and for the terton involved, through placing them in wider ideological, philosophical and social contexts. I will illustrate this point through exploring the outlines of such journeys in the biographies and works of several prominent terton.

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The Traveling Tibetan Buddhist Public Sphere: Flows of Charisma, Print Technologies and Politics in the Journeys of Modern and Postmodern Buddhism
Holmes-Tagchungdarpa, Amy
What happens to Buddhist communities after their original founder, the locus of authority and charisma for their lineage, passes away? How do they retain their impetus to practice, as well as the pragmatic economic means to do so? This paper will explore the role of print technologies in the afterlife of Buddhist teachers, focusing on examples from Tibet and its cultural neighbors. Print technology traditionally allowed for the creation of compact memorials to these teachers in a number of genres, including biographies, collected teachings, and philosophical treatises, and thereby bolstered the continuation of their lineages. However, the past century has seen the development of a great variety of new print technologies, particularly associated with the internet, as well as new genres, including the dissemination of secular literature with political consequence that still is concerned with Buddhist themes and topics. This paper will explore an overview of the development of a unique Tibetan Buddhist public sphere from its traditional ancestors through to the 21stcentury digital age. It will examine the implications of the changing definition of the public sphere in Tibetan societies for the dissemination of information about Buddhist teachers and discourse communities, and for establishing and negotiating authority across time and space.

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Dynamics of Locativization, Translocation, and Recontextualization of Buddhism in and Across Asia

Neelis, Jason Other Worlds in This World: Pure Land Orientations in Tibetan History
Halkias, Georgios
Buddha-fields (Skt. buddha-ketra), more generally known as pure lands, are commonplace in Indian Mahyna literature and meditative contemplation. In this paper, we will examine how the establishment of Pure Land Buddhism in Tibet replaced pre-Buddhist beliefs in divine kingship and informed historical, political and mythological narratives that illustrate the spiritual origins of the Tibetan people and explain their sacred mission. The Tibetan appropriation of Sukhvat supported the ideology underlying the concept of the ruler as the embodiment of Avalokitevara and influenced the formation of a Tibetan cultural identity. Moreover, the search for hidden pure lands in the Himalayas allowed for the transposition of Sukhvat from an abstract metaphysical state to a physical place manifesting in the world. The Tibetan assimilation and reformulation of Indian Mahyna themes reveals an asymmetrical correspondence between religious signifiers and their secular interpretation: in the religious sphere through the belief in the salvific fortitude of Bodhisattvas and their monastic cults of deification, and in the political sphere, through the reconsignment of pureland cosmology to the project of pan-Tibetan unification and the implementation of Buddhist metaphysical doctrines of rebirth into viable models of political legitimation and succession.

Locating and Translocating Jtakas, Avadnas, and Rebirth Narratives in Gandhran Literary and Material Cultures
Neelis, Jason
Jtakas, Avadnas, and Prvayoga narratives provide locative focii for Buddhist veneration by linking events during previous births of the Buddha and prominent Buddhist figures to places outside of the Buddhist heartland. Ancient Gandhra was a fertile area for the production of Buddhist art (especially sculptural imagery), literature (recent discoveries of Kharoh manuscript collections), and pilgrimage sites (attested archaeologically and in Chinese visitors accounts). Distinctive versions of stories about characters who are reborn as the Buddha, famous monks, Aoka, and Gandhran officials are localized in Gandhra and neighboring regions or cities (such as Taxila), but the narratives illustrated in reliefs and associated with particular sites by Chinese pilgrims do not closely match brief Avadna and Prvayoga summaries preserved in extant Kharoh manuscript fragments in the British Library collection. The Jtakas of Dpakara, Vivantara, King ibis gifts of his flesh and eyes, yma, Ekaga, and the Bodhisattva/Mahsattvas bodily sacrifice to feed a hungry tigress and her cubs (Vyghr Jtaka) are represented in Gandhran art and commemorated at various archaeological sites in Gandhra and adjacent regions (including Swat and the upper Indus) based on the testimony of Faxian and Xuanzang, while other reliefs identified with Jtakas of Maitrakanyaka Mahpadma, Ruru, aanta, the Kinnara Candra, and the 139

Amardev episode of the Mahommagga Jtaka lack clear territorial associations (Zwalf 1996: 54-55). It is somewhat surprising that from amongst these Jtakas localized in Gandhra and identified with Gandhran sculptures, only the widespread Vivantara Jtaka is summarized in a Gndhr Prvayoga of Sudaa, whose name is parallel to Sanskrit Sudara (Lenz 2003: 157-165), while almost fifty stories labeled as Prvayogas and Avadnas in Kharoh manuscripts do not seem to be represented in the Gandhran visual repertoire. Manuscript versions of Gndhr Avadnas include several characters belonging to Gandhran historical contexts and cultural milieus who played key roles, but their narratives are neither depicted in Gandhran art nor adopted in other Buddhist literary traditions. In this presentation, I aim to address discrepancies between selective literary, artistic, and devotional appropriations and elaborations of Buddhist rebirth stories in Gandhra and to investigate multiple uses of narratives to attract the support of powerful local patrons and to establish the importance of certain pilgrimage places where events were localized. Translocation of the Buddhas presence across time between past and present rebirths and space from ancient Magadha during the period of the historical Buddha to Gandhra when literary and material cultures flourished between the 1st 3rd centuries CE was probably a significant catalyst in the formation of regional Buddhist identity. Locativizing tendencies in Gandhran Buddhist art and texts also may have contributed to institutional consolidation and expansion within and beyond the northwestern borderlands of South Asia.

Stars Across Asia: The Ritual Translocation of Buddhist Astrological Imagery in Japan
Dolce, Lucia
Indo-Iranian astrological knowledge found its way to East Asia through Buddhism. The Chinese Buddhist canon included several books that incorporated Indian notions of celestial bodies, and divinatory practices based on them enjoyed much popularity in Tang China and in Heian Japan. Tantric Buddhism, in particular, became a major factor in the development of a Buddhist cult of stars. It produced a variety of ritual interpretations of deified celestial bodies, with changing iconographies, spatial constructions and liturgical procedures. This paper analyses two star rituals that became distinctive of Taimitsu lineages: the ritual of the Blazing Light Buddha (shijkh) and the ritual of the Venerable Star King (sonjh). The first ritual was the most important of the major liturgies (daih) of the Sanmon lineages, which were performed by imperial order for the protection of the state and the well-being of the emperor. The ritual was brought to Japan by Ennin and was performed initially in a hall constructed on purpose on Mt Hiei. The second ritual was devised by monks of the competing Jimon lineage, as a counterpoise to the shijkh. It took its name from a deity of Japanese creation, called Sonj, considered to be a personification of the Polar Star. The paper will discuss the dynamics of creation of these rituals, considering in particular their multilayered iconographies and spatial organization. It will then explore the role they played in the process of political as well as intra-sectarian and inter-sectarian legitimation of Buddhist lineages.

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Sri Lankan Ancient Sites as Attractors Between Religious Localization and Global Representation
Bretfeld, Sven
The perspective of Material Religion has directed our attention to material objects as a focus of embodied religious knowledge, practice and emotion. Religious behaviour,feelings and even religious uses of the senses (viz. the sacred gaze, D. Morgan) are configured and trained from early childhood and continuously re-enacted in later life through interaction with religious objects. In the Buddhist religious field of Sri Lanka some material objects were highlighted due to their role of condensing narratives of the past to a coherent storyline that connects the present with the past communities of virtuous people of India and Sri Lanka. These objectsmostly relics believed to be connected in some way or another to the body of the Buddhawere not only venerated as sources or media of religious power (pin, pua), but act as focal points of religious education and identity formation. This case study concentrates on the polyvalence of the ancient religious sites of Anuradhapura as attractors for forming local and translocal communities, for shaping a cultural memory, and for enacting and representing political agency, diplomatic and economic relationships. Literary sources like the Mahavamsa, the Bodhivamsa and the Thupapavamsa form the starting point of this paper. The ongoing debate on the functions and objectives of Sri Lankan historiography demonstrates the polysemic nature of theseworks. I will not discard any of these interpretations, but investigate the presence ofmultiple layers of meaning in the relationship between religious materiality and textuality. As a hypothesis I contend that the textual practice of writing, reading and preaching the vamsa literature is directly connected to the ritual practice performed at the locations in question, that it has contributed to the shaping and transformation of the religious sites in question and continues to do so. From the daily maintenance and services and pilgimage rituals up to the present-day representation as UNESCO World Heritage ancient Anuradhapura is a multimedial convergence of textual practice and sensual appeals, informing the multiple gazes that shape Buddhist religious materiality as an embodyment of localized practice and global representation.

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Early Buddhism I
Section Moderator: On the So-called Predicative Ablative in Connection With Saddaniti 493 and 496
Yagi, Toru
SaaraN ca saaarato Natvaa asaaraN ca asaarato. (Dhp 12ab) But those who know essence as essence, and non-essence as non-essence... (Norman)1 I do not know who was the first that employed the term predicative ablative.2 First the term seems to be applied to the ablative both being based on, i.e. ending in, the suffix -to, which corresponds to the taddhita suffix -tas h tasil i in Sanskrit, and functioning as the predicative,3 not to the ablative proper, i.e. the ablative which ends in the fifth case ending such as -smaa or -hi. Secondly the present -to functions not only as the fifth case ending but also as, among others, the third case ending. Thirdly the so-called predicative ablative exclusively appears in Buddhist literature, the occurrence of which in Brahmanical literature has not so far been attested. These cause us to ask ourselves as follows : 1. Does or does not the present -to have the value proper to it according to which the ablative that ends in -to functions as the predicative? In other words, does or does not the fifth case ending such as -smaa or -hi have the value according to which the ablative functions as the predicative? 2. Does or does not the third case ending such as -naa or -hi have the value according to which the instrumental functions as the predicative? 3. Why does the so-called predicative ablative occur in Buddhist literature only? In this paper, standing on the Saddaniti and focusing on 1 and 2, I would like to propose a working hypothesis.

Is There Salvation Outside the Buddha's Dispensation? Exclusivist and Inclusivist Interpretations of the Pli Nikyas
Velez De Cea, Abraham
This paper addresses the question of whether the Buddha of the Pli Nikyas can be interpreted as advocating an exclusivist view of other religious and spiritual traditions. The paper challenges the exclusivist interpretation of (D.II.151), which is interpreted by Buddhaghosas commentary and by Bhikkhu Bodhi as suggesting that the noble eightfold path and the four highest ascetics are found only in the Buddhas dispensation (buddhassana), only in his doctrine-and-discipline (dhammavinaya). The text in (D.II.151) is part of the Mahparinibbna Sutta. There, Subhadda asks the Buddha whether some, all or none of six spiritual masters have attained the highest knowledge, which in this context can signify liberation, enlightenment, nirvana. Instead of answering directly the Buddha says that he is going to teach the Dharma. Then the Buddha introduces a non-sectarian criterion to discern between different teachings, diverse teachings-anddisciplines: in whatever tradition the noble eightfold path is found, the four highest ascetics 143

are found. The meaning of the text up to this point is uncontroversial and could be translated as follows: Subhadda, in whatever doctrine-and-discipline the noble eightfold path is not found, there [the first highest] ascetic is not found, there the second [highest] ascetic is not found, there the third [highest] ascetic is not found, there the fourth [highest] ascetic is not found. Subhadda, in whatever doctrine-and-discipline the noble eightfold path is found, there [the first highest] ascetic is found, there the second [highest] ascetic is found, there the third [highest] ascetic is found, there the fourth [highest] ascetic is found. In what follows, the Buddha states that imasmi kho subhadda dhammavinaye ariyo ahagiko maggo upalabbhati, which Bhikkhu Soma Thera translates as: Subhadda, only in this Doctrine-anddiscipline is the noble eightfold path to be found.And then the Buddha makes the following claim: idheva subhadda samao, idha dutiyo samao, idha tatiyo samao idha catuttho samao. Su parappavd samaehi ae, which Bhikkhu Bodhi translates as only here is there a recluse, only here a second recluse, only here a third recluse, only here a fourth recluse. The doctrines of others are devoid of recluses. There are two exegetical issues. The first issue is whether the instances translated by only in this doctrine-and-discipline (imasmi kho dhammavinaye) and only here (idheva) convey necessarily the idea exclusivity. The second exegetical issue is whether the claim su parappavd samaehi ae refers to all non-Buddhist teachings anywhere and anytime or more specifically to teachings incompatible with the Buddhas teaching. Accordingly, there are two possible interpretation of the Buddhas claims in (D.II.151): exclusivist and inclusivist. This paper contends that the exclusivist interpretation of the Buddha prevalent among Theravdins who follow Buddhaghosa's comentary is highly problematic. As an alternative, the paper proposes an inclusivist reading of (D.II.151).

Is the Buddha the Author, in Search of Buddhavacan

Dhammadipa, Fa Yao
My present paper is trying to discuss whether there is so called the early form of the Buddhavacana or the word of the Buddha. Althought it is common expression in the Buddhist circle that emphasizes authenticity of the teachings from particular texts or treatise regardless different Buddhist tranditions or schools prevail in China. By adopting few of post-modernism such as Michael Foucault, Geoffrey Hartman as well as Roland Barthes ideas of the literature critics, I hope to postulate an alternative opinions in regards to this subject matter. Buddhavacana, or the word of the Buddha, is a common expression in the Buddhist Scriptures that emphasizes authenticity of the teachings. Suggesting that the lesson concerned was personally instructed by the Buddha, Buddhavacana is however occasioned in several passages that convey contradictory meanings to one another. One noted example is the discussion of the Arahats becoming the Buddhas in the Lotus Sutra. Predicting that the Arahat Sriputra would become the Buddha called Flower Light ( ) and be joined later by nanda and the other, the Lotus Sutra squarely contradicts the teachings of the Early Buddhism, Yogacra school and all the traditional ways of understanding on the idea of Arahat. Since Arahats, so agreed by all systems of Buddhism, are the ones who reach the highest level of sainthood and attain the ultimate Nirvana, how would it be possible for them to be reborn and become the Buddhas? And yet the teaching is revered as Buddhavacana in the Sutra which has come to characterize the Chinese Buddhism. How are we to make sense of the contradiction? 144

Did the Buddha Arise From a Brahmanic Environment? The Early Buddhist View of Noble Brahmins and the Ideological System of Brahmanism
Schlieter, Jens
The presentation will focus on the question if the Buddha and early Buddhist communities are correctly construed as a counter-reaction against a Brahmanic environment. The Buddha himself expressed in various speeches a high appreciation of Brahmins in general and even declared himself to be a true Brahmin (i.e., one possessing a restrained mind, living a virtuous life etc.). Astonishingly, in other texts the Buddha conveyed a severe criticism of Brahmins who conceptualize themselves as privileged in various respects. As far as I can see a satisfying explanation of the possible motives why the Buddha or, to be more precise, the texts depicting the Buddha level heavy criticism at Brahmins and hold them at the same time in high esteem has not yet been given. The survey takes its departure from an interpretation of the Brhmaa-dhammika-Sutta (Suttanipta II.7). This Sutta elaborates a depiction of former good Brahmins, solitary living ascetics, who turned into the present-day bad Brahmins. The Buddhist description of the latter as an organized, self-legitimizing lobby of profit-oriented sacrifice-specialists serving for the ruling powers, can be seen as an outright expression of political and economic rivalry. But why did the author/s of this Sutta and other Pali sources spoke of good Brahmins of an earlier time with whom they obviously fraternize? Evidently Brahmins, as Buddhist sources narrate, crossed the Buddhas way quite frequently and formed, according to the sources, a large group among his converted followers. Yet, one may ask as a thought experiment how early Buddhist accounts of Brahmins and their cosmological and philosophical teachings, their social status, ritual procedures etc. will have to be re-evaluated if at that time Brahmins were not a predominant cultural force. Several details in the narrative accounts of the historic environment to be found in early Buddhist canonical sources do indeed suggest that Brahmins, their rituals and teachings (if not Vedic-sanscrit culture as such), were not so intimately known by the Buddhists in the regional kingdoms of North-East India. This fits well with observations of Johannes Bronkhorst, who argued that Greater Magadha was from the 5th to the 2nd century BC culturally mainly influenced by the non-Brahmin ascetic movements. If indeed Brahmins were not a dominant group at the time of the Buddha and the formation period of the early Buddhist tradition (4th to 3rd century BC), significant portions of the Buddhist depictions of Brahmins, and the criticism of the ideological system of Brahmanism, might have been conceptualized and inserted at a later date. If this assertion proves to be plausible, which will be discussed, single ascetic Brahmins, their rituals and their self-description posed initially no problem to Buddhist communities. But an ongoing immigration of Brahmins and the subsequent strengthening of political influence of organized Brahmins might have forced monastic Buddhists to improve their own profile and to distinguish themselves more clearly from Brahmins.

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Early Buddhism II
Section Moderator: Bucknell, Roderick For the Benefit of Others: Nikya Patronage in South Asia During the C.E. Second-Sixth Centuries
Leese, Marilyn
South Asias Buddhist inscriptions provide evidence of Nikya Buddhisms lengthy history. Not only are such inscriptions relatively datable, they also provide information as to the conditions of Nikya patronage. They can refer to donors, their families, their Buddhist circles, gifts made, the recipients, benefits accruing from such gifts, and to whom those benefits will be assigned. This paper addresses the assignment of benefits to others. Charting changes from the second to the sixth century C.E., it demonstrates that as time proceeds, the types and applicability of benefits increase. The paper concludes that Nikya Buddhism, not unlike Mahyna, embodies concern for the welfare of others, including the wish for enlightenment of all sentient beings.

Original Concept of Rupa ( ) in the Early Buddhism: the Visible, Perceptible and Recognizable but Not Matter ( )
Murakami, Shinkan
Not a few scholars have been misleading in interpreting an original concept of the Sanskrit and Pali word Rupa in the Early Buddhism. This abstract is a summary of the conclusion of my paper. The Sanskrit word Rupa was translated into the Chinese word se ( , colour, sight, looks, appearance) by An Shie-kao ( ) who came to Loyang, capital city of the Han dynasty, and translated Buddhist texts in the middle of the second century for the first time. Since then the word se ( ), which approximately covers the concept of rupa, has been used as an equivalent to rupa till up to the present day in Japan also. However recently many Japanese scholars have come to interpret rupa ( ) as matter ( ), material element ( ), material phenomena ( ), and so on, all of which are misleading, because such interpretations contradict the doctrine that rupa (the perceptible) is impermanent (anicca), and are liable to bring about trouble in Japanese, Chinese or English usages too. For matter is permanent, though it may appear in various forms not withstanding nuclear reactions. Matter is not always perceptible. Rupa (the perceptible) is impermanent, because no one can perceive the perceptible without interruption, and after interruption the perceptible object (rupa) has been changed. For an instance, one cannot see without a blink of the eyes, and strictly speaking, after the blink the object of sight (rupa) has been changed. In the Pali Canon rupa means (1) the momentarily visible, i.e. colour, form, sight, countenance, looks, appearance, the attractive, etc. in its narrower sense; and also (2) in its wider sense, the perceptible and recognizable, i.e. sense organs (eye, ear, nose, tongue, and body) and inner and outer sense objects (colour, sound, odour, taste, and the tangible). Both of them can be recognizable also in our mind (manas) and meditated on. Both consist of four 147

great living elements (cattari maha-bhutani), i.e. earth, water, fire and wind; and derived forms of four great living elements (catunna ca maha-bhutanam upadaya-rupan). In spite of some different views among Buddhist traditions in explaining the derived forms of four great living elements, speaking roughly, they are sense organs and sense objects. Any kind of rupa (the perceptible) is called dhamma (constituent, part, element, property, quality, function, etc.).

Arhats and Mahsthaviras: Transmission of Concepts and Depictions

Lojda, Linda
The arhat represents the soteriological ideal of Theravda Buddhism and the concept of the arhat is already firmly established in the early strata of the Buddhist Pli canon. Nevertheless, arhats have not yet been identified in early Indian Buddhist art, although their depictions are very common in later Chinese and Tibetan art. The starting point for establishing the beginning of arhat depictions are the first five disciples of the Buddha, Ajta Kauinya, Mahnman, Vpa, Avajit and Bhadrajit. They are commonly represented surrounding the Buddha during his first sermon throughout the Indian Buddhist art. Already in the 2nd century C.E. the Buddhacarita of Avaghoa describes them as having reached the status of arhats. A second category of a high-ranked member of the Buddhist order that is closely connected with the arhat, is the mahsthavira. Images of this figure arise in the later diffusion of Buddhism in the art of the Western Himalaya. The earliest known example of a mahsthavira is the image of Dul ba byang chub, who is depicted three times in the Main Temple of Tabo monastery. In the first image from 996 A.D. he is represented as a monk, but in the two further depictions from 1042 A.D. he is classified by inscription as gnas brtan chen po (mahsthavira). A very similar figure can be found in Alchi stpa II. Thus, the pictorial development of high-ranked members of the Buddhist sagha shall be traced and changes in their concept and status within the Buddhist community analysed.

How Are the Two Chinese Sayuktgama Translations Related?

Bucknell, Roderick
Text no. 99 in the Taish Chinese canon, titled Sayuktgama, is a nearly complete translation, from a probably Sanskrit original, that is now widely regarded as belonging to the (Mla-)Sarvstivda. Text no. 100, titled Other translation of Sayuktgama, is a partial translation, probably also from Sanskrit, whose sectarian affiliation remains a subject of scholarly discussion. In this paper selected features of these two texts are compared, with a view to clarifying their historical relationship.

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The Four Noble Truths as Meditative Vision

Shulman, Eviatar
Nearly all agree on the doctrinal primacy held by the four noble truths within the Buddhist tradition. Nevertheless, there is a wide gap between the description of this teaching in the early Buddhist texts and the way they are understood in both traditional and modern scholarly discourse. Influenced by the formulations of the scholastically constructed first sermon of the Buddha, the Dhammacakkappavattanasutta, scholars and Buddhist enthusiasts alike see this teaching as a philosophical truth or a psychological description of universal capacity. This perception of the four noble truths is almost unanimously accepted in spite of the fact that the most common textual articulation of the four noble truths does not allow for such a reading; the central formula rather emphasizes the concrete and particular functioning of the doctrine as a characterization of a distinct cognitive moment: This is suffering, this the arising of suffering Most importantly, the vision of the four noble truths, as it is narrated the Buddhas autobiographical account of his own awakening, takes place in the 4th jhna, in deep quieted samdhi that allows for no philosophizing. This paper aims to shed light on earlier meaning of this central Buddhist teaching as a meditative vision in concentrated meditation.

Growth of Scriptures: Doctrinal Expressions in the Northern Four gamas as Compared With the Pli Texts
Baba, Norihisa
The First Four Nikyas (Dgha-, Majjhima-, Sayutta-, and Aguttara-nikya) and Northern Four gamas (Drgha-, Madhyama-, Sayukta-, and Ekottarika-gama) have commonly been regarded as the main collections of Early Buddhist texts. Despite this tendency to treat the Nikya and gama collections we possess today as identical with the stras that circulated at the time of Early Buddhism, the affiliation of the collections with different sects or schools discounts the possibility that there is a single textual transmission allowing us to presume continuity between texts we possess today and their textual relatives in the Early Buddhist world: the First Four Nikyas by the Theravda and, in the case of the Northern Four gamas translated into Chinese, the Drghgama by the Dharmaguptaka, the Madhyamgama and Sayuktgama by the Sarvstivda, and the Ekottarikgama, the school affiliation of which is not yet clear. Therefore, it is necessary to examine how their content changed in the process of the transmission of these stras. At this point, a comparative study of the Northern Four gamas and the Pli texts is the key to revealing new aspects of the history of early Buddhist scriptures. For example, the Northern Four gamas use doctrinal expressions which are not found in the First Four Nikyas, but correspond to expressions in the Pli texts whose compilation postdates the First Four Nikyas: later parts of the Pli Canon (e.g. Vibhaga, Niddesa, and Paisambhidmagga), Paracanonical texts (Nettippakaraa, and Petakopadesa), and Pli commentaries (Ahakaths). Since the content of the First Four Nikyas is older than that of the Pli texts postdating the First Four Nikyas, it is clear that the passages in the First Four Nikyas are older than the passages within the Northern Four gamas that correspond with those in the Pli texts postdating the First Four Nikyas.

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In this presentation, I would like to focus on such doctrinal expressions and discuss on some changes of the Northern Four gamas and the related doctrinal development of Buddhist schools.

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Early Buddhist Literature and Art

Section Moderator: Stewart, James Pli Buddhism and Moral Realism
Stewart, James
It is generally assumed by many contemporary commentators that Pli Buddhist texts endorse some kind of moral realism (e.g. Jayatilleke, 1970; Keown, 1992, 2005; Velez de Cea, 2004). I believe that this way of talking about Pli Buddhism is problematic and that an alternative non-realist account can be defended. There are two ways that this prevailing moral realism thesis can be disputed: (1) by observing that there is a paucity of genuine moral imperatives in the Pli literature (there is a great deal of prudential advice, however); and (2) by observing that there is no way of talking about metaphysically bound moral facts in the Pli literature. I argue that it would be necessary to have one or both for moral realism to be entailed. In opposition to this non-realist view, one might argue that there are certain phrases in the literature that seem to encourage the idea of moral realism. Most notable here are the pacasla and the various monastic rules outlined in the Vinaya-piaka. My suggestion is that these directives are recommendations rather than universal requirements. Whatever moral content is left over after that analysis is complete is simply a useful fiction for motivating psychologically healthy conduct.

The Consistency and the Variation of Pussads Ten Wishes in Sipsonbanna Dai Lues Vessantara Jtaka
Yao, Jue
Based upon two versions of the first book of Vessantara Jtaka, i.e. Dasa-ban, both in Sipsonbanna Dai Lue script, this paper studies the consistency and the variation of Buddhas mother Pussads the ten wishes. The two versions include a palm-leaf one inscribed circa 1935, which is the collection of Fu Sih Nian Library, Academia Sinica, and a cotton-paper one, which is collected in The Complete Chinese Pattra Buddhist Scriptures (Vol. 2), and the written year of which is uncertain. In both of the two versions, it is the last section and the section of the greatest significance in which Pussad asserted her ten wishes in heaven before her departure for the coming reincarnation into the earth as Buddhas mother. Through the ten wishes, Pussad conveyed the ideas of the greatest value to her coming next life. According the ideas they cover, the ten wishes in the two versions could generally be fallen into four categories: royal power, physical appearance, heir, and rescuing ability. And, further comparison of the wishes under the categories suggested that the wishes from the two versions share similaries and have variations. They, therefore, provide a microcosmic approach to see the consistency and variation of Sipsonbanna Dai Lues Vessantara Jtaka and the first book of Vessantara Jtaka in particular.

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The Protector of Enlightened: Representation of Muchalinda Naga in Early Buddhist Art of India
Ganvir, Shrikant
Muchalinda Naga is featured in the aniconic as well as iconic phases of the Buddhist art of ancient India. The study of early Buddhist art reveals that Muchalinda Naga had attained prominence in the religio-cultural milieu of ancient India, especially in the Deccan region. This is further authenticated by the prevalence of numerous sculptural panels depicting Muchalinda Naga from several Buddhist sites in the Deccan region in the early centuries CE. This paper aims at understanding the place of Muchalinda Naga in the early Buddhist art. It discusses the variety of forms of Muchalinda Naga and also deals with the evolution of these forms in different regions. It also describes in detail the depictions of Muchalinda Naga from various art centers such as Amaravati, Nagarjunkonda, Bharhut, Pavani. Sannthi, etc. While doing so, it takes into consideration the sculptural, epigraphical, iconographic, and arthistorical features. Finally, this paper attempts to explore the association between Buddhism and local deities with special reference to the Nagas.

Life Accounts of Pacr

Collett, Alice
Pacr appears in various Pli texts of early Indian Buddhism. For example, there are life accounts of her in the Ther-Apadna, Thergth commentary and Manorathapra, as well as verses attributed to her in the Thergth. The story arc of her life account remains relatively stable between the different texts. However, there are interesting variations both between the Thergth verses and the life accounts, and between the various life accounts. The Thergth verses do not allude to what comes to be the story of Pacr. In fact, verses attributed to another nun in the Thergth would be more fitting as the origin of the story of Pacr than her own verses. In this paper I will examine the variations in accounts of Pacr and discuss how names become attached to life accounts, taking into consideration early text fragments that highlight names not always being recorded in the colophons of texts, instead being replaced by key words by which to identify the story.

The Legend of Prince Kula in Kemendras Bodhisattvvadnakalpalat and the Ku Na Lai Rtogs Pa Brjod Pa
Yamasaki, Kazuho
In the Aoka cycle (i.e., Aokvadna), the legend of Prince Kula is one of the most celebrated and touching legends. Kemendra (ca. 9901066) wrote the Buddhist narrative literature Bodhisattvvadnakalpalat in 108 chapters (pallavas). The 59th chapter of this work is devoted to depicting the legend of Prince Kula. A great deal of effort has been made on the study of the Prince Kula legend. What seems to be lacking, however, is an attempt to consider the immediate source of Kemendras version of this legend. The present paper aims at making this attempt. Kemendras version of the Prince Kula legend consists of 171 stanzas. Narrative elements of Kemendras version are classified into three types: (1) narrative elements which are found in the version of the Divyvadna, A-y-wang-king ( , 512 A.D.) and A-y-wang-uan ( , 306 A.D.); (2) those which are found only in Kemendras version, e.g. the name of 152

feudatory prince of Takail; (3) those which are found both in Kemendras version and in the Tibetan version of the Prince Kula legend, Ku na lai rtogs pa brjod pa (Toh #4145, Ota #5646, 11th century A.D.) which has been considered as a merely literal translation of the version of the Divyvadna, e.g. King Aokas three stages of life, consecration of Prince Kulas son. In addition, Kemendras version and the Ku na lai rtogs pa brjod pa contain a common element that seems to be derived from the hyperarchetype, tentatively titled *Aokarjastra by Heinlich Lders, from which the archetype of the version of the Divyvadna and A-y-wang-king and that of the A-y-wang-uan are derived. Thus we may say that Kemendra wrote his version of the Prince Kula legend on the basis of the version which is unknown to us and which can be identified with the source of the Ku na lai rtogs pa brjod pa. We must also note that it is likely that the archetype of Kemendras version was established at least in the third century A.D., since the archetype has the narrative element derived from the archetype of the version of the Divyvadna, A-y-wangking and Ay-wang-uan.

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Early Expressions of the Tathagatagarbha Doctrine in India

Gomez, Luis Buddhajna as an Early Expression of "Buddha-nature" in the Avatamsaka
Gomez, Luis
The paper focuses on some peculiar uses of the compound Buddhajna in the Tathagatotpattisabhava-nirdea of the Buddha-avatasaka-sutra. A familiar displacement or polysemy that leads from knowledge to power and to the ontological status of sainthood constructs in this Stra a conception of Buddhahood as an universally pervasive presence, still abstract, but already suggesting the presence of the attributes of a Buddha in each individual being, and possibly in every "thing," animate or inanimate.

Tathgatagarbha, the Problem of Maternity, and 'Kataphatic Gnostic Docetism'

Radich, Michael
Early Mahyna doctrine was characterised by a far-reaching pattern of docetism about the bodhisattva-Buddha's earthly existence, centring on the body in which he was reincarnated during that existence. This paper will explore the possibility that this docetism may be a part of the background to the emergence of the concept of tathgatagarbha. I will argue that alongside what we might call "aphophatic docetism", which focused on the negative denial of the reality of the bodhisattva-Buddha's fleshly incarnation (especially in his last lifetime as Gautama kyamuni), there also emerged a kind of "kataphatic docetism", which positively proposed that various alternative "bodies" etc. were in fact more adequate to the true nature of the Buddha and closer to the true reality of "his" "being". This pattern of "kataphatic docetism" includes 1) most significantly, various ideas about buddhakya (dharmakya etc.) as substitutes for the fleshly body; but also, possibly, 2) kataphatic substitutes for the post-mortem remnants of that body, i.e. the relics ("bodies", arri) including the vajrakya and perhaps *buddhadhtu = "Buddha nature"; and also 3) kataphatic substitutes for pre-natal aspects of his corporeal existence. In the latter regard, the idea of a true, soteriologically and metaphysically meaningful "embryo/womb of the tathgata" (tathgatagarbha) may in part have emerged, or been favourably received, as an element of such "kataphatic docetism". A significant part of the overall pattern of "kataphatic docetism", moreover, can be aptly characterised as "gnostic", in the sense that proposed positive, Buddhalogically authentic substitutes for corporeality centre on special states of liberatory knowledge (e.g. dharmakya, on at least one reading). Tathgatagarbha and Buddha nature are also "gnostic" in this sense.

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Finally, I will also attempt to connect the emergence and reception of tathgatagarbha, as such a "kataphatic gnostic docetist" construct, with a parallel trend to increasing disquiet about the gory details of the bodhisattva-Buddha's fleshly conception, gestation, and parturition, as exemplified by various notions about his mother(s), the conceit of him passing the period of pregnancy ensconced in an adamantine ratnavyha, etc.

Early Expressions of the Buddha-dhtu in the Mahparinirvamahstra

Habata, Hiromi
One of the most important ideas in the Mahparinirva-mahstra (the so-called Mahyna Mahparinirva-stra) is that of the Buddha-nature (buddhadhtu) present in every sentient being. The Chinese translation of this term, foxing, had a great influence on Chinese and Japanese Buddhism. Investigating the original text as found in the extant Sanskrit fragments, and comparing these with the Tibetan and Chinese translations, it appears that the word buddhadhtu was used in a slightly different sense than the one suggested by its use in the Chinese and Japanese historical context. The text often identifies the buddhadhtu with the tathgatagarbha, justifying it in the dogmatic context of the Mahyna, or with the tman, in a debate with non-Buddhist conceptions. A close reading of the text on the philological basis shows that the earlier phases in the formation of the doctrine can be found within the Stra text itself. The idea of the buddhadhtu comes only in a limited part of the text, excluding the apparently later interpolations in the Chinese translation of Dharmakema. The dominant theme of the Mahparinirva-mahstra is the existence of the Tathgata after his demise. This theme is expressed with the word nitya, which signifies a rather spatial Da-Sein (nitya): the Buddhas constant present in the here and now, rather than any notion of eternity. The theme of nitya is not merely an idea but a practice, in which the presence or the existence of the Tathgata here and now becomes an object of meditation. The deepening of this practice leads at the same time to the conviction that the Buddha exists within the meditator, this presence is the element Buddha, namely the buddhadhtu.

Terms for Buddha-nature in the Early Phase of Buddha-nature Thought in India

Zimmermann, Michael
The term tathgatagarbha has been coined and illustrated in the Tathgatagarbha-stra (TGS), a Mahyna text which makes use of a variety of expressions in order to clarify the idea that all living beings have buddha-nature. The paper will examine the use of these expressions in the TGS with particular focus on the compound buddhajna, which had probably been imported from the Avatasaka. At the same time other key expressions for buddha-nature in the TGS such as buddha-dhtu or dharmat will be discussed in terms of their possible origin and pre-tathgatagarbha meaning in the wider context of the history of ideas in India.

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The Soteriology of the Mahyna Mahparinirvastra

Shimoda, Masahiro
It is highly likely that the Mahparinirvastra in the Mahyna (hereafter MPNS) forms the earliest layer of the history of stras and treatises that propound the theory of tathgatagarbha. One of the distinguishing characteristics of the MPNS as compared to the other scriptures discussing this theme pivots on the point that the MPNS considers the concept of tathgatagarbha to be identical with the stpa to be meditated as inherent in all sentient beings. Here it symbolizes the potentiality of inner Buddhahood, but does not regard tathgatagarbha as a primordial foundation on which sasra and nirva are simultaneously realized, operating similar to the layavijna. The MPNS, thus inclined to lay particular stress on the nirvic aspect of the concept of tathgatagarbha, without paying attention to its reverse side of sasra, may be taken as destined to commit the error of denying the significance of practice essentially required in the world of sasra--as has been enthusiastically criticized by the scholars in the camp of critical Buddhism. The MPNS, however, fully aware of this danger, does not forget to postulate the icchantika, the exceptional type of being excluded from the range of sentient beings capable of achieving enlightenment due to their lack of ability to attain nirva. By the introduction of the existence of the icchantika into the Buddha-nature theory, the MPNS places all Buddhist practitioners in the tension between the possibility for them to be beings who either possess or lack the Buddha-nature, which makes the argument of all sentient beings being inherent in Buddha-nature function as a realistic soteriology. In this panel, I would like to elucidate the specificity of this theory of the MPNS by comparing with that attested to in the other texts.

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Emptiness and Ethics: Buddhism in Twentieth-Century East Asian Thought

Nelson, Eric Reconfiguring the Ethical: Ethics and Modernity in Buddhist Discourse
Park, Jin
Two questions are at the core of this paper. Does the Buddhist concept of emptiness aptly provide a ground for an ethical paradigm? Is the ethical discourse part of the modernization project for Buddhism? In modern Western philosophical tradition, an ethical theory is frequently connected with the ethical agent, which tradition assumes to be a rational being. An ethical theory should also offer an ethical evaluation that employs the term ethics interchangeably with the term moral. As a non-substantial philosophy, Buddhism supports neither a theory of a being with rationality as its essence nor a value system that is based on dualistic distinctions. Such a fundamental position of Buddhism has raised a question of whether an ethical paradigm exists in Buddhism. Diverse proposals have responded to this doubt, such as the proposal to envision Buddhism with virtue ethics. This paper argues that the ethics of emptiness not only provide grounds for a Buddhist ethical paradigm but also challenges the existing modernist ethics, thus demanding a reconfiguration of what constitutes an ethic. The paper begins with a discussion of a traditional East Asian Buddhist paradigm for ethical thinking based on Huayan Buddhism. The second section examines how the Huayan Buddhist paradigm together with Zen gongan practice creates a vision for a new socio-ethical paradigm in modern Korean Buddhism. In this context, the paper will assess whether the concept of Buddhist ethics is a feature of Western Buddhism or of the modernization project of Eastern Buddhism. Rita Grosss concept of revalorization will be employed in an attempt to locate the meaning of ethics in Buddhist discourse. The paper concludes with a proposal for a Buddhist ethical paradigm in modern Korean Buddhism and its implication in understanding Buddhism in the context of the relationship between ethics and modernity.

Emptiness, Ethics, and Nature in Chan Buddhism

Nelson, Eric
Critical Buddhism and recent academic scholarship have aimed at deconstructing the mystique of Zen Buddhism and delegitimating its historical sources in Tang Dynasty Chan Buddhism. One central criticism concerns the antinomian and nihilistic significance of emptiness in Hongzhou and Linji Chan. In this paper, I explore whether emptiness is an empty and destructive rhetoric or a practice of emptying that opens up the capacity to encounter things. The practice of emptiness is enacted through a rich variety of Chan linguistic and behavioral strategies and provocations. It challenges conventional morality, absorbed in calculation and exchange from an an anthropocentric perspective, for the sake of

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an ethics of encountering and liberating things in their interdependence and uniqueness. Such an ethics of encounter suggests an alternative human orientation within nature and toward natural phenomena as well as a different model for considering contemporary environmental issues.

Confucianism Versus Buddhism: A More Efficient Ethic System According to Mou Zongsan (1909-1995)
Boisclair, Annie
One of the pillars of Confucianism is teaching people how to be good human beings. True to the Confucian tradition, Mou Zongsan thoroughly investigated this subject. One key focus of his studies concerned Kants version of the summum bonum. The Kantian summum bonum is an answer to the question of how virtue and happiness should ideally relate. Mou, however, regards the Kantian version of summum bonum as unclear and criticizes that it necessitates the postulate of God. To solve these issues, Mou uses the Buddhist doctrine of the Perfect Teaching, as conceptualized by the Tiantai school founder Zhiyi (538-597). By applying some concepts of the Perfect Teaching to the summum bonum, Mou attempts to clarify Kants theory and to render the postulate of God obsolete. Surprisingly, however, he finally concludes that Buddhism is ultimately inappropriate to determine good and evil, and therefore cannot be employed to define the relationship between virtue and happiness. In my presentation, I will introduce Mous reasoning and show how he comes to the conclusion that the Confucianism of the Song and Ming dynasties (960- 1644) overcomes these problems and thereby best fulfills the criteria that he requires for a perfect universal ethical system.

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Epistemology and Soteriology

Section Moderator: Are Phenomena Established From Their Own Entity Conventionally? The Exploration of Bhvaviveka's Epistemology
Lin, Su-An
Abstract In the Ge-luk-pa interpretation of Mdhyamika, the major difference between Prasagika and the Svtantrika school following Bhvaviveka is the assertion that everything has its own entity from the aspect of conventional truth. In his, The Essence of Eloquence: A Treatise on the Differentiation of Interpretable and Definitive Meanings, Tsong-kha-pa interprets Bhvaviveka as saying that all phenomena exist by way of their own character: In the Prajpradpa, [Bhvaviveka criticized his opponent's assertion of the non-existence of the imputational nature, saying:] If the character of the imputational nature which is expressed as the apprehended [character?] in mental formulations and words does not exist, that would be a deprecation of the existent (dngos po) because of being a deprecation of that expressed by mental formulations and words. This explains that calling the imputational nature an imputational character non-nature is a deprecation [also] of the other-powered as being without a character nature. Hence, it is an explanation that other-powered natures have a character nature [i.e., they also exist by way of their own character]. However, Bhvaviveka never asserted that things are established by way of their own character conventionally, and numerous scholars of Bhvaviveka disagree with Tsong-khapa's argument since they do not consider that Bhvaviveka must hold the opposition position of his opponents, as Tsong-kha-pa appears to do. If Bhvaviveka did not consider all things to be established with their own character conventionally, then what is his position on metaphysics and epistemology when he refers to the content of conventions or words? In his Heart of Middle way, he holds different opinions on the topic of knowing universals (V:6067). He said that it is reasonable to assert that a word can refer to something when this thing exists. In addition, he did not agree with the Yogacara school's assertion on universal. Instead, he said that a universal is not exclusion-of-the-other, but emptiness of that which is dissimilar, which results in a positive confirmation about the parts of the thing. In general, it seems Bhvaviveka emphasizes the role of the thing itself in the process of knowing. Therefore, this paper will explore Bhvaviveka's position on ontology in the conventional world by clarifying his assertions on epistemology. Keywords: Tsong-kha-pa, Bhvaviveka, Apoha, Universal (smnya), Heart of Middle way

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Is Faith Necessary to Liberation? - Master Yinguang and His Modern Critics

Zamorski, Jakub
The title of present panel "Epistemology and Soteriology" underscores the close relation between correct cognition of reality and the final goal of liberation in Buddhist thought. Since the times of Buddha himself, Buddhists discussed relative merits of 1. direct experience (both ordinary and supramundane), 2. different types of reasoning and 3. faith i.e. belief in otherwise unverifiable statements motivated by trust in religious authority with regard to their spiritual practice. Whereas Buddhist views of experiential knowledge and logical reasoning are both wellestablished and well-researched areas of Buddhist studies, the same cannot be said about history of Buddhist approaches to faith. However, especially in East Asian tradition, the role of faith in Buddhist soteriological scheme has never been insignificant. On the contrary, the notion of or (which has no single exact counterpart in Indo-Tibetan Buddhist vocabulary or pre-Buddhist indigenous thought) features prominently in the history of Buddhist ideas in East Asia. It is the core concept of Pure Land creed doctrine that arguably remains unrivaled in terms of influence on popular Buddhist practice in this part of the world. Nevertheless, Pure Land understanding of faith remains a markedly understudied academic subject. This is especially true with regard to post-Tang Chinese variety of Pure Land creed, which is relatively rarely treated in print from a perspective other than popular devotional exegesis. In my paper I would like to address two issues. Firstly, it is an attempt at systematic presentation of master Yinguangs (1862-1940) teachings about Pure Land faith - an example of very influential interpretation of Dharma in which belief seems to occupy very important, if not pivotal, position. Three problems that require clarification are : 1) The epistemological status of faith in Yinguang's teachings how is it related to human experience and individual reasoning ? 2) The soteriological aspect of faith in Yinguang how is it attained, maintained, and most importantly how does it lead to liberation ? 3) How is Yinguangs view of faith related to Chinese Pure Land doctrinal tradition and East Asian Pure Land tradition in general? Secondly, the present paper would like to briefly discuss Yinguangs emphasis on faith in the context of so-called modernization ( ) of Chinese Buddhism. As commonly known, Buddhist modernists such as Master Taixu and his followers tended to present Buddhism as a religion grounded in experience, compatible with scientific rationality and concerned with this-worldly affairs. Whereas differences between Yinguang's and Taixu's understanding of Pure Land tradition and Buddhism in general are usually portrayed in terms of simple dichotomy between modernism and conservatism, I believe that they

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should be seen against the larger background of intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism. They might be regarded as a contemporary example of intra-Buddhist debate about orthodox interpretation of Dharma, reinforced by the use of several concepts borrowed from Western ideas.

An Essay Establishing Critical Epistemology Following Dignga and Kant

Wang, Chun-Ying
This essay as a philosophical enquiry tries to establish Critical Epistemology (CE) by reporting the observations in the conduct of critical epistemology itself along with accepting Dignga's and Kant's methods and observations. Critical indicates the reflective and circulative nature of this specific type of epistemology, namely, letting cognition cognize itself and producing self-knowledge upon which all cognitions as results are explained and justified. Epistemology indicates the status suspending any ontological premiss. The general attitude is: to accept the direct facts, and to be sceptic about the hidden assumptions, contrary to the relatively more popular approach: to question about the direct facts with tacit strong assumptions. The report is put in this format in order to get itself engaged in the philosophical forum with the two traditions while to avoid playing any agency roles for them. One major result obtained through the conduct is the immediate relation between the faculty for the immediate knowledge and the faculty for the mediate knowledge, with which we can find that the both CE conductors have agreed. Such an immediacy is supplied from the direct, necessary accompany of the faculty for the apperception (manas, urteilskraft) with the five external sensational senses. Then, a non-representational model, though it is accepted that all that we know is representations, directly follows, i.e., the cognizing get the activity itself directly engaged in reality while the world is never the cause except in postulation, but the result of cognition. With the awareness of such an immediacy, the world as appeared outside, the world as appeared inside and the subject as appeared to know the world in which the subject itself occur are altogether sharply accepted as one unity of the conditioned representations. Consequently, on the one hand, the validity or effectiveness of the empirical knowledge and its generalization, especially with regard to vypti (universal pervasion) and the basic function of apoha (exclusion) finds its ground, for the conceptualization imposes the effectiveness without exception in appearance on the one hand and make the sensory results appear as extending in space and succeeding in time on the other. On the other hand, such a cosmological view puts the cosmological conflicts between close universe and open universe in a dialectical observation by unfolding the conditioning process through which the conflicts occur. If (a) the universe is close and (b) the universe is open are in a way found congruent, a spiritual development from the constrained to liberty can then happen as a dynamical process, in a sense that, in stead of the development as one-way from the constrained to liberty, the dialectics between the constrained and the liberty self-sustainingly continue to happen in parallel and get entangled with each other. It then follows that on the one hand, the validity of empirical sciences and the values of morality in our experience find their effective supporting ground, and, on the other hand, the spiritual development and freedom find theirs as well.

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The Myth of Mind Transmission as a Question for the Formulation of Early Chan Buddhism
Liu, Sing Song
"Regardless of the appearance or non-appearance of the Tathgata (`kyamuni Buddha) in this world, the Dharma is always present". In Buddhism, as well expound in this paper, the Dharma is beyond everyone and everything. Mind transmission is one of the unique ways Chan worked on the relationship between Dharma and Buddha: Trace back the dharma to the original validity and authority (no judgments or classification of teachings, or any sectarian antagonism). From this point of view, Chan developed a system directly for the path to become a Buddha or attain the Buddhahood is through Mind Transmission or Mind to Mind Transmission. (). Initially the mind transmission is supposed to be read into the Chan tradition, in this way, were indebted to the study of the historical understanding, especially for the growth and development of later Chan and Zen in the East Asia Buddhism. However, as a student of Chan Buddhism, we learned that fundamental to Chinese Chan historical awareness are collective genealogical identity with the alleged "separate transmission outside the scriptures" ( ) for the privilege of supreme orthodoxy to expels out the other Chinese Buddhism. In this regards, the mind transmission is more or less on the evolved ideology and/or orthodox claim in Chan/Zen tradition, yet it cannot be ignored as it did interplay an important role when Chan is formulated especially in the early Chan Buddhism. Its striking though that, comparably, the study of mind transmission is very limited and the methodological approach is not widely adopted. This paper examine and argue what is best seen as interpretive variation in scriptural understanding rather than as embodying notional change in its face valuea change from Indian to China of transmission and domestication, especially in the reference of the terms involved. In this way, well be looking into the contested features of Chan tradition in historical understanding in one side, and also the scriptural study of sui generis terms for Chan in the other side. Chan mind transmission in some way has not been revealed its myth under the Chan tradition from its early scripture study. Several points of controversy about mind transmission are reviewed and discussed and mind transmission of Chan Buddhism especial the attitudes toward scripture, that is, the Sutra transmission from India to China are compared with those in Buddhism.

Three-Treatise Master Jzngs Critical Appropriation of bhidharmika Thought a Case Study of the Zhnggunln Sh
Brewster, Ernest
In this paper I aim to reexamine Master Jzngs (549-623 C.E.) monumental contribution to Mdhyamika studies, the Commentary on the Mlamadhyamaka-krik (Zhnggunln sh) (completed in 608 C.E.). This understudied commentary provides a point of reference from which to investigate the intellectual underpinnings of the Three Treatise (Snln) tradition of Chinese Buddhist exegesis. Through study of the Zhnggunln sh, I seek to address certain theoretical implications of Jzngs interpretation of Kumrajvas (343-413 C.E.) Chinese translation of the Bodhisattva Ngrjunas famous astra. 164

Although recognized as the founder of a Chinese Buddhist lineage purportedly based upon an Indian predecessor, Jzng diverged from his Indian contemporaries Candrakrti (ca. 600650 C.E. ) and Bhavaviveka (ca. 500-578 C.E.) in his interpretation of the Mlamadhyamaka-krik (MMK). Given the authoritative status of the MMK as the fountainhead of the Mdhyamika doctrine, a closer look at Jzngs commentary works promises to shed light upon the cross-cultural currents of intellectual and religious exchange that coalesce in the great scholastic traditions of medieval China. The contents of Jzngs considerable corpus pose important questions for the study of Buddhist intellectual history. What inferences can we draw as to Jzngs understanding of Abhidharma thought, based upon his selection and usage of the literature available in Chinese translation at the time? How did Jzngs reading of the Indian epistemological tradition both reflect upon and inform his exegesis on the MMK? Jzngs commentary offers a vantage point from which to explore the diverse and variegated intellectual interactions between Indian and Chinese Buddhists in the early 7th century. Although Jzng was cognizant of Ngrjunas implicit criticisms of the bhidharmika-s in the MMK, Jzng seems to have been wholly unaware of the Northern-Wi period Chinese translation of the Vigrahavyvartan , the cornerstone of Ngrjunas critique of Abhidharma epistemology. And yet, Jzngs commentary preserves a wealth of information regarding Indian philosophical debates and offers an exceedingly detailed and trenchant critique of the Vaibhaika theory that dharmas in the three periods of time have substantive existence .The ardently antirealist cast of Jzngs argument would rest well with even the most doctrinaire of Indian Madhymika-s. The broad currency of Jzngs Madhymika interpretations is attested to by an 8th-century sub-commentary by the early Heian-period thinker Anch (763-814), the Chron-soki. The dynamic interplay between exegesis and eisegesis, epistemology and soteriology, lies at the heart of the East Asian tradition of Madhymika thought. Given the intimate relationship between theories of knowledge and spiritual aspirations in this period of Chinese scholastic literature, an accurate understanding of Jzngs Zhnggunln sh is critical to our understanding of the development of Buddhist doctrine across diverse linguistic and cultural contexts.

Lshn Huyuns Interpretations of the Mahprajpramitopadea and His Epistemological Position

Yen, Wei-Hung
Lshn Huyun ( , 334-416 C.E.) was a prominent Chinese Buddhist exegete who undertook an interpretative shift from Indian to Chinese Buddhism during the Eastern Jn dynasty. In The Main Ideas of the Mahyna (D-shng-d-y-chng, , hereafter abbreviated as DSDYC), Huyun cited various ideas from the Mahprajpramitopadea (D-zh-d-ln,, hereafter abbreviated as MPPU) in his dialogues with Kumrajva. In light of the content of these dialogues, it is thus clear that Huyun paid great attention to the MPPU. Indeed, the various philosophical concepts that he drew from the MPPU served to enrich his philosophy. Whilst probing into the dialogues, however, we find that Huyuns interpretations of MPPU were based on his pre-understandings of other Buddhist schools in the DSDYC. In this paper, I will focus on the issues of the existence of real dharmas(sh-f-yu, ), the emptiness of division into parts (fn-p-kng, ), and the post-consciousness recollected pre165

consciousness (hush zhuy qinsh, ) in the DSDYC. In addressing the issue of existence of real dharmas, Huyun held that MPPU confused the notions of existence of real dharmas with existence of causes and conditions(ynyun yu, ). Moreover, he maintained that the existence of real dharmas is constant, but that the existence of causes and conditions are inconstant. Accordingly, Huyun refuted the MPPUs assertion that all dharmas are inconstant. Furthermore, in accordance with the notion of emptiness of division into parts, Huyun held that the MPPU stated that the atom (param, ) is a cause-conditioned-existence, while the atom rather indicates the existence of a real dharma. Therefore, he argued against the above-mentioned views of the MPPU, and advocated a strict differentiation between existence of real dharmas and existence of causes and conditions. Though the MPPU held that the recollections of consciousness are rooted in the functions of memory and inference, Huyun illuminated three possibilities for the occurrence of consciousness. Furthermore, he presented refutations of pre-consciousness and post-consciousness as occurring dependently, simultaneously, and sequentially. Thus, while on the one hand Huyun held that the problem of recollection could not be established as the MPPUs position, on the other hand he appealed to Kumrajva for further clarification. In this paper, I shall demonstrate that Huyuns interpretations of the MPPU were based on his pre-understandings of Abhidharmic realism. Firstly, I point out that Huyuns citations were drawn from specific contexts within theMPPU. I then shall demonstrate that these concepts are precisely the views of the Sarvstivdins, which were employed as illustrations rather than as the perspectives of the author of the MPPU itself. Secondly, I endeavor to determine the genealogy of Huyuns pre-understanding and discuss the epistemological standpoints of his interpreting the MPPUs philosophical teachings. Finally, I attempt to identify some clues to more accurately contextualize the epistemological discourses between Huyun and Kumrajva during the 4th-5th century China. Keywords: Lshn Huyun, Mahprajpramitopadea, Abhidharma, realism

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Ethnic Buddhisms
Section Moderator: Puri, Bharati An Analysis of the Mongolian Buddhist Terminology as Observed in the Mongolian Translations of Sittapatrdhra
Porci, Tibor; Srkzi, Alice
The Mongolian Sittapatr (agan ikrtei)-texts have been incorporated into the Kanjur in the Tantra section in four versions translated from Tibetan originals (nos. 207 = 626, 208, 209 = 627, 210). There are also extra-canonical translations. The earliest are among the manuscripts remains from Olon Sme. The Tantric text of agan ikrtei on birch bark used as amulet is preserved in the Royal Library of Copenhagen. The text of her praise has been circulated also as individual handbooks. A Peking xylograph is preserved in Gttingen that was translated by Ayusi gsi. An old manuscript of the same version is in the Copenhagen Collection (Mong 468) which seems to be older than the Kanjur versions, and another one in the British Museum (Mon 73b and also No. 654,a) dated from Kanghsi 51 (1712). A Kalmk version is also known. Together with the present day religious revival in Mongolia old Buddhist works are published in Cyrillic script to make them understandable to people. A agan ikrtei text has also been published in Ulan Bator in 2000. It is interesting to note, that while the language of the present day Church is nearly exclusively Tibetan in the capital, as well as in the country side, these religious books for the public are published in Mongolian to be sure that every-day people can use and understand them. As stated in the Preface: it appears to be necessary to republish some Buddhist texts and sutras as they will meet todays need. The Hungarian-Mongolian expedition of 1998 collected a manuscript version of the work. The manuscript consists of 24 leaves. The manuscript indicates that it was translated by Ayusi. He was a famous literary figure of the 16th century a contemporary of the 3. Dalai Lama. Whereas the early translations adhered to the terminology inherited from the Uygurs, Ayusi represented a neologist school of language and literature, that means that he tried to give a "correct" Mongolian translation of the Uygur terms. The joint paper will present a detailed analysis of the terminological changes as well as the translating techniques based on a comparison of the Uygur, Tibetan and Mongolian versions.

DEngaging the Other: Akbar and Buddhists in 16th Century India

Kumar, Nirmal
The Mughal ruler Akbar (1556-1605) is remembered as one of the most enlightened Muslim ruler in India. He was very liberal for his age. having no formal education and coming to power at the tender age of 12, Akbar the third Mughal ruler to have ruled India. He started against all odds-his nobles were fractured, his empire was shaky, Afghans were against him, and Rajputs were not exactly his friends. Hence the problem was to consolidate his empire. 167

Akbar achieved this impossible task with a mix of secular policies, accommodation of dissent, engaging the others-those on the margins of the dominant Hindu or Muslim society. At Fathpuri in 1575 he started an Ibadatkhana (House of prayer) where he invited people from all religions, cults, faiths and opinions. Among them were Brahmanas, Jains, Christians, Muslims-Shia and Sunnis, Parsis and Zoroastrians, Gorakhpanthis, Yogis, Hathyogis and what not. In fact there are many self manufactured myths that he actually went to meet Meera, Tulsidas and even a Surdas. But there is no record of his meeting the Buddhists. That prompted the historians to suggest that Buddhism was dead by then and even that Akbar had no information on Buddhists. The decline and decay of Buddhism was slow and uneven. This paper will propose that throughput the Muslim period Buddhism was very much present in India though may have receded from Delhi-Agra regions. Since most of the Persian Chroniclers had limited knowledge of areas beyond this region, we get know information on smaller religious groups. But Buddhism was very much present in the time of Akbar and if not he, at least his close friends were aware of Buddhism. But it may not have been enjoying significance presence in the regions close to his capital which should be the reason for his not inviting the Buddhists to the Ibadatkhana.

Relations Between Buddhism and Politics in Contemporary Sri Lanka. The Case of the National Heritage Party (JHU)
Krueger, Madlen
This paper presents one aspect of my research project about the Jathika Hela Urumayamovement in Sri Lanka. The JHU or National Sinhala Heritage Party is a new political party, which is led by Buddhist monks. The entry of Buddhist monks into national elections in April 2004 represented a radical departure from the practices of the so- called Theravda-Buddhism. In no other Theravda Buddhist society have monks enjoyed constituted political authority or ever organized themselves systematically to take control of the political realm. While it is generally held, by the majority of the Sinhalese, that in earlier times monks acted as advisors to political rulers and thereby wielded considerable influence, never before had monks sought to enter the political sphere competing with the laity in the struggle for power. According to the Sinhalese concept, a monk can take the role of a worldly leader or, from a common Sinhalese term, as the guardian deity of the nation, in case the Sinhalese eople and their Buddhist culture is threatened. In this case, the Sri Lankan clergy have a responsibility to assume leadership, as inscribed in the religio-historic chronicle of the Mahvamsa. In March 2004, things changed. Monks of the Jathika Hela Urumaya (National Sinhala Heritage Party), an organisation which had been established rather hastily, appeared before the election authorities and handed in nomination papers to contest in the April 2004 elections. As a result, they hold nine seats in the new parliament. The most remarkable feature of the JHU is their official denial of seeking power. Instead, they claim that they are making a sacrifice, and going on a journey, or rather a pilgrimage, to achieve a dharmarajya a righteous state-, and a bauddha rajyaya a buddhist state -, after which 168

they will return to their natural vocation of ministry and personal spiritual development. In making this claim, they have skillfully used a cluster of symbols, metaphors and terms derived from the vocabulary of Buddhism. For example, they use an existing political party, the Sinhala Urumaya, as a raft to lawfully enter the electoral competition, utilizing to the full the associations of that metaphor in Buddhist literature, which include commitment, and detachment. Their election campaign was not made of rallies like those of other political parties, but of Buddhist seminars. The JHU monks describe themselves as apolitical and it is obvious that they are using a religious terminology to demarcate themselves from a political sphere. It is widely accepted among the Sinhalese that they serve as the custodians for true Buddhism. The question of what constitutes authentic Buddhism has always been debated. Such public debates, in which an urban middle class regularly engaged, became the venues for defining and contesting the notion of true Buddhism. The JHU monks have become the centre for renewed debates over the proper roles and conduct for Buddhist monks. Within these debates the JHU-monks have to authorize political engagement by religious terms. They have to purify the parliament along moral Buddhist lines or to disrobe. This means either to become secular members of the parliament or to sacralize the political sphere.

Religion, Ideology and Utopia: Buddhism in the Public Sphere of India

Puri, Bharati
The contested and oft neglected debate of who is a Buddhist has created fertile grounds for the germination of a discourse that have spearheaded political, social and religious movements in the world. These movements initiated by virtue of the interpretive genius of those who employ religious teachings contextualizing them in synchrony with global values of human rights, peace and non-violence and eco-concerns (amongst others), provide the Buddhist community a voice that often has universal content and consent. While the Sangha retains the moral fibre of essential Buddhism, increasingly, it is the political face of Buddhism that has become its prototype, reconstructed as ideology and utopia in contemporary India. This paper raises a difficult query regarding the features of the Sangha in the public spheres of a politico- religious India and in this context analyses teachings and interpretations of the religious teachers and values upheld by faith based organizations and how/if they impact the public sphere. This paper contextualizes concerns, challenges and contestations of the marginalised Buddhist community in contemporary India and draws from extensive fieldwork conducted between 2007-2010 in locations where faith based organizations were studied; where religious teachers and Buddhist travellers arrive and depart as they please while disseminating messages- cryptic and extensive, on what Buddhism means.

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The specific locations of fieldwork are Dharamsala and Bir in District Himachal Pradesh, India.

Another Dialectics of Encountering Modernity: The Case Study of Master Sheng Yen and Dharma Drum Mountain in Malaysia
Chern, Meei-Hwa
The paper is based on a case study of the propagation and dissemination of Master Sheng Yen and Dharma Drum Mountain founded in Malaysia to embark the research on the development of Chinese Buddhism in Southeast Asia region, with a hope of contributing in the studies of the history of contemporary dissemination of Chinese Buddhism and overseas Chinese belief. In this paper, the methods of data collecting and cataloging as well as fieldwork interviews and questionnaire survey would be applied from the perspectives of Buddhist studies. First, this paper will discuss how Master Sheng Yen goes to Malaysia which includes three sections: written propagation and dissemination, overseas immersion of devout good men and good women, and his dharma talks and ceremonies of taking a refuge. Then, a brief account of the establishment of Dharma Drum Mountain Buddhism Information Center in Malaysia which includes three sections: the footprint of early founding, the current stage of stabilizing, and the conduct of activities. Thirdly, the local influence of Master Sheng Yen on Malaysian devotees will be discussed. Questionnaire survey with activity participants or members to discover what Master Sheng Yen has influenced them and how their life as well as the life of oneself has been affected after becoming a devotee of Dharma Drum Mountain. Finally, a discussion on Buddhist localization thinking and a tentative discourse on encountering modernity and globalization are in order.

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Ethnic Buddhisms Crossing Ethnic Lines: Buddhisms in Southeast Asia

Samuels, Jeffrey Tibetan Buddhism in Malaysia: Tsem Tulku Rinpoche and the Kechara House Buddhist Association
Dawei, Bei
Tsem Tulku Rinpoche was born in Taiwan to a Tibetan father and an Old Torgut Mongolian mother; adopted by a Kalmyk Mongolian family in New Jersey; ordained as a monk and recognized as a tulku in India; then sent to Malaysia, where his followers are almost entirely drawn from among the ethnic Chinese community. As such he defies any easy ethnic or geographical categorization, and well represents our globalizing age. This paper will discuss the particular appeal of Tsem Tulku Rinpoche to his followers. He is flamboyant and charismatic, well versed in pop culture and social networking technology, and if not exactly "non-traditional" (in some ways he is rather conservative), at least unusual in comparison to other Buddhist monks. I will also discuss the organization which he founded, the Kechara House Buddhist Association. In addition to the expected dharma centers, publications, shops, and media outreach, Kechara also organizes charitable activities such as distributing food to Malaysia's homeless. If we wish to understand the man, or his appeal to Chinese Malaysians, broad ethnogeographical categories will take us only so far. More crucial are the messy particulars of his life--his family problems and former homelessness, the attractions of California culture, the influence of his various gurus and the tantric deity Vajrayogini--which, along with the choices he has made (in this life and perhaps others), have made him and his organization unique.

Buddhist Women of Indonesia: Multiple Subaltern Narratives

Tsomo, Karma
Although Buddhism in Indonesia has a long history, dating back more than two millennia, it has received little scholarly attention and the history of Buddhist women in the archipelago remains undocumented. Today Buddhism is one of five official religions in Indonesia. The population is predominantly Muslim (88%), with minorities of Christians (5%), Buddhists (2.5%), Hindus (1%), and other faiths. In Indonesia, a variety of Buddhist traditions are represented, including Theravada, Mahayana, Vajrayana, and a national movement known as Buddhayana. Adherents of these traditions including speakers of Bahasa Indonesia, Javanese, Balinese, numerous Chinese dialects, Lomboc, and other indigenous languages. Buddhism as practiced in Indonesia is a complex fabric of multiple subaltern discourses with threads of ethnicity, economics, language, and gender interwoven with Buddhist beliefs and practices.

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In this paper, I investigate womens roles in this complex fabric. The objective is to compare and contrast the ways women participate in Buddhist temple life in different parts of the country, focusing especially on the ways women negotiate their subaltern status as members of a minority faith in Indonesia. The paper begins by narrating episodes from my field research experience among Buddhist communities in Java, Sumatra, Bali, and Riau, especially contacts with Buddhist scholars and members of the Indonesian Buddhist Womens Fellowship (Wanita Buddhis Indonesia). With these first-hand narratives as a backdrop, I explore womens roles in the history and development of Buddhism in Indonesia. Bringing the discussion to the present day, I describe the lives of the variety of women who practice Buddhism in Indonesia today and the networks they have created over the past ten years to link Buddhist women in the various provinces of Indonesia. Based on observations of their Buddhist practice and grassroots activism, I examine the interrelationships among women of vastly different backgrounds and experience in an effort to understand and document the ways in which race, religion, politics, and gender intersect in their everyday lives. The objective is to identify multiple patterns of acculturation, assimilation, and accommodation to majority culture among Indonesian Buddhists, with special attention to womens strategies of accommodation and resistance. An ethnographic methodology involving comparative analysis among women of ethnically diverse communities will be employed to identify commonalities and contrasts, and to understand potential tensions among followers of diverse Buddhist traditions.

Localizing Theravada in Malaysia: Buddhist Communities and the Formation of Transnational Religious Identities
Samuels, Jeffrey
Theravada Buddhism is the majority religion in places such as Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. While different views of what it means to be Buddhist certainly exist in those countries, the visions are largely negotiated among members of a single, majority ethnic community and Buddhist tradition. The formation and negotiation of Theravada identity in Malaysia is unique in that it not only involves different ethnic communities (Thai, Sri Lankan, Burmese, and Chinese), but also different Buddhist traditions (Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana). With Buddhist institutions responding to a much greater range of social and religious needs, ideas about orthodoxy and orthopraxy have become much more diffuse, thus raising fundamental questions concerning who gets to decide the boundaries of a religious identity as well as how religious identities become further shaped by other, overlapping ethnic and national identities. This paper explores the practice and development of Theravada Buddhism in Malaysia. The first part of the paper examines the factors that led to the introduction of different Theravada communities in Malaysia (e.g., Thai, Burmese, and Sinhalese). Then, turning to the more recent involvement of Chinese Malaysians in Theravada institutions, I consider how their presence in Theravada communities have localized the traditions and how such localizations are negotiated among the ethnic communities. Finally, referring to new technologies and the formation of Buddhist ecumenical movements, I assess the degree to which the drawing together of Buddhist communities in Malaysia have helped minority communities overcome feelings of marginalization and social inequality by providing them with new transnational religious identities.

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Un-binding Buddhist Identity: Beyond the Local in Conceiving International and Inter-traditional Buddhism
Holmes-Tagchungdarpa, Amy
Buddhist histories are often told as local narratives, of particular monasteries, affiliated to particular sects, who lived in particular states. They extend beyond the local insofar as they are part of the broader Buddhist tradition; but as many scholars have recognized, the Buddhist tradition in so diverse in its various cultural manifestations that it is problematic to conceive of it as a singular tradition. This panel has explored inter-traditional, multi-ethnic and international connections between different Buddhist groups, and how colonialism, urban migration and new technologies, such as those of print and travel, have facilitated these links. This paper will explore how these connections and moments of hybridity can be seen in networks outside of Southeast Asia as well, in non-colonial or semi-colonial, rural and other transnational environments, and further contribute to the problematization of race, ethnicity, gender, national citizenship and language as part of fixed local Buddhist identities. It will ultimately outline how Buddhist identity can be conceived of as unbounded, in a vivification of Buddhist philosophical tenets in historical space and time.

Race, Ethnicity and Theravada Buddhism: Comparing Minority Buddhisms in Singapore and Southwest China
Borchert, Thomas
The Theravada Buddhist Sanghas of Sipsongpann and Singapore would seem to have little in common. One is largely a village-oriented Sangha, filled largely with Theravada Buddhists, who belong to a minority group that is defined by the Chinese state as Buddhist (and has indeed been so for many centuries). The other is a hyper-modern city, populated by many different lineages of Buddhism, and Chinese converts to Theravada Buddhism. Indeed we might even say (a bit problematically) that the Sangha of Sipsongpann is a Southeast Asian form of Buddhism located in China, while that of Singapore is Chinese people in a Southeast Asian form of Buddhism. China and Singapore are both multi-ethnic and multi-religious states. There are of course important differences to their systems of governance, but each state understands race/ethnicity to be an important marker of their citizens, one that is marked on official documents and identity cards, even as they also argue that all citizens are guaranteed the freedom of religious belief. Moreover, ethnic identity and religious identity would seem to be highly distinct in both places. They are governed by different institutions, they are based on different logics and have different consequences. While religions such as Theravada Buddhism are based on claims of universal qualities of being human, ethnicity is based on claims to particularity. Despite this, however, I want to argue here that at least in Singapore and Sipsongpann, religion and race or ethnicity cannot be disentangled from one another. Indeed, while ethnicity is the ground on which religion is performed, religious ideology and belonging undercuts the particularities of ethnic belonging. To show this, I will examine two different celebrations: a temple dedication in Sipsongpann, Yunnan Province China, and the fiftieth anniversary of a temples founding in Singapore. While neither of these celebrations are about race or ethnicity, ideologies of race and ethnicity condition how the events are celebrated and the meanings given to them by participants.

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Forms or Aspects in Buddhist Philosophy and Soteriology of Consciousness I

Mcclintock, Sara; Kellner, Birgit On Ratnkarantis Theory of Cognition With False Mental Images (Alkkravijnavda)
Moriyama, Shinya
The 11th-century Buddhist philosopher Ratnkaranti was counted as one of six wise protectors of Vikramala monastery. His name was well known not only because of his tantric Buddhist texts, but also through a number of philosophical texts on Buddhist epistemology. These texts were written from the Yogcara viewpoint and contain a specific epistemology different from that of his contemporaries Jnarmitra and Ratnakrti, who claimed the tenet called satykravijnavda, namely, that mental images in our immediate awareness are always true and non-invalidated by any other cognitions in that moment of awareness. To this, Ratnkranti asserted a different position: that mental images are always false but the illuminating consciousness itself is true. This theory is called alkkravijnavda. The controversy between these two epistemological tenets has been studied by Yuichi Kajiyama and Kazuhumi Oki. On the basis of text material from Ratnkarantis *Prajpramitopadea (PPU), Oki summarized the alkkravijnavda with the following three points: [1] mental images are contents of false imagination (abhtaparikalpa), which is the other-dependent nature (paratantrasvabhva) of mind ; [2] whereas mental images are false, the minds illumination is true; [3] mental images are false because [3.1] they are neither one nor many; [3.2] they arise from a mind perplexed by latent impressions; [3.3] they are invalidated by subsequent cognitions. In 2002, after the publication of Okis study, Takanori Umino published Indo-koki-yuishikishiso no kenkyu [A Study on the Latest MindOnly Philosophy], which contains Japanese translations of Ratnakrantis *Vijaptimtratsiddhi, *Madhyamaklakropadea, and PPU. Thanks to Uminos work, although several of his interpretations differ from mine, we now have a broad overview of Ratnkrantis arguments about Yogcra doctrines, his criticism of other Buddhist philosophical tenets, and the theory of alkkravijnavda. By adding a piece that has been overlooked in earlier studies on Ratnkranti, that is, his discussion on the alkkravijnavda in the *Madhyamaklakravtti, we can gain a more precise picture of his epistemology. In this text, which combines verses and prose commentary thereon, Ratnkaranti refutes two pseudo-Mdhyamikas (dBu ma ltar snang ba), namely, a nihilistic opponent who claims that everything is false, and ntarakita, who also applies the same nihilistic view to the ultimate level of existence. In refuting these opponents, Ratnkranti concludes the alkkravijnavda as his position, based on the early Yogcra trisvabhva theory and the theory of self-awareness (svasavedana) of Dignga and Dharmakrti. This presentation will aim to clarify these points, and will reexamine Okis results by comparing the contents of this text to the other texts mentioned above.

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The Role of Illusion in Buddhist Idealism

Kobayashi, Hisayasu
This paper will show how Prajkaragupta waves aside Kumrila's objection against Buddhist idealistic interpretation of illusion. Any object that a cognition cognizes exists in the external world; or, any object that a cognition cognizes does not exist in the external world. These are the alternatives Prajkaragupta gives in his Pramavrttiklakra. Buddhist idealists use an illusory cognition, such as a dream cognition, as an example to illustrate the latter. But can we conclude, from the fact that such an illusory cognition cognizes an object which does not externally exist, that any cognition has no external object? This is the problem of generalization Matilal (1972) pointed out concerning the ''Argument from Illusion'' of Buddhist idealists. Prajkaragupta tries to solve this kind of problem from the viewpoint of the theory of self-cognition (svasavedana). Kumrila holds that it is what exists in the external world that brings about an illusory cognition. For example, in the case of the mirage illusion, the appearance of water in this illusion presupposes the following two things: the water has been previously seen; and, sands heated by the sun are present. Prajkaragupta criticizes this view by saying that there is no way to know the existence of things that do not appear to a cognition. According to Prajkaragupta, if we see an object other than what we are seeing, then we would have the cognition of yellow when we see blue; therefore, what we are seeing is just what appears in the mind. In the view that every cognition has a general character, that is, the self-revealing character, the problem posed by Matilal is easily solved. For, there is no difference between the water which appears in an ordinary cognition and that which appears in a mirage-illusion, because both appear in the same form of 'water'. On the contrary, if the realists insist that there appears the external object even in the illusory cognition, they have to clear up the problem: How is it that only through an ordinary cognition we see what we are seeing now and here, and not through illusory cognition?

Forms, Aspects and Appearances - Some Conceptual Remarks on kra in Buddhist Soteriological and Philosophical Analysis
Kellner, Birgit
The concept of kra plays an important role in Buddhist soteriological and philosophical analysis. In the soteriologically framed elaboraion of the nature of the mind in Abhidharma and the traditions it inspired, mental events (citta) and their associates (caitta) are said to have kra, lambana and raya; Vasubandhu specifies kra as the mode of apprehending (grahaaprakra, Abhidharmakoabhya 2.34). Various forms of knowledge gained on the path, or recommended practices of meditative cultivation, are specified in terms of certain aspects (kra) of reality that feature in them, e.g. the contemplation of the five aggregates as impermanent or unsatisfactory. In epistemological contexts, Sautrntikas or Drntikas are said to advocate the representationalist view that perception is caused by an external

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object and has that object's kra or form (or bhsa, pratibhsa, appearance). In Buddhist epistemological discourse we also encounter a distinction between the apprehending and apprehending aspect of a mental event, between grhakkra and grhykra (or -bhsa, -pratibhsa), which derives from idealist Yogcra/Vijnavda. It may not be too difficult to identify overarching semantic fields and shared semantic aspects for all these and related usages of kra all of them relate to mental processes and are involved with mental intentionality in one way or another. Indeed, such semantic and conceptual continuities have been variously assumed as a matter of course. But are these merely coincidental? Or are they indicative of deeper connections between soteriological and philosophical perspectives on the mind in Buddhist scholasticism?

Su bhagupta on the Cognitive Process: Accounts from His Bah yar thasiddhikar ika, the Tattvasang raha by Sa n taraksi ta and the Tattvasang rahapanj ika by Kamalasi l a
Saccone, Margherita
The Tattvasangraha (TS) by Santaraksita (ca. 725-788 CE) and its panjika (TSP) by his pupil Kamalasila (ca. 740-795 CE) are probably two of the most in-depth doxographies concerning some of the main doctrines of Buddhist schools and opposing non-Buddhist darsanas. The chapter dealing with the analysis of the external object (Bahirarthapariksa), which is in fact an exposition of the debate on the nature of cognition and external objects, may be considered as one of the most interesting. It is particularly noteworthy because of the presence, as an opponent, of a Buddhist philosopher whose importance in that debate must have been significant: Subhagupta. Subhagupta is quoted in several passages of the Bahirarthapariksa-chapter. In fact, some karikas quoted there have been proved to be the Sanskrit originals from one of his main works, the Bahyarthasiddhikarika (BASK), extant only in its Tibetan translation; some prose passages, similarly, are conjectured to be part of a supposed auto-commentary, now lost. The analysis of Subhaguptas views, as quoted in TS and TSP, and the investigation of the original karikas in the context of BASK give us an interesting account of his theory regarding the cognitive process. Subhaguptas doctrinal affiliation is uncertain. As a matter of fact, in BASK he refutes the Vimsika and vrtti by Vasubandhu and the Alambanapariksa and vrtti by Dinnaga. In this respect, I consider the Bahirarthapariksa-chapter partly as a defense of these two. In TS and TSP, Subhagupta is introduced as a nirakaravadin, i.e., an upholder of the thesis of the cognition being devoid of the image of the object. The philosopher must have considered himself as an upholder of the nirakarajnanapaksa if, in order to demonstrate his own theory of the cognition in BASK, he directs his criticism towards the antagonist thesis of the cognition being endowed with the image [of the object] (ses pa rnam bcas phyogs *sakarajnanapaksa). Nonetheless, the topic is quite complex. According to some passages in TS and TSP, as well as in BASK, he maintains that the cognition has the nature of discriminating the objects without assuming their form. Still, in my opinion, a few other passages appear to show that he may accept, to some extent, a form of sakaravada in order to prove the existence of an external support (alambana) of cognitions and, moreover, his atomistic theory. 177

This paper aims at analyzing, in detail, Subhaguptas theory on the cognitive act, as exposed in TS and TSP and found in some passages from BASK, with particular reference to the interpretation given by Santaraksita and Kamalasila. The ultimate goal is to shed light on Subhaguptas actual standpoint regarding the existence (or non-existence) of mental images of external objects. This paper aims at analyzing, in detail, Subhaguptas theory on the cognitive act, as exposed in TS and TSP and found in some passages from BASK, with particular reference to the interpretation given by Santaraksita and Kamalasila. The ultimate goal is to shed light on Subhaguptas actual standpoint regarding the existence (or non-existence) of mental images of external objects.

Is a Cultivating Yogin Dependent on Scripture?

Vincent, Eltschinger
Most Buddhists would admit that every Buddhist practice and theoretical construct can be traced to or at least subsumed under one or more among the four noble(s) truths (caturryasatya) preached by kyamuni in the vicinity of Benares. It is hardly surprising, then, that listening (ru) to the four noble(s) truths and pondering (cint) upon them were considered as the cornerstones of the Buddhist soteric endeavour. Learning them from a competent teacher and subjecting them to rational analysis are generally regarded as taking place at the very beginning of the religious career or, to put it otherwise, still as an ordinary person (pthagjana) along the preparatory path (prayogamrga). At this stage, the discursive nature of the four noble(s) truths fits well the didactic and intellectual requirements of early religious practice. But how about the subsequent, more distinctively intuitive/nonconceptual stages of a mystics career? How to interpret, for instance, our sources strong emphasis on the four noble(s) truths as forming the content of the first pivotal event on the path, the so-called path of vision (daranamrga)? And how to understand a philosophers claim that the yogic path exhausts itself in ones learning, rationally analyzing and mentally cultivating the four noble(s) truths? Now, this is precisely what Dharmakrti and his followers claimed. In order to understand this, one has to turn to Abhidharmic interpretations of the four truths as embodying the ultimately true aspects (kra) of reality itself. Here, the four noble(s) truths are not regarded as a didactic device encapsulating the entire Buddhist law, but as the basic sixteenfold structure of the real. It is, of course, these ultimately true aspects that the path of cultivation is supposed to make directly perceptible to the yogin, thus enabling him to get rid of ignorance (avidy).

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Forms or Aspects in Buddhist Philosophy and Soteriology of Consciousness II

Mcclintock, Sara; Kellner, Birgit Light as a Metaphor for Cognition in the Vijnavda Advanced by Dharmakrti and Opposed by Bhaa Jayanta.
Watson, Alex
The Vijnavdin opponent in Bhaa Jayanta's (850910) Nyyamajar gives five main arguments for Dignga and Dharmakrti's view that form (kra) belongs to cognitions not to external objects: 1) The view that form belongs to cognition involves less postulation. 2) Cognition is aware of itself. It cannot be aware of itself it it lacks form. Therefore, given that we are aware only of one form (not one of blue and one of cognition of blue), that form must belong to cognition not to an external object. 3) If form did not belong to cognition, there would be no way to explain the particularity of cognition's intentionality (pratikarmavyavasth), i.e. the way that it is, for example, of blue and not of yellow. 4) Cognition and its object are necessarily perceived together (sahopalambhaniyama), therefore they are non-different. 5) Contradictory properties (viruddhadharma) cannot belong to one and the same object, but they can belong to different cognitions. Hence cognitions that attribute contradictory properties to what may seem to be one and the same object, cannot in fact be of the same object. My paper will focus on the second of these arguments, in particular its first stage that cognition is aware of itself. Here light is regularly appealed to as analogous to cognition. For example it is asserted (1) that for cognition to cognize an object it must itself be perceived, just as a light must be perceived in order to illuminate an object; (2) that cognition, just like light, stands in need of no illumination other than itself in order to be illuminated.

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The paper will examine the repercussions of the choice of light as a metaphor for cognition for the philosophical debate over the perceptibility of cognition. It will observe not only the ways in which the light-metaphor favours the Vijnavdin's position, but also the ways in which it facilitates a refutation of Vijnavda.

Dharmakrtis Position on Conceptual Cognition and Its Causes

Notake, Miyako
Dharmakrti (ca. 600-660) takes the position that cognition has the form of the object (skravda), and, when he is not in the position of the doctrine of mind only, he admits the independent existence of the external object. It is also known that he distinguishes two kinds of cognition, namely, perception, which is directly caused by external objects and so cognizes them in their own form, and conceptual cognition, which is produced by latent impressions left (vsan) in cognition through beginningless cognitive activity. This conceptual cognition is erroneous in the sense that it appears as if it reflects the external object, when in fact it does not. Dharmakrti and his followers in later times enumerate as the causes of conceptual cognition latent impressions, the efficacity (arthakriy) of the external object, and the recollection of verbal convention (saketasmaraa). In this paper I shall review the position of Dharmakrtis Pramavrttika on the relationship between these causes of conceptual cognition.

Logical Necessity and Aspects of Consciousness: A aiva Perspective on a Buddhist Problem

Ratie, Isabelle
The profound influence of the so-called Buddhist logico-epistemological school on the Kashmiri aiva philosopher Utpaladeva (fl. c. 925-975) and his commentator Abhinavagupta (fl. c. 975-1025) has been repeatedly pointed out by recent scholarship. Less well known, however, is the way the two aivas both criticize and appropriate two central tenets of Dharmakrtis logic, namely, the definition of the svabhvahetu and kryahetu inferences. The aivas endeavour to show that both types of inference cannot but lack logical necessity (niyati) if they rest on the Buddhist doctrine of [mere] consciousness (vijnavda) according to which things are nothing but manifestations (bhsa) or aspects (kra) that consciousness takes on. Such a criticism might be expected on the part of a proponent of the thesis that aspects of consciousness somehow reflect a reality independent of consciousness. However, Utpaladeva and Abhinavagupta themselves defend a kind of idealism that they term bhsavda, and they present their own thesis that objects of consciousness are nothing but appearances taken on by consciousness as the only one capable of providing Dharmakrtis logic with a solid ontological foundation.

The Skra/nirkra Debate in Buddhist Tantric Literature

Sferra, Francesco
In many texts of Buddhist Tantric literature that have come down to us we find references to the debate between the skravdins and the nirkravdins.

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Often the texts deal with the issue only very briefly (cf. e.g. Pacakrama 5.4); other times, however, they enter fully into the debate, first acknowledging and repeating what had already emerged from the previous confrontation, then also offering an original contribution. This is the case, for instance, of Rmapla (XI cent.), who, in his Sekanirdeapajik, uses arguments of both currents, even quoting, when necessary, some verses of the Pramavrttika by Dharmakrti and some passages of the Skrasiddhi by Jnarmitra. Rmapla and the other tantric masters engaged in the debate do not only aim at establishing the correct point of view, but, adopting the categories developed in philosophical circles, at describing as accurately as possible the experience of the absolute reality, which is achieved, although momentarily (and partly symbolically), during the initiation rite. The paper will analyze the main tantric sources covering the subject, studying in particular the contribution of Advayavajra (aka Maitrpda or Maitreyantha), which, although shortly, treats the subject in at least three of his works (Tattvaranval, Madhyamaaka, Pacatathgatamudrvivaraa), of Indrabhti, which devotes an entire chapter to the issue of his Jnasiddhi (chapter 3), and of Vgvarakrti, which addresses the matter in two points of his Tattvaratnvalokavivaraa (ad stt. 5, 16).

Kamalala on the Nature of Forms or Images (kra) in Cognition:

Mcclintock, Sara
A Close Reading of TSP ad TS 3626 and Related Passages This paper aims to further our understanding of Kamalalas position on the nature of forms or images (kra) in cognition with specific reference to whether such kra are necessary, real, both, or neither. The paper will follow upon recent work by Toru Funayama drawing attention to an important passage in the final chapter of the Tattvasagrahapajik (TSP ad TS 3626) in which Kamalala considers certain aspects of the theory of the Buddhas omniscience from the perspectives of the doctrine that cognition is endowed with an image (skravda) and the doctrine that cognition is devoid of such an image (nirkravda). As Funayama rightly points out, this passage is interesting for its suggestion that while images in cognition may exist, they are not necessarily real (satya). This leads to the possibility that skravda does not always line up with the doctrine that images in cognition are real (*satykravda) as previously assumed. This paper will further the investigation through a close reading of the passage, with reference also to related passages from the Madhyamaklakrapajik and with particular attention as well to Kamalalas use of the notion of the true dream (satyasvapna) as a means for explaining the possibility of trustworthy cognitions whose images nevertheless remain unreal.

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Gandharan and Andhran Buddhist Narratives in Context

Shimada, Akira Redefining Greatness: Depictions of the Great Miracle of rvast in Regional Context
Decaroli, Robert
The Great Miracle at rvast is one of the most well-known and widely recognized events from the life of the Buddha. But, over the centuries it has been depicted in a remarkably varied number of ways. Given the complexity of the tale itself and the significant differences between the Pali and Sanskrit versions of events, this variation in the narrative artwork is, perhaps, to be expected. What this paper will suggest, however, is that some of these iconographic shifts can be linked to cultural pressures and ideological changes faced by the Buddhist community. Rather than simply reflecting textual precedents, the visual depiction of religious imagery can, at times, be seen as having actively participated in doctrinal debates over core issues facing the early Buddhists. In particular, many of these rvast Miracle images make powerful statements regarding to the nature of the Buddhahood and serve to clarify the finality of nirvana. To make this case, I will be giving particular attention to those representations of the Great Miracle which depict the moment in which the Buddha creates multiple copies of himself. Specifically, works from Gandhra, Aja, and Srnth will be considered. The Great Miracle at rvast may have had an importance that went well beyond showy assurances of the Buddhas religious might and, at least in the Sanskrit tradition, formed the backdrop for the introduction of a new way of conceptualizing figural images of the Buddha. The painted and sculptural scenes of multiple Buddhas may well have served as reminders of the Buddhas unique relationship to his likeness, a relationship that simultaneously allowed for his total absence from and his active involvement with the world.

Formation of Buddhist Narrative Sculpture in Andhra (Ca. 150 BCE300 CE)

Shimada, Akira
The Andhra region located in the south-eastern Deccan saw vigorous Buddhist construction activity after ca. 200 BCE, as indicated by numerous remains of stpa-s along the Godavari and Krishna river valleys. Many of these stpa-s were embellished by limestone relief sculpture that depicts Buddhist narratives, typically jtaka-s and the Buddhas life events. Andhran narrative sculpture along with Gandharan sculpture thus far provides the largest set of early Buddhist narratives in the Indian subcontinent. Additionally, owing to the detailed stylistic and iconographic studies of the two principal sites (Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda), a chronology of Andhran sculpture is well established. Andhran narrative sculpture thus provides us with a good visual resource for examining the early development of Buddhist narrative in south India.

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This paper will give an overview on the development of Andhran narrative sculptures by focusing on Amaravati (ca. 150 BCE-250 CE) and Nagarjunakonda (ca. 200-300 CE), which thus far have yielded the two largest sets of narratives in the Andhran region. The paper particularly seeks to address the following questions. (1) When and how did the Andhran region increase the depiction of different topics from the Buddhist legends? (2) When and how did this region develop different narrative cycles in order to depict more elaborate and longer stories of the Buddhas life? When did a complete set of reliefs showing the Buddhas life from the birth to nirvna appear in Andhra? (3) Can we observe any significant difference between the narratives from AmaravatiNagarjunakonda and other sets of Andhran-school narrative sculptures, such as the ones at Phanigiri and Kanganhalli? (4) What are the essential differences between the early Buddhist narratives in Andhra as compared to those from Gandhara?

The Formation of a Visual Idiom for the Life of the Buddha in Gandharan Art
Brancaccio, Pia
In the Kushan period Gandharan artists created a large body of narrative sculpture recounting the Buddhas life story in a chronological, sequential manner. The Buddhas actions in Gandharan sculpture seem to be characterized by a historic and cohesive thread that is unprecedented in Indian art. The goal of this paper is to explore the possible source of the distinctive Buddhist narrative tradition of Gandhara. What lead Gandharan artists to develop such visual models? I propose that the radically new way of presenting the Buddhas life in the art of the Kushan period may have been inspired by representational modes used in dramatic performances. The diffusion of Dyonisiac traditions in the Northwest of the Indian Subcontinent since preKushan times, of which drama was a key component, may have contributed to the formation of a new visual language tied to performance art. The royal Buddhist patrons in the Kushan period cultivated Dyonisiac traditions and likely played a key role in this process.

Mahyna Stra Narratives in Indian Art: From the Northwest to the Deccan Plateau
Morrissey, Nicolas
The question of whether or not, or to what extent, Mahyna Buddhism may have been present in the greater Gandhran region during the early centuries of the Common Era has for long been a topic of extensive and at times acerbic debate. Certainly the recent discoveries of Mahyna stras among the Bajaur scrolls, Bamiyan area fragments and the so-called split collection of kharoh Gndhr manuscripts has served to reinvigorate investigations into the association of Mahyna Buddhism with the Northwest. In spite of these recent discoveries, though, it is a puzzling conundrum that during the first few centuries C.E. Gandhran Buddhist visual culture does not appear to exhibit a significant, or perhaps significantly discernible, influence from Mahyna Buddhism. The paucity, or at best elusiveness, of Mahyna influence within Gandhran art might appear to be of some consequence given that, according to at least one recent scholar, visual monuments and 184

images, profusely created in Buddhist monasteries in this region and now extant in enormous quantity, appear to be the most valuable source for the presence or activity of Mahynists in this region. There have, of course, been numerous attempts to interpret different categories of Gandhran Buddhist art in terms of a direct Mahyna association, most notably large stelae such as the well-known example from Mohammad-Nari, various Buddha triads and independent statues depicting possibly Mahyna bodhisattvas, but these interpretations have not met with universal acceptance and remain controversial. It is important to note, moreover, that when placed in context, these examples represent only a small proportion of the overall corpus of Gandhran art. As John Rosenfield has aptly noted, perhaps the most convincing argument against the full Mahyna hypothesis is the rarity and scarcity of the works of art cited as evidence. Perhaps significantly, both within the relatively lilliputian body of imagery from Gandhra for which a potential Mahyna association has been argued, as well as Gandhran Buddhist art as a whole, not a single example of a narrative from a specific Mahyna stra has been identified. This absence is striking, given the extensive narrative orientation of the Buddhist art extant from the Gandhran region. This paper will revisit some of the unsuccessful attempts to link examples of Gandhran art with specific Mahyna textual passages. The goal of the paper, however, is to present evidence that there are indeed identifiable examples of Mahyna Buddhist narratives in Indian art, but they come not from the Northwest, but the Deccan. This material can be fairly securely dated to the fifth century, and appears to be directly associated with the Lotus stra and the activities of monks identified by the epithet kyabhiku. Although the paper will not pursue the hypothesis of a direct influence between the two regions, issues of continuity such as thematic correspondences in the art of Gandhra and the Western Deccan will be briefly explored.

Modes of Narrative Depictions in Gandhara and Nagarjunakonda

Rhi, Juhyung
Scholars have seen consierable affinities in Buddhist narrative depictions from Gandhara and Nagarjunakonda. This paper will examine their aspects in select examples from the two region and explore wheter they are simple coincidences or whether they had necessary ties based on historic interactions.

Heavenly Relics Bodhisatvas Turban and Bowl in Reliefs of Gandhara and Andhra (Including Kanganhalli)
Zin, Monika
His cut-off hair inside the turban and the bowl given to Him with the first meal, following the severe austerities, constitute relics kept and worshipped in Indras heaven. That the objects were revered is astonishing since the future Buddha discarded them as symbols of the life He rejected. The corresponding stories must, however, be old since the pictorial representations of the turban worshipped in heaven go back to Bharhut and Sanchi, and both holy objects are represented in the Trayastrimsa heaven in the reliefs of early Mathura art.

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Many depictions of the Bodhisatvas turban and bowl were conceived in the Gandhara and Andhra schools, the character of the depictions varying greatly. While the Gandharan reliefs, perhaps following earlier traditions, merely depict the adoration of the holy objects as a result f which it is not always possible to identify whether the bowl worshipped is the one from the first meal or perhaps the alms bowl of the Buddha the artists of Kanganhalli, Amaravati, Ganthasala, Nagarjunakonda and Phanigiri represented the ascension of the objects to heaven. The representations are conceived as episodes of the Buddha legend and shown in the form of vigorous scenes. In Andhra, both events had great significance since they are represented quite frequently and beside the main scenes illustrating the Buddhas vita. The ascension of the holy object to heaven often formed narrative sequences with other episodes and apparently denotes significant moments during the fulfilment of the way of the Buddha: the rising of the turban indicates the self-ordination of the Bodhisatva and that of the bowl the breaking of the fast, i.e. the end of the futile austerities, which paved the way for Enlightenment.

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Gandhran Texts and Gandhran Buddhism (I)

Salomon, Richard "The Study of Gandhran Buddhist Manuscripts: Progress Report and Future Prospects."
Salomon, Richard
Since the discovery in 1994 of the first large corpus of Buddhist manuscripts in Gndhr, the British Library Kharoh Collection, research into this and many other subsequently discovered materials of a similar type has been carried out under the auspices of the University of Washington Early Buddhist Manuscripts Project and by individual scholars at the Free University of Berlin, the University of Sydney, and other institutions. Seven volumes of detailed text studies as well as dozens of articles concerning these materials have been published, and several other volumes are currently in preparation. This presentation will review and summarize the work to date and its overall significance for the study of Buddhist literature and doctrine as well as for Middle Indo-Aryan philology and linguistics. Future plans and priorities will also be presented, as well as a brief report on auxiliary projects such as the on-line Gndhr dictionary being compiled at the University of Washington.

A Gndhr Version of the Cagosiga-sutta

Silverlock, Blair
Scroll number 12 from the Senior Collection of Kharoh manuscripts (RS 12) contains a Gndhr stra which has parallels in the Pli Majjhima-nikaya (MN) and the Chinese (Zhng hnjng), the Madhyamgama (M). The Pli parallel is the Cagosiga-sutta (MN 31) and the Chinese parallel, (nijio sululn jng; M 185). Partial parallels are also found in the Upakkilesa-sutta (MN 128) and in the Chinese (zngy hnjng) the Ekottarika-gama (E 24.8). The stra deals especially with the Buddha's visit to a group of monks, headed by Aarudha (in Pli, Anuruddha), which is characterised as living in harmony. The stra outlines both their external conduct with each other, as well as the accomplishments of their meditation practice. The episode also has a parallel in the Mahvagga of the Theravda Vinaya (Vin I 350-2), where the good practices of Anuruddha's group of monks are contrasted with a group of monks who live in discord. RS 12 is one of four stras present in the Senior Collection with MN/M parallels, the others being RS 1+3, RS 4 and RS 10. In this paper the Gndhr stra will be discussed in detail and its relationship to the Pli and Chinese versions revealed. Some general observations will also be given regarding the text's relationship with the other MN/M Gndhr texts.

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Formalized Scholasticism: Fragments 20 and 23 in the British Library Collection of Gndhr Manuscripts
Cox, Collett
Within the British Library collection of early Buddhist Gndhr manuscripts, fragments 20 and 23 together constitute one of the longest partially preserved texts. These fragments are part of an as yet unidentified scholastic text significant because of the range of doctrinal topics covered, its highly formalistic structure, and its Sanskritized Gndhr. This paper will examine the structure and contents of these fragments, compare them with structurally and doctrinally similar Buddhist scholastic texts, and, finally, briefly contextualize them within the development of the Buddhist scholastic genre

A Gndhr List of 55 Stras: Senior Fragments RS 7 + 8

Allon, Mark
The Senior Gndhr/Kharoh manuscript collection includes two scrolls (RS 7 + 8) that contain a single list of 55 texts, which concludes with the statement in all fifty-five, 55, stras. In this paper this list of texts, its likely function, the nature of the entries and problems in interpreting them will be discussed.

Gndhr and Sanskrit Scholasticism: Case Studies From the Sagtistra and Verse Commentaries
Baums, Stefan
The study of Gndhr commentarial and scholastic texts has made great progress in recent years, with the edition and study of the longest verse commentary in the British Library Collection (Baums 2009) and of the polemical text in British Library Fragment 28 (Cox forthcoming), and with the preparation of complete but preliminary transcriptions for two further verse commentaries, a commentary on the Sagtistra, and several other commentarial manuscripts in the British Library and Bajaur Collections. The most important result of these studies has been the demonstration of a close historical relationship of the Verse Commentaries and the Sagtistra commentary with exegetical procedures preserved in the Pali Niddesa and the Peakopadesa literature (especially the method of categorial reduction). It is the aim of the present paper to investigate the other major interface of Gndhr commentarial literature its relationship with later scholastic literature written in Sanskrit (as well as specific doctrinal concepts occuring in other genres of Buddhist Sanskrit literature). Among other case studies, this paper will discuss the intricate relationship between explanations given for the Four Wombs in the Sagtistra commentary and at AKBh 3.89, and the various systems of Planes used in the Sagtistra Commentary, the Verse Commentaries and a range of Buddhist Sanskrit texts. It will conclude with a tentative general assessment of the relationship between these scholastic texts in Gndhr and Sanskrit.

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Gandhran Texts and Gandhran Buddhism (II)

Salomon, Richard Buddhist Story Collections From Afghanistan
Hartmann, Jens-Uwe
The Schyen collection of Buddhist manuscripts, found in Afghanistan, includes several fragments of unknown story collections. One collection contains not only stories with Buddhist protagonists, but also others from apparently a non-Buddhist context; they resemble the stories in, e.g., the Pancatantra, but are then explained in terms of a Buddhist message ascribed to them. Among the fragments at least three different types of collections are attested, and they display different narrative techniques. The paper will compare these types and discuss the possible relation with the narrative literature preserved in Gandhari.

What Happened to the Buddhas Robe? the Story of Mahprajpat Gautam in a Gndhr Stra From Bajaur (Pakistan)
Strauch, Ingo
The Bajaur collection of Kharoh manuscripts which has been studied in Berlin for a couple of years contains a Gndhr version of the well-known stra about Mahprajpats robe gift to the Buddha. In the Pli tradition it is called Dakkhivibhagasutta forming part of the Majjhimanikya. Its Chinese parallel in the Madhyamgama (Taish 26) is known as Qutanmi jing = Skt. Gautamstra. Other parallels include two small fragments of Sanskrit versions in the Turfan and Schyen collections and amathadevas quotations from a probably Mlasarvstivdin Madhyamgama which is preserved only in Tibetan translation. Moreover, the story as reported in these direct parallels is closely related to the narratives of Mahprajpats ordination which are known from various contexts including the Vinaya traditions of several Buddhist schools. Not only do the narrative structures of both stories share some common features, their parallelism even extends to the exchange of entire textual blocks. The paper will try to explore the relationship of the Gndhr version to these direct and indirect parallels and thus define its position within the broader perspective of Buddhist canonical literature. Special attention will be given to the complex mechanisms which accompanied the transmission and formation of stra texts on their way towards a canonical and authoritative body of texts.

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Two Lohitya-stras in the Drghgama Manuscript

Choi, Jin Kyoung
I am working on three stras in the laskandhaka section of the Drghgama Manuscript in Sanskrit found in Gilgit, the east end of Great Gandhra only about fifteen years ago. One of the interesting facts to notice here is that there appear, among three, two stras in a row, under the identical title, Lohitya-stra, with non-identical structures and contents, which contrasts to its Pli and Chinese counterparts. I would like to introduce the process of my philological research on this recently discovered Sanskrit manuscipt focusing on my speculation on the reasons why the two versions of Lohitya-stra happen to co-exist in a single collection.

Numismatic Kharosthi as a Means to Date Buddhist Inscriptions and Manuscripts?

Falk, Harry
The paper first gives an outline of numismatic Kharosthi pointing at the many differences and the few points of stylistic overlap with Buddhist manuscript Kharosthi. Particular attention will be given to the so-called monograms, which as an idea continue Greek habits. The principle was adopted for numismatic Kharosthi monograms in the first cent. BC. In a manuscript from the Bajaur collection a number of people sign a birchbark with their personal monograms. Its date is so far not attested through C14 analysis. The possibilities and limits of a stylistic and structural comparison will be shown with the aim to provide arguments for dating this text from a Buddhist monastery.

A Sanskrit Fragment Of "Recension II" of the Udnavarga From Gilgit

Matsuda, Kazunobu
I have recently identified one folio of birchbark manuscript fragment as the Nirvavarga, the 26th chapter of the Udnavarga handed down by the (Mla-)Sarvstivdin Buddhist order. Written in Gilgit/Bmiyn type II script, the two sides of the folio have separated and are preserved in different plates: the recto belongs to a private collection in Japan and the verso to the Sir Pratap Singh Museum collection in Srinagar, India. As Prof. Lambert Schmithausen has demonstrated, the Udnavarga is assumed to have been transmitted in two recensions and the edition by Franz Bernhard represents the Sanskrit text of the "recension I". This newly discovered fragment is a part of the "recension II", which has hardly been known so far and is older than "recension I."

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Gene Smith - His Life and Work

Sheehy, Michael; Wallman, Jeff Banned Books, Sealed Printeries and Neglected Dkar chag: Precursors and Prospects in Light of E. Gene Smiths Contributions to Tibetan Literary Studies
Sheehy, Michael
In an effort to situate the lifes work of E. Gene Smith in a broad conversation about the preservation, reproduction and study of Tibetan literature, this paper discusses critical moments in the history of the book in Tibet that serve as precursors to his contributions. We will read of Rig dzin Tshe dbang nor bus (1698-1755) diplomatic attempt to print banned woodblocks at Phun tshogs gling Monastery, Zhwa lu spru sku Blo gsal bstan skyongs (b. 1804) unsealing the printeries at Phun tshogs gling and Ngam ring, and Stag brag Regent Ngag dbang gsung rab mthu stobs (1874-1952) surveying the printing blocks in central Tibet. Prompted by conversations with Gene Smith, this paper reflects and comments on seminal essays that Gene wrote throughout his publishing career of over thirty years. We will conclude with brief remarks on prospects for future Tibetan literary studies in light of Gene Smiths contributions and the TBRC research library.

Retrieving the Literary Heritage of Tibet: Some Perspectives and Challenges

Kapstein, Matthew
During the past four decades, in large measure thanks to the impetus provided by the late E. Gene Smith, tens of thousands of Tibetan manuscripts and xylograph prints have come to light in the Himalayan regions of India, Nepal and Bhutan, in Russia and Mongolia, and of course in Tibet and the ethnically Tibetan regions of China, as well as in other areas that enjoyed close historical connections with Tibet. These works have been found in monastic and private collections, museums, state libraries, as well as hidden caches of various kinds, and have in some cases been subject to disputes regarding ownership. The cataloging, conservation, reproduction and study of this material have thus inevitably been subject to the diverse, sometimes conflicting, interests of concerned parties including religious institutions and hierarchies, scholars and universities, publishers, foundations and governmental agencies. Here I wish to examine some of the predominant approaches, for the most part pioneered and encourage by Gene Smith, together with the outstanding requirements that have been sometimes neglected thus far.

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Constructing the Archive: Gene Smith and the Digital Map of Tibetan Literature
Gayley, Holly
Gene Smith's contributions to the study of Tibetan Buddhism and the preservation of Tibet's literary heritage cannot be underestimated. His mission was not only to preserve this heritage for posterity but also to make it widely available to scholars, lamas, monastics and translatorsfirst through the printing of individual texts and collections via the Public Law 480 program (PL 480) and more recently through the creation of a digitally accessible library and research database. The voluminous scans and data that now make up the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center (www.tbrc.org) were created largely out of his own personal library and encyclopedic knowledge of Tibetan religious history. In this tribute to Gene Smith, I reflect on the significance of his models for collecting and cataloguing Tibetan literature, specifically his use of Tibetan organizational schemas related to genre and sectarian affiliation as well as his ecumenical anthologizing impulse altogether.

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Humanism and the Human Being in Twentieth-century Chinese and Japanese Buddhist Thought
Curley, Melissa Dharma Teachers, Moral Instructresses and Talented Women
Wu, Hongyu
This paper studies women in Chan gongan (Jp.:kan) stories collected in the Shan nren zhuan (Biographies of Good Women), a biographical collection exclusively devoted to Buddhist laywomen and compiled by Peng Shaosheng (Jiqing), a Confucius literatus turned lay Buddhist in the eighteenth century. In these stories, these women manifest their enlightened minds and transmit Buddhist dharma by behavior and speech that seemingly violate Buddhist or secular (Confucian) norms. By drawing a parallel of these Chan women to moral instructresses in Confucian biographical narratives, who give sagacious moral suggestions to their male relatives or rulers through some unconventional behavior or speech, this paper suggests that Peng shared a common ground with his Confucian counterparts in that womens talents and seemingly unconventional behaviors could be justified by the truth they expressed and by the noble goals they helped men to bring into realization. This, in turn, served Peng Shaoshengs attempt to prove the compatibility between Buddhism and Confucianism in the face of anti-Buddhist sentiments prevailing in the literati circle in the eighteenth century. The use of these stories of the Chan Buddhist women indicates that biographical narratives could have been part of a strategy to defend Buddhism against its detractors.

Praying for the Republic: Buddhist Citizenship Education in the Early Twentieth Century
Lai, Rong Dao
The cultivation of an active citizenry consisting of economically independent and intellectually enlightened people through educational reform dominated the official discourse of the early Republican era. To enlighten the people, which was to transform them from subjects for the monarchy into citizens of the republic, was a task that concerned not only state officials but leading intellectuals. I argue that, in a parallel manner, the Chinese Buddhists also strove to reinvent their tradition to serve the modern nation-state. Through his proposed structural, educational, and economic reforms, the activist monk Taixu (18901947) called for the creation of new monks (xinseng) to meet the needs of a new China. Focusing on Taixus monastic educational system, this paper examines the efforts by the Chinese Buddhists to participate in the self-strengthening of the nation and their formulation of citizenship consciousness during the first half of the twentieth century. First, I will discuss Taixus understanding, creative interpretation, and appropriation of citizenship discourse to secure financial and political support for the Chinese Buddhist institutions. Second, through examining the writings of student monks associated with Taixus Buddhist academies (foxueyuan), I hope to shed light on how young Chinese monks drew on competing strains of ideologies to formulate their definition of citizenship, while reconciling the performance of citizenship with their Buddhist piety. 193

From Animal Protection to Lay Buddhism: the Sino-Western Humanism in L Bichengs (1843-1943) Writings
Fong, Grace
This paper will examine the hybridized contents of the Buddhist-inflected writings by L Bicheng published from the late 1920s to early 1930s. L Bicheng was known as an acclaimed poet of the song lyric (ci) and an important cultural figure outside the anti-tradition New Culture/May Fourth Movements. In the complex and rapidly changing China of the Republican period, she, like many of her talented contemporaries, exhibited an ability to straddle many worlds social, cultural, economic, linguistic, and religious seemingly effortlessly, sometimes simultaneously and sometimes successively. She began her professional career as a young educator in the first decade of the twentieth century and went on to become a successful business woman, journalist, traveler, translator, writer, and lay Buddhist. As a wealthy middle-aged woman, L Bicheng traveled extensively in America and Europe, sojourning in Montreux, Switzerland from the late 1920s to mid 1930s. It was during her stay in Europe that she converted to Buddhism after coming into contact with the teachings of Masters Taixu and Yinguang. She sent many essays to be published in the journal Haichaoyin, closely associated with Taixu and considered by many to be the most important Buddhist periodical during the Republican period. She also corresponded with Wang Jitong (1875-1948), the Buddhist scientist, on the relation of scientific concepts to Buddhist ideas and practice. Rather than purely philosophical, L Bichengs writings are underlined by a strong degree of pragmatism and activism drawn from both Chinese and European sources. I am therefore interested in exploring how she constituted her religious views and positions from a hybrid mix of humanist strands in classic Confucian and Buddhist texts and contemporary Western movements in animal protection and vegetarianism, thereby crossing the East/West divide in promoting the teaching and practice of Buddhism.

A Shared Life in a Shared World: Yasuda Rijins Buddhist Humanism

Curley, Melissa
The twentieth century discovery of the human Shinran (ningen Shinran) is often positioned as an effort to return to the source of tradition, before superstitious accretions transformed the founder of the Jdo Shinsh into a superhuman manifestation of Amida Buddha (gen Shinran). This way of understanding the turn to a human Shinran is reasonable enough, given the important role modern Shinsh thinkers play in a wider campaign against superstition. But it neglects the extent to which this discovery relies on a source text only recently in wide circulation (the Tannish, or Notes Lamenting the Deviations), on a hermeneutic approach to this source text particular to the modern period, and more generally on a conception of the human being itself defined by peculiarly modern concerns. This paper explores the ways in which the human Shinran, as figured in the work of the Shinsh theologian Yasuda Rijin (1900-1982) reflects the influence of modern humanism, focusing particularly on the suggestions that all practitioners share with Shinran some essential human quality, that this quality is the basis for equality between practitioners, and that it is somehow unseemly to aspire for a utopian state beyond the limits of human community. It argues that recent efforts to distinguish between Western-style humanism and a properly Shinsh humanism both overstate the differences between the two, and understate the extent to which a figure like Yasuda participates in a radical reinterpretation of tradition.

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A Humanistic Shinran: The Shin Buddhist Thought of Saik Mankichi (1895-1970)

Main, Jessica
Saik Mankichi was many things. Born a hisabetsu burakumin and in a Shin Buddhist temple, he become an artist, playwright, priest, and political activist. While he remained critical of Shin Buddhist institutions, he worked for social reform beyond them as a member of leftist political parties and as a founding member of the first national buraku advocacy group, the Levelers Society (Suiheisha). His pamphlets, plays, and newspaper articles clearly show a transnational set of influences: from Karl Marx to Maksim Gorky to Shinran. Saik is best described as a Marxist humanist, yet to fully understand his early thought we must look to Shin Buddhist understandings of salvation and suffering. For Saik, the dignity, equality, and solidarity of humanity is known through the experience of being dehumanized, exemplified by the pain, poverty, exile, and isolation of an emphatically human Shinran.

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Indian Buddhism Through East Asian Sources I

Deeg, Max Introduction and Examples From the Chinese Buddhist Travelogues
Deeg, Max
This introductory paper will address some of the basic problems and aspects of the use and value of Chinese Buddhist texts for the study of Indian Buddhism. It will briefly discuss the research history of Chinese Buddhist texts used for the reconstruction of Indian Buddhism, especially in comparison with South-Asian material and Tibetan sources. The paper will then critically discuss a few examples from the Buddhist pilgrims records, which are certainly the most used sources in that respect.

Avalokitevara in the Buddha-avatasaka: The Testimony of the Chinese Translations

Gomez, Luis
The paper considers the hypothesis that differences in the Avalokitevara chapter of the Gaavyha-stra, in particular as seen in through the lens of a comparison between the extant Sanskrit and the Chinese translations, reflects the gradual acceptance of an important Mahayana savior figure into the fold of the textual traditions of the elites. Special emphasis is placed on the manner in which the narrative in Praja's Chinese translation makes a nuanced transition from the underlying argument of the Stra as a whole into the distinct world of a cult dedicated to Avalokitevara as the main object of faith and ritual. This transition is interpreted as a conscious effort at integrating a particular, and most likely independent, system of belief and practice into a more generalized belief structure.

What Chinese Sources Really Have to Say About the Dates of the Buddha
Palumbo, Antonello
The Gttingen symposium of 1988 claimed the last word in the hoary argument concerning the date of the Buddhas parinirva. Its outcome was a timid dismissal of the corrected long chronology, pushing that date from 483 BCE down to around 400 BCE. With the exception of those having clearly recognisable parallels in the extant Pli, Sanskrit and Tibetan sources, however, Chinese materials were all but ignored in the discussion: the most influential positions (Bechert, Gombrich, Hrtel) did not engage them, whereas Sinologically competent scholars (Durt, Franke) could only report on indigenous East Asian traditions of little historical value.

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Following a lead from Xuanzang (d. 664), this paper will first revisit the Mlasarvstivda chronology that places the reign of the Kua king Kanika within four centuries after the Buddhas death. It will then be shown that this dating is borne out by a substantial number of Aokan narratives only preserved in Chinese translation, but of unquestionably Indian origin. Challenging us from this largely unexplored body of materials is the notion that the Buddha lived only few decades before Aoka, in the age of Alexander the Great and Candragupta Maurya, and died within few years on either side of 300 BCE.

Moralization of Sleep
Heirman, Ann
Throughout history, a major part of the success of Buddhism lay in its monasteries. It is there that philosophy was thoroughly discussed and that a Buddhist way of life was promoted. When researchers studied these monasteries and their guidelines, moral instructions, ritual acts and institutional rules were mainly focussed upon. Often dismissed, however, are daily practices, common to both monastics and lay people. The present paper is part of a larger project that aims at studying some of the most essential practices of daily life: those of bodily care. The body inevitably changes and is therefore in constant need of care. The body gets dirty and needs to be washed, at least if bodily odours or a bad breath are seen as unwanted. The body inevitably emits excrements and urine, and hair and nails continue to grow. Finally, the body also needs sleep on a regular basis. It is on the latter aspect that the present paper focuses, with a particular attention to the first vinaya texts and their transmission to China. Which practices of sleep can be discerned, and how are they related to Buddhist life? How were the rules for sleep and sleeping material received and perceived by early Chinese Buddhist masters? Which guidelines do they give, and which difficulties do they encounter? And how did these guidelines influence the overall idea on sleep in a Buddhist environment? As we will see, a historical study of bodily care in a Buddhist context involves several problems, often related to the available source material. Vinaya texts and commentaries primarily show us the proper way monastic masters wanted practitioners to behave, but do not give a full picture of the way one actually behaved. Still, although disciplinary texts might not always reveal what monastic members and lay people actually did or even believed -- and as such one has to be careful to directly interpret them as reflections of historical realities --, they still reveal practices and information on objects that were at least imaginable, and show their readers how the Buddhist experience was envisaged. Therefore, this study on the one hand shows how one can try to deal with shortcomings of textual source material, and on the other hand reveals which objects and attitudes connected to sleep were promoted as a Buddhist way of life. In the latter context, two aspects receive a growing attention in the transmission from India to China: a moralization of sleeping habits, combined with the striving for a reduction of sleep.

The Nature of the Characteristic Marks of the Conditioned

Dessein, Bart
In the development of Buddhist philosophy, the Sarvstivda School of Buddhism has been of great importance for the development of East Asian Buddhism. At present, the Chinese versions of the Indic Sarvstivda texts often are the only extant versions. An analysis of the doctrinal positions revealed in the scholastic works of the Sarvstivdins shows different opinions on different issues. Attribution of these different opinions to different Sarvstivda 198

sub-schools can be done by additional information that can be deduced from Buddhist historiographical works, polemical works of the Pali tradition, archaeological evidence, and sources that belong to the indigenous Chinese historiographical tradition. It is the combined investigation of these different Sarvstivda sub-schools on the Indian subcontinent. In this paper, we will focus on the nature of the characteristic marks of the conditioned as one such issue, to show the difference in opinion that existed between the Vaibhsika Sarvstivdins. It will, using Jizangs Shier men lun shu (T.1825), a commentary on the Madhyamaka Shier men lun (*Dvdaadvraka), further be shown how the Chinese Sanlun masters interpreted these different viewpoints among the Indian Sarvstivda sub-schools.

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Indian Buddhism Through East Asian Sources II

Deeg, Max The Significance of Xuanzang s Legacy
Leoshko, Janice
This paper looks at the ways in which the seventh-century account of Xuanzangs travels in India have aided as well as obscured the discovery of the Buddhist past in India by nineteenth century, investigators. This paper considers why the excessive reliance upon his account continues to impede the understanding of the nature of Buddhist devotion during the last centuries of its practice in eastern India. One factor is the excessive reliance by Alexander Cunningham upon Xuanzangs account to discover Buddhist India which is often now recognized. But also important is the degree to which other contemporary investigators followed Cunninghams lead. The consequences of the overwhelming weight that these other studies created by relying on this verbal account means that the view of late Indian Buddhism often differs from that indicated by other types of surviving evidence.

How, and Why, Studying Buddhist Scriptures Created in China Helps Us Better Understand Indian Buddhist Scripture Composition
Silk, J.A.
Recent years have seen increased serious attention paid to Buddhist scriptural works either composed or compiled or assembled in China. It is no longer fashionable to refer to such works as apocrypha, not to say questionable scriptures, as they are increasingly been taken seriously as legitimate expressions of continued scripture production. While the value of such works for the study of Chinese matters is clear, this presentation will suggest that there are fundamental ways in which an examination of the composition of these works also contributes to our understanding of (generally earlier) Indian Buddhist scriptural composition as well.

The Centennial Drum Sound of Death: A Cross-border Myth From the Chinese Ekottarikgama
Legittimo, Elsa
We have in the Chinese Ekottarikgama a unique and complete translation of a lost Eurasian myth included in a stra that bears no title. The translation was done by Zhu Fonian ( ) in Changan ( ) in 384 on the basis of Dharmanandins (Tanmonanti ) oral transmission. As no Indic original has so far been found, the text represents the only extant version of an intrinsically cosmogonist story. It tells of a remote past when peoples lives were seemingly endless and illnesses were yet unknown. At that time the continent Jambudvipa was ruled by a king called Healing the Sufferings (Liao zhong bing ). The myth narrates the emergence of death when all of a sudden the first person a child passes away. Thereafter, humanity is reminded of this primal event by a centennial death drum beating. The stra is followed by a brief note on the three (Indian) seasons, probably an explanation designed for a foreign (Chinese) audience accustomed to four seasons. The main 201

doctrinal issues touch upon human lifespan and the concept of death. An important focus is set on the understanding of death as part of a greater whole. The myth is embedded in a cosmological setting that is a locus communis in Buddhism, as well as in other Indian religious traditions, the key story itself, however, is unique. The paper will present a comprehensive overview on the subject matter in question together with a brief doctrinal analysis. It will also include an analysis of the relevant Buddhist terminology. Specific linguistic evidence will be provided for the translation topic and the new data. The contextual investigation is set within the larger frame of the contemporary interest in cross-border Buddhist studies.

Virhakas Massacre of akyas in Chinese Buddhist Translations

Pu, Chengzhong
Story no. 465 of the Pli Jtaka is about how the akyas cheated King Prasenjit by marrying him a slave girl and later the latters son, prince Viabha (St.Virhaka), revenges with a massacre of all the akyas over the humiliation and insults which he receives while visiting them. The same story can be found in quite a few Chinese Buddhist translations. This study examines the conspicuous differences between the Pli version and those varying Chinese versions. In so doing, not only are some features of the transmission of Buddhist stories and legends be revealed, but how the later Buddhist authors used early materials to create or recreate Buddhist texts are also indicated. The important result of this study is to shed some light on the picture of Indian history in the Buddhas time and to show how some concepts such as karma are illustrated in a deterministic way in later Buddhist scriptures.

From Perdition to Buddhahood: The Redemption of the Patricide Ajtatru in Indian and Chinese Buddhist Sources
Wu, Juan
Among the contemporaries of the Buddha that have been recorded in Buddhist literature, the Magadhan king Ajtaatru stands out as a paradigmatic criminal. He deprived his father Bimbisra of his life and thereby committed patricideone of the five most serious crimes according to Indian Buddhist ethics, the crimes of immediate karmic retribution [of descent into hell] (nantarya-karmi). Later, full of remorse, he confessed his crime to the Buddha. Buddhist texts from various traditions differ greatly in determining the spiritual attainments of this repentant archetypal criminal. In this regard, previous studies addressed the different attitudes between Mahyna and mainstream Buddhist traditions. For instance, it has been observed that in contrast to Theravda canonical literature (e.g. the Smaaphala-sutta) which does not grant the king spiritual achievement, the Mahyna tradition (e.g. the Ajtaatru- kauktya-vinodan-stra) attributes the eventual attainment of Buddha-hood to him. It is to be noted, however, that even within mainstream Buddhist traditions, the attitudes towards the redemption of Ajtaatru are never the same. Instead, they also show tendencies to exalt the spiritual profits which he had gained in consequence of his confessing and taking refuge in the Buddha. This view can be seen, among others, in Buddhaghosas commentary on the Pli Dgha-nikya and the Chinese Ekottarikgama (T.125).

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In this paper I will examine the exaltation of the spiritual attainments of Ajtaatru and the mitigation of his punishment as reflected in the Indian and Chinese Buddhist sources. I will suggest that the tendencies to upgrade Ajtaatrus spiritual attainments and to reduce his suffering in hell signify the attempt of Buddhist authors at exploiting the worst-case scenario represented by this archetypal criminal, not for the purpose of praising the king, but for exalting the redeeming power of the Buddha and what he taught. It will be argued that case studies like the one of the redemption of Ajtaatru may help us appreciate the important roles of Chinese sourcesespecially those Chinese Buddhist translations whose Indian or Tibetan parallels are not availablein the study of Indian Buddhism, not only in broadening our knowledge of certain religious aspects (e.g. Buddhist ethics and soteriology), but also in deepening our understanding of relevant Indian Buddhist sources (e.g. the Pli texts) and their development.

203

Indian Buddhist Thought in 6th-7th Century China (II)

Lin, Chen-Kuo No-self and Emptiness: Their Roles in Kuijis Exegesis on the Vajracchedik
Choong, Yoke Meei
No-self and Emptiness are considered to be synonyms in the Mahyna, because they are often used to denote the nature of all phenomena. But Kuiji gave them different roles in his exegesis on the Vajracchedik. This paper traces the roles of No-self and Emptiness to the Indian Yogcra exegetes on the Vajracchedik and as far as to the Prajpramit literatures. I try to explore the part played by the root text, the Vajracchedik, its Indian exegetes and the Chinese philosophical culture in Kuijis exegesis by comparing the roles of No-self and Emptiness in the exegesis under discussion with that in the root text and the Indian exegetes.

Debating on Mind and Consciousness in 6th Century Chinese Buddhism

Kantor, Hans-Rudolf
Sixth Century Buddhist masters in China particularly elaborated and discussed the issue of mind and consciousness ( ), linking this topic with the soteriological question of transformation and liberation called becoming a Buddha ( ). One of the most contentious issues discussed in these debates is the philosophical paradigm of the conjunction of realness and falseness ( ). This article attempts to highlight its philosophical significance, comparing the varying interpretations of those Chinese Buddhist masters inspired by exegetical traditions rooted in Madhyamaka, Yogcra, and Tathgatagarbha sources from India.

Pure Mind in India: Indian Background to Paramrtha's *Amalavijna

Radich, Michael
In previous work (Zinbun, 2008), I made a detailed study of all instances of *amalavijna in the extant corpus of Paramrtha ( , 499-569). I also surveyed all mentions of *amalavijna in the Chinese tradition to 800 C.E., and argued that there is little overlap between later characterisations of *amalavijna and Paramrtha's actual concept. These later understandings rather gradually develop away from Paramrtha. On this basis, I argued taht modern scholarly understandings of *amalavijna owe more to later doxographers than to Paramrtha himself.

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This paper represents the next step in the larger project launched by that paper. Here, I study antecedents to Paramrtha's actual *amalavijna in Indian Buddhist and non-Buddhist materials, including: Upaniadic and Skhya problematics, Mainstream canonical notions of vijna/via and of purification of mind more generally, and Pugalavda; and, in contexts more closely related to *amalavijna itself, praktiprabhsvaracitta, rayaparvtti, and pure mind, variously conceived, in such texts as Ratnagotravibhga, Yogcrabhmi, Abhidharmakoa and Mahynasagrahabhya. I argue that the scope of this material preparing the ground for *amalavijna is much greater than previous studies have recognised. On this basis, I conclude that it is simplistic to hold, as previous scholarship sometimes has, that *amalavijna is a simple product of the "sinification" of Buddhist ideas. In future studies to follow this work, I intend to further examine background to *amalavijna in related ideas in China, in the two centuries leading up to Paramrtha; and on that basis, to present the case of *amalavijna as a model for a more robust and adequate method for treatment of the problem of so-called "sinification".

Wonch'uck's Understanding of Abhidharma Theories on "Buddhavacana" and His Chinese Yogacara Interpretation
Cho, Eun-Su
This paper will focus on Wonchk (613696)s interpretation of the nature of buddha-vacana and examine the way how the Abhidharma discussions on the nature of the language has been transformed into the hermeneutical task of evaluating doctrinal teachings of the different Buddhist schools. Wonchuk, a Sino-Korean monk who lived in China most of his life, was one of the two most prominent disciples of Xuanzang, the other being Kuiji. In his Commentary on the Heart Sutra, he illustrates the theories on buddha-vacana as presented by the different Abhidharma and Mahyna schools. He reiterates the established theories based on the Chinese translations of Indian Abhidharma Buddhist texts but expands the scope, prompted by his Yogcra doctrinal affiliation. The spectrum of the theories presented is from that of Sarvstivdin and Sautrntikas to the Cheng wei-shih lun. However, juxtaposed with the question of ti, essence or substance, of the Buddhas teaching (traced to Xuanzangs translation), the discussions are shifted to the evaluation of the different teachings of different schools, which was unprecedented in Indian Buddhist inquiry into the nature of the Buddhas word. This transition from the issue of language to the truth claim took place in a complicated and subtle manner in the writing of Wnchk, and Kuiji as well. It seems that they had clear ideas about how the question had sprung up in the Indian Abhidharma, but at the same time they recognized the need to adapt it to make it relevant to their own intellectual concerns. Eventually, these new issues and discourses pave way to the Huayen Buddhist discussion of the chiao-ti (essence of teaching) with the project for the hierarchical classification of the teachings.

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A Preliminary Re-examination of the Relation Between the Awakening of Faith and the Dilun Thought: The Works of Huiyuan (523-592 CE) as a Specimen
Keng, Ching
The question of the origin of the Awakening of Faith has been a hotly debated issue for decades. For scholars who argue for its Chinese provenance, the assumption was made that the Awakening of Faith was composed under the influence of the Dilun School. This paper aims to challenge this assumption by arguing that in the works of Huiyuan, arguably the most important Dilun master, we do not find the essential doctrinal feature of the Awakening of Faith, namely, the compromise or even the total obliteration of the distinction between unconditioned and conditioned dharmas. In contrast, Huiyuans works maintain a dualist scheme: e.g. his differentiation between the aspects (men ) of inherently pure (xingjing ) and expedient (fangbian ). Under this differentiation, moreover, the inherently pure aspect is unambiguously unconditioned, with no blending into conditioned dharmas. Based on this obaservation, I argue that the compromise made in the Awakening of Faith should be regarded as a new invention rather than a direct outgrowth from the Dilun School. I end this paper with possible implications of my thesis for our understanding of Dilun thought and for the early reception of the Awakening of Faith.

From an Shigao to Xuanzang: Toward a History of Translation Policies in Buddhist Chinese

Nattier, Jan
It has long been recognized that Chinese Buddhist scriptures produced in the first centuries of translation activity differ significantly from those produced during the time of Kumrajva or after. Already in the early 6th century, the great Buddhist scholar and cataloguer Sengyou had attempted to provide a representative list of old vs. new translation terminology. In subsequent centuries a threefold model came to be accepted, dividing translations into ancient (prior to the time of Kumrajva), old (from the early 5th century to the mid-7th, with Kumrajva and Paramrtha as representative examples), and new (from the mid-7th century onwards, featuring such figures as Xuanzang and Amoghavajra). Certain scholars have also attempted to categorize Buddhist translations in other ways, distinguishing between northern and southern styles or between the works of lay translators and monks. It is certain, of course, that the translations produced by An Shigao differ radically from those of Kumrajva, and that the works of Zhi Qian can easily be distinguished from those of Xuanzang. But I would suggest that categories such as ancient/old/new, northern/ southern, and so on, while perhaps helpful in a limited way, can also obscure more than they illuminate if we use them as primary approaches to categorizing Buddhist translations. In this paper I would like to approach this topic from a different angle, by simply reviewing in chronological order what can be said about the translation techniquesor more specifically, about the translation policiesthat informed the work of each major translator from the time of An Shigao in the Eastern Han to Xuanzang in the Tang. These policies can be discerned by analyzing the choices made by each translator when confronting certain challenges in translation, including how to represent Indian proper names in 207

Chinese, what to do with poetic passages in Indian scriptures, and how to translate the various epithets of the Buddha. A careful evaluation of these choices can help us to understand such varied issues as how each translator understood the fundamental differences between Chinese and Indian languages, who his target audience was, and how he viewed the role of Chinese secular literature. It can also provide insights into the degree of accommodation that each translator was willing to make with the vocabulary (and hence at least implicitly with some of the values) of indigenous Chinese religions. Having carried out such an analysis we will find that the situation is much more complicated than the standard categories would indicate. But we will also be able to trace certain distinctive lines of development in a much more nuanced way. By placing the question of translation policy at the center of our analysis I believe that we will be able come to a far better understanding of how each translator worked and what kinds of translations he strove to produce.

Hunting for Indian Impact on Chinese Chan Buddhism

Mcrae, John
The Chinese Chan tradition emerged in the sixth and seventh centuries, with no apparent impact from contemporary Indian Buddhism. That is, although the putative founder of the school, the Central Asian monk Bodhidharma (d. ca. 530), came to be thought of as having come from Southern India, and was considered to have provided the inspiration for the crucially important early text known as The Two Entrances and Four Practices (Erru sixing lun ), at this point it is impossible to detect any element in this text that must have come directly from the Western Region and without being mediated by the earlier Chinese tradition. It is possible that Bodhidharma provided the basic guidelines of the Buddha-nature construct that forms the doctrinal nucleus of The Two Entrances and Four Practices, but at this point his actual role is only conjectural. That is, it is entirely possible that the foreign sage Bodhidharma stands only as a placemarker and mechanism of legitimation for the earliest Chan lineage(s), and that the religious teachings of the school are entirely derived from the combined legacy of the Chinese Buddhist tradition. This is not to say, of course, that there is no Indian element in Chinese Chan, only that at the present level of research there is nothing known to have been directly transmitted from India to China in the sixth century that contributed to the schools development. It seems most reasonable, at this point, to explain the genesis of Chan solely with reference to the preceding centuries of Chinese Buddhism, taking into consideration only those elements of Indian Buddhism that were already known within the Chinese tradition. My goal in this project is to test the assertion just stated. That is, I will undertake to test whether or not there was any concept, practice, or other element present in Chinese Chan that was imported directly from India in the sixth-seventh centuries. Part of my task will be to articulate a methodology for identifying novel Indian elements by means of Chinese data, and I will work in collaboration with other members of this collaborative research endeavor in identifying candidate elements in contemporary Indian texts. The major part of my own work will be to examine a set of heretofore under-studied Dunhuang manuscripts, that is, those (a) written during the time period in question or very shortly thereafter, (b) including rhetoric on spiritual cultivation and other topics similar to slightly later Chan texts, and (c) 208

lacking clearly identifiable historical agendas. That is, while avoiding the historically explicit texts that have already been so well studied (but using the findings based on their study as guide), I will focus on texts of uncertain authorship and date precisely because these sources offer the best possible insight into common trends and innovative formulations.

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Indian Buddhist Thought in 6th-7th Century China I

Lin, Chen-Kuo The Yogcra Thesis of Mental Awareness Accompanying Sensory Awareness
Chu, Junjie
The Yogcra Thesis of Mental Awareness Accompanying Sensory Awareness (Abstract) The main purpose of this paper is to examine the Chinese materials concerning Dignga's theory of mental perception (mnasa pratyakam). Quite different from the interpretation of Dharmakrti's, in Xuan Zang's Chen wei shi lun and Kui Ji's commentary thereof, Dignga is interpreted, along with Sthiramati, as holding the opinion that mental awareness arises simultaneously with sensory awareness as latter's companion (sahnucara/anucara), sharing with the latter the same object-support (lambana). This kind of mental awareness is often referred to briefly as "mental awareness accompanying the five" [i.e., "five groups of sensory awarenesses"] (Wu ju yi shi, ). This interpretation has its background in the Yogcra thesis of mental awareness accompanying sensory awareness, which can be traced back to the early sources of the Yogcra system such as the Yogcrabhmi and the Sadhinirmocanastra. This thesis is expressed in two aspects: (1) The sensory awareness can last for more than one moment, since it is always accompanied by the mental awareness which can be the searching thought (paryeaka cittam) and discerning thought (nicitam cittam); (2) The mental awareness arises simultaneously with the sensory awareness and thus accompanies the latter and shares with the latter the same object-support. According to Kui Ji, this thesis is advocated by Sthiramati. This attribution, in fact, can be attested in Sthiramati's available Sanskrit works; Sthiramati also holds that this kind of mental awareness accompanying sensory awareness has the nature of being mental construction (vikalpaka) and has the clearness (spaa) in its content. All these points and Sthiramati's opinion are examined in detail through comparing the Chinese materials with the relevant available Sanskrit/Tibetan materials. By doing so the author of this paper tries to prove that, in the Chinese Yogcra tradition, Dignga is interpreted in light of the Yogcra thesis of mental awareness accompanying sensory awareness.

Buddhist Epistemology in Sixth-Century China: A Study and Annotated Translation of Jingying Huiyuan (523-592)s Essay on Three Measures of Cognition
Lin, Chen-Kuo
The wide-spreading consensus about Buddhist epistemology is that it has never received any serious attention outside of the development of Indo-Tibetan Buddhism. As clearly evident in the contemporary scholarship, the study of Chinese material in this field has been totally ignored due to the unwarranted belief that it is helpless, if not necessarily useless, for our understanding of Buddhist epistemology in the original form. According to this belief, the Chinese heritage of hetu-vidy is far less significant than the logico-epistemological tradition of Dignga and Dharmakrti in India and Tibet. In this paper, I will demonstrate with a textual and doctrinal study of Jingying Huiyuan (523-592)s Essay on Three Measures of 211

Cognition (Sanliang Zhiyi ) that Chinese Buddhists did present the peculiar version of epistemology in the sixth century. I will also place Huiyuan and Dignga side by side to see the different paths taken by them to confront the same tradition of hetu-vidy. Unlike Dignga, who attempts to lay down logico-epistemology as the universal foundation for all philosophical systems, including the Buddhist and non-Buddhist, Huiyuan rather considers epistemological analysis as one of the various stages in the progressive course of meditation. Unlike Dignga again, Huiyuan contends that each of three means of cognition has both particular (shi ) and universal (li ) as the object of cognition. That is, perception is directed to both particular and universal as the object of cognition. The same is true for inference (anumna) and authoritative teaching (gama). This theory looks totally odd to Digngas system. It is therefore the intent of this paper to explain Huiyuans ontology of prameya.

Indian Logic and Metaphysics Found in Kuiji's Cheng Weishilun Shuji ( ) a Preliminary Report on His Knowledge of the Skhya System
Katsura, Shoryo
Kuijis commentary on Cheng weishilun is a treasure house of various theories of Indian and Buddhist Logic and Metaphysics that must have been known by Xuangzang. I presented a paper on Kuijis knowledge of Digngas theory of apoha at the last IABS conference in Atlanta three years ago. Since then I have been working on his knowledge of non-Buddhist philosophical systems such as Skhya and Vaieika. In this paper I would like to focus on his knowledge of Skhya system, viz., the twenty five principles/realities (tattva) such as purua and prakti as well as their doctrine of evolution (parima).

The Cognition of Nonexistent Objects: Five Yogcra Proofs

Yao, Zhihua
Do all the knowables exist? Can we know things that do not exist? It seems that everything that we know must be something, that is, a being. Now can we know a nonbeing? This issue has been discussed and debated over throughout the history of Indian and Buddhist philosophy. In particular, we find rich sources on the concept of the cognition of nonexistent objects (asad-lambana-jna) in the Buddhist philosophy. The present paper will focus on the early Yogcra view on the issue as found in the encyclopedic Yogcrabhmi. This text offers five proofs for the cognition of nonexistent objects and suggests a possible linkage of this concept to the concept of non-cognition (anupalabdhi) as developed later by the Buddhist logicians. I will evaluate each of the five proofs in their historical context as well as against the backdrop of contemporary theory of intentionality.

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The Nonduality of Speech and Silence: A Comparative Analysis of Jizangs Thought on Language and Beyond
Ho, Chien-Hsing
Jizang (549623 CE), the key philosophical exponent of the Sanlun school of Chinese Buddhism, based his philosophy considerably on his reading of the works of Ngrjuna (c. 150250 CE), the founder of the Indian Madhyamaka school. However, although Jizang sought to follow Ngrjuna closely, there are salient features in his thought on language that are notably absent from Ngrjunas works. In this paper, I present a philosophical analysis of Jizangs views of the relationship between speech and silence and compare them with those of Ngrjuna. I first elaborate on Ngrjunas doctrine of twofold truth and discuss his thought concerning the relationship between language and ineffable quiescence. I then examine Jizangs interpretation of the doctrine. Thereafter, I distinguish silence qua teaching from silence qua principle and examine Jizangs views on the relationship between speech and these two kinds of silence. It is shown that while Ngrjuna leans toward affirming a clear-cut distinction between speech and the ineffable quiescence, Jizang endorses the nonduality of conventional speech and sacred silence.

The Reception, Dissemination and Analysis of Hetu-vidy in China

Lusthaus, Dan
Most studies of Buddhist logic and epistemology (hetu-vidy) take Dharmakrti and his successors as their conceptual baseline, treating Dignga as his ancestor (and thus reading Dharmakirtian notions into Dignga to various extents), and whatever preceded Dignga as primitive at best. Indic hetu-vidy materials entered China for several centuries up to but not including the work of Dharmakrti and his successors, making the Chinese corpus ideal for studying what hetu-vidy was like and how it was understood in India prior to Dharmakrti. It also shows how translators and Chinese Buddhists wrestled with presenting these ideas to a Chinese audience to whom they were completely exotic. Instead of being taken as a minor, peripheral pastime, hetu-vidy, in particular the Nyyapravea and Nyyamukha, the two major hetu-vidy translations by Xuanzang, became a major sensation, even leading to a major national and imperial court scandal, to which Huili's Biography of Xuanzang devotes an entire book. We also see a variety of the best minds of the time, including several in Korea, such as Wnhyo, wrestling with these new concepts and devoting analytic and creative energy to decoding and deploying them. In this paper, after a general overview of the introduction and dissemination of hetu-vidy in China, including an account of the Nyyapravea scandal, I will focus on key issues in three texts: (1) the hetu-vidy section of the Yogcrabhmi (with attention to related passages in the Abhidharmasamuccaya), (2) the Nyyamukha, a crucial text by Dignga that only survives in two Chinese translations, and (3) Wnhyo's discussion of the new logic, Critical Discussion on Inference (Kor. P'an piryang non, Ch. Pan Biliang lun. Integrated into my analysis will be a section of the Buddhabhmyupadea (Fodijinglun ) that discusses opposing interpretations of Dignga. These will allow us to gauge pre-Digngan, Digngan, and East Asian understandings, respectively.

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Japan and Korea

Section Moderator: Pye, Michael Japanese Buddhist Responses to Historicist Rationalism
Pye, Michael
In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, intellectual leaders of the Buddhist world of Japan were responding rapidly to various pressures usually summed up in the one word "modernisation". Against a background of increasing nationalism and warfare there were also those who sincerely sought to share positive religious insights with the wider world. Modernisation meant more than politics and economics. It also included the pressure of historical and rational enquiry into religious traditions, and this too caused significant turbulence. This paper will consider how these challenges were met by a number of authors in the Shin Buddhist tradition such as Kiyozawa Manshi (1863-1903), Murakami Sensh (18511929), Sasaki Gessh (1875-1926), Akanuma Chizen (1884-1937), Yokogawa Kensh (19041940), Sugihira Shizutoshi (1899-1984) and others.

Infant Salvation in Japanese Pure Land Buddhism

Kenney, Elizabeth
What is the postmortem fate of a fetus that dies in the womb? This near-universal religious question was debated by Buddhist priests of the Jdo Shinsh (True Pure Land Sect) during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. When framed in Jdo Shinsh terms, the questions become: Can a baby, too young even to pronounce the nenbutsu , much less have true faith in Amidas vow, be born in the Pure Land? Can priests perform merit-transfer rituals for the baby? Can parents say the nenbutsu on behalf of the baby? Does the baby somehow share in its mothers piety? To answer these questions, the Edo-period writers had to consider (1) doctrine, e.g., Buddhist teachings on karma, Pure Land rejection self-power, Shinrans dismissal of funerals and merit-transfer rituals, (2) temple practice, i.e., mortuary services for the dead, and (3) a humane urge to alleviate the fear and helplessness felt by grieving parents. This debate on infant Birth in the Pure Land, known as shni j , provides a glimpse of the Edo-period Jdo Shinsh scholarly world, something that has been almost entirely unexplored in Western scholarship. On a more general level, the topic sheds light on Edoperiod views of childhood and hints at a view of life in the womb that is not as negative as the canonical Buddhist descriptions. In addition, this Japanese debate is strikingly similar to Christian arguments about whether unbaptized babies can go to Heaven and whether vicarious baptism is permissible.

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The Theory of Karmic Retribution in Ancient Korea: Its History and Significance
Kim, Jongmyung
Transmitted to Korea from China, Buddhism was officially recognized in Korea in the fourth century and the ancient period of Korea ended in the tenth century. This research aims to examine the theory of karmic retribution in ancient Korea, focusing on its history and significance. To this end, this paper will analyze such primary sources as the Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms, the Biographies of Eminent Korean Monks, the Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, and the Collected Works of Korean Buddhism. Scholars have debated about what the Buddha actually taught. However, they agree that it includes the Four Noble Truths and the Theory of Dependent Origination. In addition, the early teaching of the Buddha was a life education system, which emphasized how to live correctly by self-power, and rejected prayers for blessings and incantation. However, the nature of Buddhism has changed across time and space. Buddhism developed in Asian countries after the death of the Buddha has served as a religion for blessings and its underlying doctrine was the theory of karmic retribution. Korea was not an exception in this regard. Buddhism has primarily functioned as a religion for blessings in Korean history and the Buddhist doctrine that exerted the most significant influence on the Buddhist activities of the Korean people was also the theory of karmic retribution. Therefore, who and what caused such a change and what the actual role of the theory was in Korean history have been long standing scholarly interests of mine. In addition, the Buddhism that was transmitted from China to Korea was Sinicized Buddhism rather than the early teaching of the Buddha. Chan monks of China in the seventh century also regarded the Buddhist paradise after death as a skilful means for people of inferior spiritual faculty and denied it. Therefore, this research hopes contribute to clarifying the nature of Korean Buddhism in particular, and by extension, Asian Buddhism in general.

Revisiting the Theravdin Versus Pudgalavdin Controversy to Reevaluate the Non-Theistic Universal Humanity as Evidenced in Dgens Zen Writing Shb-Genz Uji ( )
Ichimura, Shohei
The contemporary movement of globalization has already been manifest in the trend of political and economic upheavals of human life throughout the world. A similar process of violence and destruction has been painfully experienced in the religious and cultural dimensions as well. We have witnessed the trend of contrariety against the realization of human nature as well as that of harmonious friendly association. In this circumstance, the Buddhist world seems to have been pressured by monotheistic religions which are strongly oriented towards some form of world order among themselves. It is true that modern Buddhist Studies was initially started in the West as part of Enlightenment Movement of the 19th century. Those disinterested minds of rational academicians directed their exercise of scientific discipline of textual critique and unbiased interpretation to all traditional beliefs, customs, and societies. But this movement simultaneously created a strong reaction in terms of fundamentalist movement within each religious and cultural sector against rational humanist movement. Because of the rising

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trend of religious fundamentalism during the past two decades, Buddhist Studies seems to have been arrested from developing new innovating directions. The present paper is essentially to re-evaluate the non-theistic universal basis of humanity as an important factor for the continual advancement of liberal and scientific thought. The reason that the author of the Kathvatthu introduced the logical argument of the orthodox Theravdin and the heterodox Pudgalavdin views of empirical self (pudgala) as its major subject matter was that the conflict not only reflected their mutual invalidation from the point of logical demonstration between transcendent non-Self (paramrtha) and empirical self (vyavahra), but also it may have reflected the ultimate antithesis between Buddhist and Brhmanical points of view. Historically, therefore, the Buddhists of each period continued to strive for their insight and practice to resolve this problem of contradiction as evident with the Madhyamaka and Yogcra systems of thought and practice. These Indian Buddhist schools were, in turn, transmitted to Tibet and China through which to those of Far Eastern countries. Wherever it was transmitted, similar tasks were necessarily carried out by Buddhist masters to realize their religious goal. Dgen (12001253), a Japanese Zen master, too strived in the same task and wrote 95 essays to teach his disciples on his insight and practice. Dgens essay Uji, which is tentively translated here as Real Moment of Existence, refers to whatever fact of experience that an individual designates in terms of word and meaning. As Madhyamaka and Yogcara, Dgen must have resolved that contradiction which was formalized for the first time by the author of Kathvatthu in logical terms. Dgen, however, immediately identifies empirical self and whatever is experienced word and meaning as real moment of existence (uji) bypassing the problem of the said contradiction. What underlies his thought of this identification is his insight into the transcedent dharmas of the Skandhas that configure empirical phenomena at every moment of existence, though he does not mention the term at all in that essay. The paper is made focus to the universal nature of this existential basis, irrespective of different conceptual or belief systems of an individual person.

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Jtaka Stories (I)

Appleton, Naomi; Sheravanichkul, Arthid Contested Bodies: Jataka Narratives, Apocryphal Sutras and Filial Cannibalism in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Art
Kyan, Winston
Buddhist narratives of Sujati, a prince who cuts his flesh to feed his starving parents, are among the most graphic jataka illustrations from medieval China. These images also implicate two views of the body commonly understood as contradictory; while Buddhist beliefs accepted bodily destruction as breaking the bonds of physical attachment, the Chinese value of filiality rejected bodily injury as insulting the parental gift of life. How does Sujatis sacrifice negotiate the perceived cultural conflict between Buddhist self-renunciation and filial self-preservation? By reading the iconography of Sujati images against a discussion of gegu liaoqin (cutting the thigh to cure parents), a popular practice of curing parental sickness through the offering of a childs flesh, this paper situates itself at the intersections of art history, folk practices, and religious debates to investigate the role of women, the body and art in negotiating the relationship between filial piety and Buddhism in medieval China.

What Can the Absence of a Jain Jtaka Genre Tell Us About Buddhism?
Appleton, Naomi
Like Buddhist traditions, Jain traditions preserve a preponderance of stories about peoples past lives. Unlike Buddhist traditions, relatively few of these stories narrate the past lives of the traditions central figure, the jina. In Jainism there is no equivalent path to the bodhisatt(v)a path; the karma that guarantees jinahood is bound a mere two births before that attainment, and the person who attracts that karma cannot do so willfully, nor is he aware of its being bound. As a consequence there is no Jain equivalent to the ubiquitous jtaka literature. In this paper I will explore what the absence of the jtaka genre in Jain traditions can tell us about its role in early Buddhism. I will argue that this contrast tells us much about the ways in which the two traditions viewed their founders, their ideal goals, and the effects of the forces of karma on an individuals future prospects.

Explaining the Buddhas Afflictions: Karmic Strands, Good Means, or Just Aches and Pains.
Strong, John
As is well know, the Buddha, in his final life, suffered from a number of afflictions, such as bodily pains, illnesses, physical attacks, and slanders. In time, such negativities were considered to be part of a buddhas biographical blueprint, and the elucidation (at Lake Anavatapta) of the karmic reasons for them and jtakas connected to them came to be seen as one of the ten indispensable actions of all buddhas. A number of scholars have interested themselves in this so-called bad karma of the Buddha. Not all Buddhists, however, agreed 219

that the Buddhas sufferings were due solely to actions in his previous lives. In this paper, I would like to try to categorize a number of exegetical stances that have been taken with regard to this issue: (1) the Buddha is to blame for his own afflictions since they were the results of his own negative deeds in previous births; (2) the Buddha is not to blame for his own afflictions since they were due to causes other than his own karma; (3) the Buddha suffered these afflictions in his physical body only; his mind was unaffected by them; and (4) the Buddha only pretended to suffer these afflictions out of conformity to the ways of the world. They were actually manifestations of his compassion and skill in means (upya). It is my overall contention that these lists of afflictions, common to all traditions, helped Buddhists pose, contextualize and concretize, from a variety of doctrinal perspectives, a number of questions dealing with the nature of the Buddhas relationship to this world of suffering.

The Employment and Significance of the Sadpraruditas Jtaka Story in Different Buddhist Traditions
Shi, Chang Tzu
The jtaka story of the Bodhisattva Sadprarudita (literally meaning Ever Weeping), the most well known version of which is found in the Aashasrik prajpramit stra, is an interesting story that has been used in different ways in various Buddhist traditions that flourished in India, Central Asia, China and Tibet. For example, the story is quoted and discussed in quite a few commentarial works in Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan and it is found in the Prasannapda by Candrakrti, the Sikasamuccaya by ntideva, and the works attributed to Marpa, Milarepa, Gampopa, Rechungpa, Tsongkhapa. In some works Sadprarudita is presented as the paragon of one who searches for pajpramit, and in others he is the model for those who desire to serve their gurus. In China, moreover, during the early stage of the Pure Land tradition, Sadprarudita was regarded as the preeminent exemplar of one practicing buddhasmti (recalling the Buddha). This paper will examine the story of Sadprarudita as it is preserved in different sources, and will address its significance and the possible reasons for its employment.

Jtaka Scenes in Kizil Grottoes, -Focus on the Wall Paintings Depicting on Sudna Jtaka of Kizil Cave 81Nakagawara, Ikuko
Dna Pramit, or an offering is the first of sadpramit, i.e. six kinds of transcendental virtue in Mahyna Buddhism. Sudna Jtaka is aimed at complete offering. The story which a prince named Sudna offers everything at a persons request has been familiar with Buddhist culture area, spread out from India to Southeast Asia, Central Asia and China. Kizil Cave 81 was found in 1982 and has the wall paintings which depict Sudna Jtaka as pictorial frieze with many scenes. Its importance has been realized by many scholars who are studying narrative literature, Buddhist study and Art history, nevertheless by the reason that very few pictures have been published and the actual situation of these paintings is obscure, this subject has not been studied in detail.

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The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview on the Sudna-Jtaka of Kizil Cave 81. Firstly we make a detailed report of the existing situation of these wall paintings and create lineal drawings on the basis of practical survey. And then we would compare wall paintings with several Buddhist literatures and discuss about an iconographical interpretation. Furthermore we would consider the problem of narrative arrangement and expressions of some motives. This time the wall paintings of Sudna-Jtaka in Kizil Cave 81 was identified as the offering of white elephant", the entreaty of final donation before banishment, Sudna telling his wife to be banished, Brahman taking to wife, the donation of two children, the repurchase of two grandchildren from Brahman, King putting his grandchildren on his knees", " Sudna asking for permission. One remarkable feature is arrangement of narrative scenes in this cave. Once narrative cycle of Kizil Cave 81 has been regarded as the story unfolded in clockwise direction, but in fact the story was put several scenes together in the places of event like Indian tradition. The events which took place in the city, the offering of white elephant", were depicted in the east wall, the events which took place in the forest e.g. the donation of two children are depicted on the east wall, the events which took place in the palace, e.g. the repurchase of two grandchildren from Brahman are depicted on the east wall, the events which took place in the forest of asceticism, e.g. the donation of two children are depicted on the left wall.

From Jataka to Avadana and Pranidhi Paintings at Kucha and Turfan

Zhu, Tianshu
Kucha is a major Buddhist center on the Northern Route of the Silk Road and is well known for being predominated by the Sarvastivada School for most of its Buddhist history. Replacing the jataka story, the avadana story (story of causation) became the major theme depicted on the ceiling of central-pillar caves in this area (fifth-seventh centuries). Turfan is another important culture center in Central Asia where Buddhism once flourished. The pranidhi ( vow) painting, which was based on the Mulasarvastivada Bhaisajyavastu, a vinaya of the Mulasarvastivada school, was a unique subject that appeared in Buddhist caves in Turfan (ninth-twelfth centuries), normally on the walls. Both the avadana and pranidhi stories are derived from jataka stories but with significant shift of focus, as well as the format of the narrative. In this paper, through studying the avadana and pranidhi paintings at Kucha and Turfan and comparing them with jatakas in early Buddhist art, I attempt to show how jataka stories were transformed for different doctrinal messages of Buddhist teaching in late Hinayana schools, namely Sarvastivada and Mulasarvastivada; and how the visual representations mirror the narrative styles in Buddhist texts.

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Jtaka Stories (II)

Appleton, Naomi; Sheravanichkul, Arthid The Mahsattva Rj Kumr Jtaka: Geographic and Diachronic Domestications in Nepal
Lewis, Todd
For at least the last 1500 years and likely earlier, the stories in the Sanskrit textual collections have been translated into the local vernaculars of countless Buddhist communities. This process can still be studied in the Kathmandu Valley, where the vast trove of manuscripts provided an immense realm of possibility for transposing narratives for popular teaching in Nepal Bhasa, or Newari. Vernacular Newari collections of often-told Buddhist tales are common in the local archives and public story telling by pandit narrators survived into the late 20th century, as have paintings of various stories. The subject of this paper, the Mahsattva Rj Kumr Jtaka, is one of the most famous bodhisattva narrative tales, a story of the prince-bodhisattva giving his life to save a starving tigress and her subs. This unusual jtaka has been documented as a working text that was domesticated in Buddhist communities from central Asia to Japan. Peoples in various parts of the Buddhist world claimed that the dramatic events recounted in this story happened in their territory back then. Newar Buddhism is one that makes this claim: this jtaka was among the few that was transposed into the local culture and geography. Newar tradition has it that the bodhisattvas sacrifice was made at the site called Namo Buddha, an hour or so walk from the city of Dhulikhel, east of and just outside of the Kathmandu Valley proper. Tibetans share in venerating this site through pilgrimage visits, and in recent years, through building substantial monasteries proximate to the site. This paper will review the material record of the Mahsattva Rj Kumr Jtakas presence in local Newar Buddhist culture through paintings in a variety of traditional display forms, from the vertical paubha and long horizontal multi-tier paintings, to the frescoes painted on the walls of monasteries and private homes. Special focus will be on the hand-written vernacular summaries of story scenes that Newar Buddhist narrators have created on various lithographs presenting this story, and now how the narrative is retold in comic book form. Patterns of change in the details of recounting this one story will be analyzed, and related to other changes at work in the local Buddhist community.

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Dynamism of the Mahachat Ceremony in Modern Thailand: a Case Study of Mahachat Khamluang, Thet Mahachat, and Mahachat Songkhrueng
Sheravanichkul, Arthid
The Vessantara Jataka or so-called in Thai Mahachat is considered the most important jataka in Thai Buddhist culture as reflected in numerous versions of texts, in arts, and, importantly, in the Thet Mahachat ceremony which is prevalent in every region of Thailand. The ceremony is cherished by the belief that those who listen to the text recitation and make offerings to the thousand verses of the Vessantara Jataka will be reborn in the blissful time of the future Buddha Maitreya. This paper is an attempt to explore the dynamism of the Mahachat ceremony in Thailand in the modern context. In this research, three forms of the Mahachat ceremony, namely the Mahachat Khamluang chanting ceremony in the Temple of the Emerald Buddha during the vassa, the annual Thet Mahachat ceremony in Wat Phra Chetuphon and Wat Ratcha Sittharam, Bangkok, and the Mahachat Songkhrueng performance will be considered. The study reveals that these three Mahachat ceremonies are held with different purposes and factors. Besides, the Mahachat chanting and performance are now recorded in DVD or broadcasted on the websites, which is out of the ritualistic context. This demonstrates the dynamism of the Mahachat ceremony in modern Thailand. It still plays a significant role in Thai society and has various functions. The first two traditional forms of the Mahachat ceremony still persist while the new form is also developed to suit the audience in the modern world.

Candakinnara Jataka: A Reflection of Jataka Culture in Thailand

Chongstitvatana, Suchitra
The study is an attempt to explore a 'Jataka Culture' in Thailand through one of the most romantic pali jatakas--Candakinnara Jataka. It is found that in Thailand the 'romance' in the jataka is not an obstacle for its didactic mission. On the contrary, the 'romance' of faithful love and devotion of a wife to her husband enhance the 'dharma' message in the text and at the same time inspire various versions of literary and artistic creation. This romantic jataka of love is composed into various great poetical works--Candakinnara Kham Chan in the late Ayutthaya period as well as other Klon Suat, and also into a beautiful drama play in the Rattanakosin period. Thus, this jataka reflects a clear evidence of Thai 'Jataka Culture' where a 'religious' Buddhist text is artistically conveyed to the Buddhist audience in the society with the most undeniable power of beauty and charisma. This in turn, fulfills the ideal goal of a religious text in Thai society.

The Mahkapijtaka From Various Materials

Hwang, Soonil
From the remaining stone reliefs in Barhut and Sanchi as well as a mural painting survived in the cave 17 in Ajanta, the Mahkapijtaka seems to have been very popular among Indian Buddhists from the 1st century BCE to the 3rd or 4th century CE. The story of this great monkey king has been preserved in the Jtaka in the Pali canon including the exegetical 224

explanation from the Theravda Buddhist perspective. Fortunately, this story was also adapted as an elaborate and polished morality tale, stylistically similar to the Pacatantra and the Hitopadea in Hindu tradition, by rya ra in his Jtakaml. This collection of Buddhist morality tales becomes popular later both in Tibet and in Mongolia. This great monkey king story was even depicted in a ground mineral pigment painting on cotton in Mongolia in the 19th century. In this presentation, I am going to analyze the similarities and differences between the three different versions: the verses in the Pali Jtaka, the core of the story, the Theravda exegetical explanation, popular in Southern Buddhism, and the rya ras stylistic adaptation, spreading around Northern India, Tibet and Mongolia. In this process I hope to show how the simple storyline focusing on leadership and self-sacrifice becomes complex religious and morality tales appeared in the Theravda exegetical tradition and the rya ras Jtakaml. While the former was exquisitely linked to the relic cult, the latter continued to be lessons on morality from the very start to the end.

Fruit Maidens, Cannibalism, and Flesh-covered Statues: Expanding the Jtakas in Thai Painting
Mcdaniel, Justin
In traditional Buddhist art, it is often assumed that murals, reliefs, and cloth/silk paintings are narratives supposed to be read. Students of Thai religion and art learn that these narratives tell ethical stories and are therefore used as pedagogical tools for teaching the unlettered masses. In this way, paintings are secondary textual aids. They represent a lesser form of traditional learning. While there are certainly hundreds of examples of murals drawn from jtakas (either canonical or apocryphal Southeast Asian jtakas), in this article I argue that often Buddhist paintings in Thailand either do not attempt to represent these jtakas accurately or create new scenes and new versions of jtakas disconnected from known textual sources. In this paper, I look closely at several examples of Thai mural and cloth painting, as well as illuminated manuscripts to show the often tenuous connection between text and art.

Not for Enlightenment of Svaka, Nor That of Paccekabuddha: The Motive for Bodhisattas' Offering of Themselves in the Pasajtaka.
Unebe, Toshiya
Over diverse areas of Southeast Asia, various collections of Jtaka stories, bearing the same title Pasa-jtaka, are widely spread. Small groups of Japanese scholars has been working on manuscripts scribed in Khmer (Khom) script to edit the Central Thai Pli version of the Pasa-jtaka. In course of studying them, scholars have pointed out that some stories in the Pasa-jtaka have certain elements that have been thought to be exclusive to Northern (Mahyana) Buddhism.

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As I have pointed out elsewhere, Dhammasoaka-jtaka, which is the 19th story in the most common thirty-nine story manuscripts of the Central Thai Pli Pasa-jtaka, narrates the story of a bodhisatta named Dhammasoaka who was willing to risk his life to learn verses teaching impermanence (anicca) from Indra disguising himself as a yakkha. This story is not included in the Pli Tipiaka. Although the name of the main character is not mentioned, an identical story has been well-known in Japan from an early period, since this story is included in the Mahyna-mahparinirva-stra. In this story, when Dhammasoaka is about to dive into a yakkas mouth from a steep cliff, he declares that he wants to attain omniscience (sabbautaa) but not happiness of a human being, heavenly gods, Brahma, the four guardian gods, nor a Cakkavatti king; not even the enlightenment of svakas, nor that of paccekabuddhas. It is well-known that Mahyna-stras, for example, Aashasrik-prajpramit-stra expresses the similar idea repeatedly, although the wording is not identical. Similar kind of declarations of bodhisattas can be found in several stories of the Pasajataka. In this presentation, I will collect such declarations and examine the context where they are. I will also compare them with corresponding passages found in the Burmese Pli version of Pasa-jtaka and related stories existing in Sanskrit or Chinese.

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Korean Buddhism and Environmental Activism

Cho, Eun-Su Ecological Ideas in the Heritage of Korean Seon Buddhism
Seo, Jaeyeong
It was the early 9th century of Shilla that Seon (Ch: Chan, J: Zen) Buddhism was first introduced to Korea. Seon Buddhism introduced to Shilla the concepts and framework a selfdisciplinary culture distinct from the doctrinal schools that were mainstream at the time. As Seon monasteries were located deep in the mountains, wherein practitioners committed themselves to meditation, naturally Seon monks formed profound connections with nature and expressed in such ecologically oriented lines of thought as, "Heaven and Earth share the same root as me." This endemic respect for nature and life expressed in the lives and thoughts of the Seon masters was reflected in qinggui (K: cheonggyu), the set of disciplinary monastic rules first instituted by the Tang Dynasty Chan master of Baizhang and subsequently accepted and maintained by Korean monasteries. Promoting respect for life and altruistic actions towards others, the Chinese qinggui helped to lay the foundations for the ecological concerns shared in Korean Seon Buddhist tradition. The "Bongam-sa community" formed in 1947 at the monastery delineates such environmental concerns in its community pact, envisioned as an expression of the traditional values still present in the modern day Jogye Order of Seon Buddhism. The Korean monastic way of serving meals, called Baru gongyang, is one such representation of the maintenance of traditional ecological concerns in Seon monastic life. The residents of monastic compounds share humble vegetarian meals organized to avoid any waste of food and conclude each meal by washing their bowls with drinking water to wash out any remaining scraps that can be left outside to share with wild animals. The practitioners of Seon Buddhism are taught to live a humble and simple life with appreciation of small things, to be able to serve as an alternative choice of life style in the age of environmental crises and mass production and consumption.

The Buddhist Ecological Movement in Contemporary Korea and Monastic Activism

Lee, Doheum
Koreans have long believed that there are spirits in all nature and practiced various rituals to worship those spirits. In accordance with these spiritual traditions and the influential philosophies of the Korean Buddhist monks Wonhyo and Euisang, Korean Buddhism cherishes all living species and maintains a religious practice according to such principles. In-depth studies of ecology, eco-feminism and social ecology have been under discussion in the West. In Korea, however, the pre-standing Buddhist ecology holds all these issues in common while simultaneously sustaining Buddhist values which connect nature and mankind. In the past few years, Korean monks like Dobeop lead such eco-movements for sustainable living as the Indramang (Indras Net) movement. Indramang gestures to the Huayen Buddhist philosophy that "all phenomena exist only as interdependent upon other phenomena, and the one is closely connected, and is penetrated to all mutually." From 28 227

March, 2003 to 31 May, Monk Sugyong practiced the "3 Steps and 1 Bow" movement, in which with every three steps he bowed once for repentance, for 305 kilometers to stop the Saemangeum Project. The pioneering efforts of monks such as these in Korea have galvanized national public attention around both the environment and the ecologically aware character of Buddhism. Ever conscious of the sanctity of all forms of life famously cautious even when drinking not to unintentionally destroy life Korean Buddhists have subsequently become fervently involved in environmental activism. Buddhist ecological movements promote the value of interconnectedness, emphasizing the eco-systemic relation between others and the self; the principle against the killing of any creature and the principle of mercy; and the assertion that nature and humanity are not separate concepts, but that the mountains, river, trees, and plants all believed to be part of dharmadhatu. Buddhist ecology emphasizes as well moral values based on the doctrine of karma and samsara and suggests finally that people should pursue freedom and happiness through practicing liberation from desire.

Sustainable Development and Buddhist Economics

Park, Kyoung-Joon
Among the major global primarily with two principles; one the coexistence of humans and nature and the other equality among classes, nations, and generations. Regarding both principles, Buddhism emerges as a holistic amalgamation of ideologies that support the sustainable agenda. While reinforcing ecological principles, Buddhism acknowledges as well the reality of systems of economic production and encourages the pursuit of profit and the improvement of production through technological innovations. However Buddhism endorses neither the view that humans are subject to nature nor that nature is subject to humans, but instead counsels a conciliatory course of action. Therefore Buddhist economics cannot be measured by monetary value alone, but instead must support environmental value, social value, and spiritual value as well. From the viewpoint of Buddhist economics, the term economical is more correctly described as the total quality of life than as the quality of goods. The Buddhist model of integrated economical and ecological philosophies provides a compelling study. Buddhist ecological activists argue for the realization that all things that exist in nature possess intrinsic value, as well as that humanity and nature are essentially one being. Such a philosophy might broaden our scope from an anthropocentric appraisal of human interests to one that considers the Buddhist view that humanity is only a fraction of the entire ecosystem. A paradigmatic shift of this nature might begin to incline today's materialist culture towards an alternative cultural model geared towards a Buddhist concept of nirvana.

Jiyul Sunims Eco-Feminist Activism and Its Buddhist Foundations

Cho, Eun-Su
This paper introduces and explores Jiyul Sunims efforts to protect nature and the environment in Korea, an undertaking necessitated by the widespread and rapid industrialization and growth in modern Korea. Jiyul Sunim was a Buddhist nun of Naewonsa, a monastery located in Mt. Cheonseong in southeast Korea, where a controversial 13 kilometer express-train tunnel was to be constructed. Although her efforts in fighting for nature have created a huge response in Korean society and have elicited many analyses of her protest movement, there has as of yet been no discussion of the strong Buddhist 228

convictions that underlie her activism, particularly the Huayen doctrine of dependent causality. Her Green Resonance movement is intended to raise awareness and sensitivity about our own reciprocity of being, as it is inherently connected to nature. That is, we too are connected to nature, although we can become insensitive to that connection through a lack of communication. This broader vision of connection gestures also to a broader approach to communication, through channels other than language and media. The language of nature, for example, is especially expressed through visual presentations. Jiyul Sunims exceptionally visual presentations in photo journals and other digital media represent her holistic vision of the Buddhist world. Her activism offers an exceptional case study of the application of Buddhist ideas on nature and environmentalism, while also demonstrating a particular interpretation of eco-feminism drawn from Buddhist concepts.

Combination of Buddhist Mountain God Worship and Buddha's Land

Wan, Jung
Conception in Korea If the Taoist faith took into place since the Big Dipper in Chinese Taoism was mixed with Buddhism, in Korean Buddhism the Mountain God settled down as one of the gods protecting the Dharma. When Buddhism accepted traditional beliefs it selected one of the gods protecting the Dharma and imposed it to play a role of protecting Buddhism in part. The Mountain God is a guardian of a temple and an outer god of praying for the peace and tranquility of life in the mountain. Out of Buddhist countries only Korea has Mountain spirit shines which are special buildings. The faith of worshiping mountain spirit started from the idea such as the belief in the heavenly god. Hwanin in the Dangun mythology corresponds to the heavenly god, and Hwanwung to mountain spirit. That is, it can be said that the mountain spirit is a proxy of the heavenly god. Our ancestors believed that nation founders or brave generals would become mountain gods after their death and protect this nation and keep its villages becoming guardians. That's why the nation selected and worshiped famous mountains as gods of protecting it. Mountain gods' sex varied depending on the times and religions. the Holy Mother of Mt. Sundo, the Saint Mother in Mt. Chisul, the Saint mother Wisook of Mt. Jiri, Jung Hyun Mother Owner of Mt. Gaya, the Heavenly Maid Byun Jae of Mt. Yungchi, the Saint Mother Woonje of Mt. Woonje, and Golhwa, Narim and Hyule appearing in Yu Shin Kim were all mountain goddesses. Probably, the reason why the public thought mountain gods as females they believed in earlier on is because they valued the generative power arising from females' pregnancy and childbirth. As mentioned above, the Korean people who thought that mountains have gods and they protect humanity combined the Buddha's land conception that Buddhist saints stay in mountains as Buddhism was introduced. It was from the age of united Silla when the Buddha's land conception was prevalent that they began to build historic temples in famous mountains.

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The nature-friendly cultural tradition of worshiping mountains and believing mountain gods and goddesses in traditional society will make us have a new understanding of the ecological importance of mountains and the value of their preservation and in this context the mountain god faith of Korean Buddhism will be able to readjust its position playing a new role.

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Kumarjva and the Development of Early Mahayana Meditation in ChinaRemarks on Textual and Iconographic Evidence
Yit, Kin-Tung From rvaka Meditation to Bodhisattva Meditation
Yit, Kin-Tung
This paper attempts to examine one important meditation text compiled by Kumrajva, the Zuo chan san mei jing( , Sitting meditation samdhi stra), on how rvaka meditation () being transformed into Bodhisattva meditation( ). From the analysis of five fundamental meditation methods (wu men chan fa ), it is found that detailed practices of rvaka meditation is elucidated, and it is mentioned that as a result of these practices the stage of one mindedness (yi xin, ) or samdhi ( ) shall be attained. Based on this samdhi stage, advanced states of the Bodhisattva meditation can therefore be developed. Core mahyanic qualities are practiced, such as the three determinations, the Mahkarua mind and the insight towards the reality of dharmas. This indicates that the Bodhisattva meditation is in fact established under the application and involvement of rvaka meditation. This paper seeks to explore if this is a significant creativity made by Kumrajva, and whether this contribution has been hence stimulating the cultivation of mahyana meditation later developed in medieval China

The Pure Land Practice of Visualizing Reality by Kumrajva

Lai, Wen-Yin
The reality meditation of Kumrajva centers on visualization of dharmakya, so is his practice of Pure Land. The Methods on visualization of Amityus, and the visualization of all realities chapters in the Si-wei le-yao fa purported written by Kumrajva explicated two influential points. First, one should master the visualization of emptiness before visualizing Buddhas, the reality of all dharmas, i.e., the ultimate, profound emptiness and undefilement of all objects and beings. Second, if one wished to be reborn in the country of Amityus, one should always generate compassion toward all beings and dedicate all benevolent thoughts. Kumrajva expounded further in the commentary of the Vimlakrti Sutra that the Bodhisattvas have to accomplish all three causes: the Bodhisattvas' merits, sentient beings, and sentient beings' merits, and only after fulfilling these three causes with all sentient beings then can the Bodhisattvas make the Pure Land possible. This concept may have derived from the Central Asian practice of the four immeasurable minds. This paper examines how Kumrajva 's visualization of Pure Land centers upon the reality of Mahyna dharmakya, including Buddha's dharmakya and Bodhisattva's dharmakya by practicing Mahyna compassionate actions. Cave 169 of Ping-ling-si may preserve one of the earliest surviving fully developed Pure Land Visualization images, the Amityus niche, which represents one important example of the reality visualization in the Northern Route Buddhism area. 231

The Doctrine of three Periods Buddhas of Kuan-he and the Thousand Buddhas Thought in He-hsi Region
Huang, Yun-Ju
The term thousand Buddhas can be seen in the Hsien-chieh san-mei ching translated by Dharmaraka . The characteristics of the image is that large amount of small seated Buddhas are arranged in rows and lines in perpendicular to each others and sometimes with inscriptions next to each Buddha. It has been a popular iconography in the He-hsi region for centuries. From the Toyulk Caves in Turfan, Thousand Caves in Dun-huang, to Ping-ling Temple in T'ien-shui, there were numerous caves painted with bright-colored Buddhas in the caves used for meditation by high monks. Three periods Buddhas and Buddhas of the ten directions are two major systems in Northern Route Buddhism. The concept of three periods Buddhas originated in Northwestern India. In the early fifth century, Kuan-he school of Buddhism employed the Fahua samdhi developed from the Lotus Sutra, the nirva concept explicated by Seng-zhao in his On Immovability of Objects, along with meditation practice in the stra of the Descent of Maitreya, and merging with the thousand Buddhas ideation, a specific practice of thousand Buddhas thought was formed. Later, it became dominant in Buddhist caves in the He-hsi region for several hundred years. However, there is little research on the development of this thousand Buddhas ideation. Did it originate from India, Central Asia, or was it developing in China locally? Even though on the surface, the images are bright and shiny, the meaning behind remains obscured. What Buddhist concept did the creators wish to convey with the images of perfectly lined up thousands of Buddhas? This paper will try to sort out this issue, based on historical texts and iconographical clues.

Seng Zhaos Zhu Weimojiejing and Kumarajivas Mhyana Meditation

Wang, Ching-Wei
Seng Zhaos Zhu Weimojiejing, written in A. D. 410, is a record of Seng Zhaos questions and Kumarajivas answers to these questions regarding Kumarajivas new translation of the Vimalakirti Sutra in A. D. 408. This commentary provides a more descriptive and interpretive rendition of Kumarajivas views and practices of Mahyna meditation compared to his more prescriptive Zuochan Sanmei jing and Siwei lueyao fa as a very big portion of these questions and answers centered on various issues of Mahyna meditation. In this paper, I will analyze Kumarajivas interpretations and his views on the major differences between Mahyna meditation and the more traditional forms of meditation, the definition of samdhi, and the inconceivable liberation of the Bodhisattvas who practices Mahyna meditation. The above analysis can also provide valuable insights for our reading of not only other Mahyna meditative Sutras translated by Kumarajiva such as the Lotus Sutra and the Shoulengyen Sanmei jing, but also the wall paintings related to the Vimalakirti Sutra in the Dunhuang Caves.

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Liturgical Manuscripts and the Study of Buddhist Ritual

Teiser, Stephen F. Amoghavajras Ritual Corpus: A Dunhuang Regional Approach
Goodman, Amanda
Within the vast corpus of Chinese Buddhist documents from Dunhuang are roughly four dozen handwritten texts and monochrome ink sketches that demonstrate that teachings associated with Amoghavajras (605-774, Bukong ) Vajraekhara Stra (Jingangding jing ) were still developing locally at Dunhuang some two centuries after the supposed disappearance of those teachings in the Tang capitals. While certain of these materials have canonical counterparts, others appear to be regional compositions postdating Amoghavajras death. All are rooted in the technical vocabulary, basic contemplative program, and standard iconography set forth in the Vajraekhara corpus. This paper begins with an overview of Amoghavajaras ritual corpus at Dunhuang and ends with a detailed analysis of the manuscript copies of one specific ritual manual (yize ) that circulated under the title Vajra Peak Scripture (Jingangjun jing ), itself a play on the Vajraekhara or Vajra Pinnacle title. The paper provides a sketch of the local community of specialists (scribes, artisans, ritualists, and patrons), highlighting two key areas: the transmission of specific ritual texts and the role of specific sketches in the transmission process. By paying close attention to codicological concerns (book type, manuscript layout, scribal conventions, and reading marks), the paper builds on recent scholarship that suggests a regional Buddhist ritual culture supported by a much richer material infrastructure than previously understood.

The Image of Vajrasattva: Path and Result

Linrothe, Rob
Vajrasattva's protean roles in Esoteric Buddhist maala and rituals are expressed in the artworks found at Dunhuang. A 9th century painting on silk taken from the Dunhuang Mogao Cave 17 in the early 20th century by Paul Pelliot and preserved in the Muse Guimets Pelliot Collection (EO 1167) depicts the Esoteric Buddhist deity Vajrasattva with four offering goddesses in an arrangement loosely termed a maala. Echoing and clarifying related images from Nalanda and Kyoto, the painting will be examined in the light of texts translated into Chinese from Sanskrit in the tenth century. Image and text together demonstrate that what is represented is the process of ahakra or deity yoga in which the initiate is absorbed into the body, speech and mind of the chosen deity, and sees his teacher and himself as identical to Vajrasattva in essence

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Ritual Manuscripts on Vajravarahi in Tangut

Solonin, Kirill
The texts unearthed in Khara-Khoto constitute a valuable repository, both in Chinese and Tangut, which can contribute to the understanding of popular Buddhist practices in Northern China prior to the Mongol invasion. This presentation is going to discuss a large group of texts connected in various ways with the cult of Vajravarahi, also known as Vajrayogini in Chinese, discovered at Khara-Khoto. These texts are mostly devoted to the rituals, the construction of maalas, the invocation of the deity, and other matters. This presentation is preliminary in nature and is intended to provide initial insight texts not yet well studied.

The Language of Brief Liturgies for Making Merit Among the Dunhuang Manuscripts
Teiser, Stephen F.
This paper focuses on the language, style, and genre of brief liturgical manuscripts in Chinese involving the transfer of merit discovered in the Dunhuang corpus. Often collected into anthologies entitled zhaiwen (ritual texts), such texts number over 1,000. This paper will explain how liturgical manuscripts of this genre contain two different registers of language, corresponding to two different ritual purposes. One register consists of parallel prose, intended for public recitation involving praise of the Buddha and eulogizing of the donor or the recipient of the offering. The second register is marked by language that was closer to the vernacular and was used to accomplish actions like stating the purpose of the ritual and transferring merit to the beneficiary. The paper will also attempt to place this kind of text and its linguistic registers in relation to other genres of Chinese Buddhist literature in order to better understand the ways in which Buddhism was fashioned in order to suit Chinese interests in the medieval period.

Confession and Ritual According to Old Uighur Sources

Zieme, Peter
Beside Old Uighur translations of Chinese confession texts like the Cibei daochang chanfa (Taish no. 1909) and the Cibei daochang shuichan (T. no. 1910), in the West Uighur Kingdom around the tenth century a new confession text was created that has no Chinese forerunner: Stra of Making Confession (Kanti klmak nom). This popular, widely-used scripture is to be seen in the framework of Maitreya veneration. The paper aims to demonstrate that some elements are based on Chinese sources, while it can be assumed that as a whole the scripture was made for lay people. Furthermore it will be discussed whether confession elements that are met with in old Uighur letters of Manichaean provenance as habitualized formulaic expressions are also known from Buddhists letters.

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Logic and Epistemology I

Section Moderator: Mc Allister, Patrick Causation and Selflessness in View of Liberation
Pecchia, Cristina
In the Pramasiddhi chapter of his Pramavrttika, Dharmakrti offers, inter alia, his explanation of the Buddhist way to liberation from suffering, which, in accordance with the most canonical Buddhist ideas, is based on the causal relationship between events. The purpose of this talk will be to present some observations on Dharmakrtis discourse on liberation in its development and application of a causation theory, which he first expounded in the Svrthnumna chapter, within the discussion on the inferential cognition from the cause. However problematic it may be in epistemological terms, an open range of results has to be assumed in connection with the possibility of the end of suffering. Insufficiency and impediments are the aspects of a complex of causes that may interfere with the arising of any assumed result. An assessment of these two aspects will show momentariness as the necessary complement of the approach to causality that Dharmakrti adopts and selflessness as the most efficacious cognitive blocker of those views that generate suffering. It is the view of a self, in fact, that generates attachment and aversion; liberation, therefore, cannot be the result of any other attitude than that of selflessness.

Non-implicative Negation (Prasajyapratiedha, Med Dgag) in Buddhist Logic and Early Tibetan Madhyamaka (Dbu Ma)
Yoshimizu, Chizuko
'Gos lo ts ba gZhon nu dpal (1392-1481) writes in his Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po, Jo bo rje brgyud pa dang bcas pa'i skabs, ca 12a1, Roerich tr. 1979: 265): "(The bKa' gdams pa founder 'Brom ston pa rGyal ba'i 'byung gnas (1004?-1064)) [used to] say that his Madhyamaka position consists in [the view that] it is nothing (ci yang ma yin), [in other words] the non-implicative negation of object (don med par dgag pa), for Dharmakrti said, "for the non-implicative negation means that it is nothing (med par dgag pa ni ci yang ma yin pa'i phyir ro)." Roerich traces this Dharmakrti's (7c.) statement back to his Pramavrttikasvavtti without mentioning exact location. Indeed, it is, in my view, traceable to Dharmakrti's discussion of impermanence (anityat) in the same text (PVSV 144,20~146, 1 ad k.274, 277: vinasya akicittvt ... na bhavatti ca prasajyapratiedha). Although we are not able to see whether 'Brom really understood the concept of nonimplicative negation, which is as a matter of course of great importance for the Madhyamaka philosophy, in accordance with the Buddhist logician Dharmakrti, gZhon nu dpal's brief account suggests the possibility that some early bKa' gdams scholars integrated Dharmakrti's idea of negation into their interpretation of Madhyamaka system. This integration is, however, clearly rejected by later bKa' gdams pa scholar, Zhang Thang sag pa 'Byung gnas ye shes (12c.), who distinguishes the nature of non-implicative negation specific to the Madhyamaka from that which Buddhist logicians generally acknowledge (Zhang, dBu ma tshig gsal gyi ti ka 11a4). He ascribes the idea of "it is nothing" (ci yang ma yin) to Indian (Prsagika-)Madhyamaka master Candrakrti (7c.). 235

In this paper, I would like to closely discuss the possible textual sources of Dharmakrti's idea of non-implicative negation and its acceptance and non-acceptance by early Tibetan Madhyamaka masters including Zhang's contemporary great scholar, Phya pa Chos kyi seng ge (1109-1169). My central aim is to clarify 1) historical and theoretical backgrounds to the Tibetans' acceptance and non-acceptance of the Buddhist logicians' idea of non-implicative negation; and 2) problems which might occur with the interpretation of this idea among these early Tibetans.

mKhas Grub Rjes Concepts of Rjes Khyab and Dngos Khyab

Nemoto, Hiroshi
The purpose of this paper is to examine the basic idea underlying the dGe lugs pas inferential theory, focusing on the concepts of rjes khyab and dngos khyab. An inferential knowledge is obtained on the basis of a valid logical reason (rtags yang dag), which should take three forms (tshul gsum), i.e., phyogs chos, rjes khyab, and ldog khyab. What is characteristic of dGe lugs pas explanation of tshul gsum is that each of the three forms is regarded as identical with the logical reason itself: phyogs chos (a property of the subject) refers to the reason which is ascertained to be a property of the subject; rjes khyab (that which is pervaded positively) refers to the reason which is ascertained to be present in similar instances only; and ldog khyab (that which is pervaded negatively) refers to the reason which is ascertained to be completely absent in dissimilar instances. Among dGe lugs scholars, mKhas grub rje (1385-1438) introduces the term dngos khyab (the pervasion taken literally) and clearly distinguishes it from rjes khyab. According to him, the fact that a logical reason is pervaded by a property to be proved is not called rjes khyab but dngos khyab; rjes khyab means instead the logical reason itself, which is ascertained as such, in a given argument. When discussing mKhas grub rjes theory of inference, it is important to make this distinction because he considers that, in order for a reason to be valid, there must be not only dngos khyab but also rjes khyab. What is implied here is that, so as to obtain an inferential knowledge, one must first ascertain (nges pa) the reason to be present in similar instances only. That is to say, the mere fact of the reason being pervaded by the property to be proved cannot constitute a sufficient condition for generating an inference (as in the case of the argument proving that sound is impermanent by means of the reason audibility). It is also important to note that, while dngos khyab may be established even when there is no factual example (particularly in the case of prasanga), rjes khyab must be established by an example; for without any factual example one cannot ascertain the reason to be present in similar instances only. Therefore, the establishment of dngos khyab does not necessarily entail that of rjes khyab. mKhas grub rje gives several examples of arguments where dngos khyab occurs but rjes khyab does not. In this paper, I will analyze such cases in accordance with mKhas grub rjes explanation. My special interest centers on his interpretation of the argument proving that sound is impermanent by means of the reason audibility.

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On Viruddhadharmdhysa
Ezaki, Koji
It is well known that a Buddhist philosopher Dharmakrti (ca. 600660) gives a definition of difference (bheda) among things: the fact that entities are different from each other means that viruddhadharmdhysa is established among them. What is this viruddhadharmdhysa? By most modern scholars, the word 'adhysa' has been regarded to be a derivative of verb root adhi- as (to place upon another, to append to, to attribute or ascribe falsely, etc.). But in observing the usage of this term 'adhysa' found in Buddhist texts, we find that it is proper to take it as a derivative of verb root adhi-s (to lie down, to occupy, to resort to, etc.). It is to be noted that Dharmakrti himself uses the term 'viruddhadharmdhysa' only three times in all his treatises, and that the term 'adhysa' is used only when it is constitutes the term 'viruddhadharmdhysa'. Moreover, when we see the commentaries on Dharmakrti's works and the treatises of his followers, we notice that the term 'viruddhadharmasasarga' or 'viruddhadharmayoga' is used as a synonym of 'viruddhadharmdhysa' there. This can suggest that in the Buddhist tradition the word 'adhysa' is thought to be a derivative of adhi-s. The aim of this paper is to make clear what the term 'viruddhadharmadhysa' means and how it differentiates among things.

Ratnakrti on Determination (Adhyavasya) and Cognitive Forms (kra)

Mc Allister, Patrick
I would like to investigate some of the points that the Buddhist Ratnakrti (fl. 1020 CE) makes about the relation between determination (adhyavasya) and cognitive forms (kra) in his Citrdvaitaprakavda (Doctrine of a Manifold, Non-dual Appearance) and Apohasiddhi (Proof of Exclusion). The Citrdvaitaprakavdas central aim is to explain the simultaneous non-duality and multiplicity of cognitive forms. When something appears to awareness, it must be one. But it is objected that it is an evidential fact that a single cognition (perceptual or conceptual) can be of multiple things at the same time. So how can these two seemingly contradictory properties be brought together? In answering this guiding question, Ratnakrti discusses many issues of his own and his opponents theories about awareness, cognition, its object, and external reality. The main aspect in this complex discussion that I would like to focus on is the relation between determination and cognitive forms. Recent work has shown that determination is at the centre of Ratnakrtis theory about concept usage, detailed in his Apohasiddhi. It is also precisely on this subject that he distances himself from another Buddhist author, Dharmottara.

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The main disagreement between them is on the nature of determination and what appears in itarguably the cognitive form. But the arguments in the Apohasiddhi about this disagreement are very short. The main criticism is advanced only in the Citrdvaitaprakavda, and has not yet received much attention. A second reason to take a closer look at how determination and cognitive forms are related might provide a better understanding of Ratnakrtis intellectual surroundings. He presents and refutes no less than 12 possible theories of determination, and criticizes the Naiyyika authors Trilocana and Vcaspatimira, as well as Dharmottara for their views on the subject.

On the Buddha's Cognition in the Bahirarthapark of the Tattvasagraha

Matsuoka, Hiroko
In the Bahirarthapark (BP) of his Tattvasagraha (TS), ntarakita tries to prove the theory of vijaptimtra `mind-only' from the following two points: (1) An external entity as conceived as an object of a cognition by realists cannot be established (arthyoga); (2) a cognition has no characteristic of being a grasper of something distinct from it (grhyagrhakalakaavaidhurya), that is, a cognition consists in self-cognition (tmasavedana). In connection with the second point, ntarakita also has to discuss the Buddha's cognition (bauddhajna) on the assumption that there exist other minds (santnntara). The present paper will focus on TS BP 8386 (=TS 20462049). According to ntarakita, no cognition cognizes something distinct from it, so that questions such as the one whether a cognition has a form or not, which arise with respect to a cognition which is assumed to have an object distinct from it, does not concern the Buddha's cognition. The Buddha's cognition does not grasp an external object (TS BP 83), nor does it grasp other minds (TS BP 84). The Buddha's cognition is beyond the grasped-grasper duality. But a question is raised by the Buddhist realist ubhagupta: Can the Buddha, who does not know other minds, be called sarvaja `omniscient'? It is interesting that ubhagupta argues that a person called sarvaja is the one who grasps all that is to be grasped (BASK 145), while ntarakita argues that the Buddha is called sarvaja precisely because he is the one who causes all sentient beings to gain benefits (TS BP 8586). The Buddha has no seeing (adarana). The aim of this paper is to show that TS BP 8384 are stated from the point of view of the Vijnavdins and that TS BP 8586 are stated from his own point of view, that is, from the point of view of the Mdhyamikas.

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Logic and Epistemology II

Section Moderator: Sakai, Masamichi Bhva and Abhva in the Buddhist Theory of Momentariness: The View of Dharmottara and Prajkaragupta
Sakai, Masamichi
Concerning the Buddhist theory of momentariness (kaikatva) that was developed after the 7th century especially by Dharmakirti (ca. 600-660) and his successors, the logical and ontological relation between bhva (existence) and abhva (non-existence) i.e., vina (destruction), was one of the most divisive issues between the Buddhist and the other Indian philosophical systems. The main point of the controversy between them is whether abhva can be accepted as having an ontological status which is independent of bhva. Indian realists, such as of the Nyya-Vaieika School, accepted the independent ontological status of abhva (in this context, pradhvasa-abhva), whereas the Buddhist insisted on the independence of abhva from bhva, even though both sides had the same view of what fact or what state the word abhva designates. The realist argued: abhva must exist independently of bhva, since there is an incompatibility (virodha) between the two. Moreover, if abhva did not exist separately from bhva, the connection (sambandha) of a thing with its destruction expressed in our verbal expressions such as "the pot is destroyed (ghao vinaa)," or "the destruction of the pot (ghaasya vina)" would be impossible. Against this, the Buddhist claimed: bhva does exist together with abhva at the very same time (samakla), which lastly meant nothing but the momentariness of a thing. Moreover, it is because bhva is identical with abhva that such connection is possible. In this paper, I would like to inquire into the Buddhist view of the relation between bhva and abhva in their theory of momentariness, by focusing on two of Dharmakrtis influential successors, namely, Dharmottara (ca. 740-800) and Prajkaragupta (ca. 750-810). Building on Dharmakrtis theory, they took different approaches in explaining the coincidence of bhva with abhva. As mentioned, this coincidence resulted in the momentariness of a thing, but nevertheless these two are utterly incompatible by nature. The main topic of my presentation is how these two philosophers ingeniously explained this fact.

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Some Observations on the Skhya Section of Dignga's Pramasamuccaya, Chapter Two

Lasic, Horst
Dignga's Pramasamuccaya, which is acclaimed as the foundational text of the Buddhist epistemological tradition and which, moreover, exerted considerable influence on the nonBuddhist philosophical schools, has unfortunately not yet been discovered in its Sanskrit original. Hitherto conducted studies on this important text have had to rely mainly on Tibetan materials and on minor references found in other Sanskrit works. On account of their style and quality, the two available Tibetan translations of the Pramasamuccaya give only a rough impression of the text's original intention. The fact that the Sanskrit original of Jinendrabuddhi's commentary on this text has become available the first chapter was already published in 2005, chapters two and three are in preparation improves this situation greatly. Jindendrabuddhis text not only helps the student of Indian philosophy in contextualising many of Dignga's statements, but furnishes the philologist a fair number of literal quotations from the Pramasamuccaya. The present author, who is working on a reconstruction of Pramasamuccaya, chapter two, will try to take advantage of these new circumstances, and reexamine Dignga's discussion of the Skhya tenets on inference.

How Can the Existence of the Skhya's Pradhna Be Negated? Dignga's View of Refutation (DaA)
Watanabe, Toshikazu
In Digngas logical system, in a proof the subject (dharmin) of a proposition must be a thing whose existence is accepted by both the proponent and opponent, as it otherwise would follow that the first characteristic of a valid reason, i.e., being a property of a thesis (pakadharmatva) is not satisfied. Is it then possible for Dignga to convince an adversary of the non-existence of a metaphysical thing like primordial matter (pradhna), something Buddhists do not accept as existing, but which is advocated by the Skhya as the ultimate material cause? In his two works on logic, Dignga shows different approaches to this issue. In the earlier work, the Nyyamukha, a negative proposition which has primordial matter as the subject of the proposition is dealt with in the following argument: [Thesis] Primordial matter and so forth do not exist. [Reason] Because they are not perceived (na santi pradhndaya, anupalabdhe). He explans that this reason can be a property of the thesis because primordial matter exists as a conceptual construction even though it does not exist in reality. In contrast, although earlier studies have stated that Dignga later avoided mentioning the negative proposition primordial matter does not exist, it is indeed found in Pramasamuccaya 3.17 and its Vtti, which explain the characteristics of reductio ad absurdum arguments (prasaga). Here, Dignga characterizes a reductio ad absurdum argument as a refutation (daa), a type of argument in which the opponent is allowed to use terms put forth in the proponent's argument even if the opponent himself does not accept them as real things. Hence, by relying on a refutation of this type, primordial matter can be negated. Comparing these two positions, the following can be said: In his final work

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on logic, Dignga has abandoned his earlier idea that primordial matter, as something conceptually constructed, can be the subject of a negative proposition in a proof (sdhana), and shifts the sphere in which the negative proposition is dealt with from the proof to the refutation. In this paper, I shall first make clear, with the help of Jinendrabuddhi's commentary, the structure of the reductio ad absurdum argument given by Dignga to negate the existence of the Skhya's primordial matter. Then, having investigated the role of the refutation (daa) in Dignga's logical system, I will examine the reason why Dignga changes his position on the negative proposition in the Pramasamuccaya.

The Purpose of Discussing Vyatireka: Dharmakrtis Criticism of varasena

Choi, Kyeongjin
Dharmakrti explains the purpose of discussing vyatireka separately from anvaya in Pramavinicaya . He presents the opinion of an opponent, disputes it, and then registers his own point of view. Several commentaries on Pramavinicaya designate varasena as the opponent. In addition the opinion of varasena accords with Pramasamuccayavtti of Dignga. Furthermore, some previous studies on this theme point out that there are similar criticisms in Dharmakrtis other works. Nevertheless, it is still unclear whether or not Dharmakrti, in Pramavinicaya , indeed negated the vyatireka theory of varasena that accords with Digngas theory. The aim of this presentation is to clarify the target of Dharmakrtis criticism and the portion of the opponents argument with which Dharmakrti disagrees, particularly in Pramavinicaya . In his rNam nges ik chen, a commentary on Pramavinicaya, rGyal tshab rje dar ma rin chen (1364-1432), a prominent dGe lugs pa scholar, explains that Dharmakrti, in Pramavinicaya 52.6-7ff. presents the assertions of his opponents in two parts. rGyal tshab rje confirms that the first part is Digngas statement, while the second part is varasenas. Moreover, rGyal tshab rje believes that Dharmakrtis criticism is aimed only at varasenas statement. The validity of rGyal tshab rjes perspective will be considered in the light of several Tibetan commentaries that are earlier than rNam nges ik chen.

Bhvivekas Refutation of Digngas Twofold-appearance Theory (Dvybhsat)

Tamura, Masaki
The fifth chapter of the Madhyamakahdayakrik (MHK) is meant for opposing Yogcras view of emptiness (nyat) as the emptiness of hypostasized subject-object duality (grhyagrhakadvayanya). In MHK V 20-26 Bhviveka refutes Digngas theory that a cognition has a twofold appearance (dvybhsa) in order to refute the Yogcras theory of mere mind (cittamtra). Bhviveka holds the view that a cognition, which has for its object (lambana) an external entity, has only the appearance of an object (viaybhsa). In the refutation Bhviveka makes the following points: (1) It is impossible that a cognition has both its own appearance (svbhsa) and the appearance of an object at the same time.

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(2) A cognition has only the power of bringing about another cognition with the appearance of an object. (3) The appearance of an object is unreal just as the appearance of a reflected image in an erroneous cognition of the reflected image (pratibimbavat). (4) It is possible to account for a means of a cognition (prama) and a fruit of the cognition (pramaphala) without assuming the twofold appearance. Several studies have been made on Bhvivekas refutation of Digngas twofold-appearance theory. However, the third and fourth points have not been made clear. As for the third the question remains open how the argument in which the example reflected image is to be understood and, concerning the fourth it is a debatable question whether Bhviveka accepts the self-cognition theory (svasavitti). In the present paper, focusing on these two points I shall consider Bhvivekas refutation of Digngas twofold-appearance theory to show how this refutation is to be assessed from his own view of emptiness.

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Madhyamaka and Yogacara: Rivals or Allies?

Garfield, Jay and Westerhoff, Jan The Case for Discontinuity
Siderits, Mark
My aim in this paper is modest: to lay out two critiques, that of Madhyamaka by early Yogcra and that of early Yogcra by Madhyamaka, and try to determine what the underlying philosophical issues might be. I shall thus be setting out a case for discontinuity between the two schools. One source of this discontinuity is to be found in a disagreement over the place of philosophy in Buddhist practice. But another source is more strictly philosophical in nature: disagreement over the prospects for a coherent global anti-realism. If this diagnosis is correct, then it seems unlikely that there can be a workable synthesis of the two schools that does not involve subordinating one to the other.

Ratnkarantis Presentation of the Pedagogical Differences Between Yogcra and Madhyamaka

Seton, Greg
Ratnkaranti presents the seeming philosophic rivalry between Yogcra and Madhyamaka as deriving only from pedagogical differences regarding their common system of prajpramit praxis, known as the four stages of yoga (yogabhmis). According to Ratnkaranti, Yogcra and Madhyamaka disagree only about the third yoga stage, but agree about the final of the four yoga stages. Thus, since these two systems share the same final practice of non-observation, they are both aimed at the ineffable transcendence of both the grasper and the grasped . Hence, any hermeneutic differences between them should be understood as negligible in terms of praxis. Nonetheless, for Ratnkaranti, the correct viewpoint does not lie in synthesizing the two philosophical systems, but rather in understanding the soteriological middle between the two extremes as the inseparability of yogic gnosis and illusion, the viewpoint most correctly expressed by the Yogcra school known as Illumination Only (prakamtra), or Proponents of Gnosis without Mental Images (nirkrajnavda) school. Finally, I will argue that Ratnkaraantis discussion of emptiness in the Eight Thousand Verse Transcendent Wisdom Scripture, suggests that both Yogcra and Madhyamaka were originally concerned less with ontological questions of existence versus non-existence and more with the epistemological questions of identity versus difference.

Madhyamaka and Yogcra: Sibling Rivalry or Metaphysical Antagonists?

Lusthaus, Dan
The doxographers tell us that Madhyamaka and Yogcra hold positions that are incommensurate at the highest levels of analysis, and apparently on the lower levels as well. Two avenues available for evaluating such claims are (1) the writings of the protagonists themselves, and (2) historical information that can be gleaned about the major players. 243

While Yogcra texts rarely directly challenge Madhyamaka (though some veiled critiques can be found here and there), key Mdhyamikas such as Bhvaviveka and Candrakrti have devoted sections of their works to attacking Yogcra; but not on the grounds the doxographers like to cite. Xuanzang believed in the non-difference of Yogcra and Madhyamaka, and wrote a verse text in Sanskrit espousing the reasons. While that has not survived, hints to its contents may be gleaned from the Cheng weishilun. Additionally, he himself debated Mdhyamikas at Nland, and one in particular became a friend and debating partner against non-Buddhists. I will examine how Asaga's appropriation of the term madhyam-pratipad in the Tattvrtha chapter of the Bodhisattvabhmi provoked Bhvaviveka to attack Asaga in the fifth chapters of his Madhyamaka-hdaya and Tarkajvl in an effort to reclaim that label. Then I will turn to Xuanzang's arguments and what his travelogue and Biography tell us about his relationas a Yogcrato his Mdhyamika debating partners. I will conclude that the doxographers have misled us.

Some Observations Regarding ntarakita's Yogcra-Madhyamaka Syncretism

Blumenthal, James
Not long after the public emergence of stras from the so-called "third turning of the wheel" and the early systematization of Yogcra thought, Mahyna polemics between Mdhyamikas and Yogcras began. Sophisticated critiques of one another's philosophical positions have been argued and studied ever since, for the past fifteen hundred years. One of the most unique thinkers in the storied history of these schools of thought was ntarakita (725-788 CE) who, although offering critiques of Yogcra, also famously wove Yogcra ideas into his Madhyamaka framework. He was the most prominent philosopher attempting a Mahyna syncretism of these two major philosophical trends in the tradition. The specifics of this attempt will be the subject of this paper. In particular, we will discuss three topics, all of which are related to his adoption of Yogcra-like ideas with regards to consciousness: his acceptance of reflexive awareness or self-cognizing cognition (svasavedana, rang rig), his rejection of objects existing as utterly distinct from the consciousness perceiving them, and (related with the previous one) some of the unique qualities of his presentation of the two truths.

Prattyasamutpda and Dharmadhtu in Early Mahyna Buddhism

Suwanvarangkul, Chaisit
The Sanskrit terms prattyasamutpda (dependent arising or dependent origination) is one of the terms that indicate the Buddhas teaching on the process of birth and death, occurs in the canons of all the schools of Buddhism. Another term is dharmadhtu (the element of the elements or the element of existence). According to the dharmadhtu theory, all beings create themselves and even the universe is self-created. In the Avatamsakastra, dharmadhtu is synonymous with the Matrix of the Thus-come (Tathgatagarbha) and also with the universe or the actual world, i.e., the realm of all elements. Prattyasamutpda and dharmadhtu have come to represent the universe as universally co-relative, generally interdependent and mutually originating, and state that there is no single being that exists independently. 244

The aim of this paper is to find out how the terms prattyasamutpda and dharmadhtu developed and changed over time and united into one truth. First, I will consider the prattyasamutpda in the sixth bhmi of Daabhmivro nma Mahynastra in the Avatamsakastra in order to understand the connection between the prattyasamutpda and the dharmdhtu. Next, I will consider the development from dharmadhtu to prattyasamutpda in the Mdhyntavibhga Chapter 2 varaa pariccheda, Daaubhdyvaraam of Yogacra. And finally I will consider the relationship between prattyasamutpda and dharmadhtu in the of Mdhyntavibhga Chapter 1 Abhtaparikalpa Stanza 1 in the Sad-asal-lakaa.

``Undigested Pride": Bhviveka on the Dispute between Madhyamaka and Yogcra

Eckel, David
Any serious historical study of the relationship between Madhyamaka and Yogcra has to acknowlege the works of the sixth-century Madhyamaka scholar Bhviveka. These works gives us a vivid, lively, and detailed picture of the controversies that divided the two major traditions of Mahyna thought in the decades that followed the careers of Asaga, Vasubandhu, and Dignga. Beginning with Bhviveka's account of the Yogcra in chapter 5 of The Verses on the Heart of the Middle Way (Madhyamakahdayakrik) and The Flame of Reason (Tarkajvl), this paper will discuss Bhvivekas understanding of the sources of the dispute (focusing on the Bodhisattvabhmi, the Madhyntavibhga, and Digngas lambanapark), his style of argumentation (using Digngas three-member syllogism), the structure of his argument (following the system of the three natures), and particular points of disagreement (including the status of external objects). Running through all of these controversies is an undercurrent of resentment at the Yogcras' undigested pride in their interpretation of the central texts of the Mahyna. Bhviveka provides the most extensive available evidence available about the intellectual and emotional shape of this controversy in what might be called the classic period of Indian Yogcra (the period of Dharmapla, Sthiramati, and Xuanzang). Lile the sixth-century proponents of the Yogcra, one ignores Bhviveka at ones peril.

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Madhyamika
Section Moderator: Lang, Karen Ka-thog dGe-rtse Mahpaita's Commentary on lCang-skya Rolpa'i-rdo-rje's Song of the View of Madhyamaka
Makidono, Tomoko
This paper examines Ka-thog dGe-rtse Mahpaita (17611829)'s commentary on lCangskya rol-pa'i-rdo-rje (17171786)'s Song of the View of Madhyamaka (lTa ba'i gsung mgur). There are at least three commentaries on lCang-skya rol-pai-rdo-rjes lTa ba'i gsung mgur such as Jam-dbyang-bzhad-pas (17281791), dGe-rtse Mahpaitas and Mi-pham rgyamtshos (18461912), of which dGe-rtse Mahpaitas is the earliest outside of dGe-lugss own traditions. When lCang-skya rol-pa'i rdo-rje composed his dBu-ma lta-mgur, which was widely spread and became influential, it was understood that he criticized Sa-skya-pa's Lam-'bras, bKa'-brgyud-pa's Phyag-chen, and rNying-ma-pa's rDzogs-chen, and caused problems with practitioners of these three schools. In his Legs bshad gser gyis thur ma, Dgertse Mahpaita responses to his powerful ealry contemporary dGe-lugs-pa scholar in the manner of the commentarial literature of the three steps (dgag-bzhag-spong-gsum) regarding rNying-ma-pa's rDzogs-chen. First, in refuting others's position (dgag), certainly, dGe-rtse Mahpaita criticizes his contemporary interpreters of lCang-skya's, but never criticizes lCang-skya himself in the same way as dGe-rtse Mahpaita demonstrated in his commentary on Sa-skya Paita's sDom gsum rab dbye. By employing hermeneutical techniques, dGe-rtse Mahpaita explains that lCang-skya's view is authentic, but only some scholars misinterpreted it and took that lCang-skya criticized rNying-ma-pa. Second, in positing his position (bzhag), dGe-rtse Mahpaita maintains his doctrinal position of Great Madhymaka of Other-Emptiness by asserting the Buddha-Nature (tathgatagarbha) as the ultimate and all relative phenomena as the 'self-empty.' Third, in order to clear away expected criticisms (spong), he brings the early dGe-lugs-pas to support his view of Great Madhyamka of Other-Emptiness, such as Tsong-kha-pa, his teacher Nam-mkha'-rgyalmtshan, his disciple, Gung-ru rgyal-mtshan-bzang-po, the First Pa-chen Lama, Pha-bonkha-pa dPal-byor-lhun-grub, and the Fifth Dalai Lama. Furthermore, dGe-rtse Mahpaita employs the same scriptural citations of these early dGe-lugs-pas in both the Legs bshad gser gyis thur ma and in his other doxographical composition, such as dBu ma chen po and gRub mtha' chen po bzhi where he presents these early dGe-lugs-pas as those whose ultimate intention is Great Madhyamaka of Other-Emptiness practiced in Mantrayna including the Three Greats of Phyag-chen, rDzogs-chen, and dBu-ma-chen-po, together with Zhi-byed, and Lam-'bras. Finally, this paper will hypothesize that dGe-rtse Mahpaitas response to lCang-skya rol-pai-rdo-rjes lTa ba'i gsung mgur might have instigated to formulate the alliance of the tantric Practice Lineage of Sa-skya-pa, bKa'-brgyud-pa, rNying-ma-pa in the Ris-med movement in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

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Bhavyas Critique of Vaieika Theory of Liberation in the Tarkajvl

He, Huanhuan
Among the eleven chapters of the Tarkajvl (TJ), not much scholarly work has been published on Chapter 7, "Vaieikatattvavinicay" (TJ-V). This is probably due to the fact that the Sanskrit manuscript of the mlatext, Madhyamakahdayakrik (MHK), lacks the corresponding folio (fol.18), which must have covered almost all the kriks of this chapter, 29 in total. Only the last two kriks are preserved in Sanskrit (19a1). Apart from these, we have no choice but to rely on the Tibetan translations of the MHK and TJ. The structure of the TJ-V may be shown in the following synopsis: I. Introduction: The theories of the Vaieika (D Dza 242a7-244a6) I.1. The characteristics of tman (242a7-242b2) I.2. The theory of six padrthas (242b2-243b4) I.3. The theory of liberation (243b4-244a6) II. Prvapaka: The Vaieika theory of liberation (k.1, 244a6-244b2) III. Uttarapaka: Critique of the theories of the Vaieika (kk.2-28,244b2-250a4) III.1. Critique of the relationship between attributes, manas, andtman (kk.2-14, 244b2-247a1) III.2. Critique of the existence of tman (kk.15-22, 247a1-248b7) III.3. Critique of the Vaieika theory of liberation (kk.23-28, 248b7250a4) IV. Conclusion: The Vaieika view is erroneous (k.29,250a4-251a1) From the above synopsis, it can be seen that Bhavya's primary aim was to critique the Vaieika theory of liberation by refuting the theories of tman and six padrthas as propounded in Vaieika works. How did Bhavya understand the Vaieika theory of liberation? Did he base his description of this theory exclusively on the VS? Was he influenced by other Vaieika works such as the PDS? Did he deliberately draw on Buddhist teachings to distort theVaieika theory in order to facilitate his arguments? In this paper, I intend to provide some preliminary answers to these questions, with special attention being paid to the sources of theVaieika thought handed down by Bhavya in the prvapaka(II) and his critique given in the uttarapaka (III.3).

Emotions and Ethics in Candrakrti's Thought

Lang, Karen
A common accusation against Madhyamaka philosophy leveled by its detractors that it borders on nihilism. Accordingly, this paper considers Candrakrtis response, in selected passages form the Prasannapad and Bodhisattvayogcracatuataka, that maps the ethical concerns of Madhyamaka. In this paper I will examine his discussion of the moral emotions-not just anger and compassion--but others like disgust (udvega) and serene confidence (prasda) and the role these emotions play in the formation of a Madhyamaka moral philosophy.

The Aim and Methodology of Naagaarjuna's Vaidalyaprakara.na

Westerhoff, Jan
This paper will discuss some questions arising in connection with one of the least studied texts in Naagaarjuna's Yukti-corpus, the Zhib mo rnam par 'thag pa zhes bya ba'i rab tu byed pa, generally known by a Sanskrit rendition of its title as the Vaidalyaprakara.na (VP), which deals with an examination of the sixteen Nyaaya categories. I intend to focus on two main issues: 1. What was Naagaarjuna's aim in composing this text? and 2. What methodology is 248

employed to carry out this aim? Modern commentators have observed that the arguments in the VP appear to be of varying quality; some are philosophically very interesting, yet other appear to be mere sophisms. This view of the text is difficult to reconcile with our view of Naagaarjuna as a philosophical author of the very highest calibre. It also raises the question (assuming that Naagaarjuna is indeed the author of the VP, and some of the argument are indeed sophistical) what the aim of this treatise might have been, given that some arguments were unlikely to have been very successful with a Nyaaya opponent. The second point concerns the methodology employed. Tola and Dragonetti (in their 1995 book-length study of the VP) have suggested that the VP does not constitute an attempt by Naagaarjuna to establish his thesis of universal emptiness by investigating the specific case of the Nyaaya categories, arguing they are all empty. Rather, they claim, Naagaarjuna was setting out to demonstrate the "manifold logical defects" of the Nyaaya categories, without attempting to establish their "metaphysical status". I will investigate whether the assumption that Naagaarjuna wanted to show the Nyaaya categories to be internally inconsistent, rather than arguing for their inconsistency with his theory of emptiness allows us to make good sense of the arguments Naagaarjuna puts forward in the VP.

The Ideology of Love: Subjectification of the Middle Way School

Schliff, Henry
This essay examines the translation of the term love, as it is articulated in Christianity and Mahyna Buddhism. The primary concern of this paper is linguistic and cultural translation and the ease with which translators employ highly ambiguous language. The essays argument is twofold. First, by translating great-love and its equivalent signifier compassion from the Sanskrit terms karun and mahmaitr as such, and without qualification, the translator implies meanings incongruent with cultural understandings and source material. Second, such translations create inequitable relations of influence, which result in the interpellation of translated subjects, be they communal or textual. The essay focuses on an interpretive divergence in the historical usage of love in a Western-European context and that of Mahynist philosophers, Chandrakrti and Vimalakrti, namely logocentricity. Christian usage of love is consistently logocentric and theocentric in nature, either with respect to its object (deriving from Platonist theories of eros) or its origin (Christian theologies of agape). The essay draws on the work of various postmodernist scholars who have analyzed equivalencies between the philosophical traditions of Mahyna Buddhism and Derridian Deconstruction. The paper argues that within the sphere of Mahyna Buddhism, concepts of universal love, compassion, or mercy, are articulated in correspondence to the principle of emptiness and stand in direct opposition to the theocentric concepts surrounding agape. In short, the Western genealogy of love carries with it an inherent notion of the other as permanent and fixed while its Buddhist equivalent is philosophically incongruous to any such notion of an inherently existent signified. Methodology is drawn from the work of Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Louis Althusser, and Talal Asad.

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The Introductory Verses of the Mlamadhyamakakrik

Macdonald, Anne
The two magala lokas prefacing Ngrjunas Mlamadhyamakakrik (MMK), well known to traditional and modern scholars of Madhyamaka, indeed of Buddhist philosophy in general, praise the Buddha as the original expositor of the principle of dependent-arising. According to Candrakrti, Ngrjuna indicates both the subject matter (abhidheya) and the purpose (prayojana) of the entire MMK treatise by way of these lokas. Unlike some later magala verses, they are grammatically and syntactically uncomplicated, with their focus on the word prattyasamutpda, which is merely qualified by eight adjectives and set in apposition to the words prapacopaama and iva. Translations of the verses in Western languages are manifold, and interpretations of them vary, especially in regard to the precise meaning of iva and prapacopaama and the sense in which they are intended as equivalents of prattyasamutpda. The paper aims to delimit the contextually intended scope of meaning of these words as well as to distinguish the implications of their being equated with dependent-arising. Of significance to the discussion will be the relationship of the concepts and their equations to those expressed in other verses of the MMK.

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Mahayana Buddhism I
Section Moderator: Saito, Akira Chiasmic Structures in the Prajpramit
Shi, Huifeng
Modern scholarship considers the Prajpramit literature as not only some of the earliest in the Mahyna, but also perhaps the most influential. The critical-historical approach has re-written the traditional account of the relationship amongst the Prajpramit stras, showing gradual growth into the small Aashasrik, further expanding into the medium Pacavimati- shasrik, etc. and large atashasrik stras. Several scholars have proposed theories on a pre-textual ur-stra, though consensus has been difficult due to differing criteria and methodologies. Most consider the ur-stra as being within, or comprised of, the first one or two chapters of the present text. They largely agree in claiming that after the formation of the ur-stra, the main body of the text was then gradually added, and finally an Avadna was appended at the end, resulting in the presently extant small text. However, with regard a possible ur-stra and the remainder of the text, the stra may also be examined through the methodology of chiasmus structural theory. This approach, which focuses on structural analysis of the text into two parallel halves, with complementary prologue and conclusion, and key central point, has led to recent ground-breaking research in other religious and classical literature. By positively identifying chiastic structures at the very start of the stra, a new proposal for a possible ur-stra, including its key structural and doctrinal features, will be presented here. A further chiasmus was also found comprising the entire Avadna at the very end of the small stra. The shared content of these two chiastic rings at the start and end points of the entire small stra respectively, lead to the question of whether or not the entire text follows a deeper chiasmic structure. This could include the structural form of the so-called ur-stra as the prologue and the Avadna as the conclusion both of which focus on the exhortation to uphold Prajpramit as a continuation of the lineage of Buddhas to bodhisattvas, and heavily emphasized chapters on realization of suchness (tathat) as the crux of attaining non-regression status (avinivartya) as the central point. If such a larger chiasmic structure can be shown, there is the possibility of the entire small text being initially composed as a complete whole teaching, rather than following gradual growth. There is great significance in the discovering of chiasmic structures within a text such as the earliest extant Prajpramit stras. The identity of the core message may be obtained more precisely than earlier more subjective methods. In particular, the focus on the Prajpramit as philosophical rather than religious texts, and the notion of emptiness (nyat) as the core message.

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It also opens up the possibility of this method being applied to other early Mahyna texts (or indeed other Buddhist texts in general). If numerous examples of chiasmus can be ascertained, much light can be shed on the core message of the Mahyna as a movement in general.

The Concept of Eternal Buddha in Mahayana Buddhism

Guang, Xing
Many Buddhist scholars wonder why and how Mahyna Buddhism developed a concept of eternal Buddha while it still teaches impermanence. For instance, the Lotus Stra says that the Buddha was eternal. In the early Buddhist scriptures, namely the Pli Nikyas and Chinese gamas, the Buddha is the embodiment of the Dhamma. As it is said in the Sayuttanikya One who sees the Dhamma sees me; one who sees me sees the Dhamma. For in seeing the Dhamma, Vakkali, one sees me; and in seeing me, one sees the Dhamma. (S.22.87, PTS: S iii 119, CDB, 939) Here the Buddha is an embodiment of the Dhamma. Bodhi explains: Though the second clause seems to be saying that simply by seeing the Buddha's body one sees the Dhamma, the meaning is surely that in order to really see the Buddha one should see the Dhamma, the truth to which he awakened. Hence the following catechism, intended to guide Vakkali towards that realization. The Mahhatthipadopama Sutta of the Majjhimanikya says, One who sees dependent origination sees the Dhamma; one who sees the Dhamma sees dependent origination. (M.28; PTS: M i. 190) The same statement is also found in the Chinese translation of the Madhyamgama. So here as the Buddha is the embodiment of the Dhamma which is equal to the Dependent Origination. So we may infer that the Buddha is the embodiment of the Dependent Origination. Because the Dhammaniyama Sutta of the Aguttaranikya says that the causal law of nature is all phenomena are impermanent, suffering and all dhammas are without a self. (A.3.134; PTS: A i 286; tr.264-5) These are the three characteristics of existence to be realized. In other words, anyone who realizes these three chrematistics is enlightened. This is evidenced by Mahyna stras. The Tibetan translation of the listamba Stra and its Chinese translation all contain the statement, One who sees the dependent origination of twelve links sees the Dharma and also sees the Buddha. So here it is quite clear that seeing the dependent origination is seeing the Buddha. This statement is also found in the Mahyna Mahparinirva Stra translated by Dharmakema in 414-421 and the Sarvabuddhaviayvatrajnaloklakrastra translated by Saghabhara in 506-520. The Pli Paccaya Sutta of the Samyuttanikya (S.12.20; PTS: S ii, 25; Bodhi: 551) and also the Chinese translation of the same stra in the Samyuktgama state that whether there is an arising of Tathgata or no arising of Tathgata, that element still persists, the stableness of the Dhamma, the fixed course of the Dhamma, specific conditionality. So the Dharma, which is the truth, the dependent origination, is eternal. Therefore, in conclusion, the Buddha is the embodiment of the Dharma which is the dependent origination that is eternal so the Buddha is eternal. Here we can see that the concept of the eternal Buddha is already found in early Buddhism and Mahyna has added nothing new to this concept.

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Changes in the Concept of the Equality of Self and Other in the Bodhicaryavatara
Ishida, Chiko
The view that self and other are equal is one of the fundamental concepts underlying the compassion of the bodhisattva. As such it is discussed in numerous Mahayana sutras and sastras, including Santidevas Bodhicaryavatara, where it comprises a major theme. In the current version of the Bodhicaryavatara the topic is discussed in the Chapter on Meditation, while in the Dun-huang version (thought to preserve an earlier form of the text) it is discussed in the Chapter on Strength. The commentaries on this text have argued which chapter the topic properly belongs in. In one commentators view the introductory verse that lists the topics covered in the current Bodhicaryavataras Chapter on Strength , and that specifically includes among them the equality of self and other, was not in fact composed by Santideva but by a subsequent editor who rearranged Santidevas original material. We are left wondering what the true intention of Santideva was. In this presentation I would like to discuss what this intention might have been, based on several pivotal verses. It has been pointed out that if the current Bodhicaryavataras situating of the verses on the equality of self and other in the Chapter on Meditation were accepted as standard, then commentaries would have viewed these verses as more praxis-oriented in character than they were seen as being in the Dun-huang version. Particular attention would be directed, I believe, to the verses newly included in the current version and absent in the Dun-huang version, and this aspect of the text would tend to be emphasized in the subsequent Tibetan translations. I would like to consider what the differences between the Dun-huang version and the current version might imply with regard to the original thought of Santideva on the equality of self and other, and how the commentaries further developed this concept.

Reconsidering ntideva's Legend: His Name, Life and Works

Saito, Akira
The legend of ntideva remains a mystery. The mystery wrapping ntideva ranges over his name, life and works. Having inquired into his name as well as his main work, the Bodhi(sattva)caryvatra, the present paper aims at solving a single question whether, as his legend tells us, ntideva wrote or recited in his life the different recensions of the Bodhi(sattva)caryvatra.

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Mahayana Buddhism II
Section Moderator: Woo, Jeson The Process of Compilation of the *Ajtaatrukauktya(prati)vinodanastra
Miyazaki, Tensho
Several studies have already cast light on the process of the compilation or development of some Mahyna stras, for example, the Saddharmapuarka, Sukhvatvyha, Mahyna Mahparinirva-stra, and so on. Although it is necessary to carry out further investigations of these major Mahyna stras, in this presentation we deal with the *Ajtaatrukauktya(prati)vinodanastra (AjKV). The AjKV, which is known as one of the earliest Mahyna stras, has until now attracted the interest of several scholars. However, little is known about how the stra was compiled or developed. We attempt to examine the process of compilation of the AjKV from the following three perspectives. (A) We investigate which parts were integrated into the AjKV from other sources or which parts were originally independent. (B) We explore which parts of the AjKV include typical terms, like mahyna, for example, and concepts that appear widely in other Mahyna stras in order to determine which part of the stra is older. (C) We analyze the structure of the AjKV and the contextual relationship among the chapters, taking into consideration the results of the above two inquiries. The above research reveals principally the following two points. (1) The contextually main part, from Ch. V to Ch. X, which describes how King Ajtaatru resolves his deep remorse for having killed his father, played the core role in the compilation of the stra, chiefly because this part lacks the typical terms mahyna and anutpattikadharmaknti. (2) The AjKV was compiled in two stages: first, Chs. VX, which were fundamental to its compilation, combined with Chs. XIXIII, and secondly Chs. III, Ch. III and Ch. IV were each added to the other part, i.e., Chs. VXIII.

Is Enlightenment Possible?: The Practice of Meditation in the Later Indian Yogcra School
Woo, Jeson
The ultimate goal of Buddhism is to lead sentient beings from the world of sasra to that of nirva. Through its history, the path to nirva has been diversely directed on the basis of how one elaborates on the teaching of the Buddha. In India, Tibet, East Asia and other places, various sects and schools of Buddhism developed and they taught their own theories and practices. In order to actualize the Buddhist goal, the later Indian Yogcra school, which was significant in India up to around the 13th century, considers what constitutes enlightenment. Yogipratyaka (or yogijna) is a key concept to explain Buddhist enlightenment.

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Yogipratyaka arises through the practice of meditation upon the Four Noble Truths. It is achieved upon the culmination of intensive meditation. Since the later Yogcra school holds the view of momentariness, however, a problem occurs: if the practice of meditation is undertaken in a stream composed of cognitions different at each moment, how is its intensification possible? The aim of my paper is to discuss the practice of meditation in the context of the Buddhist theory of momentariness. Specifically, I shall examine a debate between Jnarmitra (ca. 970-1040) and his Naiyyika opponent, Trilocana. My main focus is upon introducing how the later Yogcrins explain the possibility of a meditative practice even if a yogis mind is momentary. By doing so, I shall try to show the process of attaining enlightenment in the Buddhist ontological structure.

riputras Entreaty and Brahms Entreaty: riputras Acceptance of the Teaching on Ekayna One-Vehicle in the Lotus Stra
Katayama, Yumi
It is well known that the Lotus Stra (Saddharmapuarkastra, abbreviated as SP), an early Mahyna stra, advocates the doctrine of ekayna One-Vehicle in the Upyakaualya chapter. This doctrine proclaims that any sentient being (sattva) could become a Buddha, so that no distinction among three vehicles, i.e., the bodhisattva-yna (the vehicle of the bodhisattva), the pratyekabuddha-yna (the vehicle of solitary Buddhas), and the rvakayna (the vehicle of disciples), are to be made. It is interesting that the Lotus Stra fabricates the story that riputra makes an entreaty three times to kyamuni Buddha, who has denied the absolute value of the rvaka-yna, to ask for clarification of what the Buddha really means (sadhbhya). Obviously, this story is constructed in imitation of Brahms entreaty, which appears in the Buddhas biography as one of the most important events in the Buddhas life. The aim of this paper is to show that it was necessary for dharmabhakas, preachers of dharma, to fabricate the story of riputras entreaty in the Upyakaualya chapter, by comparing it with Brahms entreaty in the Brahmaycanakath of the Mahvagga, a section of the Vinaya texts of the Pali Canon. It is to be noted that in Brahms entreaty no depiction of the self-examination done by hearers of the Buddhas discourse is found, while in riputras entreaty riputras doubt, disappointment, deep self-reflection and strong delight are described in detail in verses 1-21 in the Aupamya chapter, which tells the story of the Buddhas prediction (vykaraa) that riputra will become a Buddha, and at the beginning of a prose portion (SP 60-61) of this chapter. Focus will be on verses 9 and 10 in the chapter, since they can be shown to intend to express that riputra comes to find a new value in the rvaka-yna, realizing the Buddhas real intention (sadh) in preaching the yna. The important verses run as follows: SP 62.9-12: eva ca me cintayato jinendra gacchanti rtridiva nityaklam / dtv ca anyn bahubodhisattvn savaritl lokavinyakena //9// rutv ca so 'ha imu buddhadharma sadhya etat kila bhita / atarkika skmam ansrava ca jna praet jina bodhimae //10// Kern [1965: 62]: In such reflections, O Chief of Ginas, I constantly passed my days and nights; and on seeing

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many other Bodhisattvas praised by the Leader of the world, (9) And on hearing this Buddha-law, I thought: To be sure, this is expounded mysteriously; it is an inscrutable, subtle, and faultless science, which in announced by the Ginas on the terrace of enlightenment. (10)

On the Example of a Skilled Physician in the Bodhisattvabhmi

Kishi, Sayaka
The BBh (Bodhisattvabhmi) of the Maul bhmi in the YBh (Yogcrabhmi) is considered to be associated with the early Yogcra tradition. Concerning the lineage of the early Yogcra tradition, Kritzer [2005] has revealed a close resemblance between the teachings of the YBh and the AKBh (Abhidharmakoabhya) I-VIII, suggesting the possibility that the AKBh imported many discussions from the YBh. In the rutmay-bhmi in the YBh, the example of a skilled physician (Vaidyarjas) is a metaphorical way of expressing the four truths (catusatya). There are obvious textual similarities between the rutmay-bhmi in the YBh and AKBh VI. Honjyo[1984] has attempted to identify citations from the AKBh. One of the remarkable results is that the reference to the four truths in the AKBh VI quotes same passage from the vydhistra of the Sayuktgama. This strongly suggests the close relation between the YBh and the AKBh. However, the Bodhisattvabhmi shares the example of a skilled physician with the Lotus stra. In both the Bodhisattvabhmi and the Lotus stra, the followers of Hnayna are disparaged as having inferior seeds and are said to have no possibility of realizing ultimate salvation. The teachings of the Lotus stra emphasize the doctrine of One Buddha-vehicle that leads even rvakas and pratyekabuddhas to develop their knowledge. In contract, the followers of each of the three vehicles perform the different practices of their respectable vehicle and they make different progress on the path each other in the Bodhisattvabhmi. Therefore, I assume that the Yogcrabhmi would encompass the Abhidharma and Mahyna traditions. Most presumably, the example of a skilled physician in the Bodhisattvabhmi took over the idea from such as that of the Lotus stra.

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Maitreya Buddha: Studies of Images and Texts From Gandhara, China, and Southeast Asia
Chirapravati, M.L. Pattaratorn Maitreya or Not? Understanding Bhadrsana Buddhas in Southeast Asia During the First Millennium CE
Revire, Nicolas
The seated Buddha in bhadrsana or with legs pendant is a particular iconographic type frequently found in central Thailand and to some extant in neighboring regions, particularly during the second half of the first millennium. While the question of its origins and sudden proliferation in Southeast Asia remains to be further examined and elucidated, an even more difficult task awaits us, that is, dealing with the controversial identification of this sitting posture in Buddhist art. Broadly speaking, this unique iconography is perceived to represent, either, the historical Buddha kyamuni or the future Buddha Maitreya, the latter especially in Far East Asia, each case depending on the specific cultural and archaeological context. It is readily acknowledged, however, that without textual evidence or epigraphy, it remains quite hazardous to identify such buddhas. This present paper reviews the occurrences of this iconography in Southeast Asia during the first millennium and questions some commonly held ideas.

The Iconography of Maitreya in the Northern Dynasties Period

Lee, Yu-Min
In the fourth century CE, the high monk Daoan led a group of eight disciples in making a vow to be reborn in Tusita, serving thereby as a prelude to the beginning of the Maitreya belief in China. During the secular and religious integration that occurred in the Northern Wei dynasty (386-534), and based on the notion of the emperor as a Buddha, the emperor of that era even more so considered himself to be the incarnation of Maitreya, leading to the increasing popularity of the Maitreya belief as a result. This persisted until the end of the Northern Dynasties period, thus accounting for the large number of Maitreya images produced at that time. Considering the vast area covered by the Northern Dynasties, the present study will attempt to examine the features and development of the iconography of Maitreya in different regions of the Northern Dynasties period from the perspective of regional studies.

The Concept of Metteyya in Pagan

Handlin, Lilian
In Pagan, Metteyya featured in the vernacular vocabulary, in temple inscriptions, on votive tablets, in paintings, sculptures and architectonic forms, far exceeding his dim canonical traces. This paper answers three questions why Metteyya mattered for Pagan, what contemporaries knew about him, and how such knowledge meant to inform their lives. The answers attempt to shift our concern away from Buddhism as a soteriology to what 259

elsewhere are termed habits of the heart . The answers also instantiate Pagans futurology, and why what would come affected how the world turned at present, articulated by recourse to Anagatavamsa verses featured on a 13th century temples walls. This commentarial text provided Metteyya-informed coping strategies, explicating the dogmatics of a sociology of expectations, to align the futures history with the present. Images of a time into which people could project themselves afford glimpses of what hope meant in a pre modern setting. The Metteyya concept is usually conceived in terms of issues of decline, the so called future dangers of the sasana. This focus neglects the concepts consolatory and constitutive aspects for the present. All great ideational systems assuaging lifes conundrums are always also concerned with the presents future, as was Pagans. Elsewhere apocalypticism sometimes echoed unsettling issues generating resistance literature by the marginalized and the oppressed. In Pagan, however, tension attenuating remedies sustained the Metteyya concepts vitality in a tamed format. Hope was legitimized but its fulfillment greatly postponed and defanged.

In Search of Maitreya: Early Images of Dvaravati Buddha at Si Thep

Chirapravati, M.L. Pattaratorn
This article aims to study two early representations of the Future Buddha Maitreya (Pali: Metteyya) from Dvaravati sites in Thailand: Yarang (Phattani Province) in the Peninsular region, Si thep (Phetchabun Province) in the central region, and Nadun (Mahasarakham Province) in the northeastern region. The first part of the article investigates textual sources for the Dvaravati imagery of the seventh to eighth centuries, and the second studies two types of images: the Buddha seated in meditation with hands in dhyanamudra, flanked by a stupa and chakra, and seated bodhisattva, flanked by a stupa and a chakra.

Images of the Maitreya-Type Bodhisattva in Ancient Greater Gandhra:

Schmidt, Carolyn
Morphology and Patterns of Association Remarkably diverse and rich in sculptured imagery, the Buddhist tradition of ancient greater Gandhra continues, after more than a century of study, to present enthralling questions for researchers, primarily due to the lack of identifying inscriptions and paucity of evidence to support precise interpretation. The importance of Maitreya as a Bodhisattva and the next mortal (mnu i) Buddha to this tradition, however, is unquestioned. From approximately the early first through the fourth centuries of the Common Era, Buddhist communities developed a number of unique conventions for Bodhisattvas. Given the primary individualizing characteristics of headdresses and hairstyles, these images may be classed typologically for research purposes as the Siddhartha-Avalokitevara-Padmapi-type and the Maitreya-type. The term Maitreya-type is used because the possibility that some of the images may represent Bodhisattvas other than Maitreya. The Maitreya-type is distinguished by a kama lu or kuik (flask), held in the proper left hand, and a shoulder-length hairstyle fashioned with the tresses on top of the head drawn-up, wrapped or knotted, and secured in a chignon, generally referred to as a jamukua (matted-locks crown). A synopsis of information from one part of a set of recent studies focused on Maitreya-type imagery, which clearly establishes the importance of jamukua conventions as primary organizing characteristics will be offered in this presentation. Four distinctive jamukua conventions were used 260

during the Kushan era for Maitreya-type images: a double loop, a rondure or u a-like bun, a kaparda (tresses spiraling upward like the top of a shell), and a square knot (nodus herculeus). The two styles found in the earliest phases of development, the double loop and ua-like bun, were continued into to later phases. This repertoire was expanded during the second century to include the two additional stylistic conventions, the square knot and the kaparda. The stylistic treatments of the unsecured locks of hair, as well as the eyes and other physical, ornamental, and symbolic characteristics, show morphological changes over time. Undoubtedly, the jamukua styles were not selected at random although the precise reasons for the introduction and the continued use of various types remains unclear. For Maitreya, who played a major role in the well-established schools from their earliest beginnings as well as in developing Mahyna traditions, analyses of these characteristics and their changes, in conjunction with choices in postures, gestures, and dais types, will undoubtedly produce increased accuracy in the interpretation of the imagery.

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Meditation, Experience, Transmission, Text, and Interpretation in the Chinese Tiantai Teaching
Wang, Ching-Wei How Do We Read Huisis Interpretations of the Lotus Samdhi?
Wang, Ching-Wei
--Unveiling Huisis Discussions of the Lotus Samdhi in Suiziyi Sanmei ( ) and Zhufa Wuzheng Sanmei Famen ( )Among the many Chinese masters who practice the Lotus Stra as a form of Samdhi or concentration, Huisis achievement of the Lotus Samdhi ( ) is well recognized. However, due to the unique style and sometimes obscure way of Huisis references to the passages in the Lotus Stra, though Huisi wrote extensively about his practices of the Lotus Samdhi i in his three important texts, Huisis discussions of the Lotus Samdhi in his Suiziyi Sanmei and Zhufa Wuzheng Sanmei Famen are far less discernable than those in his Fahuajing anlexing yi . In this paper, I will demonstrate how a detailed reading of the important passages related to the Lotus Sutra in Suiziyi Sanmei and Zhufa Wuzheng Sanmei Famen is crucial for an understanding of Huisis comprehensive meditation system which is constructed by preparatory meditations such as ragama Samdhi ( ) and the Praj-pramit meditation ( ) based on the Mohe bore boluomi jing ( ; Pancavim atishasrik Prajpramit Stra) that eventually lead to the culminating practice known as the Lotus Samdhi ().

If Six Were Nine: What Is Viewing Whom in Tiantai Meditation, According to Zhili's Jingguangmingwenjuji
Ziporyn, Brook
One of the central issues of dispute in the Shanjia/Shanwai debates within Song Tiantai was the question of how the instructions for "Mind-Contemplation" (guanxin) in classical Tiantai works were to be understood. The focus of dispute came to be the problem of what was the object being contemplated and what the subject doing the contemplation--what was active and what passive, what doing and what done to. In this paper I examine Zhili's remarks on this subject especially in his subcommentaries to Zhiyi's commentaries on the Jinguangmingjing. The results are as follows: 1. The sixth consciousness is the subject of contemplation, the contemplator taking up the practice of meditation. It is what "likes some things and dislikes others, and makes discriminations about words and ideas."It is the ordinary deluded consciousness, the taker of attitudes and the attributor of meanings. It is the locus of delusion, and therefore also precisely what the process of meditation is meant to transform. It must therefore also end up being the object of contemplation. This is the problem to be solved in Tiantai meditation theory. 2. To try to simply understand Tiantai doctrine, or the idea of the Three Truths, by means of this deluded discriminating dualistic consciousness is futile: "like trying to hang Mt. Sumeru by a lotus stalk, it only adds still more discriminations." 3. The five aggregates, in one form or another, are the initial object of contemplation, what is being viewed. 263

4. However, the Three Truths, as conceptual doctrine, are also viewed as an aspect of viewing the five aggregates. 5. There are two levels of agent and patient involved in the relation of the deluded mind, the Three Truths and the Five Aggregates. Zhili compares them to a hammer, an anvil and raw material, respectively. The hammer and anvil are both acting upon the raw material; similarly, it is the deluded mind and the Three Truths that are together the agent contemplating the Five Aggregates. However, viewed another way, it is the hammer that is active and the anvil that is passive, the hammer hammering on the anvil as well. Similarly, the deluded mind is the viewer and the Three Truths the viewed. So the Three Truths are both active and passive, both agent and patient, both viewer and viewed in this meditation. 6. The name for the Three Truths when considered as active viewers are themselves the 7th, 8th and 9th consciousness. 7. All experience is seen as aspects of the deluded sixth consciousness, and this total mass of delusion as itself Locally Coherent, therefore Globally Incoherent, therefore Intersubsumptive. Zhili describes the gist of the process as realizing that the conditional evil (xiu e) of the sixth consciousness is itself unconditional evil, the evil of the nature (xing e). Since unconditional evil is unconditional, it naturally subsumes all things, including the 7th, 8th, and 9th consciousness--which are nothing but the Three Truths themselves as viewers, as the active agents manifesting all things as objects of their peculiar from of awareness. Thus all four consciousnesses together (6 through 9) end up being both the viewer and the viewed.

Jingxi Zhanrans(711-782) Interpretation of One Mind in the Dasheng Qixin Lun

Kuo, Chao-Shun
Dasheng qixin lun declares that all sentient beings have their own tathaagatagarbha, or the pure mind which can give rise to all phenomena in accordance with conditions without changing its permanent pure nature. Xianshou Fazang(643-712) connected such one mind idea in the Dasheng qixin lun with the Huayan sutra to form his xing-qi( ) theory: Arising from the original Buddha nature(tathaagatagarbha). On the contrary, Jingxi Zhanran(711-782), based on Tiantai Zhiyis philosophy, used the one mind theory of the Dasheng qixin lun, which did not appear in Zhiyi writings, to create the xing-ju ( ) theory: In every sentient beings own nature exist all other beings natures, and vice versa. Both Fazang and Zhanran depended on the same idea of tathaagatagarbha but led to different conclusions. What is the complicate hermeneutical relationships between Jingxi Zhanran, Xianshou Fazang and their understandings of the idea of one mind of DaSheng qixin lun? As Jingxi Zhanran did not explain the DaSheng qixin lun in his works directly, the only possible way to pinpoint his understanding of the DaSheng qixin lun is a comprehensive survey of his other works. Through this survey, I will try to compare the differences between Jingxi Zhanrans understanding of the DaSheng qixin lun and those in Fazangs Qixin lun i-chi to further clarify Jingxi Zhanrans reading of the DaSheng qixin lun. Base on this, we will be able to re-examine the meditation philosophy of Jingxi Zhanran and Tiantai Zhiyi, and to find a new discourse that explains their relationships and differences.

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The Inter-textual Understanding and Linguistic Strategies in Tiantai Buddhism

Kantor, Hans
In one of his commentaries to the Lotus-sutra (Fahua xuanyi The Profound Meaning of the Lotus-sutra), Zhiyi (538-597), the principal founder of the Chinese Tiantai school, unfolds an understanding of this text based on an inter-textual relationship with all the other Buddhist Sutras. The Tiantai term which represents this inter-textual understanding is called root and traces and, also, accounts for the inner structure of this particular Sutra text itself. Furthermore, the relationship between the two truths of the conventional and ultimate are referred to as root and traces, too. However, ultimately, root and traces are inseparable and inconceivably one. The insight into the inconceivable equals a pervasive understanding the genuine understanding of only one of the Sutra texts simultaneously fulfills that of all the others. Besides this hermeneutical implication, the inconceivable also signifies the realm of awakening via contemplating mental activity, which includes the experience of the limits of thought and linguistic expression. The commentarial exegesis of Sutra texts, as developed by the Tiantai masters, intends to evoke such experiences and awareness, utilizing rhetorical means and linguistic strategies mirroring the ambivalent Tiantai view on language. The linguistic and textual pragmatics in Tiantai Buddhism perform and exemplify the hermeneutical key for a salvific understanding of the Buddhas word expressed in the Sutra texts. This paper discusses the linguistic and textual pragmatics in Tiantai Buddhism, analyzing the Tiantai view of language, inter-textual understanding, and the linguistic strategies involved.

Bodhy-samdhi and Four Sentences about No-arising

Lai, Shen-chon
Tien-tai Zhiyi (538-597 ) in his early monograph Bodhy-samdhi ( ) and late period book Mohe-zhiguan have exposited the thought of bodhy-samdhi. In his exposition, bodhy-samdhi is not only a synthesis of the meditation method of Mahayana and Hinayana Buddhism, but also the most important meditation in Tien-tai Buddhism. In this article, I exposit the course of the development of bodhy-samdhi in the history of Buddhism, and tackle the topic of the relationship of six Chi (Identity) and the six kind of seven Bodhysamdh. After the exposition of the method of bodhy-samdhi in Tien-tai Zhiyis different books, I tackle the theory of bodhy-samdhi from the perspective of destruction of the attachment to all beings in Mohe-zhiguan, in order to explain the relationship between bodhy-samdhi and Tien-tai Chi-Is late teaching about perfect teaching. The bodhy-samdhi is a common way to awake our buddhanature through the meditation on mind-arising. The bodhy-samdhi can be practiced by different meditation method for example, npna-sti (Breathing meditation). Zhiyi absorbs the meditation method of npna-sti (Breathing meditation) from Indian Buddhism and reconstructs it as important element of his three kind of meditation. Firstly the npna-sti of Stages of Zhiyis the Meditative Perfection is similar to its Indian origin but is reconstructed to adapt with Zhiyis system. Secondly the npna-sti is gradually transformed into Tientai Buddhisms style in Six Profound Method and Small Meditation, that means it presupposes 265

the Tien-tais theory of three Kuan (contemplation) in one mind and the Chinese vision about Mind Nature Substance and Function. Finally the npna-sti is one part of the Dyana Method of Zhiyis Mohe zhihguan, but its exposition of npna-sti here is already under the principle of perfect and sudden meditation. My article tackles this process of the transformation of the practice of npna-sti in Zhiyis different text. Tien-tai Zhiyis Mohe-zhiguan and the other text from Zhiyi and others Tien-tain master exposited the thought of four-fold Alternative about No-arising ( ), that is the very important principle of bodhy-samdhi. The systematic understanding of the teaching of Buddha (panjiao) ( ) in Tien-tai Buddhism is one kind of Buddhist hermeneutics. Hermeneutics of Chinese philosophy is an important topic of the current discussion of Chinese Philosophy. Tien-tai Zhiyis panjiao is important for us to construct the hermeneutics of Chinese philosophy. My article exposits the Buddhist hermeneutics of the The Negation of four-fold Alternative about No-arising of Tien-tai Zhiyi, in order to illuminate the ground of the emancipatory hermeneutics (hermeneutics of soteriology) of Tien-tai Buddhism.

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Narrative Strategies in Buddhist Historical Writings: East Asian Buddhism

Doell, Steffen; Nuernberger, Marc Historical Narratives as a Means of Persuasion in Kkai's Jjshinron
Kaufmann, Paulus
This paper addresses the following question: How do texts in the Japanese buddhist tradition try to persuade their readers? It is guided by the conviction that content and method of persuasion are interconnected aspects of texts and that both aspects have to be taken into account for a comprehensive understanding of these texts. I will focus on Kkai, one of the earliest and most influential figures in Japanese Buddhism. A first analysis of his works /Jjshinron/ and /Hizhyaku/ made clear that narrative passages play an important role in the persuasive strategy of these texts besides other means, of course, such as logical deduction or quotations from authoritative sources. These narrative passages can be roughly divided into stories as metaphors, stories as exemplars and historical or quasi-historical reports. My contribution to the proposed panel will concentrate on the last category. These historical reports are repeated several times at the crucial junctions of the texts and tell a story about the creation of the central Buddhist teachings by Mahvairocana Buddha. To understand the role of these historical reports in the persuasive strategy of the whole text they must be carefully analyzed. The analysis of persuasive strategies is traditionally the topic of rhetorics, but classical european rhetorics talks about narratives mainly in their exemplary function. A new kind of analytic framework is therefore called for. Contemporary narratology seems to offer such a framework as it concentrates on structural aspects of a text. My paper will thus offer a narratological analysis of the respective historical reports in Kkai's Jjshinron and explain how these passages contribute to the comprehensive persuasive strategy of the text. The guiding hypothesis will be that Kkai uses the story about the creation of Buddhist teachings to explain the hierarchy of these teachings that he tries to defend in the remainder of his text.

Steles of Illustrious Monks and the Rhetoric of Korean Buddhist Identity

Kim, Thomas Sung-Eun
Buddhist steles of illustrious monks are a very un-Buddhist mode of self representation. Unlike the Buddhist scriptures whose main audience is the community of Buddhist monks, steles are a form of an exposition ironically to the world that it denounces. These steles represent the paradoxes that lie at the borders between ideals and the realities of existence of Buddhism in society.

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Steles of illustrious Korean Buddhist monks were not simply personal historical narratives that served as life accounts but were more importantly, a mode of demonstrating and affirming the social eminence and worldly prestige of a master. Though it may appear as a passive form of a record of the life history of a master, it was instead a mode of communication that was very purposive and strong in intent, employed mostly by those who were closely associated to the master, his predecessors. More than chronicling the religious greatness of the master, steles were an important tool when claiming orthodoxy of a lineage and therefore the legitimacy of those who were the disciples. In the case of Korean Buddhism of the 17th and 18th century, steles were important, if not central, in the rhetoric of identity mainly in the form of genealogical claims of orthodoxy. It was through the steles of its illustrious monks that the disciples claimed orthodoxy within and without the Buddhist world. Interestingly, the method of claiming religious orthodoxy was by way of secular claims such as highlighting the official titles bestowed on the master or his great deeds in service of the state. Also, attempts were made to add weight to such claims and to give prestige to the image of the master by ensuring that the narrative of the stele was authored by a renowned Confucian scholar or a government minister. This illustrates the extent to which the Buddhist world and its legitimacy was heavily dependent on the outer Confucian world in the 17th and 18th century . Even the forming of its Buddhist identity came to be to a large extent reliant on the authority of the Confucian literati and the royal court.

Chronicity in Early Chan Yulu

Nuernberger, Marc
The so called recorded sayings (yulu) of Chan masters are an important source for the history of Buddhism. As "canonical" texts they fulfill not only hagiographical but also a soteriological functions. These famous accounts of the lives of the masters are intentionally designed to provoke further questions inside the reader rather than giving definitive answers. Although the dialogic structure and the briefness of the forceful encounters obviously seem to make them a good read, their subtle structure aims at far more than a vivid account of Chan teachings. In order to further our understanding of the narrative strategies that are in play in those early Chinese recorded sayings, the presentation will focus on the narratological treatment of englightment. No matter whether gradual or sudden, the chronic paradoxes of enlightment are prone to pose great difficulties for any recollection in the form of a written account. It will be demonstrated that those texts facing the utmost challenge found a very distinct way of treating chronicity in general which enabled them to preserve far more than fond memories of their great masters.

The Presentation of Buddhist Characters in the Ming Novels: The Case of Tianfei
Cai, Jiehua
The Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) is famous for its novels that cover a wide range of topics and styles. Amongst the many different types of narratives that appeared in this era, one focuses on the battle amongst Chinese gods and monsters and other religious legends (shenguai xiaoshuo ) often stemming from the Daoist or Buddhist pantheon. The novels 268

Journey into the West (Xiyou ji ) or Records from the Western Ocean (Xiyang ji ) are just two celebrated examples. The proliferation of this kind of narrative may be attributed to the discourse of the oneness the three great religions during the Ming dynasty. Yet, in spite of this often mentioned oneness it seems as if in the end Buddhism somehow always emerges on top of Confucianism and Daoism. Since many of these gods and monsters novels feature an explicit historical setting, these narratives should be considered part of the Buddhist historical tradition. The late Ming novel Tianfei niangma zhuan , however, presents a special case, since the central goddess Tianfei , the sea princess, holds a special status within the Chinese deities and does not belong to either Buddhism or Taoism at least according to some experts. In my presentation I will therefore focus on the interplay of the three religions within in the Tianfei niangma zhuan and reexamine the function Tianfei. A brief comparison of the presentation of Tianfei with other Buddhist characters in this and other Ming novels will finally reveal the true affiliations of this mighty goddess.

Continuities and Fractures in the Formation of Japanese Zen Buddhism

Doell, Steffen
For the development of Zen Buddhism in Japan, the late 13th and early 14th century was crucial. Emigrating from the mainland, Chinese Chan masters presided over the large Zen monasteries of Kyoto and Kamakura, where they introduced a completely novel kind of discourse thatdue to the language barrierwas not spoken but written. The significance of script as the constituting factor in the self-representation of early Japanese Zen becomes obvious in projects like the Genkou shakusho (An Account of Buddhism, Presented During the Genkou Era, 1332): While such hagiographies in large parts remained indebted to their Chinese precursors, there are important differences. This paper attempts to identify such differences in representation and proposes to understand these in terms of their narratological function.

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Narrative Strategies in Buddhist Historical Writings: Indian/Tibetan Buddhism

Doell, Steffen; Nuernberger, Marc Narrative Transmission(s) in the Sutta Pitaka
Galasek, Bruno
A close reading of the suttas of the Majjhima- and Dgha Nikya of the Pli Canon which employs narratological categories, i.e. the descriptive and analytical categories developed in narratology, reveals among other things their 'mediated-ness': We are in fact dealing with an account of an incident in which mostly the Buddha, or one of his principal students, is significantly involved as a spritual teacher or adviser. This mediacy (Mittelbarkeit, Franz K. Stanzel) constitutes the main feature of discourse-oriented narratology which enquires for the elements and the structure, i.e. the 'how?', of the narrative transmission. In my paper I want to apply certain subcategories of the main narratological categories 'time', 'voice', and 'mode' (Grard Genette) pertaining to the discourse-level of the narrative to selected suttas ('Erzhltextanalyse'), such as the Ratthhapla Sutta, the Pyajtika Sutta, or the Anguliml Sutta, of which the last mentioned e.g. exhibits striking passages of internal focalization. I want to show that this approach a thorough analysis that is theoretically wellgrounded offers first of all a much more adequate description of the structure and composition of the suttas, and secondly opens up new layers of meaning and understanding not accessible through historical-critical approaches alone, because it highlights the coherence of a given text, an important feature of narratives. Last but not least this approach values the suttas, consciously taking into account their sometimes odd features, as intended 'artistic pieces of literature' ('knstlerisches Schriftwerk', Dietrich Weber).

The Pali Suttas as Narrative Texts

Klaus, Konrad
The Suttas (or Suttantas) of the Pali canon are most often characterized as discourses of (resp. ascribed to) the Buddha, or one of his disciples, but this is a bit vague. Strictly speaking, they are not discourses, i.e. argumentative texts, but reports about discourses, i.e. narrative texts. In my talk I will describe some basic features of the Suttas' narrativity and try to categorize them according to the different degrees of narrativity they show.

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The Function of Buddhism in 'The History of Sikkim' ('Bras Ljongs Rgyal Rabs)
Bhutia, Kalzang Dorjee
The History of Sikkim (Bras ljongs rgyal rabs) is a text written between the 1890s and early 1900s by the 9th King (Chos rgyal) of the Rnam rgyal dynasty of the Himalayan Buddhist state of Sikkim (Bras ljongs), Mthu stobs rnam rgyal (1860-1914) and his wife, the Rgyal mo Ye shes sgrol ma (exact dates unknown). As a rgyal rabs, or royal genealogical annal, the text fits into a broader corpus of classical Tibetan historiographical literature that is found throughout Tibetan cultural areas in the Himalayas and Central Asia. It also has many of the features of a religious genealogy (chos 'byung) however, and this paper will focus on the function of Buddhism in the text, and particularly how it was mobilized to contribute to a form of Sikkimese nationalism in the colonial period in which the text was written. The authors of the text wrote The History of Sikkim while under house arrest by the British, and this context heavily influenced the contents and function of the text. Buddhism was a major means that Mthu stobs rnam rgyal and Ye shes sgrol ma used to convey the concept of a unique Sikkimese nation, due to the association between religion and a unique Sikkimese form of government, and through the use of religion to consolidate Sikkims independence at various points of Sikkimese history. Buddhism was mobilized in The History of Sikkim as part of the creation of a type of nationalist consciousness. However, this consciousness was unique, and part of a unique development of nationalism that did not see monarchical kingdoms as antagonistic with modernity and holding weakening legitimacy. Instead, The History of Sikkim uses traditional concepts of kingship and religion as consolidators of legitimacy. The concept of a strong relationship existing between religion, kingship and concepts of nation disrupts many influential theoretical discourses regarding the development of modern nationalism, including Benedict Andersons argument regarding how nationalism is imagined in communities where the dynastic realm has declined. The History of Sikkim therefore acts as an interesting example of how apparently traditional Buddhist histories can interact with modernity.

Songs, Empowerments and Dialogues: Embedded Texts and Their Function in Tibetan Spiritual Biographies
Rheingans, Jim
Texts entitled namthar or rangnam (translated here as spiritual biography and spiritual memoir, respectively) usually narrate the life of a Tibetan Buddhist saint; being an idealised biography, they are often considered a type of hagiography. Spiritual biographies vary immensely in both type and scope, ranging from informative life accounts, rich in historical and ethnographic detail, to tantric instructions, eulogies, and even works containing empowerment rituals. For the time being, however, one may assume that they generally form a narrative text type in which certain topoi of the life of a Buddhist saint are included that form the key constituents of the plot. Frequently, the main narrative is interspersed with songs, dialogues, and the like; passages this research will consider embedded texts. Although spiritual biographies and memoirs have frequently been employed for historical studies, the thorough analysis with the various methodological devices offered by narratology is only in its beginnings.

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This paper employs such an approach, concentrating on the particular phenomenon of embedded texts. Focusing on different instances in selected spiritual biographies (rnam-thar) and memoirs (rang-rnam), it investigates the function of these embedded texts (nonnarrative or narrative) within the main narrative by examining their relation to the main constituents of the plot. If such an embedded passage is indeed related to a topos expected in a spiritual biography about a Tibetan religious teacher, it remains to be questioned what this tells us about the function of the genre within Tibetan Buddhist culture and whether it is possible to determine general traits common to other Buddhist literatures. In conclusion this paper suggests how narratological analysis can be meaningfully employed and how such an approach can help to a more general understanding of the perplex complexity that the Tibetan spiritual biography still is.

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Narrative Strategies in Buddhist Historical Writings: Methodological Questions

Doell, Steffen; Nuernberger, Marc Mortifying Kama: Buddhist Literary Uses of the Symbol of Mara
Nichols, Michael
In the Indian Buddhist traditions, desire (kama) represents the force most consistently obstructive to release from the rounds of rebirth. Given that these traditions are rooted in renunciation and asceticism, this simple fact is unsurprising, but it perhaps conceals the complexity with which Buddhist literature defined and understood the concept(s) of desire in relation to other Indian traditions. For instance, though Brahmanism and, later, Hinduism also positioned desire against self-denial, there is also the tendency in those traditions for these forces to flow into and penetrate one another dynamically. Prior scholarly analysis of the Buddhist treatment of desire and the distinctiveness of that treatment from Hinduism has primarily focused on the philosophical and psychological levels. This approach neglects a primary figure in the Buddhist re-imagination of kama, specifically the deity Mara, who represents the forces of rebirth and death, and hence bondage to samsara, that Buddhists seek to escape. In this paper I will show how narratives of Mara assert a distinctively Buddhist position on the subject of kama, in relation and opposition to Hindu perspectives. In general, I will show that at every turn in Buddhist Pali and early Sanskrit literature, kama is coupled with Mara, thus overlaying desire with death from the Buddhist perspective. The particular evidence, though, and the heart of my paper is a detailed comparison of the kavya works Buddhacarita and Kumarasambhava. Both contain lengthy passages in which a god of desire assails a powerful ascetic, Mara against the Buddha-to-be in the former and Kama against Shiva in the latter. The manner in which the two works of literature portray the encounter, however, reveals a very different perception of the nature and role of desire in the world. Additionally, a comparison of these two clearly related works from the interpretive vantage of desire reveals how each traditions perspective on this issue was refined in dialogue and debate with each other. This conclusion advances our understanding not only of the respective viewpoints of Buddhist and Brahmanical traditions on the category of kama, but also reveals some of the contours of the literary interactions between these communities.

Indeterminacy in Meaning: Religious Syncretism and Dynastic Historiography in the /Shannren Zhuan/
Lo, Yuet Keung
This paper examines the competing voices in the Shannren zhuan (Biographies of Good Women), a unique anthology of 150 Buddhist womens biographical accounts compiled and edited in the eighteenth century by the Confucian-turned-Buddhist Peng Jiqing (1740-1796) to educate his daughters. The anthology details the lives of Buddhist laywomen of primarily the Chan and Pure Land faiths from the fourth to the eighteenth centuries, and it was prepared for the express purpose of Pure Land proselytization. This paper analyzes the form and structure of the biographies of Chan and Pure Land women in the Shannren zhuan and how they are sustained by different narrative voices. While the two categories of biographies 275

project two incongruous images of Buddhist women, competing for the readers conversion, they were both made to conform to the biographical tradition in Confucian historiography, which as a discursive structure underlying the Shannren zhuan, also laid claim to the readers aspiration. Even as the Buddhist and Confucian historiography jar with each other in the Shannren zhuan, the biographical traditions of Chan and Pure Land Buddhism are also at variance in the anthology. As a result, three competing voices from three different yet related biographical traditions struggle to defend their integrity in the anthology purported to have a unified Pure Land vision of religious transcendence. This paper argues that the jarring ideologies of Chan, Pure Land, and Confucianism proved to be too discordant for the overstretched form of dynastic biography and the narrative strategy of syncretization created a complicated paragon of Buddhist woman with a multi-layered identity commensurate with the three competing ideologies.

Sadprarudita Reconsidered - Principle of Organization and Narrativity of Prajpramit

Mak, Bill
For more than a century, the avadna-like story of Sadprarudita found at the end of various versions of Prajpramit had been the bane of modern scholars, from Burnouf to Schmithausen, who either chose to ignore it or considered such episode as accretion to the original Prajpramit, or Ur-Prajpramit. From a philological point of view, the incongruity of the story of Sadprarudita, as well as the problem of overlapping parallel Prajpramit texts could only be explained away by a schematic model, as demonstrated by Hikata and Conze. However, closer examination of the Chinese translations as well as comparison with different versions of Prajpramit reveal that the schematic model cannot fully account for the so-called "anomalies" of the text. The presence of the episode in the Lokakema's translation of the Lesser Prajpramit (179 C.E.) as well as its parallel presence in various lineages of Prajpramit texts suggest that the story was conceived as part of the stra at a very early stage of its compilation and there is no indication of development as the schematic model would suggest. Instead of assuming the text as a homogenous work of religious philosophy, if one reads the text from a narrative point of view, an altogether different picture of the organization of Prajpramit emerges. Prajpramit, like many other Mahyna texts was conceived in the form of dialogues. Within the webs of dialogues between the Buddha and various characters, mini-episodes not unlike the story of Sadprarudita are in fact found scattered throughout the text with different degrees of narrativity. The fluctuation of narrativity is in fact a feature and possibly a technique in the compilation of Prajpramit texts. With this perspective, problems such as doctrinally incongruous episodes, adhoc chaptering and the myriad of parallel texts may be seen under a different light and will thus require a complete re-evaluation. Though this paper is chiefly focussed on Prajpramit, similar observation may be made with regard to other Mahyna texts such as the Saddharmapuarka and Suvaraprabhsottama as well, suggesting narrativity a possible key to understand the construction and possibly even formation of Mahyna stras.

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What It Means to Interpret: A Standard Formulation and Its Implicit Corollaries in Chinese Buddhism
Jin, Tao
In the study of the Buddhist practice of scriptural interpretation, an inevitable subject of inquiry, apart from the content of interpretation, is the act of interpretation itself. Such an inquiry may naturally take two different directions, looking at either the theories of interpretation, or the theories about interpretation. The theories of interpretation guide the understanding and retrieval of meaning, and the theories about interpretation explore instead the nature or, more specifically, the role of interpretation in the transmission of truth. In other words, of these two directions, the former asks how one interprets, and the latter, what it means to interpret. In the western studies of Buddhism over the past few decades, theories of interpretation have been increasingly attracting attention under the name of Buddhist hermeneutics, and this trend in the first direction has been creating repercussions in the buddhological circles in East Asia. Theories about interpretation, as its natural counterpart, however, have remained largely unexplored it is thus the purpose of this study to investigate, taking the second direction, the Buddhist views about the nature of interpretation. This study asks two related questions: First, how did the Chinese Buddhists generally think of the nature of interpretation? Second, how did they address the issue of inconsistency in their answer to the first question? The second supplements and develops the first, for by drawing attention to the flaws in the first, it invites a quest for a deeper understanding about how scriptural interpretation is understood in its actual practice in Chinese Buddhism. The answer to the first is straightforward, for the model of truth (li), teaching (jiao) and interpretation (jie) is widely accepted and has remained the standard formulation about the role of interpretation. That is: truth is ineffable and beyond the reach of intellect, teaching, meant to be its medium, however obstructs its transmission as a form of intellection, and interpretation is designed to recover the truth that is covered by the intellection in teaching. This standard formulation, however, is inherently inconsistent. If the very reason why teaching requires interpretation lies in the intellection in teaching, how can interpretation, which is equally if not more based on intellection, accomplish a task (i.e., transmission of truth) in a way in which teaching fails? This is the issue raised by the second question. While there has never been an explicitly formulated answer to the second question, theoretical reflections on unrelated topics seem to have created a general intellectual atmosphere that would allow people to ignore or at least comfortably live with the obvious inconsistency, i.e., an atmosphere that would supplement and, in that sense, justify and sustain the answer to the first question. More specifically, such reflections make the ineffable truth accessible, the imperfect teaching perfect and thus identifiable with truth, and interpretation elevated to teaching and thus granted equal right to truth. Thus unformulated but supplementary, such theoretical reflections constitute the implicit corollaries of the standard formulation.

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Hagiography and Propaganda: Narrative Strategies of Contemporary Buddhist Movements in the West
Scherer, Burkhard
The paper analyses the narrative strategies employed by contemporary Buddhist movements in the West and investigates how they construct continuities (tradition, historicity, transmission and legitimisation) and how they minimise or justify disjuncture. Using modern literary theory including narratology; Foucouldian discourse analysis; new historicism; and Berger's sociology of religions, the investigation focuses on movements connected in various degrees of separation to the Tibetan Karma bKa' brgyud school. Hagiographical and autohagiographical accounts about and/or by Neo-orthodox Western teachers such as Lama Jampa Thaye and Lama Ole Nydahl, iconoclasts such as the late Trungpa Rinpoche and heterodox eclectics such as John Riley Perks (Celtic Buddhism) are analysed and critically compared. The paper finally offers some concluding observations about the ongoing process of constructing religious identity through narrative (myth) and story-telling.

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On the Problem of the Compilation of the Vibhasa

Mitomo, Kenyo Yogcras in the Vibh and Their Relationship to the Yogcrabhmi
Kritzer, Robert
The term yuqie shi (), probably yogcra in Sanskrit and best translated as practitioner of yoga or meditator, appears about 140 times in the Vibh. Although characteristic Yogcra doctrines such as layavijna, cittamtra, and trisvabhva do not appear in the Vibh, there are at least a handful of abhidharma positions concerning which the Yogcrabhmi and the yuqie-shi of the Vibh agree. In this paper, I discuss a number of these positions. The presence of the term yuqie shi in the Vibh has been noted for a long time, particularly in Japan, where in 1939, Nishi Giyu published a detailed article discussing its meaning and examining a large number of its occurrences. More recently, Jonathan Silk has discussed the significance of the term yogcra in a wide variety of sources, including vinaya texts and early Mahyna stras as well as the abhidharma literature. His broader conclusions concerning the term seem to agree with Nishis in the specific context of the Vibh: yogcra in these early texts cannot be identified with the school known as Yogcra or Vijnavda. Other scholars have discussed the existence of groups of meditation practitioners that they think were the forerunners of the Yogcra school. They point to the similarity of the meditation practices in a number of manuals with those described in the famous Yogcrabhmi attributed to Asaga. However, there has been little attempt to see if specific positions of the yuqie shi in the Vibh can be found in the Yogcrabhmi. Although it is clear that yuqie shi does not refer to members of the Yogcra school, it may well be that some of the yuqie shi doctrines from the Vibh survived to be incorporated in the abhidharma of that school. This would strengthen the argument of those who search for the origins of the school among the section of the early Sarvstivdin monastic community who were called, or called themselves, Yogcras.

On the Problem of the Compilation of the Vibhasa

Mitomo, Kenyo
The Vibhasas of three Chinese versions kept in the Tri-Pitaka are the most valuable annotation of the Jnanaprasthana and the treasure warehouse of the Sarvastivadin school. By the way, we can find many Abhidharma theories in Nagarjunas Mahaprajnaparamitasutropadesa (Mpu). It is not clear whether the Mpu was composed by Nagarjuna himself or which parts were added by Kumarajiva. However we can confirm that Abhidharma theories of KAtyAniputras disciples quoted in the Mpu belong to the SarvAstivAdins. And also we can confirm that Six pada SAstras, the Jnanaprasthana and the Mahavibhasa (Mv) were almost all completed at the time of the Mpu. However we notice some curious points on these matters. We will discuss about them and make clear the original Sarvastivadin school, the six pada Sastras and the Vibhasa. 279

The Three Versions of Chinese Translations of the Vibh-stra and Their Formation
Chou, Jouhan
This article is a comparative study of the structure and contents of the three versions of the Chinese translation of VibhS-stra. This article also aims to investigate the purpose of the VaibhSikas of the Sarvstivdin School in compiling the VibhS-stra. An analysis of the contents of the translated texts confirms that the main content of the current FourteenScrolls-VibhS-stra (Pi-po-sha-lun) (T. 28, No. 1547) is the Forty-two Topics. These fortytwo topics are explained by the teaching of Ten Gates, which is found in the Chapter "Forty-two Topics and Ten Gates." On the other hand, the existing Sixty-ScrollsAbhidharmamahvibhS-stra (Pi-tan-po-sha-lun) (T. 28, No. 1546) was the first sixty scrolls of a Hundred-Scrolls-VibhS-stra, which had already been translated. These sixty scrolls were copied and presented to the royal court of Liu Song in the Southern Dynasty. It is worth noting that the Sixty-Scrolls-AbhidharmamahvibhS-stra and the AbhidharmamahvibhS-stra (Da-pi-po-sha-lun, T. 27, No. 1545) are not different versions of translations of the same Sanskrit text. Strictly speaking, they have their own origins and textual sources. Throughout the course of time, the VibhS-stra has been edited and added to by VaibhSika commentators. While the original Sanskrit Sixty-ScrollsAbhidharmamahvibhS-stra can be regarded as an early version of the Vibh-stra, the AbhidharmamahvibhS-stra can be seen as an amended and expanded edition of the VibhS-stra. As for the Fourteen-Scrolls-VibhS-stra, it can be seen as a widely circulated version of the Forty-two Topics and Ten Gates. , With regards to the VaibhSikas aim in composing the VibhS-stra, besides the practical goal of explaining and interpreting the Stra and Vinaya so that there was no uncertainty in the texts, there was a more important hidden aim, namely to ensure VaibhSikas political status as the doctrinal authority at Kamra, the center of the Sarvstivdin School, and to suppress the voices of rivals within the school.

Various Issues Regarding the Vibh

Sasaki, Shizuka
In this presentation, I would like to introduce some of the results of my research on the Vibh in the past 10 years in the context of contemporary Japanese research on the Vibh. Some issues that I will discuss include: the fact that the Vinaya referred to in the Vibh conforms to none of those that exist today; the inclusion in pre-Vibh texts of post-Vibh material; varying opinions regarding the relation among the three Chinese versions of Vibh; the possibility that the Vibh was compiled by means of the same kind of information-processing method as a card type database. There are numbers of points regarding the Vibh that are still unclear, and we can see difficulties ahead for future research; however, we should be able to make progress as we gradually solve various problems of detail. I hope that this panel will provide an opportunity to deepen exchange among experts on the Vibh.

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Opening a Dialogue With the Mahvibh

Minoura, Akio
In much Buddhist discourse, once a question that arose out of the exigency of doctrinal development is asked and fully answered, another doctrinal issue is raised. This is probably how the various doctrinal arguments developed in ancient India. When the Mahvibh was compiled, various Sarvstvidin doctrinal issues, each of which has a multi-layered structure, were confined within a single text as they were at that time. Unless it is read with care, it would appear that the various doctrinal issues of the Sarvstvidins are taken up one after another without any logical connection between them. It is probably impossible to ascertain the editorial process whereby the gigantic Mahvibh was compiled. At most, what we can do is to attempt to clarify the reason why a certain issue discussed in the Mahvibh was taken up as a problem in the first place, through comparison with other issues in the text or other texts. By carefully investigating the background to the doctrinal issues, it is possible to enter into a dialogue with the Mahvibh and ascertain the doctrinal problems that the monks who compiled the treatise were facing. As a result, it will become possible to contextualize the doctrinal issues found in the Mahvibh in the history of Buddhist philosophy. In my paper I will provide several concrete examples to demonstrate th

The Ontology Based on Dravya in the *Vibhstra

Saito, Shigeru
Dravya is one of the most important terms in Abhidharma ontology. Based on the concept of dravya, this presentation aims to clarify the ontology in the *Vibhstra ( T. 1547) attributed to Sitapni (or itapni). The term dravya means things in contrast to the concept of names (*nman) in the *Vibhstra. That the Sarvstivda School at that time analyzed existence according to the categories of things (*dravya) and names (*nman) is clear because similar analyses are found in the *Mahvibhstra ( T. 1545) or the*Abhidharmavibhstra ( T. 1546). However, dravya in Abhidharma Buddhism does mean not things in general. For instance, dravya in Vasubandhus Abhidharmakoabhya means real entities and is used with meanings such as svabhva (self-nature). Furthermore, Vasubandhu analyzed existence (dharma) according to the categories of dravya and prajapti (having provisional existence). An analysis similar to that found in the Abhidharmakoabhya is also accepted in some passages in the *Mahvibhstra and the *Abhidharmavibhstra. These two texts contain two different analyses concerning dravya: One is an analysis according to the categories of things (*dravya) and names (*nman), the other, of dravya and prajapti. The former is clearly a more primitive analytic method than the latter. The only analysis in the *Vibhstra is according to the category of things (*dravya) and names (*nman). Consequently the *Vibhstra can be regarded as the earliest of three Vibh on the basis of Abhidharma ontology. Study of the *Vibhstra is therefore necessary to clarify the formative process of Abhidharma thought in the *Mahvibhstra.

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Patterns of Transmissions of Indian Buddhism in Medieval Asia

Nietupski, Paul Yoshida Shint Goma: Terminus Ad Quem of Indic Ritual Culture?
Payne, Richard
Yoshida Shint ( ) is a medieval Japanese tradition that appropriated ritual practices from Esoteric Buddhism, specifically Shingon ( ). The Yoshida Shint tradition developed three rituals, all based on Shingon exemplars. This paper will focus on the third of these rituals, an adaptation of the Esoteric Buddhist homa (goma, ). Topically, the analysis of this ritual involves issues of ritual adaptation and change. To provide at least a basic orientation, the paper will briefly discuss the use of homa in Indican Buddhist tantra, and the steps of transmission to medieval Japan. One of the relevant issues here is the relation between the textual tradition found in various tantras and the tradition of ritual practice. The thesis of the paper is that, just as with artistic traditions, there is a tradition of practice parallelling the scriptural traditions, and that this ritual tradition is itself at least semi-autonomous from the scriptural. In other words, while the tantras record practices of early medieval India, they were not narrowly prescriptive for later Buddhist tantra in East Asia. As a semi-autonomous practice, the homa could be adapted into Shint practice through simple substitutions in the ritual symbolism and actions. This understanding requires moving away from the presumptions that interpret authority as deriving from texts, a set of presumptions evidencing kind of Bibliocentrism (if not Bibliolatry) found in religious studies generally and inherited by Buddhist studies. Rather than thinking specifically in terms of the tantras as founding sources for practice, it is rather more appropriate to think of a tradition of practice transmitted in training and instantiated in ritual manuals, a genre independent of the scriptural.

Buddhist Monasticism as a Vehicle for Institutional Transmission

Nietupski, Paul
In the ninth to twelfth centuries Indian Buddhist monasticism was an important vehicle for the spread of Buddhism to surrounding countries, including Tibet, Myanmar, and further SE Asia. This paper focuses on the theoretical underpinnings of Indian Buddhist monasticism that mandated behavioral codes and accommodated ritual practices. The main source for this project is the Renunciation (Pravrajy) chapter of Guprabhas Autocommentary (Svavykhyna) on his Vinayastra. Here Guaprabha explained that the purpose of his work, and of monastic life, is nirya, very often translated as renunciation, but glossed in these texts as a positive attainment. Later commentaries explain that renunciation is the key cause of the Buddhist goal. Guaprabha comments that ethical behavior leads to irreversible mental states, to nirva with no remainder (nirupadhieanirva), the

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attainment of an unconstructed experience by way of constructed behavior, in a single human lifetime. The hypothesis is that these statements were new formulations of monastic theory and as such constituted the basic rationale for monastic behavior and institution building in Tibet, Myanmar, and further.

Pagans Jatakas as Transmission Instruments

Handlin, Lilian
The Pali narrative of the Buddhas earlier lives, a compilation unique to what was later called the Theravada path, featured on almost all Pagan endowments walls and on major stupas , from the 11th to the 13th centuries. No evidence survives about the whens, whys and hows of the texts migration from what perhaps was Kanci in South India, to South East Asia where other recensions circulated as well. The relationship between at least two of these recensions, defined by one scholar as the former variants contamination by the Sri Lankan Mahavihara text, is problematic, since these interpenetrations origins are unknown. Their results, however, are discernible and the paper will attempt to illuminate earlier diffusions by recourse to some of their outcomes. Pagans historical needs encouraged granting the Buddhas re-deaths great visibility, privileging this text in tandem with another, the Buddhavamsa. This was done on behalf of communal identity, a particular Dhamma gloss, and exclusionary markers. Finbarr Flood recently argued against the abstraction of semantic content from the material means of its articulation and reproduction, to move beyond textualized mediations of the past. This paper compares select 11th century Jatakas with their later versions. The comparison illuminates the complexities of ideational diffusion, the instabilities generated by multiple recensions and opaque narratives and how the transmission processes challenges were met by its products recipients.

The Transmissions of the Teaching of the di Buddha and Related Practices in the Indonesian Archipelago
Kandahjaya, Hudaya
This paper examines the medieval beliefs and practices of the Buddhism of Java, Sumatra, and Bali, especially the assimilation and institutionalization of the teaching of the di Buddha and related practices in (1) Javanese and Balinese literature, such as: (a) the Sang Hyang Kamahynikan, (recording Mantranaya teachings from the Mahvairocana-stra, the Sarva-Tathgata-Tattva-Sagraha-stra, and the Guhyasamja-tantra); (b) the Kakawin Sutasoma; (c) Prayer worshiping di Buddha; (2) Inscriptions installing Tr, Majur; (3) Archeological materials, including Candi Biaro Bahal, etc.

Practical Hermeneutics: On the Transmission and Interpretation of the Cakrasavarbhisamaya

Gray, David
The resumption of serious effort to transmit Buddhist teachings and practices from India to Tibet in the late tenth and early eleventh centuries, in what was later termed the latter transmission of Buddhism to Tibet, included attempts to transmit scriptures such as the Yogintantras that raised doubts due to their transgressive elements and/or heretical character. In an effort to understand how advocates of these texts managed to secure their 284

eventual acceptance as authentic Buddhist scripture, I propose to carefully examine an important meditation manual closely connected with some of the more controversial of these scriptures. The work I will examine is the Cakrasavarbhisamaya, a tenth century sdhana attributed to the mahsiddha Lipa that serves as the root text of one of the three main practice traditions connected with the Cakrasavara Tantra and its explanatory tantras (vykhytantra), particularly in this case the Abhidhnottara and Yoginsacra tantras. I will examine the sdhana itself, as well as two influential commentaries that were composed in (or at least preserved in) Tibetan. These are the commentaries attributed to Atia Dpakararjna (980-1054 CE) and Tsong Khapa (1357-1419 CE). In so doing I will argue that the sdhana itself, through its skillful invocation of classical Buddhist categories, served to embed a scriptural corpus with tenuous Buddhist credentials into a convincingly Buddhist system of practice. Atias commentary on this work furthered this process, and almost certainly contributed to the acceptance of this scriptural tradition as authentically Buddhist in Tibet. As a result, the question of the authenticity of these works was no long a serious issue when Tsong Khapa was writing in the early fifteenth century.

ntarakitas Gift to Tibet: Finding Enlightenment Through Philosophy

Friquegnon, Marie
When ntarakita came to Tibet in the eighth century, Buddhism had not been accepted by ordinary Tibetans but only by members of the court. King Trisong Detsen had a keen interest in philosophy, and is credited with a book on logic. To educate his people, he invited ntarakita, abbot of Nalanda University-monastery. ntarakita began with seven young Tibetan men and tested them for ability both to learn, and to follow monastic discipline. When this succeeded, he expanded his educational projects, building monasteries and advising on translations. His own philosophy was a view remarkably like that of the Western philosopher Kant. ntarakita believed that philosophy could be a path to enlightenment. This was to be a major influence on Tibetan thought up to the present day.

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Performance and Recitation: The Vessantara Jataka in Theravada Buddhist Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka
Lefferts, H. Leedom NARRATOLOGY IN THE ISAN MAHACHAT SUNG-SERMON
Mahanta, Dipti
The Mahachat Sermon, the recited form of the Vessantara Jataka, is deployed as thet laeh, sung-sermon, by Northeast Thai (Isan) monks to reveal the selfless character of the bodhisattva. These monks have played a major role in devising different skills to stimulate devotees minds to listen to the story with devotional attentiveness and then apply its moral values in daily life. Monks who have wide-ranging voices train themselves to delineate the Jataka in a unique recital style infused with distinct practices, including the use of various figures of speech, versification, rhythms, and different narratological techniques. The episodic narration of the story is done in such a way that enables the reader or listener to discover the whole from its parts and vice versa. In this paper I focus on narratological aspects of the Isan Mahachat thet laeh sung-sermon. A representation in art, literature, or any other discipline is narrative when its theme unfolds as a chain of episodic events, revolving around a core action which progresses both spatially and temporally. To explicate this thesis, I use the text Phimpha Laeh Mahachat 13 Kantha (Samnuan Isan), composed by the well-known sung-sermon practitioner monk, Ven. Phrakhru Sutasarapimol (Phramaha Phimpha Dhammadino). He uses nine distinctive narratological strategies in this text: interiorisation, cyclicalisation, serialization, elasticisation of time, spatialisation, fantasisation, stylization, improvisation, and contextualization. I briefly examine each of these devices by citing examples from the original text in English translations. By providing emphasis, freshness of expression, vividness, and conceptual clarity, these narratological strategies render vitality to the story and have greatly affected the proliferation, preservation, and continuation of the vibrant tradition of the Isan Mahachat sung-sermon.

Regional Variation in Performances of the Vessantara Jataka in Thailand: a Historical Perspective

Bowie, Katherine
Significant variations exist in both interpretations and performances of the Vessantara Jataka in northern, northeastern, and central Thailand. These variations include differences in frequency, timing, monastic participation, lay participation and interpretative emphasis. Furthermore, although the Vessantara Jataka continues to play an important role in the annual cycle of temple festivals in northeastern Thailand, its importance in central and northern Thailand has been steadily declining.

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This paper will explore possible historical explanations for this regional variation, arguing for the importance of an understanding of the politics of humor. Comedic recitations of the Vessantara Jataka were likely once widespread in Thailand. However, bawdy peasant humor increasingly became an embarrassment to the westernizing aristocracy. King Mongkut, who ascended the throne in Thailand in 1851, founded the reformist order of Thammayut monks. In an edict issued in 1865, King Mongkut denounced buffoonish recitations (Gerini1892:57). His successors shared his views. Impacted differently by the rise of the central Thai court-supported Thammayut sect, each region within Thailand has its own historical context which has shaped the performance and interpretation of the text. Royal influence was strongest in the central region and led to an especial focus on the Kumarn chapter. Central Thai involvement in northeastern Thailand led to an accommodation in which the Vessantara Jataka is recited annually as part of Bun Pra Wet festivities in most rural temples throughout the northeast, with an emphasis on the Nakornkan chapter. In northern Thailand, recitations of the Vessantara Jataka were associated with a tradition of comedic monks (tu jok) who specialized in performing the Jujaka chapter. Unlike other interpretations in which Jujaka is portrayed as a cruel and heartless beggar, in northern Thailand, Jujaka was a beloved trickster who encountered all kinds of funny obstacles and provided an opportunity for bawdy humor. This paper suggests that the comedic tradition survived in northern Thailand in part because this region maintained a considerable degree of autonomy until well into the 20th century. However, since WWII this tradition has been in decline as urban middle class audiences increasingly are finding such bawdy performances inappropriate.

A King for All Ages: Vessantara in Lankan Buddhist Art, Ritual and Literature
Holt, John
This three-part essay assesses the significance of the Vessantara Jataka within various aspects of Sinhala Theravada-inspired Buddhist religious culture in Sri Lanka. My primary aim is to illustrate how Vessantara remains one of the most paradigmatic religious characters in Buddhist cultural history. Throughout the essay, especially in the first two sections, I shall also make some comments of a comparative nature drawn from my research experiences in Laos. In the first section, which draws heavily upon work I have previously published in book form, the purpose of the jatakas signal presence within constellations of paintings found in Kandyan temples dating to the mid-eighteenth century cultural renaissance reign of Kirti Sri Rajasimha is examined in general. I will explain how specific jatakas constituted the main variables in the articulation of each temples visual liturgy. The Vessantara was, by far, the most frequently painted jataka and thus the most iconic subject matter rendered in the wall paintings dating to Kirti Sris reign. My argument will be that paintings of the central episodes of the Vessantara Jataka were rendered so ubiquitously precisely because Kirti Sri, an insecure king of Tamil Saiva origins, wished that his own kingship be understood by his Sinhala Buddhist subjects in the same spirit of dana and sacrifice epitomized by the bodhisattva within this famous and paradigmatic text. As the patron of these paintings, Kirti Sri could publically associate himself with an altruistic, merit-infused and bodhisattva-image of Buddhist kingship.

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The second section of the essay focuses upon the place of Vessantara in the ritual proceedings of ordination within the cultic context of the monastic Malvatta Viharaya of the Siyam Nikaya in Kandy which, along with the Asgiriya Viharaya, is regarded in Sri Lanka as the contemporary successor to Anuradhapuras Mahvihara, the historical bastion of orthodoxy for all subsequent Theravada lineages. In particular, I shall focus upon the significance of the texts recitation to samaneras on the eve of upasampada and the ritual action of samaneras donning royal garments reminiscent of Vessantara immediately preceding the ordination rite per se. In the third and longest section of the essay, I shall describe the literary legacy of the Vessantara Jataka for Sinhala literature, especially the jatakas retelling in Sinhala prose by the celebrated monk-writer Vidyacakravarti in his thirteenth century classic text, the Butsurana. In so doing, I intend to drawn upon a literary analysis offered by Liyanage Amarakirti in which he argues that Vidyacakravartis prose version is a landmark protonovel of Sinhala literary tradition. While the Vessantara Jataka continues to be a source of popular inspiration, as can be so clearly seen in its socialist-oriented dramatization in the late twentieth century play and film entitled Vessantara by the noted playwright Ediweera Saratchandra, the characterization of Vessantara in the Butsurana signals the unfolding of a complex and very humane religious condition. Here, Vessantara is a vexed, conflicted, believable character confronting the veritable exigencies of the samsaric condition.

Performance and Recitation: The Vessantara Jataka in Theravada Buddhist Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka
Lefferts, H. Leedom
This panel on the Vessantara Jataka proposes to encompass the diverse genres by which it is celebrated as well as variations in the texts which give it its impetus. Vernacular versions of the famous birth story are often the ones read and performed in temple recitations. However, these recitations may take place in various contexts, ranging from funerals to group celebrations of ancestors and spirits, to occasions for gift-giving, to celebrations anticipating future rebirths. This plethora of contexts agrees with the multi-valent themes present in this story and lead us to discuss the Vessantara Jataka not as a single item, but as a foundation on and away from which various constructions may be built. This panel initiates a cross-cultural comparison of the Vessantara Jataka in Theravada Buddhist Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. Panelists will examine the various contexts in which the story is read, other aspects surrounding readings, and the general frameworks in which the story is performed. Texts will, to the extent possible, be referred to and analyzed, while recognizing that the Vessantara Jataka is a series of texts permitting the construction of various contexts.

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The Vessantara Scrolls: Creating a Moral Community

Cate, Sandra
The Phaa yao Phra Wet, long painted scrolls depicting the Prince Vessantara Jataka used in towns and villages throughout Northeast Thailand and Lao PDR, constitute unique contributions to Southeast Asian culture and art. During the annual Bun Phrawet festival, villagers collectively carry these 40-50 meter long scrolls from the forest back to the city, accompanying the Prince and his family painted on the scroll and represented by speciallychosen villagers on their triumphal return. Following the procession, the scrolls are hung around the sala wat, helping establish the special space for the recitation of the story. The scrolls and the other items of material culture produced for the festival provide opportunities for merit-making, not only for their sponsors, but for those involved with their creation and use. While the scrolls depict the life of the Buddha-to-be, performing with the scrolls actively (re)creates the moral community (re)formed at the end of the story, conflating past with present. The scroll performance and subsequent recitation project this socio-karmic community into future times as well. In the local context, these performances thus mediate local social, spiritual, and political relations, acting as catalysts and agents in the process of transferring merit to families and the community as a whole, In examining these issues, this paper illuminates the objecthood of the scroll, considering new theories of the agency of objects and the making of subjects through objects in the Southeast Asian Theravada Buddhist context. Examining this scroll and other Buddhist ceremonies involving thread as a means of transmitting sacred power generate new insights into how Thai-Lao and Lao actively create and recreate both their social world and their moral universe.

Facilitating Agency in the Bun Phra Wet of Northeast Thailand and Lowland Laos
Lefferts, H. Leedom
Focusing on the complete Bun Phra Wet festival the Opportunity for Making Merit on the Occasion of the Celebration of the Life of Prince Vessantara permits us to see the staging of the Vessantara Jataka recitation in a broader context. Among the Thai-Lao of Northeast Thailand (Isan) and the Lowland Lao of neighboring Laos, the festival in which recitation of the Vessantara Jataka is wrapped permits members of the temple congregation to exercise agency in the expression of their allegiance to Buddhism and, in the case of the people of Isan, their relation to their kingdoms monarchy. The enactment by members of the congregation of the ceremony asking Vessantara and his wife to return to their home, stemming from the events described in Kan 12, Chaukrasat, the Six Royals, gives Isaners agency in this story. The procession which then returns to the temple, carrying the phaa yao Phra Wet, long painted scrolls, replicates Kan 13, Nakonkan, permitting the people to create an environment in which they welcome their new ruler to his home. Additionally, the people have (re)constructed the temple grounds to suitably welcome a person of royal stature. Altogether, in addition to furthering their soteriological goals, the Bun Phra Wet in Northeast Thailand has evolved to assert the peoples allegiance to the Thai monarchy, reinforce ideals of good governance, and establish the agency of loyal subjects through their preferred narrative.

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Ethnographic data and items of material culture also point to an earlier close relationship between royalty and the furtherance of the Bun Phra Wet among Lowland Lao. However, today, celebrations continue without the monarchical aspects seen in Isan. This paper stresses that performances such as the procession and the material culture of the Bun Phrawet are as significant as the recitation of the story in understanding the Vessantara Jatakas central place in Lao and Thai-Lao political culture.

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Plants, Animals, and Gardens in Chinese Buddhism

Chen, Huaiyu The Dragon King (Ngarja) in Chinese Buddhist Rainmaking Ritual
Capitanio, Joshua
Rainmaking was an important function of Buddhist ritual, particularly in East Asia, and SinoJapanese Buddhist canonical collections contain a number of scriptures and ritual texts that provide instruction in different forms of rainmaking ritual. While there are significant variations between the diverse rituals described in these texts, the majority of Buddhist rainmaking rituals aim at securing rainfall by gaining the assistance of the supernatural beings known as dragon kings (longwang , ngarja). This paper will focus on the role that these dragon kings play in the rituals described in Buddhist rainmaking texts from the East Asian tradition. To begin with, I will briefly discuss the overall place of the dragon kings within the Buddhist pantheon. As with various other types of supernatural beings, dragon kings are often presented in Buddhist scriptures as having been converted to Buddhism, and this paradigm of conversion provides the basis upon which the ritual practitioner is able to appeal to them for aid; some ritual procedures even include elements such as preaching the Dharma and/or conferring the Three Refuges on the dragon kings in exchange for their services. Following this discussion, I will examine some of the different ways in which the Buddhist ritualist relates to the dragon kings through these rainmaking rituals. As I will demonstrate, these texts display a spectrum of ritual attitudes towards the longwang, encompassing propitiation, exchange, and even coercion through threats of force. In some cases, rainmaking involves a reasoned appeal to the dragon kings compassion, whereas other cases require a forceful reprimand or subjugation. Finally, I will end with some brief reflections on the implications of the role of dragon kings in Buddhist rainmaking ritual within the larger sphere of Chinese religious beliefs. Rainmaking practices involving dragons (long ) existed in China prior to the introduction of Buddhism. With the spread of Buddhism to China, it can be seen that the Chinese concept of dragon and the Indian Buddhist concept of dragon king came to mutually enrich each other, and in concluding this paper, I will explore some of the ways in which Buddhist rainmaking practices, and specifically the Buddhist paradigm of rainmaking in which dragon kings played a central role, contributed to the development of rainmaking ritual within the context of indigenous Chinese religion.

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The Lotus Flower in East Asian Buddhism: Beauty, Gender and Cosmology
Lin, Peiying
The symbolic value of the lotus flower cannot be overemphasised in East Asian Buddhism; especially noticeable is its occurrence in the title of the renowned Lotus Sutra. The appreciation of the lotus flower began in India, prior to the birth of Buddhism, for its sun-like splendour and heavenly fragrance. In various Buddhist writings, it is admired for its beauty and spontaneous generation, whereby its image renders an imagination of a newly created world. The current essay pays particular attention to the rationale of and conceptual shifts in the symbolic value of the lotus blossom. In earlier writings, such as that by Chinese Master Daoxuan (596667), it represents Buddha-nature and purity. However, in a text written by Saich (767822), the founder of the Japanese Tendai School, the lotus flower is attractive for its unlimited ability to grow and grow. This conceptualisation was widely adopted by the Tiantai School, Pure Land, and Chan Buddhism. Later on, the radical thinker Nichiren (1222 82) renamed himself as sun and lotus with an extreme emphasis on his Japanese identity. Reading through a range of commentaries by Chinese and Japanese monks and literati, this essay focuses discussion on questions about how the feminine characteristics of the lotus flower transcend the gender and how the conception of the lotus seed became connected to consciousness, in accordance with Buddhist scriptures such as the Flower Garland Sutra and the Lankvatra Sutra.

The Spread of the Buddhist Story on the Woodpecker and the Lion in China
Liang, Li-Ling
There are numerous Indian folk tales in the Buddhist canon. These stories have enjoyed great popularity cross Asia. Many stories have been spread to China with the introduction of Buddhist literature. Their themes frequently appeared in traditional Chinese literature, which shows the significant impact on Chinese literature. This paper focuses on one exemplar of the story known as the woodpecker and the lion. This story illustrates that a woodpecker helps the lion remove the bones from its throat yet the lion does not repay the kindness. This story was spread China by various forms of Buddhist texts and has been found in different regions. In reading Jataka stories, Buddhist sutras, and other sources in local areas such as Yunnan, Tibet and Mongolia, this paper aims to offer a history of the spread of this story and its impact on local folklore literature.

Indra's Net and Understandings of Nature in Chinese Buddhism

Clippard, Seth
In this paper, I examine the way nature is discussed in contemporary debates regarding Chinese Buddhism and environmental ethics/environmentalism. Much debate centers on concern for non-human beings. However, attempts are made to address 'nature' as an entity, betraying a tendency to follow the dominate discourse of nature in western environmental philosophy. I will look at the terms used in the debate (nature, ecology, environment), and suggest that most Chinese Buddhist environmental thought is bogged down in philosophical debates that attempt to demonstrate the ecological character of Chinese Buddhism through drawing a comparison with western ecological metaphysics (characterized by deep ecology) 294

and Buddhist notions of interconnectedness (usually based on Huayan or Tiantai metaphysics). I will offer an alternative way to approach Chinese Buddhist environmentalism that attempts to make a more practical contribution and yet remains meaningful to Chinese Buddhist communities in that it builds on the way the term is used by contemporary Buddhist thinkers when addressing the members of their communities.

Taming Tigers in Medieval Chinese Buddhism

Chen, Huaiyu
This paper focuses on the taming of tigers in medieval Chinese Buddhism by reading various hagiographies selected from the biographies of eminent monks. Through an analysis of the stories about taming violent tigers in order to assist local villages, I suggest that these monks who tamed tigers did live an eremitic life, mostly in the forest, since likely they did often encounter tigers and other beasts. The special place tigers held in Chinese culture, where they were regarded as the king of beasts and the most dangerous of all animals, constructs the rhetoric for the hagiographic association between tiger-taming and monastic practice. Thus, the tiger replaces the lion as a central figure in Chinese Buddhist literature.

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Precept and Vows

Section Moderator: Maes, Claire Depraved Conducts Out of Noble Motivation? Understanding a Band of Six Monks and Nuns in Vinaya
Liu, Cuilan
The presence of a band of six monks pervades Vinaya literature. Termed as chabbaggiya in Pli, they are defined as a band of six sinful monks taken as exemplification of trespassing the rules of the Vinaya, and this definition is also found to be widely applicable to its counterpart avrgik in Sanskrit, drug sde in Tibetan, and liuqun biqiu in Chinese. These reckless troublemakers are found to be associated with so many depraved incidents that it would be hard for any Vinaya reader to ignore the enormous amount of accounts ascribed to them. Such a band is also found in the nuns Order, consisted of six or twelve nuns high profiled in ways very similar to that of the six monks. At first glance, that these monks and nuns are evil in nature appears to be a view widely expressed in Vinaya texts preserved Chinese, Tibetan, and Pli. But upon closer investigation, nuanced information scattered in the Vinaya literature began to illuminate an overlooked disagreeing opinion, that maybe these monks and nuns are not whole-heartedly bad or more radically, that their disgraceful deeds were out of a noble motivation to facilitate the establishment of monastic law. Previous scholars such as Barua (1934), Sarkar (1981), and the Venerable Shengyen (2010) have pioneered discussions in support of this opinion. In this connection, concentrating on the evilness of those monks and nuns as narrated across languages and cultures, this paper seeks to provide a comprehensive discussion on the identity of the band of six in both Orders, with a specific regard to whether these monks and nuns are historical characters through a study of the ways in which the nuns band is connected with the monks band.

The Denomination of the Other in the Pli Vinaya: An Analysis of the Construction of a Buddhist Identity
Maes, Claire
Jonathan Z. Smith shrewdly noted in his essay Differential Equations: on Constructing the Other that rather than the remote other being perceived as problematic and/or dangerous, it is the proximate other, the near neighbor, who is most troublesome. (2004:245) When we transfer this hypothesis to the relationships that were prevalent between the early Indian Buddhist sagha and the other ramaic communities of Northern India, it is the proximate other, or the other who is perceived as TOO-MUCH-LIKE-US, that often stirred communal debates and caused the Buddhist community to re-evaluate their religious praxes and/or soteriological tenets. This is not unusual. For, when a religious tradition is denominating the proximate other a double process of identification is taking place: in the process of defining the proximate other one is indicating the characteristics one finds typical of that tradition, and one is simultaneously (re)defining oneself. For example, when the Buddhist sagha describes the Nigahas (i.e. Jains) as acelas (without 297

any garbs) they likewise determine the monastics of their community as wearer of garbs. The application of Jonathan Z. Smiths theory of the proximate other on the Pli monastic texts can, as I will demonstrate, lead to interesting insights in the process of growing selfconsciousness on the part of the early Buddhist monastic community. In this paper I propose to examine Smiths theory of the proximate other by offering a critical and systematic analysis of the references made in the Pli Vinaya to (aa)titthiya (adherent of another sect). When examining when, how and why mentioning is made of (aa)titthiya, I will equally give due attention to the various narrative contexts in which the proximate other occurs in order to point out certain discernable patterns. I will argue that the interaction and confrontation of the Buddhist monastic community with (aa)titthiyas played a significant role in the construction of a clear distinct Buddhist identity in particular, and in the development of the Buddhist monastic precepts in general. This paper will throw new light on the various dynamic forces behind the development of the Buddhist monastic precepts and on the creation of the communitys identity.

The Mahvastu and the Vinaya Collection of the MahsghikaLokottaravdin: A Reassessment

Tournier, Vincent
The present paper presents some results of a research on the textual history of the Mahvastu, and focuses on the place of this extensive text within the Vinayapiaka of the Mahsghika-Lokottaravdin. Scholars disagree about the character of the Mahvastu, some being inclined to undermine its vinaya status while stressing its connexions with avadna anthologies. This view is partly justified by the fact that very few sections of the Mahvastu are actually dealing with monastic regulations. However, I will argue that the text remained clearly identified as an introductory narrative to the Vinaya for most of its composition and transmission. Indeed, a careful analysis of the textual materials shows that the extended retrospective of kyamuni's career as a Bodhisattva and deeds as a Buddha was arranged according to vinaya categories, the respect of which had priority over chronological concerns. Moreover, a detailed survey of the manuscript tradition at hand shows that it is only at a later stage that the Mahvastu was cut off from the rest of the Lokottaravdin Vinaya and was thereby understood as a mere reservoir of narratives, a conception which influenced the reception of the text by modern scholarship.

A Comparative Analysis of the Fanwang Jing Bodhisattva Precepts and the Yogcra Bodhisattva Precepts
Lee, Sangyop
The Fanwang jing is a Sinitic apocryphal text composed sometime during the mid to late fifth century mainly to provide an alternative set of the bodhisattva precepts in imitation of the Yogcra text Bodhisattvabhmi-stra. Despite early concerns about its dubious provenance, the sutra was greatly utilized by the Chinese Buddhists and eventually overtook the Chinese translations of the Bodhisattvabhmi as the most popular source for understanding and practicing the bodhisattva precept. This study attempts to account for such success of this apocrypha in Chinese Buddhism.

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If we compare the Fanwang jing with Chinese translations of the Bodhisattvabhmi such as the Pusa dichi jing and the Yuopose wujie weiyi jing (which the resemblance of the latter to the apocrypha is newly attested to in this study), we find that the apocrypha did not only imitate these translated texts, but also attempted to redefine the purport of the bodhisattva precept by introducing the idea of universal Buddha-nature. The translated texts tend to present the bodhisattva precepts as prohibitions of wrongdoings that result from defiled minds a view which pertains to the Yogcra school's interest in explicating various obstructions (varaa) that hamper a being from reaching the Enlightenment. The Fanwang jing, on the other hand, terms the bodhisattva precepts in the form of promotions of good deeds resulting from virtuous motives. This new, positive approach has its foundations on the Buddha-nature thought which holds human beings to be no different from the Buddha in their essence or nature. The significance of this difference is critical when we consider the socio-cultural context of the time. Prompted by the rapid growth of the Buddhist Order in China, anti-Buddhist movements and propaganda prevailed during this period. One of the Chinese literati's preferred method of criticizing Buddhism as an inferior religion was to point out its negative approach to human morality; that it seeks to rectify a person by unnatural manipulation of human nature, as opposed to the "superior" Chinese teachings that encourage spontaneous good deeds through development of innate virtues. Given such circumstances, it is natural to conclude that Chinese Buddhists preferred the apocryphal Fanwang jing over the translated bodhisattva precept texts of the Yogcra school for its emphasis of the positive and active aspect of Buddhist precept practice based on the Buddha-nature thought.

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"Protecting the Spiritual Environment": An Inquiry Into Chan Buddhism and Buddhist Ethics
Shi, Guo Guang Chan Buddhism, Global Ethics, and Protecting the Spiritual Environment
Shi, Chang Shen
More and more researchers and social activists have come to the realization that the crises associated with globalization are not only brought about by political, economic, and social issues, but also by the erosion of ethical principles. In order to address problems such as poverty, conflicts, environmental pollution, corruption, and injustice, it is important to think critically about the possibility and desirability of formulating a global ethic. Because religion is often the source of human beings value systems, it has the potential to provide useful solutions. Many religious traditions and their manifold variation in the world, however, are still clinging to pre-modern orthodoxies and dogmas instead of responding constructively to the needs of a globalizing world. This paper will explore the concept of Protecting the Spiritual Environment, a movement pioneered by Dharma Drum Mountain since 1989, and its potential contributions to global ethics. Borrowing from contemporary discussions of environmental ethics on the one hand, and the traditional philosophy and meditation practices for mental purification derived from Chan Buddhism on the other, Protecting the Spiritual Environment is a new concept and practice that is both relevant and applicable in everyday life. It extends the traditional Chan practice of infusing everyday activities with mindfulness to the realm of ethical thinking and behavior, advocating the application of Chan in interaction with human society and the natural world. Rather than seeking technical and legal solutions in the external world, protecting the spiritual environment seeks solutions from within, starting with raising the quality of individual awareness and moving on to interpersonal relations and sustainable development. Although protecting the spiritual environment is based on Chinese Chan Buddhism, it differs from mainstream religious belief systems in that it is primarily concerned with practical solutions to human suffering and the environmental destruction that results from deluded modes of thinking. As such, it has the potential to transcend religious boundaries and offer new ways of thinking about global ethics.

The Meaning of Bodhisattva With Human Body in the Platform Sutra of the Six Patriarch
She, Guo Hsiang
In the modern Chinese-speaking community, people regard those who passed away in crosslegged seated position without decaying over years as the Bodhisattva in Human Body. As a matter of fact the term of Bodhisattva in Human Body has different meanings. For example, in the Fo-kuan Dictionary the term is explained as People who are in the form of human beings and attain the deep state of Bodhisattva is called Bodhisattva in Human Body. In this world there were some Bodhisattva in Human Body such as Nagajuna, 301

Vasubandu, Fu-da-shi and Shing-gi-pu-sa. The term Bodhisattva in Human Body also appears in the Chi-yuan version of The Platform Sutra of the Six Patriarch. It says that the sixth patriarch composed a poem and had a layman write it on the wall of the southern quarter soon after Shenhsiu had written a verse there. His verse was: Bodhi is fundamentally without any tree, The bright mirror is also not a stand, Fundamentally there is not a single thing, where could any dust be attracted ? When the monks of the monastery saw this poem they were shocked and spread it by saying: only after such a short time, he has become a Bodhisattva in Human Body The usage of this term here indicates a person who has attained profound enlightenment. I noticed that most of the people who explained the Platform Sutra of the Six patriarch did not clearly pointed out the meaning of Bodhisattva in Human Body. I would like to investigate the meaning of this term by looking into the thoughts of Master Hei-neng elaborated in the same version of the Platform Sutra of the Six Patriarch and referencing other sources such as Master Sheng Yens description of his state of mind after enlightenment and Eckhart Tolles view in his book The power of Now in which he expresses that great compassion arises only when a person has attained enlightenment.

Buddhist Family Ethics and Its Application in the Modern World

Shi, Chang Wu
Witnessing increasing chaos and conflicts around the world in recent years, Buddhist leaders have advocated the value and importance of family ethics. Through efforts like these, they hope to help restore social order, and to arouse compassion in people so that world peace and the wellbeing of humanity may be enhanced. Popular concepts in modern world such as having sound interpersonal relationships and emotional intelligence require more than well-rounded skills and experience; they need to be actualized with a thorough understanding of ethics. For more than 2,000 years Buddhism has placed great importance on ethical behavior. This paper will limit its discussion on family ethics and its application in the modern world to the versions of the Well-born Sutra collected in the Drgha gama ("Long Discourses") and in the Madhyama gama ("Middlelength Discourses"). Our discussion will focus on the contents and spirit of Buddhas teaching on two of the six directions of paying worship and respect (liu fang li bai). They are the East for parents and children, and the West for couples. We will follow with a review of the content by applying the four principles raised by the late Master Sheng Yen in his proposed Six Ethics of Mind. The four principles are 1) being responsible, 2) fulfilling ones duties, 3) mutual respect, and 4) caring for each other. Furthermore, we will look into the significance of the parents-children relation as the foundation of human ethics, and the wholesome effect of spouse relation that can bring to the family.

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"Cordiality in Sharing" - the Buddhist Monastic Economy and Its Modern Significance
Shi, Guo Guang
As a Buddhist monastic, the economic aspect of monastic life is closely connected with his goal of practicing Buddhism to attain Buddhahood. Thus, Buddhism offers the guidelines for monastics economic activities. The core principle for the monastic economy is called Cordiality in Sharing, which is the fourth principle of Six Principles of Cordiality (Pali: Cha Sry dhamm) in Kosambiya Sutta and Smagma Sutta. It means sangha (monastic community) shares their requisites equally with all members that would create love and respect, and is conducive to cohesion, to non-dispute, to concord, and to unity (MN 48, MN 104). However, the ways how monastics receive and distribute material goods has changed greatly since Buddhas time. Therefore, this research will look into the application of this guideline in ancient and contemporary time, and its significance in the modern society. This paper will first examine the function of Cordiality in Sharing in the sangha from the Nikya and Vinaya texts. The monastic economy includes micro and macro economy. The former involves issues concerning personal freedom from desires and selfishness through the practice of vinaya, dhyana, and prajna, and the latter relates to concern for equality, justice, and sustainability of the sangha. Second, this paper will investigate the economic system of DDM sangha, which is founded by late Master Sheng Yen. Since the monastic lifestyle has changed from the ancient time to the 21st century, DDM has developed the DDM monastic regulations to adapt to the modern world based on the ancient principle of Cordiality in Sharing. Furthermore, the Four Guidelines for Dealing with Desires advocated by the Master is a proposition for leading a carefree life. This attitude toward dealing with material possessions is not for monastics but also for laity as well. Since Schumacher first addressed the term Buddhist Economics in 1973, more and more economists attempt to find the solutions for the economic problems in the modern world from Buddhist perspectives. From a consideration of above two parts, the principles of Cordiality in Sharing and Four Guidelines for Dealing with Desires can provide an environmentally sustainable and socially just solution to our modern world. Keywords: Buddhist Economics, Buddhist Monastic Economy, Vinaya, Six Principles of Cordiality, Four Guidelines for Dealing with Desires

Initial Study and Research on the Verse of Faith in Mind, Practice, and Time
Shi, Chang Huey
This paper will discuss the teaching and method of Chan practice existing at the time of Faith in Mind by studying the terms and words in the verse and analyzing how they are presented in a progressive manner. With this approach, we hope to clarify the time when the verse was composed.

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In its delineation of the progress, from generating faith, understanding, practice and to realization, we see that it advocates that one starts ones practice from existence, then move on to emptiness, and finally realize the true suchness, which is intrinsically pure nature as the Buddha nature. In lieu of this, we discover when the verse was composed, it had to be in a time period that the progressive levels of practice was emphasized (from existence to emptiness), along with the prajna thought of non-duality of existence and emptiness, and the Buddha nature thought that sentient beings possess the intrinsically pure self nature. Verifying from the historical aspect, the background underlying in the verse accords with the Buddhist development prior to Sui and Tang dynasties. It also contains Taoist terms which can be traced from the time of Wei and Jin dynasties, the thought of emptiness of the prajna school, and the thought of Buddha nature. All of these signify the characters of the time period of the third Patriarch Seng Can. One may argue that Seng Can was not the author of the verse, but judging from the contents and ideas presented in the verse it should not be far from the Sui and Tang dynasties.

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Rang Stong / Gzhan Stong: Perspectives on the Discourse in India and Tibet
Sheehy, Michael Does the Self-Cognizing Ultimate Cognize Itself? Some Issues in the Other-Emptiness Theories of Self-Cognition
Komarovski, Yaroslav
Distinctive features of Shakya Chokdens approach to self-cognition can be summarized as follows: all beings possess the primordial mind (ye shes) that becomes the sugatagarbha starting from the level of Mahyna ryas; that mind is the naturally luminous self-cognition, but it does not necessarily cognize itself; for self-cognition to turn into the cognition of itself it has to be able to induce ascertainment of that cognition. Such is possible only starting from the level of Mahyna ryas when self-cognition the ultimate nature of mind realizes itself by itself. The following passage from Shakya Chokdens Sevenfold Precious Treasury: Explanation of the Glorious Guhyasamja (Dpal gsang ba dus pai rnam bshad rin po chei gter mdzod bdun pa) well illustrates these points: "Question: If the ultimate reality on the level of the basis (gzhi dus kyi don dam bden pa) is accepted as the primordial mind, will it not follow that short-sighted ones [i.e. ordinary beings, not ryas] too directly see the ultimate reality and the sugatagarbha? Answer: On the level of short-sighted ones, the convention of self-cognition is applied to [the mind being] merely produced as a luminous entity (gsal bai ngo bo). Nevertheless, because [such mind] is not able to induce ascertainment of that [luminous entity], it is not said that it cognizes itself by itself (rang gis rang rig pa). On the other hand, because in the [Mahyna] rya grounds [the mind] can induce ascertainment of that, [it] is explained as the object of function of individually selfcognizing primordial mind (so so rang gis rig pai spyod yul)."

From Absent-minded Bodies to Body-citta: Self-emptiness, Otheremptiness, and (Post)modernity

Duckworth, Douglas
Competing interpretations of the Prajpramit Stras, exemplified in Madhyamaka and Yogcra discourses that stem from medieval Indian Buddhist thought, can be seen to reflect two directions in postmodern thought: one toward deconstruction and one toward embodiment. By deconstruction I mean to represent the culmination of modern rationality, where a disembodied egos quest for a central core or true essence has finally come to an end; that is, an end in the sense of a hard-won recognition that the quest for essence is doomed from the start. By embodiment I mean to suggest a turn to the body, and other participatory encounters with meaning, in response to this failed modern project. Deconstruction on its ownheld outside of its performative function, its lived dimensionis simply negation. We can see that the kind of negation that mere deconstruction exhibits corresponds to a non-implicative negation (prasajya-pratiedha, med dgag), which is commonly associated with the discourse of self-emptiness (rang stong). A non-implicative negation is simply denial, like the denial of essence or identity, without implying anything else or 305

deferring that essence to some other. There is no nostalgia or romanticism in this kind of deconstruction, nor is there any acknowledgement of the body or mind in the constitution of meaning. Dislodged from heart and mind, there are no signs of life in this discourse. In other words, deconstruction itself is pure, disembodied abstraction. In contrast to a nonimplicative negationthe linguistically-bound negation of deconstructionan implicative negation (paryudsa-pratiedha, ma yin dgag) is the type of negation preferred by the proponents of other-emptiness (gzhan stong). An implicative negation is a negation that points beyond its constructed identity to something other. The language does not merely deconstruct itself and narcissistically wallow within its self-referential self-destruction. Rather, it is understood to imply, or presume, something more: a ground that one always already participates in. This is because this ground precedes reflection, it is the unthematic, prereflective ground of being that constitutes the possibility of reflection. Thus, the ultimate truth of other-emptiness is not the emptiness that is a lack of true existence or essence. Rather, its meaning is what remains in negation; it is the cognitive ground of negation that is presupposed by language. In this paper, I will attempt to chart a trajectory from deconstruction to embodiment in the intellectual history of Buddhism, as it is interpreted in Buddhist traditions of Tibet. I will treat embodiment as a participatory approach to radically deconstructed and unthematized meaning in contrast to an interpretation of truth as purely an analytic category, or an approach to meaning that deals with Buddhist values, such as emptiness, as simply truth claims or representations. That is, in this paper I will argue how certain Buddhists in Tibet have re-presented the meaning of emptiness as a uniquely participatory encounter in a way that its meaning is necessarily enminded and embodied.

The Synthesis of Yogcra and Tathgatagarbha in the Maitreya Works as a Realistic Indian Precedent of Gzhan Stong
Mathes, Klaus-Dieter
The Jo nang pas were not alone in claiming that the gzhan stong position had earlier been staked out in Indiafor example, by the Kashmiri Paita Sajjana (11th cent.) who adhered to the distinction between the real and the imputed propounded in the Madhyntavibhga and Dharmadharmatvibhga. A careful study of the Madhyntavibhga shows that it not only distinguishes, in the more conservative Yogcra fashion, the existing dependent and perfect natures from the non-existing imagined, but also defines the relation between a positively understood emptiness (luminosity) and the dependent. True reality is thus not only the absence of duality, but positively described as luminosity and suchnessa conception of the ultimate also found in the Ratnagotravibhga, where it is the tathgatagarbha when still accompanied by stains. This fits in well with the famous interpretation of the tathgatagarbha in the Lakvatrastra as emptiness, if one takes this emptiness as the Yogcra-Tathgatagarbha based luminosity or suchness of the Maitreya works. What I propose to show in the present paper is that the Ratnagotravibhga is not simply a treatise on the tathgatagarbha with random Yogcra influences. It rather reflects a systematic Yogcra interpretation of the Tathgatagarbhastras. Moreover, it will be shown that the Yogcra hermeneutics of Vasubandhus Vykhyyukti is followed in the Ratnagotravibhga and the vykhy on it. This means, in accordance with the rules of the Vykhyyukti, that the asserting of an aim in the introduction to RGV I.156-57 does not 306

imply the provisional character (neyrtha) of the tathgatagarbha doctrine. The synthesis of Yogcra and Tathgatagarbha in the Maitreya works reflects a serious alternative to the Madhyamaka hermeneutics of Candrakrti, and can thus be considered a viable Indian precedent of gzhan stong.

The Middle Path of Eclecticism (Ris Med) in Tibet: Some Remarks on the Conjunction of Gzhan Stong and Rang Stong in the So-called Tantric Madhyamaka
Deroche, Marc-Henri
We will examine in this paper some relations between eclectic (ris med) approaches in Tibet and their corresponding philosophical articulation of Yogcra and Madhyamaka, gzhan stong and rang stong. Generally, we observed that an inclusive attitude to different practice linages is concomitant with an inclusive methodology of different Madhyamaka schools. In this orientation some also tended, in order to express the ultimate unity of all different Buddhist teachings and lineages, to value specifically, but not necessarily exclusively, the view of gzhan stong (Smith, 2001; Komarovski, 2007). But since the Buddhist view, par excellence, is the Middle Path, we find also how, following the intention not to cling to any extreme or partisan views, to integrate also, in fine, what appears to be the duality of rang stong and gzhan stong. According to one solution that is to be studied here, the apparent contradiction is then resolved at a meta-level, in the esotericism of the meditation-oriented and experience-based so-called tantric Madhyamaka (sngags kyi dbu ma). Phreng po gter ston Shes rab od zer, alias Prajrami (1518-1584) in his treatise of the Ambrosia of Study, Reflection and Meditation (Thobs bsam sgom chi med kyi bdud rtsi) where he exposed the eclectic model of the Ten Pillars of Exegesis and the Eight Lineages of Practice, followed later in the so-called ris med movement by Mkhyen brtse and particularly Kong sprul in his Gdam ngag mdzod (Kapstein, 1996, 2008; Deroche, 2009), stated: Knowing that the creation phase (utpattikrama, bskyed rim) corresponds to the tradition of gzhan stong, and that the completion phase (nipannakrama, rdzogs rim) corresponds to the tradition of rang stong, the yogin of the Great Vehicle who meditates their conjunction is the crown ornament of all the vajra-holders. This Tantric Madhyamaka also forms the conclusion of Kong spruls hierarchical exposition of the different philosophical systems (grub mtha) in his Shes bya kun khyab mdzod (section 6-3), after having analyzed Madhyamakas various schools, and after rang stong (svtantrika and prsagika) and gzhan stong. We thus intend to examine this specific approach, its sources and its role within the exegetical discourses of the eclectic quest for the Middle, an all-inclusive Middle.

Is Chomden Rigrel a Gzhan Stong Pa?: Problem With the OtherEmptiness Lineage of the Jonang School of Tibetan Buddhism
Wangchuk, Tsering
Despite Chomden Rigrels (1227-1305) rather infamous proclamation that the Kalacakra Tantra is not an authoritative Buddhist treatise, many early Jonang masters included him into the other-emptiness lineage of the Jonang tradition. For Dolpopa Sherab Gyaltsen (12921361), the pioneer of the other-emptiness tradition, the Kalacakra Tantra is unquestionably one of the most significant texts for the Jonang philosophy and practice. In this paper, I

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examine how and why the Jonang scholars revere Rigrel as one of the lineage holders of the other-emptiness presentation. I also raise the question of whether his inclusion somehow inadvertently undermines the Jonangs unique presentation of other-emptiness. Using Rigrels short commentary on the Uttaratantra, I will offer some answers to these questions.

Codifying the Ktayuga: Preliminary Remarks on a Literary History of Gzhan Stong in Tibet
Sheehy, Michael
Framing the rang stong / gzhan stong discourse within Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshans (1292-1361) hermeneutics of Buddhist historical time as a scheme for modeling a literary history of gzhan stong while considering the multiple social and historical forces that prohibited the production and distribution of gzhan stong writings in Tibet, this paper offers preliminary remarks on a history of gzhan stong as literature. Particular attention will be given to the censorship and circulation of gzhan stong works in the period of persecution immediately following the death of T ra n tha (1575-1635) up through the scholastic renaissance of the Jo nang pa in Amdo during the nineteenth century.

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Re-examining Sheng-yen's Chan Practice, Academic Research, and Interpretation of Mahayana Sutras
Wang, Ching-Wei Master Sheng-yens Interpretation of Ouyi Zhishus Jiaoguan Gangzong A Modern Chan Approach to Tiantai Meditation System
Wang, Ching-Wei
Master Sheng-yen played multiple roles in the development of Buddhism in modern Taiwan. He is at the same time a Chan Master, a scholar know for his research on Tiantai Buddhism and Ming Buddhist masters, the founder of several important Buddhist academic research institutes, and also a social activist with Dharma Drum Mountain as his base. Among these roles his academic research on Tiantai meditation and his effort to promote chan practices as the official Dharma heir of both Linji and Caodong Chan schools seem to be the core of his other efforts to make the human realm a pure land. In this paper, I will analyze Master Sheng-yens Tiantai Xinyao ( ), his interpretation of Ouyi Zhixu , the last Tiantai master who refused an official tie with the Tiantai school but went into depth in his discussions of Five Times ( ), Eight Teachings ( ), and the comprehensive concentration and discernment system drawn out by Zhiyi. Tiantai Xinyao embodies Master Sheng-yens attempt to revive the earlier mode of Chinese Buddhist meditation with Mahyna Stras as the center of mediation, or Yijiao Xiuxin Chan ( ) in Taixus terms. In this paper, I will also examine some historical evidences that go against the antiintellectual image of chan schools in Sung until Ming Dynasty that is well-accepted in modern scholarship.

Transformation: To Know Oneself Is Empty via Huatou

Shih, Chang
In pursuit of wisdom, all the teachings of Chan Buddhism have one purpose: Transformation. Transformation means to break through the prison of mental habits, such as attitude, behavior, and cognition, into spacious mind of Enlightenment. In Chinese Chan Buddhism, the teachings of Master Zhaozhou (778-897) used Wu to answer his disciples question: Does a dog have buddha-nature? Wu means no, nothing, or without. And, this Wu becomes a popular conception of the Linji Lineage (Japanese: Rinzai School), is a distinct attribute of the huatou method. A hautou, may consist of a fragment-a question or a word-dervied from a gongan (Japanese: koan) or Buddhist sutra, means head, or crux, of a saying explained by the great modern Chan master Xuyun (1840-1959). In theory, to investigate the huatou means to examine that which occurs before thoughts arise. This paper is to investigate the systematic huatou developed by Chan master Sheng Yen, and to know how this method points to Emptiness. Why the huatou of Wu is highly recommended for practice? This paper will center on master Sheng Yens commentary on a text of Chan Master Hanshan Deqing.

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An Exploration on Master Sheng-yen's Chan Buddhist Lineage Through His Teaching on the Dharma-door of Cultivating the Perfect Penetration of the Ear
Jing, Shi Guo
The Dharma-door of Cultivating the Perfect Penetration of the Ear(er gen yuan tong fa men), originating from Chapter 6 in the Shurangama Sutra, is the cultivating method of Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva(Guanyin). From the time of the Shurangama Sutra's translation into Chinese by Shramana Paramiti during the Tang dynasty, it has received significant attention from different Buddhist Schools and factions. Among those, the Chan School regards it as its foundational collection. Discourse records (yulu) from the Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties document that masters had their own distinct styles in using the Dharma-door of Cultivating the Perfect Penetration of the Ear to guide disciples and activate their receptivity at the right opportunity. Examples include Bai Zhang Huai Hai, Xuan Sha Shi Bei in Tang, Yuan Wu Ke Chin, Mi Yin An Min, Da Hui Pu Jue in Song, Chu Shi Fan Chi in Yuan, Han Shan De Ching, Ru Jiu Zhui Bai in Ming, Zhuan Yu Guan Heng, Mu Ren Zai San in Qing, as well as Xu Yun, Ling Yuan in Contemporary China. The Chan lineage of Master Sheng-yen is from Lingji and Caodong. In both of these "entering the stream where objects are renounced" (ru liu wan shuo) and "directing the hearing inward to listen to the inherent nature" (fan wen wen zi xing) are common concepts in the dialogues between master and disciples. Master Sheng-yen flexibly uses the basic method-"hearing the sound"-- in the dharma door to guide practitioners. He divides the dharma door method into four steps so that practitioners will gradually experience the state of Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva. Master Sheng-yen not only clearly analyzes the dharma-door of the ear but also guides practitioners by using simple terms such as "Don't name", "Don't describe", and " Don't compare" in pointing out the principle of this method. These three terms actually comprise the basic correct perspective for the method in all dharma-door practice. Besides guiding Chan practice, Master Sheng-yen established Dharma Drum Mountain(DDM) based on the dharma-door of Guanyin. Consider the landscape of DDM: from the entrance of Welcoming Guanyin Park and the walk upstream with "streamside meditation", up to WishFulfilling Guanyin Hall with the inscription board of "directing the hearing inward to listen to the inherent nature" and the Grand Hall with board of "original face" which represents "directing the hearing inward to listen to the inherent nature, until the nature attains the unsurpassed Way"(fan wen we zi xi, xi chen wu shang dao), and then atop DDM with "Founding Guanyin". This landscape shows that Master Sheng-yen regards Guanyin's dharma-door of the ear as one of the central thoughts in building DDM. Thus, it is demonstrated how we can explore Master Sheng-yen's Chan Buddhist Lineage from an alternative perspective--that of the Dharma-door of Cultivating the Perfect Penetration of the Ear. Key works: Shurangama Sutra, Cultivating the Perfect Penetration of the Ear, discourse records, Master Sheng-yen

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On Master Zhiyi and His Relation With Mount Tiantai

Shen, Haiyen
In history of Chinese Buddhism, Tiantai Buddhist school is regarded as the first established school in China, and the key character for its establishment is its actual founder Zhiyi in six century. His great achievement was partly due to his retreat to the Mount Tiantai for more than ten years. This paper investigates the symbolic meanings the mountain represents and the significant role it played to the accomplishment of master Zhiyi in three perspectives. First, the affinity between Zhiyi and Mount Tiantai, revealed in his vision due to his religious devotion in his youth, which prophesized his future attainment as the greatest Buddhist philosopher in China. Second, Zhiyis samadhic experience, occurred in the mountain, led him to realize the one ultimate truth. Third, Zhiyis miraculous performance exerted in the mountain after his death empowered this geographic location as sacred.

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Recent Progress in Vinaya Studies

Clarke, Shayne Vinaya Masters and Vinaya Treatises and Their Role in Diffusing Indian Buddhism to the Bahirdeaka
Scherrer-Schaub, Cristina
In 1929, certainly inspired by a note published by Palmyr Cordier in 1909, and in the wake of the discovery of the Ancient Termez (1926-1929) by the first archaeological mission directed by B. Denike, Paul Pelliot presented a short communication to the USSR's Academy of Sciences bearing the title "Termez dans les textes chinois et tibtains." A few years later in 1931, Sylvain Lvi again drew attention to the Tibetan colophon of the Vinayastrak, a text attributed to Dharmamitra, a Vinaya master active, according to the colophon, in Tarmita/Termez "the opulent and famous city on the shore of the Vaxu/Oxus (Amu-darya)." Invited by Pierre Leriche and Shakir Pidaev, then directing the Franco-Uzbek archaeological mission in Termez (2004, 2006), I gathered interesting material that sheds light upon some peculiar aspects of the transmission of Buddhism in Central Asia and in particular upon the role of the Vinaya masters. Although part of this material has been presented to the Journes d'tudes sur Termez organised in June 2006 at the Collge de France and hence is relatively widely known, I will present here some new results.

On the Compilation of the Prjika Section in Vinaya Texts

Sasaki, Shizuka
On the basis of a series of detailed studies of adhikaraa over the past few years, I have been able to clarify to some degree the fact that the ikpadas, the charter stories describing the events leading to the establishment of the ikpadas, and the lists of words defined in the vibhaga word-commentary were compiled at different historical periods. In this presentation, I will consider the compilation process of the prjika section of the Bhiku Vinaya as a sequel to my study of adhikaraa. I will consider how our view of the prtimoka rules changes if we read the ikpadas literally, without any information found either in the preceding stories or the word-commentaries. I will then examine the discrepancies we find between this stripped-down interpretation of the prtimoka rules and the rules read in light of the vibhaga narratives and word-commentaries. I will analyze the four prjika rules in this manner in order to begin to "dismantle the Vinaya."

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Towards a Comparative Study of the Sarvstivda- and Mlasarvstivda-vinayas: A Preliminary Survey of the Kathvastu Embedded in the Uttaragrantha
Clarke, Shayne
The still largely unexplored Uttaragrantha (gzhung dam pa) of the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya contains ten separate sections or chapters. One of these sections is known in Tibetan as gtam gyi dngos po (Sanskrit Kathvastu). The same core text is also preserved in two Chinese translations in the Sarvstivda-vinaya (Shisongl, Taish 1435) and the *Sarvstivdavinaya *Mtk (Sapoduobu pini modeleqie, T. 1441; hereafter Modeleqie). Moreover, three folios of a Sanskrit manuscript are preserved in the Berlin Turfan collection (SHT [V] 1068). A detailed comparison of the version of the Kathvastu in the Modeleqie with those embedded within the Sarvstivda-vinaya and the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya establishes that the Modeleqie preserves knowledge of the structure of a Vinaya identical to that of the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya as it has come down to us. The Modeleqie, then, provides us with an important early example of a Chinese translation (435 CE) of a Mlasarvstivdin text translated well before Yijings eighth-century translation of the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya, and one which is explicitly referred to as a Sarvstivdinnot MlasarvstivdinVinaya text. Identification of a series of parallel texts in the Sarvstivda-vinaya, the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya, and the Modeleqie allows us to better understand the shared, core structures between the Sarvstivda-vinaya and the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya, a necessary preliminary to any discussion of the nature of the relationship, if any, between the Sarvstivda and the Mlasarvstivda.

The Concept of Sdom Pa in the Mlasarvstivdin Vinaya

Kishino, Ryji
It is well known that the concept of sdom pa is important in Tibetan Buddhism, especially in its Tantric tradition, and that Tibetan sdom pa is an attested translation of Sanskrit savara. Moreover, the concept of sdom pa/savara is discussed in both Indian scholary treatises and stras as if it has something to do with vinaya literature. In fact, it seems to be regarded in such texts as specifically related to the procedure to become a monk/nun that is described in vinaya literature. However, with the exception of the Mlasarvstivdin vinaya, neither the term savara itself or its equivalent are commonly found in vinaya texts. Even in the Mlasarvstivdin vinaya, there are very few references to the concept of sdom pa. Furthermore, some of them are seen in contexts that have nothing to do with the procedure to become a monk/nun. In this presentation, I focus on the references to sdom pa in the Mlasarvstivdin vinaya preserved in Tibetan and show that the concept of sdom pa is not exclusively linked to the procedure of becoming a monk/nun. As a result, I suggest that common interpretations of the concept of sdom pa might reflect only a partial understanding of the full range of meanings of the term.

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Stras Embedded in the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya

Yao, Fumi
As compared to the Vinayas of other schools, it is one of the distinguishing characteristics of the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya that, in addition to disciplinary rules and their explanations proper, numerous stras and stories (avadnas and jtakas) are quoted at considerable length. Unfortunately, despite their important position in the history of Buddhism in India, the stras in the Stra-piaka of the Mlasarvstivda are only partially extant. The Mlasarvstivda-vinaya, then, is valuable not only as a compendium of disciplinary rules for the Buddhist monastery but also as a corpus of wide-ranging stras that were transmitted in this school. The relationship of these stras to the Vinaya itself has yet to be fully understood. Both Akira Hirakawa and Gregory Schopen have discussed certain cases in which a given stra or story either has the important function of explaining a specific monastic rule or has a close relationship to the subject of the section in which it is contained. Significantly, however, examples in the Bhaiajya-vastu differ widely from those in the sections of the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya which Hirakawa and Schopen examined. The Bhaiajya-vastu, Section on Medicines, purports to explain rules about medicines used in the monastery, but it in fact contains a long story of the Buddhas travels. This story is not only disproportionally larger than the explanations of the monastic rules but it also has little, if anything, to do with those rules. Since most of the stras found in this vastu of the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya are embedded in this long story of the Buddhas journey, with only a few exceptions they too have no relation to the rules expounded therein. In this paper, on the basis of my examination and translation of the Bhaiajya-vastu, I would like to propose a completely different direction from that pointed out by Hirakawa and Schopen with regard to the relationship of the embedded stras to this Vinaya. I will present a few examples which strongly suggest the possibility that these stras were brought into the Bhaiajya-vastu by the redactors of this Vinaya after they were already fully developed elsewhere, such as in the Stra-piaka, and that they were not developed within the context of the Vinaya itself with the aim of exposition of monastic rules.

The Disciplinary Procedures in Vinaya Literature

Aono, Michihiko
In terms of the disciplinary procedures that are discussed in the Kammakkhandhaka, Privsikakkhandhaka, and Samuccayakkhandhaka of the Pli Vinaya and the corresponding portions of the Vinaya texts of other schools, there have been informative studies published by two scholars. Sat Mitsuo examined the application of disciplinary procedures mainly with reference to the Pli Vinaya and the Vinayas preserved in Chinese translations, while dith Nolot elucidated technical terms related to disciplinary procedures on the basis of Vinaya texts in Sanskrit and Pli, including commentaries and subcommentaries. Making reference to these studies, we can examine the disciplinary procedures in the six main Vinaya texts.

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In order to move beyond these studies, I have examined the disciplinary procedures in all of the texts that were treated by Sat and Nolot. In this paper, I would like to show one aspect of what I noticed in this process, specifically the simplification or homogenization of monastic rules found in the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya. It is often pointed out that the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya incorporated many stories and changed from a law book to narrative literature in the process of its development. When we compare the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya with other Vinaya texts, we see that the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya includes stories that are not found in other Vinayas, while abbreviating some of the monastic rules that exist in other Vinaya texts. In addition to these two observations, I will demonstrate that the simplification and homogenization of monastic rules are characteristics peculiar to the Mlasarvstivda-vinaya.

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Reconsidering the Abhidharma

Meyers, Karin Mapping the Territory of the Path: The Progress of Insight in the Visuddhimagga and Abhidharmakoabhya
Meyers, Karin
There are many ways to describe the intellectual project(s) of the Abhidharma(s), but one way we might describe it is to say that the Abhidharma is concerned with mapping the Buddhist worldthe inner world of the mind, the external worlds of the body and cosmos, and the routes from one state of mind or being to another. Despite the profound impact of these maps on Buddhist thought and practice, anxiety over the status of some of the most prominent features on these maps, the dharma-s, has lead modern scholars to dismiss the Abhidharma as a failed ontological project. This reflects a somewhat limited view of the possible meaning and utility of analyzing the world in terms of dharma-s: dharma-s are either the final real things revealed through an unblemished view of reality as such or they are the product of a kind of scholastic category mongering that represents a clear failure of insight. It is not hard to see why one might be tempted to subscribe to this dichotomy. Even if their primary concern was not always ontological, Abhidharma texts do present dharma-s as the non-arbitrary, ultimate elements of experience or reality. At the same time, the internecine disputes in these texts reveal that decisions over what was counted as a dharma were resolved via reason and scripture rather than meditative insight. While it is always nave to confuse map with territory, to forget that a map is an abstract and idealized model of the reality it represents (a mistake that some bhidharmikas undoubtedly made), we must remember that the utility of a map does not depend on its accuracy, but on its ability to help an individual imagine and navigate a piece of terrain in relation to a particular destination. This explains why even Buddhists who rejected Abhidharma ontologies continued to copy, consult and orient themselves in the world and on the path in light of Abhidharma maps. I suggest that we cannot afford to neglect these maps, that we should examine the role they played and continue to play in the larger Buddhist intellectual and soteriological project. In this paper, I propose to examine two very different Abhidharma maps of the progress of insight, one found in the Visuddhimagga and the other in the Abhidharmakoabhya. In contemporary Theravda practice, the sixteen stages of insight (although lesser known than the maps of the samatha jhna-s) serve to help the practitioner locate him- or herself in relation to the ultimate goal of the path and important milestones along the way. Among other things, this promotes faith and removes doubt. The territory is charted somewhat differently in the Abhidharmakoabhya, where insight progresses according to ten knowledges (jna-s) and realization of sixteen aspects of the Four Noble Truths. These differences provide an opportunity to examine bhidharmika conceptions of the progress of insight and the continuities and discontinuities with other Buddhist conceptions of insight.

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The comparison will also give us the opportunity to consider the significance of these maps as a genre of second order reflection on meditative experiencean intellectual enterprise that is perhaps most pronounced in the Abhidharma but found elsewhere in the Buddhist and non-Buddhist world.

The Dhamma Tools for Enlightenment: The Laity and the Study of the Abhidhamma in Colonial Burma
Braun, Erik
Although often viewed as far removed from most Buddhists' lives, in the early twentieth century the study of the Abhidhamma became a critical means for lay people in Burma to reimagine themselves as Buddhists. A principal vehicle for this re-imagining was a 690-verse poem in Burmese, entitled the Paramattha-sa-khip. Written in 1903 by the Burmese monk Ledi Sayadaw (1846-1923), this work is a translation of the seminal twelfth-century conspectus on the Abhidhamma, the Abhidhammatthasangaha. The Paramattha-sa-khip was immensely popular: Fifty thousand copies of it were printed from 1904 to 1907 alone; study groups of men and women formed throughout the country to master it; huge communal recitations of the text took place in many cities; and competitive examinations on the poem attracted numerous lay participants. Through these activities, the Abhidhamma in Burma became laicized, and so Abhidhamma doctrine became a resource to reformulate lay Buddhist life. Analysis of the Paramattha-sa-khip, along with its autocommentary, will make clear how the poem made learning the Abhidhamma appealing. Above all, studying the Abhidhamma attracted lay people because of the prestige of such an activity, for the Abhidhamma was (and still is) understood as the most sublime of the Buddha's teachings. What is more, the Paramattha-sa-khip gave its users a direct role in protecting these rarified teachings at a time of a perceived threat from British colonialism. The simple language and stream-lined structure of the poem made memorization fairly easy, so that lay people could participate in the preservation of the part of the canon that would be the first to disappear in the prophesied decay of Buddhism. And in the process of safeguarding fragile doctrine, study of the poem also offered to the learner the chance for immediate spiritual, and even societal, benefits. Spiritually, study of the Paramattha-sa-khip gave peopleto use Ledi's wordsthe "dhamma tools" for enlightenment in their present lives. Insight became attainable for those who had typically understood such a goal as lying outside of lay life. Beyond spiritual benefits, the poem also appealed for social reasons. Ledi suggests in the poem that study of the Abhidhamma can lead to societal change in Burma by building up collective merit through study. The spiritual and social benefits of Abhidhamma study drew people to the Paramattha-sakhip. The presentation will also consider what the consequences of such study would be. I will argue that use of the poem enabled collective action and provided the basis for a key development in lay Buddhist life in the modern era, mass meditation. Thus, rather than something floating far above the concerns of everyday Buddhists, the Abhidhamma, through Ledi's poem, played an important part in empowering the laity to take on new roles in the Buddha-ssana in the colonial period.

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Is Karma Really a Dharma? Some Reflections on Dharmas, Karman and Reasoning in the Abhidharmasamuccaya
Bayer, Achim
The Abhidharmasamuccaya's doctrinal position between realist Abhidharma on the one hand, and Mahyna on the other is well known and has given rise to discussions about its school affiliation already during the times of the classical Indian commentators. For the most part, doctrines like nyat or cittamtra play a minor, or rather minute, role while the text contains a presentation of dharmas, such as the caittas, that is down to earth in both doctrine and style, and thus mostly unburdened by scholastic sensitivites or prolix schemes of classification. In various passages of the text, doctrines indicative of some kind of dharmanairtmya shine through, a phenomenon that is not completely unknown in pre-Mahynist Abhidharma, and in this talk I would like to discuss some of those sections in terms of doctrinal content and the type of logic applied. This presentation will focus on the definition of factors like rpa and cetan (see pp. 298-303 in my Karman in the Abhdharmasamuccaya), while the specific question of updyarpa (pp. 390-394) will have to be left aside for reasons of time.

How Do Animals and Other Non-Buddhists Have Faith and Knowledge?

Gethin, Rupert
On the Abhidharma psychology of the wholesome mind The Abhidharma has not infrequently been approached and presented by modern writers as something of a failed project: a metaphysical blind alley revealed as such by the Madhyamaka exposure of dharmas as hypostasised concepts that, despite the bhidharmikas protestations to the contrary, lack real existence; rather than providing us with a systematic account of what the Buddha taught, the bhidharmikas in fact obscured and even distorted his message with their scholastic excess and pedantry. Such an approach to and presentation of Abhidharma thought reduces the Abhidharma project to the question of the ontology of dharma-s something which neither the its exponents nor its critics did. In fact an account of the world in terms of dharma-swhatever dharma-s are preciselyremained for all practical intents and purposes the Indian Buddhist account of the world. A preoccupation with the metaphysical and ontological questions raised by the Abhidharma project means that its other concerns have been somewhat neglected. There can be little doubt that the Abhidharma represents one of the most sustained attempts in the history of human thought to provide an exact account of the workings of the mind, an account that claims moreover to be universally applicable. However, this account has not been fully unpacked in modern scholarly literature. With some exceptions, such accounts as exist tend to rehearse the formulaic definitions of states of mind (caitta/cetasika) with little attempt to explore the significance and tensions in the psychological detail of the definitions. With the recent application of certain notions, such as mindfulness (smti/sati), derived from the Buddhist understanding of the mind in contemporary psychotherapy, it seems worth examining the Buddhist understanding of a healthy mind revealed in the Abhidharma more closely. The present paper explores this with reference to a number of mental states. The Theravda Abhidhamma understands the wholesome mind to be characterized by among other states faith (saddh) and knowledge (a); outside the Abhidhamma these are commonly defined in terms of faith in the Buddha, Dhamma and Sagha and knowledge of the four 319

truths respectively. Nonetheless, Abhidhamma does not want to understand that wholesome consciousness with faith and knowledge is something restricted to pious Buddhists: it is a possibility for non-Buddhists and even animals. This suggests an account of faith and knowledge without reference to a specific discursive content; like greed (lobha) and aversion (dosa), or non-attachment (alobha) and friendliness (adosa), faith and knowledge are not understood as culturally determined conditions but universal mental states. The paper concludes with some reflections on the issues raised by such cross-cultural psychology.

Mind-only Thought in Its Abhidharma Context

Brennan, Joy
Vasubandhus mind-only thought is often taken to be a rejection of the existence of matter (rpa), and his mind-only treatises are not commonly read within the context of the Abhidharma thought that served as the matrix of his own thought. In this paper I will argue that Vasubandhus mind-only thought is best understood when viewed as a response to several philosophical problems that had developed within certain Abhidharma texts. In particular, Vasubandhus mind-only thought both rejects the idea that it is discrete elements of experience (dharmas) which should be considered real (dravya), and yet provides a significant place for the analysis of psychological states by means of the study of dharmas, arguably the Abhidharmas most important contribution to Buddhist thought. A consideration of a few key passages in the Mahvibha and Abhidharmakoa-bhya will support the claim that the problem addressed by the arguments concerning matter in Vasubandhus Viatika has precedents in Abhidharma thought, where that problem is not understood as unique to matter, but is rather applicable more broadly to the account of dharmas as discrete elements of experience that had developed within Abhidharma texts. The claim that Vasubandhus mind-only thought rejects the existence not of matter but rather of discrete dharmas allows us to better understand the relationship between the mindonly paradigm that the arguments concerning matter help to establish and Vasubandhus assertion that all dharmas are constructed (parikalpita). By re-figuring dharmas as constructed, Vasubandhu is able to situate dharmas within the mind-only understanding of the production of self and world, while yet retaining the importance, emphasized throughout the Abhidharma, of identifying individual dharmas and understanding the roles that different kinds of dharmas play in the persons progression on the path.

Mapping the Territory of the Path: Dharma-s and the Progress of Insight in the Abhidharmakoabhya
Meyers, Karin
Mapping the Territory of the Path: Dharma-s and the Progress of Insight in the Abhidharmakoabhya (Karin Meyers, University of Chicago) There are many ways to describe the intellectual project of the Abhidharma, but one way to describe it is to say that the Abhidharma is concerned with mapping the Buddhist worldthe inner world of the mind and the external world of the body and cosmos, as well as the routes from one state of mind or existence to another. Despite the profound impact of these maps on Buddhist thought and practice, anxiety over the status of some of the most prominent features on these maps, the dharma-s, has led modern scholars to dismiss the Abhidharma as a failed ontological project. 320

This reflects a somewhat limited view of the significance of dharma analysis, namely, the view that while dharma-s are posited as the final real things revealed through an unblemished view of reality, they are, in fact, the product of scholastic category mongering and/or a failure of insight. It is not hard to see why one might be tempted by this view. Even if their primary concern is not always ontological, Abhidharma texts do regularly present dharma-s as the non-arbitrary, ultimate elements of experience or existence. At the same time, internecine disputes reveal that decisions over what counted as a dharma were resolved via reason and scripture rather than meditative insight. Unfortunately, the impression that dharma-s are primarily (and most significantly) reified conceptual constructs has obscured the crucial roles dharma-s play in Buddhist conceptions of the progress of insight. It is nave to confuse map with territory, to forget that a map is an abstract and idealized model of the reality it represents (a mistake that some bhidharmikas undoubtedly made), but it is also important to remember that the utility of a map does not depend on its perfect accuracy so much as on its ability to help an individual imagine and navigate a particular terrain in relation to a desired destination. This explains why even Buddhists who rejected Abhidharma ontologies continued to copy, consult and orient themselves in the world and on the path in light of Abhidharma maps, the topography of which was defined in terms of dharma-s. I suggest that we cannot afford to neglect these maps, that we should examine how they inform the larger Buddhist intellectual and soteriological project. In this paper, I propose to examine the map of the progress of insight presented in the Abhidharmakoabhya with special attention to how dharma-s shape the contours of this map. I will also draw comparisons to similar maps from the Visuddhimagga as used in contemporary Theravda practice. My aim is twofold. First, I wish to clarify how dharma-s contribute to the conceptualization and actualization of the path as presented in the Abhidharmakoabhya. Second, I wish to arrive at a better understanding of such maps as a genre of second order reflection on meditative experiencean intellectual enterprise that is pursued enthusiastically by bhidharmikas but found elsewhere in the Buddhist and nonBuddhist world.

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Reconstructing the History of Late Indian Buddhism Relationship Between Tantric and Non-tantric Doctrines
Kyuma, Taiken On the Guhyasamaja Literature Attributed to Dipamkarasrijnana
Mochizuki, Kaie
Dpakararjna (Atia), who is well known as the author not only of the Bodhipathapradpa but also of many tantric works, acknowledges the superiority of mantranaya to pramitnaya in his auto-commentary on the Bodhipathapradpa. In the Tibetan Tripiaka, 72 tantric texts are ascribed to Dpakararjna and 69 are reported to have been translated by him. Among them, the following are relevant to the Guhyasamjatantra: (1) rguhyasamjalokevarasdhana (D. No. 1892, P. No. 2756), (2) ryvalokitevarasdhana (D. No. 1893, P. No. 2757) and (3) rguhyasamjastotra (D. No. 1894, P. No. 2758). The first one is written in eleven leaves; the others only in two leaves or one leaf. All these were translated into Tibetan by the author himself, but regarding the first and the third, he translated them in cooperation with Rin chen bzang po. This means that Dpakararjna composed them in Tibet, after he met Rin chen bzang po. The Deb ther sngon pos reference to these three texts further suggests that they were written for the sake of one of his disciples, Byang chub od, who believed in the Guhyasamja and Avalokitevara. The rguhyasamjalokevarasdhana deals with the abhisamaya of the Guhyasamja, in which Avalokitevara is the chief deity of the maala, according to the system of Jnapda. In the ryvalokitevarasdhana, the mantra of Avalokitevara is added to this abhisamaya; the rguhyasamjastotra is a hymn to the maala of the Guhyasamja. In this paper I will try to analyze the contents of these three texts and to make clear how he established the sdhana of the Guhyasamja. This investigation will also give us valuable information on the tantric Buddhism in the Vikramala monastery.

The Legacies of Vikramala and Nland Monastic Seminaries in Tibet

Wangchuk, Dorji
At least intellectually, what we nowadays vaguely refer to as Tibetan Buddhism is essentially and existentially indebted to the Buddhist intellectuals and mystics hailing from or associated with the Buddhist seminaries of Vikramala and Nland. The present paper seeks to identify Indian Buddhist scholars, who were reportedly affiliated with one of the seminaries, and whenever possible also to point out the differences between the legacies of the two in Tibet. For example, it will be pointed out that while the legacy of Nland is shared by both the Old (rnying ma) and New (gsar ma) schools of Tibetan Buddhism, the legacy of Vikramala has been continued predominantly in the New schools. An attempt will

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also be made to examine whether one of the two seminaries, if applicable, can be said to be predominantly Tantric or Stric, and whether there are any indications in Tibetan sources that suggest that the scholars from these two seminaries viewed the professed superiority of Vajrayna differently.

Bhavyakrtis Sub-commentary on the Pradpoddyotana as a Doxography

Tomabechi, Toru
Bhavyakrti (10th11th century?), who is said to have been one of the Tantric masters of Vikramala monastery, composed a detailed sub-commentary on the Pradpoddyotana, a commentary on the Guhyasamjatantra, ascribed to Candrakrti. This huge sub-commentary, the Pradpoddyotana-Abhisandhiprakk, occupies about 500 folios in the Tibetan canon and its introductory part (ca. 90 folios) contains a variety of interesting topics. In this paper we shall deal with Bhavyakrtis description of and discussion on non-Buddhist (Skhya, Nyya-Vaieika, Lokyata, Jaina, aiva and Mmsaka) and Buddhist (rvaka, Sautrntika, Yogcra and Mdhyamika) doctrines. Through an examination of its doxographical contents, we will try to figure out how Bhavyakrti attempted to situate the doctrinal system of the Guhyasamjatantra (and Buddhist Tantra in general) within pan-Indian religiophilosophical context.

Buddha and Yogin in the Buddhakaplatantra and Its Commentary Abhayapaddhati

Yang, Mei
The Buddhakaplatantra is a Buddhist scripture of the yogintantra class, which, though hardly studied in modern times, enjoyed considerable popularity in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Abhayapaddhati is a commentary on this tantra by the famous scholar of Vikramala Abhaykaragupta, completed in the twenty-fifth regnal year of the Pla king Rmapla, a date probably corresponding to between 1096 and 1108. A non-critical edition was recently published by Chog Dorje (2009); a critical edition by Mei Yang, Harunaga Isaacson, Li Xuezhu, and Luo Hong is now being completed. The paper will discuss the concept of the yogin in Abhaykaragupta's thought, with particular reference to the Abhayapaddhati. The Buddhakaplatantra seems to be unique among Buddhist scriptures, in that the Buddha is said in the opening passage to enter nirva in the vagina of the Yogin Citrasen; in the main body of the tantra it is Citrasen, rather than the Buddha, who teaches (cf. Davidson 2002, pp. 247-252; Davidson was however unable to use the Sanskrit texts of the tantra and of Abhaykaraguptas commentary, and his main interest in the passage is quite different from the aspect on which the present paper focuses). The figure of the Yogin is thus clearly and unusually prominent in this tantra.

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Material from several parts of the commentary will be presented which clarifies Abhaykaraguptas views on the nature and status of Yogins and the relation of these female representations of awakening with concepts of male Buddhas and Siddhas. The study of this concept sheds light on the relationship between the Pramitnaya (non-tantric Mahyna Buddhism), and the Mantranaya (tantric Mahyna Buddhism) in the thought of Abhaykaragupta.

Bu Ston on Pramitnaya and Mantranaya

Kyuma, Taiken
The aim of this paper is to lay the groundwork for this panel, focusing on Bu ston rin chen grub (12901364)'s argument on the relationship between pramitnaya and mantranaya. In his introduction to Tantric Buddhism (rGyud sde spyi'i rnam), Bu ston seeks to establish the superiority of mantranaya to pramitnaya, referring to various Indian authors among whom are some famous monks of the Vikramala monastery. At the same time, he also emphasizes that mantranaya itself does not deviate from the Buddhas teachings. With regard to this double aspect of mantranaya, it will be shown how Bu ston quotes and evaluates Indian sources. The present paper will also attempt to give a synopsis of Bu stons rGyud sde spyii rnam par gag pa rgyud sde rin po chei gter sgo byed pai lde mig. This work is the shortest version of his three rGyud sde spyi'i rnams, all of which seem to have the same structure in substance.

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Relics of Cambodia
Guthrie-Higbee, Elizabeth Buth Savong and the New Proliferation of Relics in Cambodia
Marston, John
One of the most important religious leaders in Cambodia at the present time is Buth Savong, a lay religious ascetic who since the 1990s has gained fame for dhamma talks on radio and advocacy of reform within Cambodian Buddhism. More than any other contemporary religious figure, his presence at public ceremonies guarantees massive attendance. Throughout Cambodia there are increasing numbers of wats and asrams affiliated with him and his movement, which stresses distinctive codes of discipline, rituals, and iconography. Buth Savong has strong support among some leaders of the dominant political party, and he has been criticized as too close to the political establishment. Nevertheless, one point of difference between religious authorities has been his use of Buddhist relics. Temples affiliated with Buth Savong stress that to be fully consecrated sites certain elements should be present, including a set of the Tripitaka, a Bodhi Tree, and a relic of the Buddha; this has meant regularly bringing relics from other countries. For their own reasons, religious authorities in Cambodia have chosen to give great symbolic weight to a newly constructed stupa in Oudong, which now houses a relic closely associated with Cambodian independence and national identityand they have declared that this should be the only site of relics in the country. The paper will explore the implications of this policy and how it plays itself out in the context of the growing numbers of relic stupas associated with temples connected to Buth Savong.

Sima and Barami: A Quest for the Regional Formation of a Buddhist Worldview
Kobayashi, Satoru
This paper aims to explore the regional formation of a Buddhist worldview that connects past and present by examining motives for and process of establishing Buddhist institutions in Cambodia. Based on fieldwork conducted in over 85 temple-monasteries (called voat or asroam in Khmer) as well as other religious sites in central Cambodia during the period of 2009-2010, the paper firstly reviews the environmental, geographical, historical, socioeconomic, and political setting of those establishments. Then, it will analyze the narrative and practice of establishing sima in each place for the purpose of understanding how historical imagination works among the local Buddhists. There are plenty of sites where ancient digs and artifacts appear because the area was the center of ancient civilization that once flourished in the pre-Angkor era (7-8AC). Next, the research discovered some sima in local establishments have direct connection with this past; that is, the local people recognize artifacts as remembrance of the ancient past and open temple-monasteries without the special ritual installing sima. Actually, some establishments in the area are based on archeological remains with the imagination of Buddhist activities in ancient time. The paper will consider these regional findings in the context of the Buddhist doctrine of establishing sima, as well as an academic interest in sima as an object of modern state control of 327

grass-roots religious activities. At the same time, the paper will review the usage of the religious concept barami by the local people which functions to bridge the past and present in Buddhist ritual activities in order to illustrate the regional formation of a Buddhist worldview in rural Cambodia.

Iconography as Relic: Late Colonial Buddhist Iconography in the Mekong Delta and Its Origins
Guthrie-Higbee, Elizabeth
A favorite theme for mural paintings in Cambodian Buddhist wats is the life of the Buddha. During the late colonial period (1920-1954) Cambodian artists began to use new iconographic styles to depict the Great Life. This new iconography reflected the increasing importance of western, European styles of art for Cambodian visual culture during this period as well as technological changes brought by formal art education, print and print media. In this paper I will present a series of dated and signed images of the life of the Buddha from Khmer wats in Cambodia and southern Vietnam from the late colonial period. These visual representations of the Life of the Buddha are relics of the religious beliefs and world view of Cambodian artists, abbots and pious Buddhist donors during the late colonial period; they are also invaluable templates for tracing the transmission and reception of ideas about Buddhist modernism and nationalism through the Mekong Delta during this period of history.

"Siamese 'Dharm Yog'": A Khmero-Thai Dharma Song for Inviting Relics

Walker, Trent
Studies of Cambodian Buddhism have long overlooked the Dharma song (dharm pad) or smtr tradition of melodic recitation of liturgical texts. In general, Buddhist music is more often studied by ethnomusicologists than by historians or anthropologists of Buddhism, and, in the case of Cambodia, even ethnomusicologists have largely ignored the rich variety of melodic recitation in Buddhist rituals. Apart from a short article by Brunet (1967), it is difficult to find more than a few paragraphs on Dharma songs in academic literature on Cambodia. This understudied tradition expresses key facets of Khmer Buddhist devotion, including relic worship. Numerous liturgical texts in Pali and Khmer from Cambodia's middle and modern periods are Dharma songs connected to relic worship. One of the oldest of such texts is a Khmer poem used in Buddha image consecration ceremonies, "Dharm yog," studied previously by Giteau (1969) and Bizot (1994). Building upon Bizot's thesis of the inseparability of image consecration and relic worship in Cambodia, my field interviews and manuscript research in Cambodia's Kampong Cham province have brought to light previously unstudied texts performed in tandem with the standard "Dharm yog," including several in a unusual Khmero-Thai (Wilaiwan 2004) idiom. These latter texts, known colloquially as the "Siamese 'Dharm yog,'" are apparently no longer extant in Thailand.

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Through a textual analysis of the various "Siamese 'Dharm yog'" manuscripts and interviews with Dharma songs performers in Kampong Cham, I explore the following questions: Where did these texts come from? Why are their cryptic Khmer/Thai/Pali lyrics and exceptionally complex melodies highly prized in certain traditionalist temples in Kampong Cham? And how do these texts articulate the relationship between devotee, image, and relic?

Relics and Other After-lives of the Buddha: Love and Attachment in Khmer Paintings of the Mahaparinibbana
Hansen, Anne
This paper examines ethical values of love and attachment in Khmer paintings depicting the death and cremation of the Buddha and the distribution of his relics. One of the oldest and most popular episodes in the visual biography of the Buddha in Cambodia, Khmer representations of this theme date back as far as the thirteenth century. More recently, as Buddhist temples have been renovated and repainted following the destruction to Buddhist material culture wrought by the Khmer Rouge period, the death of the Buddha sequence including the mahaparinibbana, the lighting of the funeral pyre and the distribution of the relics - has been one of the most commonly painted motifs in contemporary murals. Responding to the larger question of how changing ethical values about love and intimacy have been transmitted in modern Theravadin cultures, this paper examines conceptions of love evident in a series of Khmer paintings through their depictions of the relationships between the Buddha and his disciples. While Buddhist ethics of love are most often understood normatively in textual treatments of ethics to emphasize detachment, I argue for the nuanced and positive representations of attachment, dependency and remembrance in these contemporary paintings. Methodologically, the paper takes up new work by anthropologist of Islamic art Kenneth George on visual ethics to examine how visual ethical media work to challenge our moral conceptions. Reading the paintings in juxtaposition to accounts of monastic lives offered in cremation biographies, we are able to see how death, love, care, and intimate friendship have been represented visually and biographically in modern monastic contexts in Cambodia.

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Right Belief, Orthodoxy, and the Boundaries of Modern Chinese Buddhism

Scott, Gregory Buddhist Meditation in Republican China
Wormald, Andrew
My paper will be an examination of how changes at the beginning of the twentieth century affected the discourse of meditation in Chinese Buddhism. Holmes Welch argues that for some such changes led to a move from Buddhism as 'religion' to Buddhism as 'philosophy' whereas Robert Sharf, writing on Japanese Buddhism, has argued that lay Buddhists emphasised meditative experience as a source of authority. Given these different views as to the impact of modernity on the discourse of meditation this paper seeks to clarify the position of a number of key Chinese Buddhist figures of the Republican period in order to add more detail to the debate. The paper will therefore examine the writings of the monks Xuyun and Taixu, and the lay Buddhists Fan Gunong and Jiang Weiqiao, all of whom were influential figures of the period. Xuyun's relatively limited writings have many descriptions of the meditative experiences that he apparently underwent as well as instructions on the significance of such experiences. As such they represent a branch of Chinese Buddhism that, according to Holmes Welch's argument, might be viewed as more 'religious' than 'philosophical'. To the extent that they are representative of actual events, they show how a monk who received a traditional Buddhist education related to meditation and meditative experience. These works can then be compared with the writings of the monk Taixu who is most often represented as an intellectual and key player in moves to modernise the sangha in China. As such, Taixu's views on meditation, in fact, show that in promoting an intellectual understanding of Buddhism he did not negate the importance of meditation and meditative experience. Continuing this theme, Fan Gunong, an influential editor of Buddhist publications and acquaintance of monks such as Taixu, demonstrates how a lay Buddhist and intellectual continued to esteem meditative practices and attainment. Jiang Weiqiao, on the other hand, was a Buddhist scholar and advisor at the education ministry who published a number of popular and influential books on the subject of meditation which blurred the lines of orthodox Buddhist identity. Given the popularity of his works, they reveal a great deal about attitudes towards meditation and meditative experience at the time. In summary, this material goes some way towards demonstrating the lively discourse surrounding meditation and meditative experience that was going on in the Republican period, without any apparent influence from Western sources as Robert Sharf has argued is the case with D.T. Suzuki. The material also shows that apart from moves towards promoting Buddhism as an intellectual philosophy, as described by Holmes Welch, modern monks and lay people continued to value and perform various types of 'religious' practice; moreover, they set great value in the resulting experiences which they took as indicative of success in this practice.

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Print Culture and the Making of Buddhist Histories in Meiji and Republican East Asia
Scott, Gregory
The late Meiji era (1868-1912) in Japan, and the early Republican era (1912-1949) in China, were each transformative periods for Buddhist print culture in East Asia. Not only was there an explosive increase in the number of Buddhist texts being reprinted, but new genres of text were also being introduced to reading publics. These include periodicals, guides for beginners, dictionaries, and histories of Buddhism. While each of these forms have their precursors, their modern emergence was intimately tied up with a contemporary context of religious change. New types of texts produced new ideas, not simply by virtue of their content but also by means of their context - how they were read, advertised, critiqued, discussed and remembered. This was a process that involved communication across international borders and between languages, input from scholarly and religious communities, and influence from political transformations. One new group of texts that emerged during these eras were histories of Buddhism. My presentation will trace one family of these texts through three generations of translation, editing, and adaptation. This family includes: Sakaino Satoru (1871-1933) Shina bukkyshi k (Outline History of Buddhism in China; 1907) Jiang Weiqiao (1873-1958) Zhongguo fojiaoshi (History of Buddhism in China; 1929) Huang Chanhua (ca. 1890-1977) Zhongguo fojiaoshi (History of Buddhism in China; 1940) Through a critical bibliography and an examination of the publication and reception of these works, I will explore how these attempts to define the historical existence of Buddhism in China also helped to transform the outlines of contemporary Buddhism as an imagined religious entity. I will interpret this as part of a larger process, one by which modern print culture served as an agent of change for Buddhism in Meiji- and Republican-era East Asia.

Rise of Fundamentalism in a Theravda Meditation Movement in Contemporary Chinese Buddhism

Teng, Wei Jen
This paper is a study of a Theravda Buddhist movement that has begun to gain influence among the Chinese Buddhists in mainland China since the late 90s. It focuses on an increasingly popular Theravda meditation group led by a Chinese monk, who was ordained and studied at the Pa Auk monastery in Myanmar. This group has been holding regular meditation retreats in China. Some of the retreats took place even at famous Chinese traditional Chan monasteries. This paper will study how this Chinese Theravda meditation group conceives of itself in the context of Chinese Mahyna tradition and how it has been conceived of by the traditional Chinese Buddhists. My preliminary fieldwork finds that this Chinese Theravda group has adopted a doctrinal and institutional exclusivism towards Mahyna tradition, which is in contrast to the inclusivism in the development of Theravda practice in Taiwan. My study will also try to account for this contrast.

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Warfare, Nationalism and Sacred Place: A Comparative Study on the Narratives of Yanqing/Guanzong Monastery in the 13th and the 20th Century
Chen, Lang
The Guanzong () Monastery, located in Ningbo and called Yanqing ( ) before 1912, is well-known for being the home monastery for Zhili (960-1028), the 17th patriarch of Tiantai School, who revived the Tiantai teachings in the early Song. It is also famous for being a leading Buddhist seminary from the 1910s to the 1930s, many graduates of which later became influential monks in 20th century China. It was in the 13th century, two hundred years after Zhili, that the discourse sanctifying Zhili as a patriarch, and the Yanqing Monastery as a Patriarchic Site ( ) of the Tiantai School, appeared in a group of texts. These texts, in spite of being religious, express a striking anxiety for the Han nation. This was a time when the Southern Song was facing a major threat from the Jurchen who already occupied northern China; both would eventually be replaced by the Mongolian Yuan Dynasty in 1279. Similarly, China in the first half of the 20th century possessed this same character of anxiety. At that time, China had just become a Republic, was in the midst of struggling against the colonialist powers, and was undergoing crisis with respect to its traditional culture. It was during this period that the monastery experienced a revival. Sources like the monasterys own journal, Hongfa Shekan, which circulated in the 1920s and the 1930s, and the Gazetteer of Guanzong Monastery of the Tiantai Sect (1912-1949) edited by Zuyou Fang (2006), preserve the views of the Guanzong monks and followers regarding Zhilis legacy, and show how this legacy informed the ongoing situation in early 20th century China. How do the authors of the respective narratives from these two periods differ in their interpretations of the tradition that they share (i.e. Zhilis legacy), and in their understanding of Buddhisms significance during the period of war? How did they define the nation that they belonged to? And, in what way did they feel that Buddhism should serve the nation? By comparing the early-20th century narrative with that of the 13th century, I will illustrate the substantial degree of change that Chinese Buddhism has undergone in the transitional period to modernity.

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Searching for Vasubandhu

Gold, Jonathan The Legendary Vasubandhu and the Koakra Vasubandhu
Sakuma, Hidenori
Since around the end of the nineteenth century there has been much debate about the dates of the masters of the Yogcra-Vijnavda school of Indian Mahyna Buddhism. As a premise for demonstrating their assertions, scholars had from the outset, until the appearance of Erich Frauwallners thesis of two Vasubandhus, discussed the issues on the basis of traditions and legendary accounts recorded in works such as the Posoupandou fashi zhuan translated by Paramrtha and the Da Tang xiyu ji by Xuanzang . This resulted in the positing of several possible dates for Vasubandhu, and there was much discussion concerning two theses in particular, one placing him in the fourth century and the other placing him in the fifth century. It was against this background that Frauwallner put forward his thesis that there had been two Vasubandhus, corresponding more or less to these two views concerning his dates. In contrast to these theories that had been based on traditions and legendary accounts, P. S. Jaini and Lambert Schmithausen took up questions concerning these masters on the basis of the content of extant texts and from the perspective of the currents of thought found in these works. In the course of these investigations, Schmithausen in particular threw into relief the works of the Koakra Vasubandhu. Taking as their starting point the Vijnavda and Sautrntika thought that was clarified in the course of Schmithausens investigations, Hakamaya Noriaki, Matsuda Kazunobu, and others carefully examined the content of various works of Yogcra-Vijnavda thought, and their inquiries developed in various forms, starting with examinations of the Sarvstivda Abhidharmakoa and the Yogcrabhmi and also touching on Maitreya and Asaga. Following the discovery by Kat Junsh that the designation Sautrntika appears for the first time in the Abhidharmakoa, it was demonstrated primarily through meticulous investigations by Robert Kritzer and Harada Was that all the views attributed to the Sautrntika school in the Abhidharmakoa can be traced back to the Yogcrabhmi. As a result it became more or less certain that the Abhidharmakoa, Vykhyyukti, Karmasiddhi, Prattyasamutpda-vykhy, Viik and Triik were composed by the Koakra Vasubandhu. It has also become clear that this Koakra Vasubandhu was well versed in Yogcra-Vijnavda thought, starting with the Yogcrabhmi, and that he appeared at a time when the Yogcra-Vijnavda theories had already taken shape to a considerable extent. It is no doubt that Vasubandhu would have been the figure most revered by later yogcrins, but it is not possible to posit single authorship for all works attributed to him. Therefore, in this presentation, I carefully examine the above developments from the viewpoint of legendary and Koakra Vasubandhu.

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The Relation of Vasubandhus Pacaskandhaka to Other Abhidharma Works

Kramer, Jowita
This paper will focus on Vasubandhus Pacaskandhaka and its relation to other Abhidharma and Yogcra texts. When seeking to analyse the character of Vasubandhus teachings, the Pacaskandhaka is of particular importance since it is doctrinally located somewhere in between the teachings of the Abhidharmakoabhya and the Abhidharmasamuccaya. Notably, the comparison of the Pacaskandhaka with the other texts offers a highly inconsistent picture of the relations between the works. What makes the identification of the interdependence between these texts even more problematic is our limited knowledge of the methods Indian authors and commentators applied when they composed their works. How important was it to stay in line with the tradition and to follow the antecedent scriptures very closely? Was it considered appropriate for the author to develop his own creative lines of thought and add innovative ideas to traditional material? This paper will be mainly concerned with various examples showing continuities and divergences, Vasubandhus modifications in the wording, combinations of text passages from various works, and compromises on disagreeing teachings. It will also explore possible explanations for the heterogeneous picture drawn by a comparison of the texts concerned.

In Search of Philosophical Continuity in Vasubandhu: Causality, Scripture and Language

Gold, Jonathan
The Indian Buddhist philosopher Vasubandhu is widely known to have made a crucial contribution to Buddhist Abhidharma thought before converting to the Great Vehicle (Mahyna) and writing several concise, influential Yogcra works. After setting up the topic of the panel around the persistent problems in identifying Vasubandhu, the present paper proposes continuity across Vasubandhus works by identifying a set of common philosophical interests and goals. By looking first at the central philosophical concerns of the Commentary on the Treasury of the Abhidharma (Abhidharmakoabhya), we see how Vasubandhu employed an unrelenting attention to causal parsimony and causal linearity as the principles behind Buddhist critiques of ordinary concepts. The distinction between causal entities that are deemed substantial and real, but momentary, and uncaused entities that can only exist as conceptual constructions, appears with ever increasing vividness across Vasubandhus arguments over memory, the existence of God, rebirth, and the goals of philosophical reasoning. This well known set of distinctions, it is argued, not only points the way to Vasubandhus arguments in favor of the Yogcra mind-only view, but also, within Yogcra theorizing, accounts for Vasubandhus characteristic reading of the dependent (causal) nature as the ground of the other two natures. Another venue in which it is proposed that Vasubandhus works show continuity is in the hundreds of philosophical reinterpretations he proposes for traditional scriptural passages. It is argued that his interpretations, paired with systematic argumentation about the nature of Buddhist scripture, helped to pave the way for the periods widespread adoption of the Great Vehicle. The present paper surveys Vasubandhus use of the term stra (scripture, 336

discourse) in the Abhidharmakoa, and shows two principal philosophical applications of the citation of scripture: To bolster arguments primarily based in reason, and to undermine potential scripture-based counter-arguments. Vasubandhu believed that scriptures too-often taken literally needed to be read for their hidden intentions (abhiprya). This theory of course allowed for strategic innovations, but Vasubandhus uses of the principle primarily counter what to a modern reader would appear to be overly literalistic, scholastic readings. Once again, Vasubandhu appeals to common sense causal reasoning to undermine such accretions. In this way, a rational connection may be drawn between Vasubandhus approaches to causality and scripture via his philosophy of language. Without leaving behind the pragmatic, rationalist tendencies of early Buddhist thought, Vasubandhu helped to shape a causal theory of language, meaning and scripture and thereby to lay the groundwork for the new school of Buddhist epistemology to follow.

Vasubandhus tmavdapratiedha: Sautrntika, Drntika, Yogcra?

Kritzer, Robert
The ninth chapter of Abhidharmakoabhya, tmavdapratiedha, also known as Pudgalavdapratiedha, is a refutation of the doctrine of a self. Vasubandhu seems to have written this section as an appendix or addition to the eight chapters that form the main body of his work. While the other chapters are composed of verses that generally present standard Vaibhika doctrine together with a commentary in which Vasubandhu presents other opinions, including his own, tmavdapratiedha is completely in prose and is assumed to be a statement of his personal views. According to de la Valle Poussin, his point of view in tmavdapratiedha is, for the most part, Sautrntika. I have previously suggested that Vasubandhu uses the term Sautrntika to characterize his own positions when he relies on Yogcrabhmi. In addition, I have examined Saghabhadras criticisms of Vasubandhu in his commentary, Nyynusra, to locate other passages in the first eight chapters of Abhidharmakoabhya that correspond to Yogcrabhmi. tmavdapratiedha, which is not commented upon in Nyynusra, also contains a number of opinions, most notably concerning karma and its results, that Saghabhadra would undoubtedly have criticized for contradicting Vaibhika orthodoxy. In this paper, I identify some of these opinions and investigate Vasubandhus possible sources, again placing particular emphasis on the Yogcrabhmi.

Vasubandhus Discourse on Ignorance (Avidy-vibhaga) in the First Chapter of the Prattyasamutpda-vykhy

Mejor, Marek
Vasubandhus Prattyasamutpda-vykhy (PSVy) is a commentary on the (so-called) Prattyasamutpda-stra, viz. Prattyasamutpddivibhaganirdea-stra, a canonical text which is an exposition of the fundamental Buddhist doctrine of dependent origination. It is preserved in a few Sanskrit fragments from a single palm-leaf manuscript from Nepal, published by Giuseppe Tucci in JRAS 1930. Several passages can also be traced in the 337

Abhidharmakoa-bhya, in the Karmasiddhiprakaraa, and in the Arthavinicayanibandhana, i.e. Vryardattas commentary by on the Arthavinicaya-stra. The entire text of the PSVy is extant in Tibetan translation; in the Tanjur it is followed by a large k by Guamati. The Prattyasamutpda-vykhy is divided into fourteen chapters: first twelve chapters discuss successively the twelve links of the prattyasamutpda, and the last two chapters are devoted to some special questions. The avidy-vibhaga is the longest chapter of the PSVy (Mejor 1997a). Vasubandhus definition of avidy has its counterpart in his Abhidharmakoa. A long excursus on the grammatical meaning of the term a-vidy is included (Mejor 2002). Of special interest, from the doctrinal point of view, are Vasubandhus quotations from or references to the Yogcrabhmi and the Sahetusapratyayasanidna-stra. The former explains the prattyasamutpda under nine headings (cf. ten headings in the Abhidharmasamuccaya). The latter develops a concept of avidy as being conditioned by incorrect judgement (ayoniomanasikra), which is supported by the Sautrntika master rlta (Mejor 2001). Incidentally, the issue becomes more important since the so-called older Vasubandhu is involved in the discussion. In my paper I would like to point out Vasubandhus attempt to clarify his position on the central concept of ignorance with reference to the Sarvstivda, Sautrntika and Yogcra doctrinal explanations of the dependent origination. References: Mejor 1997a, On Vasubandhus Prattyasamutpda-vykhy, Studia Indologiczne 4 (1997): 151-161. [www.orient.uw.edu.pl/studiaindologiczne/archiwum/] Mejor 1997b, On the Formulation of the prattyasamutpda: Some Observations from Vasubandhus Prattyasamutpdavykhy, Studia Indologiczne 4 (1997): 135-149. Mejor 2001, Controversy on the mutual conditioning of avidy and ayoniomanas(i)kra in Vasubandhus Abhidharmakoa, Journal of the International College of Advanced Buddhist Studies, Tokyo, Vol. 4, March 2001: 49(292)-78(263). Mejor 2002, On the Sevenfold Classification of the Negative Particle (na) (Grammatical Explanation of a-vidy in Vasubandhus Prattyasamutpda-vykhy), Early Buddhism and Abhidharma Thought. In Honor of Doctor Hajime Sakurabe on His Seventy-seventh Birthday. Heirakuji Shoten, Kyoto, 2002: 87-100.

On the Transformation of Vasubandhus Sense of Real

Park, Changhwan
If we ever want to find a personal identity of Vasubandhu as a philosopher, methodologically it will be of significance to identify some of the enduring thematic concerns of Vasubandhu revealed in a corpus of texts attributed to him. Schmitahausen has already identified one consistent thread of ideology throughout the works of Vasubandhu, which he designated as Sautrntika-Voraussetzungen, i.e., Sautrntika presuppositions that postulate only a single-tiered stream of consciousness. Schmithausen took this feature as evidence for the lingering effect of such a Sautrntika presupposition, which originated in the AKBh, on Vasubandhus later more Yogcra-oriented texts.

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Drawing upon this methodology, we may delve into another lingering concern of Vasubandhu, his sense of real as a specimen to testify if there is any coherent ideological identity, if admitted some changes, discernible from AKBh through his post-AKBh treatises and commentaries. What is meant by Vasubandhus sense of real pertains to the notion of an ultimate real (paramrthasat). Though rather fragmentary in nature, Vasubandhu reveals his understanding of what really exists throughout AKBh especially in discussing such issues as the ontological status of sense-spheres (yatana, I-20), of color-form (rpa, IV-2), his refutation of Vaeika notion of an atom (paramu III-99), his definition of two truths (VI-4). At this stage, Vasubandhu seems to believe that an inherent characteristic (svalakaa) of an object is an ultimate real, a position which is in principle acceptable both to the Sarvstivda and the Sautrntika. Vasubandhu continued this discussion in his post-AKBh treaties. In Vykhyyukti he suggests his vastu-centered interpretation of an ultimate real, which shows his Yogcraaffiliation. In Karmasiddhiprakaraa, he discusses again the ontological status of color-form (rpa), which reminds us of one of his Sautrntika presuppositions. This transformation culminates in Viatik, where, as is well-known, Vasubandhu provides his refutation of the reality of a sense-object by means of the theory of atoms (paramu). This kind of survey would perhaps show that there was no such dramatic conversion as described in Paramrtha's biography but was instead a gradual development of one Indian philosopher's thought, who had deliberately incorporated various ideaological elements, Hnayna or Mahyna, into his system.

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Strategies for Teaching About Socially Engaged Buddhism

Green, Ronald Teaching Socially-engaged Buddhism to Undergraduates
Dennis, Mark
at Christian-affiliated Institutions of Higher Learning in the United StatesThis paper will examine my experience teaching socially engaged Buddhism in Religious Studies departments at two Christian-affiliated institutions in the United States: Gustavus Adolphus College in St. Peter, Minnesota and Texas Christian University in Fort Worth, Texas. I will describe this experience against the backdrop of three broader educational issues that scholars of Buddhism in the United States often face in their teaching. The first is integrating their courses into a humanities/liberal arts curriculum at their host institutions, while the second is navigating, in both teaching and research, a wide-range of departmental, institutional, and other sorts of affiliations that are common for scholars of Buddhism in the United States who rarely find themselves in departments with other Buddhist studies faculty. The third issue is the growing popularity of incorporating new mediavideo production, online course content, blogging, and so onin the classroom. I will begin the presentation with an overview of some of the key recent debates about the state and direction of the humanities in American higher education, using as a point of departure the opinion pieces of Stanley Fish which appeared in The New York Times over the last two years. I will then describe my experience teaching socially engaged Buddhism in the context of those debates and of teaching at a privately funded university located in the southern U.S. and a privately funded liberal arts college located in the north, both of which are progressive, Christian-affiliated institutions. That discussion will include an outline of a typical semester, starting with how the teachings of Thich Nhat Hanh, whose work the class studies at the beginning of the semester, not only ties into the humanities, but also connects to the stated missions of these institutions, which emphasize service to the broader community and the development of ethical leaders whose lives are informed by values that include social justice. For example, in its mission statement, Gustavus Adolphus College describes itself as a church-related, liberal arts college rooted in its Lutheran and Swedish heritage that seeks to create a community where a mature understanding of the Christian faith and lives of service are nurtured and students are encouraged to work toward a just and peaceful world. That statement also notes that the college seeks to foster the development of values as an integral part of intellectual growth. In a similar way, TCU describes itself as a values-centered university and its mission statement states its goal to be educating individuals to think and act as ethical leaders and responsible citizens in the global community. After describing in broad terms how my teaching has tried to highlight these connections, I will turn to two cases studies that I have used in the classroom with some success. I have generally required students, working in groups, to make a multimedia presentation on socially engaged Buddhism as part of their final exam on either the occupation of Tibet and the diaspora of its people, or the imprisonment, and now release, of Aung San Suu Kyi and the recent anti-government protests. These cases have proven to be useful and engaging because most students know little about them, they raise many interdisciplinary and theoretical issues beyond Buddhist studies (international politics, colonialism, otherness, religious violence, among others), and have been the subject of a 341

wide range of videos, academic works, newspaper articles, blogs, celebrity campaigns, and so on. At the end of my presentation, I will draw conclusions about this teaching experience by offering a few examples of student work that represent a combination of well-grounded critical thinking and creative use of new media as a way to offer those in attendance useful ideas for teaching socially engaged Buddhism in their own classes.

Paper Title: Introducing Students to South Koreas Minjung (Liberation) Buddhism in 1980s by Way of the Concepts of Orthopraxis, Violence, and Doctrinal Classification.
Mun, Chanju
Minjung (Liberation) Buddhism is indebted for its theories and praxis to Marxism and Liberation Theology. Students are often surprised to find such an ideological pairing. As a progressive religious movement, Minjung Buddhism had three major missions in South Korea in the 1980s, (1) the democratization of Korean Buddhism and the end of the undemocratic dictatorship of the South Korean government, (2) the removal of the influence from foreign forces and (3) the reunification of two Koreas, South and North. Even though Minjung Buddhism experienced its greatest period of influence in the 1980s, it did not have a wellorganized theoretical basis. I will explain how for the class room this can be reviewed in terms of some problems in the theory of Minjung Buddhism. I suggest that Minjung Buddhists can systematically establish their theory by incorporating the panjiao (doctrinal classification) system, a major hermeneutical term of East Asian Buddhism. I will also explain the limited application of this system to the major traditions of practice in Korean Buddhism. I will review how systematically Minjung Buddhists are able to minimize the antiorthopraxis elements of Buddhism such as adoption of violence and justify their orthopraxy in their panjiao system.

Paper Title: Challenging Students to Consider the Inconsistencies in Democracy, Capitalism and Buddhism
Green, Ronald
Recent and ongoing political problems in Myanmar, including Buddhist protests, potentially challenge students to think about Buddhist theories and their social ramifications. Calls of support of Aung San Suu Kyi and the protests and have been posted on youtube and other online sites by famous European and American musicians as well as by other celebrities. During these hard times and while under house arrest, democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the US Congressional Medal of Honor. These events were shown by the worlds news media. Recently, a video documenting violence against Buddhists in that country, Burma VJ, was made widely available online. For these reasons, American students can be quickly made aware of the situation and typically become quite sympathetic toward Aung San Suu Kyi and the social engagement of Buddhist monks in Myanmar. At the same time these activities become easy grounds for challenging students to think about whether Buddhist theory really supports political protest. Are there inconsistencies in socially engaged Buddhism and Buddhist ideas of the renunciant or is this simply a public perception? Further, Aung San Suu Kyi has written that the reign of Indias ancient king Asoka is a positive model for democracy. Yet, this is contrary to university students notion of those systems. If Buddhists in Myanmar were protesting for democracy as stated in Burma VJ and other sources, does it matter that Buddhism itself may not be a democratic institution? 342

Likewise, would bringing democracy to Myanmar also bring capitalism? If so and if the Buddhist protesters are promoting capitalism, how does this correspond to Buddhist ideology? Using these examples, students can be encouraged to think about whether and in what ways socially engaged Buddhism might represent a reorientation of Buddhist soteriology and ethics.

Challenging the Classroom With Buddhist Ethics

Forte, Victor
Western attempts to define and systematize Buddhist ethics have been structured most commonly through the categories of Western ethical systems, such as virtue ethics, utilitarianism and pragmatism. In addition, the central value for social engagement in the emergence of an American Buddhism has framed Buddhist ethics according to traditional Western conceptions of improving the world. The main problem with these developments is that they tend to ignore the primary concern of Buddhist practice, namely the cultivation of individual liberation. In this sense, the practice of Buddhist ethics is based in its efficacy for personal, internal transformation, rather than social transformation. However, the social values necessary for creating such soteriological opportunities for individuals also results in betterment of collective justice and quality of life, even though these are not the main purposes of Buddhist practice. To present this understanding of Buddhist ethics in a contemporary American classroom, one must be able to clarify these differences in such a way to allow for a disruption of the students preconceived views of what constitutes ethical life, while allowing for a high level of critical and practical reflection. This can only be accomplished by ensuring that students do not arrive at a premature dismissal of Buddhist ethics due to its evaluation as distant, subversive, or strange, while still respecting their freedom to construct their own independent value judgments.

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Study of Dignaga
Yao, Zhihua Actuality and Potentiality in Digngas Understanding of Immediate Perception (Nirvikalpaka Pratyaka) According to His Pramasamuccaya(PS) and lambana-park(AP)
Lysenko, Victoria
On the one hand, Dignga supposes in his PS (part 1) that immediate perceptual experience at every given moment has as its object something that never goes beyond its own actually present content and thus may characterize only itself (svalakaa). In that respect, svalakaa appears as a kind of mere presence, sheer momentary actuality. It cannot undergo any external influence as well as exercise its own influence on the other svalakaas. In other words, it cannot be extended to other things than itself, as it is the case of mental constructions. First, I would like to ask whether there is a potentiality in the act of immediate perception according to PS? On the other hand, in AP, cognition is an entirely interior process which proceeds, without the help of any external object, from a potentiality (akti) which manifests itself as a sense-organ to an internal cognizable form: Both (internal form and potentiality) are mutually caused and have no beginning in time (vtti to kar 8). Thus, actual perceptive experience arises in dependence of previous perceptive experience which, in its turn, is determined by the faculties and their correlative interior objects. Second, I would like to dwell on the question whether an immediate perception of svalakaas, free from mental constructions, is still possible in AP?

Dignga, Kumrila and Dharmakrti on the Potential Problem of Prama and Phala Having Different Objects
Kataoka, Kei
Following Dharmakrti's interpretation, Pramasamuccaya I 9ab has been understood as stating a view common to both Sautrntikas and Yogcras, i.e. a view that self-awareness (svasavitti) is the result (phala) of a means of valid cognition (prama). It has also been understood that Dignga (in I 8cd and I 9) accepts two different views attributed to Sautrntikas with regard to pramaphala: in PS(V) ad I 8cd he regards the understanding of an external object (arthdhigati) as the result; in PS(V) ad I 9ab-cd he alternatively presents another view that self-awareness is the result. Dignga's text, however, does not support these interpretations. Rather it contradicts them. In fact Dignga (in I 8cd and I 9cd) presupposes a single view, and not two, attributed to Sautrntikas, a view that the understanding of an external object (arthdhigati) is the result. In I 9ab (svasavitti phala vtra) he is presenting an alternative view that is attributed only to Yogcras, i.e. a view that is not common to Sautrntikas. Althogh the Sautrntika skravda essentially has an internal structure, Dignga presupposes that an external object can be regarded as the object of cognition because it is similar to the (essentially internal) image of object. He assumes that the objects of prama and phala, both being an external object, are identical. Criticizing Digngas claim that bhyrthajna (not svasavitti) is the phala, Kumrila (V pratyaka 79cd) points out that there is a serious gap between the objects of prama and phala. 345

Consequently Dharmakrti has to admit that even in the Sautrntika view an external object is not directly cognized (PV III 348b: arthtm na dyate) and instead proposes as the second view of Sautrntikas that svasavitti (and not bhyrthajna) is the phala. At the same time he reinterprets Dignga and defends from Kumrilas criticism by introducing the two different levels. When investigating the real nature (PV III 350c: svabhvacintym), i.e. in the so-called paramrtha level, svasavitti is the phala, whereas in the upacra level, bhyrthajna or bhyrthanicaya is the phala. Thus Dharmakrti avoids Kumrilas criticism of Dignga. Kumrila triggers Dharmakrtis new introduction of the second view of Santrntikas that svasavitti is the phala.

A Newly Discovered Manuscript of Jitaari's Works

Franco, Eli
Dr. Junjie Chu and myself were fortunate to have been granted access to a major manuscript (218 leafs) containing several works, some hitherto completely unknown, of the philosopher Jitri (ca. A.D. 940-980). Jitri is a renowned Buddhist philosopher who exercised a strong influence in the later period of the history of South Asian Buddhist philosophy. However, until recently our knowledge about Jitri has been very limited. A preliminary partial reading by Dr. Chu has confirmed that at least eleven works are contained in this manuscript: 1. Jtinirkti 2. Smnyanirrkti 3. varavdimatapark 4. Avayavinirkaraa 5. Vedaprmyanirkti 6. Vijaptimtratsasiddhi 7. Apohasiddhi 8. Kaabhagasiddhi 9. Dvijtidaa 10. Bhvikraavda 11. rutikartsiddhi The value of these newly available materials cannot be overstated; they will substantially enrich our knowledge not only of Jitri's thought, but also of his historical and philosophical relationship to other authors. It will thus allow for a better understanding of the later period of Buddhist philosophy in South Asia.

Non-activity (Nirvypra) in Dignga and Sautrntika

Yao, Zhihua
In some key passages of the Chapter on Perception in the Pramasamuccayavtti, Dignga spells out a Madhyamaka-like view of non-activity (nirvypra). Does this suggest that he adopts a Madhyamaka position with regard to some fundamental issues in his theory of perception? This has puzzled me for some time. With the help of a passage in the Uighur translation of Sthiramatis Abhidharmakoabhyaktattvrth (it was in turn based on Xuanzangs Chinese translation, the majority of which are now lost), I will explore the relationship between Dignga, Sautrntika and Yogcra in terms of their theory of nonactivity. This study will establish non-activity one of the main doctrines of Sautrntika or, more precisely, Yogcra-Sautrntika.

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On Dignga's Theory of Mental Perception Presented in PS(V)

Chu, Junjie
In 1.6 of Pramasamuccaya (PS) and its Vtti (V), Dignga sets forth his theory of mental perception which consists in following two points: (1) mental perception is an awareness that takes object-field such as visible matter as its object-support and occurs with aspect of experience; (2) it is self-awareness in respect to sensations such as desire, being independent of sense faculties. In 1.7ab he adds a further point: (3) the awareness of desire, etc., even being conceptual cognition, is perception, insofar as it is self-awareness. With regard to the first point mentioned above, Jinendrabuddhi says that the object of mental perception is that which is currently cognized and has the derived form (vikra), and the aspect of experience which the mental perception has is the aspect of the sensory cognition; however, his conclusion is that mental perception arises from the sensory perception as its similar-immediate condition. This conclusion is apparently made under the influence of Dharmakrti. Different from this, in Chinese tradition, Dignga is reported as holding that mental awareness has the same object as the sensory awareness, and accompanies with the sensory awareness already in the first moment. This is the Yogcara theory often mentioned as "mental awareness companying sensory awareness (cakurdivijnasahnucara)." The author of this paper will argue that Dignga's theory of mental perception has the Yogcra background. For Dignga, mental awareness of object is an awareness arising from mental faculty simultaneously with sensory perception selfawareness; thus it can have the object currently cognized by sensory perception and have the aspect of that sensory perception qua experience. This kind of mental perception is a selfawareness in its nature, just like the self-awareness with regard to desire, etc. With this interpretation the concordance with the interpretation found in Chinese sources can be established. In Dginga's mind, sensory perception must also be self-awareness, because from Yogcra point of view the object of cognition is an internal portion of cognition - cognition cognizes itself; and thus, not only grasped object is identified with grasping subject, but also grasping subject as means is identified with self-awareness as result, just as Dignga states in PS(V) 1.10. Although Dignga makes a clear distinction between conceptual cognition and nonconceptual cognition, for him the criterion of such distinction is not whether the cognition is dependent on sense faculties, but whether the cognition arises in respect to internal object, as he argues in 1.7ab. Consequently, perception is not limited to the sensory cognition, and the self-awareness includes also the sense perception, there is no essential difference between sensory perception and mental perception or self-awareness - they are all selfawareness, and thus free from conceptual construction. Also for this reason Dignga says that it is not his intention to divide different types of perception, and mentions the division in consideration of opponent's opinion. Based upon this position Dignga modified his theory of mental perception in PS(V), different from that in his Nyyamukha.

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Dignga on Non-Buddhist Theories of Proof

Katsura, Shoryu
I have been working on Jinendrabuddhis commentary on Digngas Pramasamuccayavtti Chapter 3. At the Bejing conference on Tibetological Studies in 2008 I reported on the svamata portion of thesis (paka) -- together with his criticism of the Nyya and the Vdavidhi -- and that of reason (hetu). Since then I studied Digngas criticism of the Vdavidhi, Nyya, Vaieika and Skhya theories on reason. In this presentation I would like to report on Digngas criticism of those theories, relying on Jinendrabuddhis commentary that is now available in Sanskrit Manuscript.

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Tantra
Section Moderator: Thurman, Robert Tibetan Bardo Vision and Practices: Use in Preparing People for Death
Thurman, Robert
The famous book of "Liberation Through Learning in the Between" (Tibetan Bar do tho grol "Tibetan Book of the Dead") has been used for centuries in Tibet in helping people prepare for death as well as helping the bereaved cope with the loss of a loved one. Due to my involvement with a popular translation of some sections of the "Book of the Dead" collection, individuals from number of countries reported that they found it useful in dealing with their own imminent death and also with the death of a loved one. Subsequently I used elements of the book and similar Tibetan practices in hospice-like situations and even in informal funeral-type ceremonies, and patients and their families found it useful, as adapted to modern persons' various divergent belief systems. In this paper, I will present how a persons' belief system about death and what, if anything, awaits beyond has a profound influence on how they approach the transition out of this life, and how this fact might connect to clinical practice in the hospital and hospice situation.

Buddhas Paste - Buddhas Brush; Rebirth of a Taima Mandala; Restoration and Origin
Hua-Stroefer, Hai-Yen
As a restorer, I was delighted to make the acquaintance of a rather special rarity: a Japanese Taima-Mandala from the 14th century arrived in my workshop. Just as a cocoon slowly unravels when the silken thread is pulled, the pictures design, its painting techniques and its historical/spiritual background yielded up their secrets to me as the work proceeded. I recorded the experiential wonders of my voyage of discovery in numerous pictures, which I now like to share with you. Like a treasure chest, this bilingual book can be used to dip into the mandala repeatedly as a cornucopia of applied craftsmanship and aesthetic delights. It is divided into three sections: first of all, the reader is invited to follow the restoration work, from the initial planning through to final framing. The European and Far Eastern working methods are shown in many illustrations, presenting both the tools and the materials employed. The second section explores the mandalas creation and its teachings, as Buddhism spread along the Silk Road, from its origins in India, to its full flowering in Tang Dynasty China, and onward to Japan. The written stras were transmogrified into images of majestic resplendence: In the third section the treasure hunt proceeds to the spiritual sources of this Taima-Mandala, examining how it translates the Contemplation Stra into visual images. 349

The stra is presented to us as a vivid historical drama. On the first of the three stages, the inspirational story of an Indian royal family unfolds, adumbrating the path to selfcultivation. On the other two stages, the aim is to purify the consciousness and attain true wisdom. Finally, in the centre of the mandala, the aspirant reaches the Pure Land of Buddha Amitbha. This huge painted mandala was restored using modern concepts of technology, intimate knowledge of the materials involved, and due respect for its thematic integrity. In addition, in etymological faithfulness to the Latin word restaurare, and in serene mindfulness of Buddhas teachings, the pictures exhilarating vitality was renewed and in a very literal sense restored. This presentation gives a summary of the new book and beyond. The book was just published and presented at the 2010 Frankfurt book fair.

Master Puans Alphabetical Dhra - Bastardization or Sinicization?

Mak, Bill
Alphabetical dhra-s featured in a number of Mahyna texts had fascinated Chinese buddhists for centuries, giving rise to an indigenous discipline of Sanskrit phonetic and orthographic studies known as Xitan (Siddham) which blossomed during Tang Dynasty. The Mantra of Puan, one of the Buddhist chants included in the Chan liturgical anthology Chanmen risong, was a work inspired by the alphabetical dhra-s and unlike most of the Buddhist mantras whose origin may be traced to a certain Indic stra, was said to composed by the Chan patriarch Puan (1115-1169). Though the mantra was described by R.H. van Gulik as bastard Sanskrit, its connection with its Sanskrit prototype had not been made completely clear. In Xitan jing zhuan (1611), a Ming treatise on Sanskrit phonetics whose importance had been highlighted by Prof. Jao Tsung-I, the phonetic values of the mantra were given by Sanskrit characters, thus giving us a rare glimpse of how this mantra was actually pronounced or conceived to be pronounced by its Chinese transmitters. As it turns out, the Mantra of Puan and its subsequent development show a curious process of appropriation of Indian ideas and materials by the Chinese buddhists, at the same time revealing how the concept of a sacred language was conceived in drastically different terms within the two cultures.

Reconsidering Relationship Between Esoteric and Non-Esoteric Aspects of Vajrayana Buddhism: a Study With Particular Reference to the Visual Narratives and Spatial Arrangement of the Vikramashila Mahavihara, Bihar, India.
Prasad, Birendra
In the academic study of Indian Buddhism, one may discern a strong preference to the textual data and a general neglect of insights from archaeological and epigraphical sources. This is especially true for Vajrayana .So far; the general attitude has been to perceive it as a monolithic ideology, which developed within the monasteries and remained confined within the monastic walls. But it had a vibrant presence among the laity. Being a multilayered ideology, its meaning and functions were different for the specialist Tantric masters and the 350

lay devotees. Arguably, Vajrayana had to balance its esoteric and non-esoteric aspects. This was due to the fact that survival of any monastery ultimately depended on sustained patronage by the laity. The overall result was the evolution of a very complex relationship between its esoteric and non-esoteric aspects. That was also reflected in the visual narratives and spatial arrangements of the monasteries which emerged as one of the institutional centres of Vajrayana Buddhism. In this paper , on the basis of the analysis of archaeological, art- historical and epigraphic data , I have made an attempt to reconstruct the patterns of negotiations between the esoteric and non-esoteric aspects of Vajrayana in the Vikramasila Mahavihara through an analysis of its visual narratives and spatial arrangement . Some of the themes I have tried to analyse are: 1. How did the cultic personality of the Mahavihara evolve? 2. How was space arranged within the Mahavihara and what were its implications in the monastic patterns of negotiation between esoteric Vajrayana and non-esoteric Vajrayana?3. How did the monastery negotiate the esoteric and non-esoteric elements in its visual narratives? 4. What was the patronage base of this monastery? How did it affect the monastic patterns of negotiation between esoteric Vajrayana and non-esoteric Vajrayana?

Methodology in the Reconstruction of Buddhist Mantras

Lin, Tony
Nowadays interest in Mantrayana practice is increasing. Many Buddhist Sanskrit mantras were translated by the Chinese. However, the original Sanskrit texts are no longer existent. Therefore, to reconstruct Buddhist Sanskrit mantras from their existing Chinese translations calls for both academic and religious attention. The reconstruction work of the mantrapitaka will reply much on methodology. One of the examples is also drawn from the Baoqieyin tuoluoni jing (T. 1022). Dating back to early China, translators of different times and areas followed different translation strategies when undertaking translation of Buddhist texts. Translators of Tang and Ming China had followed different principles in their translations. Their different treatments of the Sanskrit sounds can be identified, as is a case of different periods. The case of Amoghavajra ( ) and I-ching ( ) is another situation in which the translators are of the same periods, that is, the Tang dynasty. It is something to be noted when undertaking the reconstruction work. Amoghavajra ( ) and I-ching ( ), both being the translators of Tang China, resided in different regions when engaged in translation. Amoghavajra was in Chang-an ( ), while Iching was in Luo-yang (). As independent individuals, each of them had followed his own transliteration scheme. The following shows how their transliterations differ in terms of different translators from different regions in the same period. p, ph, b, bh, m (Sanskrit sounds) p, ph, m. b, m (Amoghavajra) p, ph, b, b, m (I-ching)

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Tantric Buddhist Ritual: Esoteric Cult in Southeast and East Asia

Payne, Richard The Esoteric Bat Kannon Ritual: Patterns of Adaptation and Appropriation in the Memorialisation of Horses in Japan
Lomi, Benedetta
Bat Kannon, the wrathful horse-headed form of the Bodhisattva of Compassion, has been linked to the protection of animals since the Heian period. Worshipped both independently and as part of the Six Kannon group, this Bodhisattva became progressively associated with the healing and memorialisation of horses from the Kamakura period onward. While in the canonical and exegetical Buddhist sources Bat Kannon rituals are never prescribed for the benefit of horses, the miracle tales and temple foundation myths, analysed in my doctoral dissertation, have demonstrated that by the end of the medieval period, meritorious and famous horses were believed to be the incarnation of the horse-headed Bodhisattva. The systematisation of Bat Kannon as the tutelary deity of horses has stimulated the development of different ritual practices - from the dedication of stele, to the erection of memorial monuments, to the performance of goma to the recent creation of funerary grounds - attesting to the complex and encompassing nature of Bat Kannon faith. In this context, the esoteric besson ritual of Bat Kannon, originally performed as part of the Six Kannon liturgy, has evolved into a practice for the protection and memorialisation of horses. Taking as an example contemporary Bat Kannon rituals for the benefit of horses, this paper proposes to analyse the patterns of development and adaptation of the Bat Kannon goma, by assessing the interaction between the esoteric Buddhist tradition, agricultural rituals and medical practices connected to horses.

The Esoteric Buddhist and Military Cult of Vairavaa in 8th Century China
Goble, Geoffrey
This paper will concern the cult of Vairavaa in Tang China. Through examination of ritual texts contained in the modern East Asia Buddhist cannon attributed to Amoghavajra ( ; 704-774) and non-Buddhist texts from the Tang, this paper will explore the emergence of Vairavaa within Chinese Esoteric Buddhism and as an independent, specifically martial deity in Tang China. In association with the Scripture of Golden Light ( ), by the 8th century Vairavaa had long been represented in China as a protector of Buddhism and, by extension, kingdoms that supported Buddhism. However, due in large measure to Amoghavajras career in the Tang court and elite Tang society, Vairavaa became the center of an Esoteric Buddhist ritual cultus supported by emperors and the military elite. In addition to his role as a defender of the Dharma and a bestower of wealth, Vairavaa emerges in Esoteric Buddhism 353

as a fierce martial deity who, through the performance of particular rites, materially benefits armies through the destruction of their enemies. Esoteric Buddhist rites devoted to Vairavaa swiftly developed into free-standing ritual procedures employed by Tang commanders in the field. This paper, then, will specifically address the ritual procedures surrounding the Esoteric Buddhist cult of Vairavaa and their relation to his cult within the 8th century Chinese military.

This Very Body: The Tantric Iconography of Human Physical Form as Seen in Grave Monuments in Early Medieval Japan
Glassman, Hank
I will examine theorigins and history of a specific form of gravestone, the gorin no t, or stpa of the five elements. In an attempt to understand the forces that propelled the popularity of this type of structure through the medieval period and beyond, I will study both historical documents and actual graves. The oldest dated gorin no t stands in the city of Hiraizumi in the northern prefecture of Iwate; it was erected in 1196, at a time when this rural outpost was the flourishing cultural center for branch of the famous Fujiwara family. By the end of the thirteenth century, similar monuments could be found at temples, mountain passes, and caves throughout Japan. For instance, in Kamakura and Hakone in the east, in Kizukawa near Kyoto and Ikoma near Nara, west to Nagasaki and to Nakatsu in Oita prefecture. This iconography spread rapidly and widely. While there were other sorts of graves, of course, the flattened stele-like itabi, the elaborate hkyint, statues of Jiz or of Kannon, the gorin no t came to be the most popular and revered type of grave monument. In this paper I will focus primarily on the status of the concept of the five elements (gorin, paca butha) in the ritual and iconographic background of the monument.

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Tengyur Translation Project

Thurman, Robert The AIBS Comprehensive Kangyur and Tengyur Database
Hackett, Paul
The presentation introduces the Comprehensive Kangyur and Tengyur Database hosted by the American Institute of Buddhist Studies at Columbia University. Various Tripitaka catalogues have been published over the years, and numerous electronic resources made available in recent times -- most notably E. Gene Smiths TBRC, the CBETA/SAT project, and the Gttingen Register of Electronic Texts in Indian Languages (GRETIL). The AIBS Kangyur and Tengyur Database has been designed as a comprehensive central index for all these resources linking them -- both together and to additional secondary bibliographic references and resources. This presentation will give examples of the usage of this database highlighting the depth of annotation and linking available through the use of the site.

Appearance, Disappearance, and Reappearance of the Nalanda System: Relevance of Tengyur beyond Buddhist Scholarship
Priyadarshi, Tenzin
In the philosophical world a disciplined reflection is a virtue. In this presentation, I will reflect on the possibilities that emerge from an endeavor such as translating the Tengyur in its entirety. Beyond the nostalgic sense that Nalanda evokes among Buddhist scholars and practitioners, my hope is to look at Nalanda as a system of thought that can help us create a new level of multidisciplinary discourse in our society. Is the translation of Tengyur simply an exercise for the scholars and the faithful? Can it contribute to knowledge creation in other intellectual disciplines such as science and economics? In this shrinking global village, will a translated commentarial system help us look at alternate models of governance and policy development? Can the reappearance of Nalanda as a system help us refine our narratives for education, innovation, and what it means to make progress?

Proposal for a Multi-Language Wiki-Tengyur Translation Process in the Dharma-Cloud: Translation beyond the Lotsawa-Egoist Competition toward making the Buddhist Mind (adhytma) and Material (bhya) Sciences (vidysthna) as widely available as possible
Thurman, Robert
The Wiki-Tengyur translation process aims to break the obstruction to large scale translation accomplishment, heretofore posed by us Lotsawa-egoists, who have tended to consider (understandably after a whole lot of hard study and work) that we own the works we translate, that our terminologies are the only right ones, etc.

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The Wiki work screen will contain the latest translationcopyright permissions allowing with boxes underneath each page where any scholar with access to the workspace can present a critique, an alternate reading, a terminology change, additions, deletions, etc., presumably backed up with commentarial citations, reasoning, or other evidence. There will be designated boards of editors for the various languages involved. Translations will be linkable. The critical editorial process where new upgrades of translations can be more swiftly made available will be vastly accelerated, compared with the current, hard-copypublication, distribution, critical review, and updated-edition process. Occasional hard copy versions can still be generated. The Buddhist Mind sciences translations of the Tengyur Translation Initiative aim to avoid creating special language zones disconnected from the current terminologies of scientific and philosophical thought. This kind of "matching concept" (Ch. ge yi) process will result in Wiki-Tengyurs in the target languages providing a wide reach in the respective cultures, without reducing the complexity and uniqueness of particular Buddhist mind science concepts.

The Liberative arts of Nlnda and the Indian University System as a Basis for Publishing Translations of Tengyur Texts
Yarnall, Tom
The liberal/liberative arts renaissance curriculum of Nland and the Indian Buddhist University system stimulated and represented the "enlightenment, renaissance culture" of classical India, along with renaissances in Tibet, throughout Asia, and could do so globally today. The content of Indian Buddhist stras and their Tibetan Tengyur translations covered a wide range of topics. This vast tradition has significant relevance to an equally broad range of contemporary disciplines. Understanding these relevancies and resonances of a given Tengyur genre/text will inform and deeply affect how one presents and translates that text. The choice of target language terminology would reflect these connections and resonances. A deep, thorough study and presentation must accompany a "translation" which will stand the test of time. The entire Tengyur can be translation on either a short, medium, or longterm project schedule, depending on funds allocated and corresponding numbers of scholars engaged part or full time.

The Tibetan Curriculum has kept us AliveHow Tibet Embraced Buddhism

Geshe Samten
India was at its peak when Tibet embraced Buddhism. Bringing Buddhism from India enabled Tibet to have access to the great learning centers where the five major and minor fields of study were then transmitted to and preserved by translating both sutra and sastra, the principal and associated texts into Tibetan. Through the transmission of the tradition, the entire academic and spiritual culture of Nalanda University in particular, was transplanted to Tibet. Buddhism has since become a subject of great interest in the West and a welcome revival in many Asian countries. The Kangyur and Tengyur are a great treasure of human

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knowledge. If Buddhism is to be a resource to the modern world and a partner in dialogue with modern intellectual traditions as it was a resource to the ancient and medieval worlds, and a partner in dialogue with classical traditions, as much care and dedication to the work of translation is required now as was exerted then.

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Textual Studies in Chinese Buddhism I

Section Moderator: Jin, Tao On the "Four Interpretations" of the Fahua Wenju
Kanno, Hiroshi
This paper reconsiders the applicability of Shunei Hirais critical assessment of the four interpretations of the Fahua wenju: (1) interpretation according to cause and condition, (2) interpretation on the basis of doctrinal teaching, (3) interpretation from the perspective of original ground and manifest trace, and (4) interpretation from the perspective of contemplating the mind. On the basis of the substantial resemblance of Jizangs four interpretations to the four interpretations of the Fahua wenju, including their common adoption of four categories, Hirai inferred that the system of the Fahua wenju was formed through reference to Jizangs four interpretations, namely, (1) interpretation according to key constituent terms (or on the basis of key terms), (2) interpretation on the basis of cause and condition (or through mutual reference; alternatively, through mutual conditioning), (3) interpretation with intention to reveal ultimate reality (or interpretation according to principle and teaching), and (4) unlimited interpretation. Hirai further noted that the four interpretations of the Fahua wenju lacked both universality and suitability as a method for scriptural exegesis in comparison to Jizangs system. However, the author has ascertained that interpretation on the basis of doctrinal teaching and interpretation from the perspective of contemplating the mind were already established in the Weimo wenshu (Interlinear Commentary on the Vimalakrti Stra), and that forms of interpretation can be found there which also possibly anticipate the development of interpretation according to cause and condition and interpretation from the perspective of original ground and manifest trace. Therefore, even though it is conceivable that the four interpretations of the Fahua wenju were influenced by Jizangs four forms of interpretation, the author thinks that they were not a totally pointless act of plagiarism as Hirai has concluded. Moreover, the similarity of the two systems of interpretation suggested by Hirai (that is to say, the four interpretations of the Fahua wenju and the four interpretations of Jizang) are shown to be largely groundless. If we were to ask whether the four interpretations are applied systematically through the entire text of the Fahua wenju, then one cannot say that this is the case, for it must be admitted that there are instances where the application is unsuccessful. When it comes to this kind of scriptural exegesis, the author thinks that perhaps we should be satisfied with simply presenting the basic idea and providing a few exemplary applications on behalf of the reader. In point of fact, interlinear stra commentaries consist almost entirely of analytic parsing of stra text and explanation of the meaning of individual words. Finally, the author points out that three of Jizangs four interpretations are not only presented as a discrete set in Huijuns Dacheng silun xuanyi ji but that the beginnings of the unlimited interpretation can also be seen there. Moreover, the form of interpretation in Jizangs system that properly corresponds to interpretation from the perspective of contemplating the mind is not the unlimited interpretation but, in fact, the contemplation of non-arising that appears in the Fahua tongle. 359

The Transmission of Fazangs Commentary on Qixinlun: Its Accepted and Evolving Traditions
Jin, Tao
This paper proposes to examine the transmission of a text a 7th-century Chinese commentary on an influential Buddhist treatise entitled the Awakening of Faith (Qixinlun) rather than the text itself. It focuses, however, on the perception, rather than the facts, of this transmission in other words, it asks how Qixinlun scholars in history conceived of and described such a transmission, but not necessarily how this text was actually transmitted. In the sense that such perception took form through the continuous collaboration of various commentators in the exegetical history of the text, it constitutes a tradition. Since such perception, or tradition, varies with people, and various perceptions were accorded various receptions, there exist both the accepted traditions and the un-finalized and thus evolving traditions surrounding the Fazang commentary. Examples for the former include the well-known theories of the so-called Three Great Commentaries of Qixinlun, and of the Fazang-to-Zixuan transmission, and those for the latter include attempts to expand the Fazang-to-Zixuan model, as well as to justify the model (or its expanded version) through revisions that will bring to it its needed coherence. It has been a general consensus among scholars that the Fazang commentary is definitive in the exegetical tradition of Qixinlun, but it has never been consciously and systematically formulated how this consensus was formed, what factors have contributed to its formation, and how such factors are related to each other these, thus, constitute the problem to be addressed in this paper, and their solution, a goal to accomplish.

A Study on Ji-Zang's Commentary on the Wisdom of the Diamond Sutra.

Qing, Sik
Ji-Zang (549 623) was the compiler of the three treatises school. The three treatises (sanlun) is an elaboration of the thoughts of the Mahaprajpramit Stra (Da-pin-ban-ruojing). Ji-Zang was heavily influenced by praj (wisdom) and has a unique understanding of emptiness (kong). It is clearly evident that Ji-Zangs core teachings were based on the three core categories of his teacher, Fa-Lang: nonacquisition (wu-de), non-abiding (bu-zhu) and detachment (wu-suo-zhu). Therefore, Ji-Zang is utilizing the main theory of right contemplation of non-acquisition (wu-dezheng- guan) to explain the Diamond Stra. His fundamental teaching is also based on right contemplation of non-acquisition. In addition, Ji-Zang also makes use of such important theories as skilful means (fang-bian), middlepath (zhong-dao), instruction and principle (jiao-li), cause and effect (yin-guo), and substance and function (ti-yong) to explain the stra. Hence, Ji-Zang has a unique interpretation of the explanation of praj (wisdom). Undoubtedly, the Diamond Stra is a main stra in the Mahayana tradition detailing the concept of emptiness. As Yang Hui-nan said: The teachers of three treatises school, such as Ji-Zang, have generally placed the Prajpramit Stra (Ban-ruo-bo-luo-mi-jing), within which is the Diamond Stra (Jingangjing), on the same level of importance as the Lotus Stra (Fa-hua-jing), Avata@saka Stra (Hua-yen-jing) and ParinirvAa Stra (Nie-pan-jing) without any distinctions in terms of content and essence.1 In fact, Ji-Zang treats all Mahayana Stras equally and is of the opinion that All Mahayana Stras lights the path without distinctions and reveals the same truth. 2 It is my interpretation that although Ji-Zang knows that there are differences in the 360

various Mahayana Stras, the aims of these stras are to reach the goal of liberation and the end of birth and death. It seems to me that the reason for the 1 Yang Hui-nan (The Explanation and Spread of the Diamond Stra) Zhong- Hua Buddhist Studies Journal Vol. 14, p.192. 2 Ibid. 2 differences in the Mahayana Stras is due to the differing capacities of sentient beings. In other words, liberation is the perfect teaching, while the different Mahayana texts are a skilful means of teaching. Based on this, it is clear that Ji-Zang agrees with the notion of skilful means and uses this same perspective to explain the Diamond Stra (we will examine some of the details later). At the same time, we know that Ji-Zang regarded the Diamond Stra as of similar importance as other Mahayana Stras. Hence, Ji-Zang places great value on this stra. There are four volumes to the Commentary on the Wisdom of the Diamond Stra and we will now investigate how Ji-Zang uses the afore-mentioned core teachings to interpret the stra in the following sections.

The Formation of the Oldest Version of the Larger Sukhvatvyha

Xiao, Yue
This paper is a further study on the formation of the Larger Sukhvatvyha, the Da amituo jing . Even though it is commonly believed that the Da amituo jing is the stra which best represents early Pure Land Buddhism, because it is the oldest version of the Larger Sukhvatvyha, many traces indicate that the Da amituo jing is a revision by someone who translated it into Chinese, not only in terms of the Five Evils paragraphs appearing in the last part of the stra, but in terms of the first part of the stra, including the Vows articles. This paper presents evidence that the Da amituo jing was revised and supplemented here and there when it was translated into Chinese. This problem is approached in four ways. First, by a discussion on the fact that the two versions of the Twenty-Four Vows, in the Da amituo jing and the Pingdeng jue jing , are very different in their contents and sequence. Secondly, by a study on zaijie in the Da amituo jing to verify that the Vows articles and the Three Grades of Aspirants were revised when the Da amituo jing was translated into Chinese. Thirdly, by a study on zhihui to prove, in a different way, that the stra was revised by its Chinese translator(s). Finally, by a discussion with reference to evidence as to the formation of the Five Evils paragraphs, which appear in the latter part of the stra.

Thinking Foundation of Master Sheng Yens The Establishment of Pure Land on Earth Notion: The Inheritance From Yngmng Ynshu and uy Zhx
Chen, Chien Huang
The Establishment of Pure Land on Earth notion of Master Shngyn has had a very wide and deep foundation. Among the numerous preceding scholars, Master Sheng Yen most respected Master Yngmng Ynshu and Master uy Zhx. Master Yngmng Ynshu used the Meaning of Huyn school as his foundation, and Master uy Zhx had Tinti 361

school on the other hand. Master Sheng Yen combined the two paths to induce the essence of the notion to The Establishment of Pure Land on Earth. Therefore, it is hoped to investigate the meaning of the thought from philosophical thinking and dwell the profound theories beyond the surface so that the social caring aspect of the thought can be discovered. As Master Sheng Yen was discussing how to Establish Pure Land on Earth and Elevate Mankind Quality, he quoted abundant the discourses of preceding scholars to explain his ideal. There is a need to make comparisons and analysis of those discourses to fully understand his thought. Not only can we see his concept of incorporating mundane and supramundane, we can also discovery a mountain of gold and treasure of connotations.

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Textual Studies in Chinese Buddhism II

Section Moderator: The Significance of the Chinese Translation of Kamalala's Bhvankrama
Sangyeob, Cha
In the 9th century, the Indian Buddhist Paita Kamalala wrote the Bhvankrama in order to introduce his Tibetan students to the theory and practice of meditation, following the Tibetan Samye Debate between the Indian gradual approach to meditation and the Chinese sudden approach. After the debate, the Tibetans chose to adopt the Indian Madhyamaka system of Buddhist practice, and Kamalala's text was instrumental for the implementation of this tradition. Later on, Bhvankrama became very influential for Tsongkhapa's Lamrim Chenmo and other Tibetan works on meditation. Nowadays, Bhvankrama is extant in an incomplete Sanskrit manuscript from Tibet, a full Tibetan translation made by Yeshe De in the 9th century, and a partial Chinese translation made by Dnapla in 1009. Modern scholarship has focused almost exclusively on the Sanskrit and Tibetan versions of the text, but has neglected the Chinese translation. In 1952, the sinologist Paul Demiville characterized the Chinese translation as imperfect, and it was therefore not employed by Giuseppe Tucci in his extensive research on Bhvankrama published in 1958. Later, in 1974, Yoshimura Shuki pointed to certain sections of the Chinese translation that are absent in the Tibetan version. However, a full assessment of the significance of the Chinese translation has hitherto not been attempted. I shall here present a collation of the Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese versions through a few illustrative examples in order to evaluate the usefulness of the Chinese translation for the study of the text.

Majur-nma-samgti Between China and Tibet

Bianchi, Ester; Sanders, Fabian
The Majur-nma-samgti, a fundamental text for the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, was translated into Chinese four times during the Song and the Yuan dynasties. These Chinese canonical versions, which differ in length and style from one another, are believed to have been marginal works in the general context of traditional Chinese Buddhism. On the other hand, in modern times there is evidence of a new interest in this specific practice among Chinese devotees, and particularly within the general trend towards Tibetan Tantrism that took place in the years of the Republic and is still ongoing. The present study aims at comparing the Chinese translations with the Tibetan texts of the Majur-nma-samgti, focusing on the different level of adherence to the extant Sanskrit texts. As a matter of fact, while the Tibetan versions appear to be faithful renditions of the original, Chinese translations tend to move lines up and down within single gths, often do not literary translate all single words, and at times seem to misunderstand the original meaning of the text.

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A Comparative Study on the Yongle Northern Edition of Chinese Buddhist Canon

Long, Darui
Abstract A Comparative Study on the Yongle Northern Edition of Chinese Buddhist Canon By Darui Long University of the West, Los Angeles, California, USA In July 2009, I spent one month at Mudd Library, Princeton University, examining its collection of the Yongle Beizang ( the Northern Edition of Chinese Buddhist Canon). I wrote a paper on the son-inlaw of Emperor Ming Muzong (r. 1567 1572), who left many colophons on this Yongle Northern Edition of Buddhist canon kept in the Imperial Court, for a conference held in Xian in 2009. Scholars there told me that a small museum in Yangxian County, located in the remote border area at the foot of Qinling Mountain in Shaanxi Province, also keeps a collection this Yongle Northern Edition of Chinese Buddhist Canon. The Yangxian collection is not included in the Zhongguo Guji Shanben Mulu ( Catalogue of Rare Books in China), published by Shanghai Guji Chubanshe , 1996. After Xian conference in the end of October 2009, I went to Chongqing Library to examine their collection of the same Yongle Northern Edition of Buddhist Canon. The librarian allowed me to take photos so that I could bring them back to the US to compare my photos on the Princeton collection. In July 2010, I spent a week in Yangxian, Shaanxi Province and Chongqing Library, examining this Yongle Northern Edition of Buddhist canon. I took many photos of the Yangxian collection and also collected sources of the temple where this court edition was donated and housed. Back to the US, I obtained a CD of the Yongle Northern Edition of the Buddhist Canon based on the collection of the Imperial Palace Library in Beijing. The Princeton collection is believed to be a collection of the imperial court, but it is not complete. The Yangxian collection is authentic, but not complete, either. The Imperial Palace Library Collection seems to be complete, but its preface indicates that the editors of the reprint in 2008 used many make-ups from the Qianlong Edition because there were many damages in the past 500 years. The Chongqing Library collection is complete, but it was printed in 1706. It is a combination of both Yongle Beizang and the Qianlong Edition. In this sense, it is a mixture. My paper focused on the similarities and differences of this Yongle Beizang. They all belong to the same edition, but differences can be found in each copy. After a careful examination, I believe that each collection has its unique characteristics and is worth of further study, especially those copies which are not recorded in the Zhongguo Guji Shanben Mulu ( Catalogue of Rare Books in China).

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The Relationship Between Central Asian Versions of Ratnaketuparivarta and the Early Chinese Translation
Tudkeao, Chanwit
There are relatively many Mahyna Buddhist texts, which are translated in Chinese around 2th century A. D. Some of those texts have been translated only once, whereas some have been translated twice or many times. Ratnaketuparivarta is one among those texts, which have two translations in Chinese. Both versions are arranged in the same text-collection named D j (Mahsannipta). The first translation is accomplished in the 5th century and the second in the 8th century, respectively. Until the late 1970s, studies of Ratnaketuparivarta mostly focused on a single Sanskrit manuscript i.e. the Gilgit manuscript. In its reliable critical edition by Y. Kurumiya, the early Chinese translation received less attention. However, numbers of Sanskrit fragments, found in Central Asia, Xinjiang Autonomous region and Afghanistan, are recently identified as Ratnaketuparivarta. These fragments sparked the interest of scholars again, and shed the light for new studies of Ratnaketuparivarta. In these new critical editions, the first Chinese translation is consulted. It is remarkable to study these two translations in comparison with the Sanskrit fragments or manuscripts, in order to find out how they are similar or different to one another. The result of this study could be an important evidence in order to better understand how Buddhist texts were disseminated among many regions in the ancient time.

Meditation and Travel: the Experiential Description of Internal / External Body-watching

Hsu, Yu-Yin
It required to practice meditation regularly in person for proving to the world that the scriptures were true in the early period of buddhist history.In the Pali canon,Mahasatipatthana Sutta,one section of the Digha Nikaya of Theravada Buddhism ,is the earliest training manual to describe the benefits and practice of samatha meditation via watching own body,feelings,consciousness and mental objects.Buddha emphasized not only to practice meditation but also to encourage apprentices to travel through experiencing hundreds conditions of life to be enlightened.After Buddhism was introduced into China from India,there were opportunities of travel and asking truths for monks during Wei-Jin Dynasty.Particularly,the Memoirs of Eminent Monks written by Hui-Jiao(497~554) is worthy to be mentioned.In Addition,this is the earliest biography which was recorded 257 foreign country or Chinese local monks who recognized distance,level and perception on adventures. In this essay, I tend to explain the process of internal / external body-watching which was recorded in the two documents above via Merleau-Pontys Phenomenology of Perception. Merleau-Ponty(1908-1961),a French phenomenological philosopher,emphasized much more the original slogan of back to things themselves. by the concept of body-subject which is similar with the training way of satipahna.

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The Ancient Japanese Manuscripts

Ochiai, Toshinori On Ancient Japanese Manuscript Copies of the Drghanakhaparipcch Stra
Ochiai, Toshinori
The Drghanakhaparipcch ( , T584) is a stra translated by Yijing (635713) in the first year of the Jiushi era (700) in the reign of Wu Zetian of the Tang. A variorum edition of the Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese versions of this stra has been published on the basis of the manuscript recently rediscovered in the Potala Palace (Ms. Drghanakhaparipcch stra), and the stra has become the object of renewed attention. In this paper, I wish to introduce ancient Japanese manuscript copies relating to the various versions of the Chinese translation. An important point in this comparison is the name of the translator. In the recarved Korean (Kory) canon that formed the basis for the Taish canon, the byline reads, "humbly translated for the throne by the Trepiaka Dharma Master Yijing of the Great Tang", and in the Song, Yuan and Ming versions, it reads "humbly translated for the throne by the Trepiaka Dharma Master Yijing of the Tang". However, in Japanese manuscript copies, the byline reads, "translated by the Trepiaka ramaa Yijing during the reign of the Sagely Maternal Emperor of the Great Zhou " (manuscripts held at Kong-ji , Ksh-ji etc.). From these titles and epithets affixed to the name of the translator, we can clearly infer that this is a text from a different transmission lineage than the xylograph versions. Moreover, we can also conclude that these texts were copied on the basis of a model (parent) manuscript that was brought to Japan from Tang territory either during the reign of Empress (Regnant) Wu Zetian, or not long thereafter. From these facts, we can see that there are still extant, among ancient Japanese manuscripts, texts that draw directly from the fount of Chang'an Buddhism.

A Unique Viyaghr-Jtaka Version From Gandhra:The Foshuo Pusa Toushen (Yi) Ehu Qita Yinyuan Jing ( ) (T172)
Matsumura, Junko
The story of the Bodhisattva's body-sacrifice to a hungry tigress (Vyghr-Jtaka) is related in many Northern Buddhist texts. The presenter has already examined the various versions and classified them into two main groups; 1) in which the Bodhisattva is Prince Mahsattva; and 2) in which the Bodhisattva is a Brahman ascetic (IBK Vol. 58, No. 3 [2010], 1164-1172). There is, however, a unique version, in which Bodhisattva is a prince called Candanamati and later becomes an ascetic. This text was brought from Gandhra and translated into Chinese by a monk, Fasheng , who travelled to India and Sri Lanka ca. 20 years after Faxian . The ICPBS's project to collect old manuscripts of Buddhist texts preserved in temples in Japan found several manuscripts of this text, to which not much attention has been paid to date. In this presentation, the contents of this unique and interesting version will be detailed, and 367

the text will be examined by comparing the Taisho edition with the manuscripts collected by the project. The presenter will also try to trace Fasheng 's travel route according to the proper names cited in the Fan fanyu from his now-lost travel record, the Li guo zhuan .

Features of the Kong-ji Version of Further Biographies of Eminent Monks : With a Focus on the Biography of Xuanzang in the Fourth Fascicle
Saito, Tatsuya
The Further Biographies of Eminent Monks by Daoxuan is a collection of biographies of Buddhist monks active in China and neighbouring regions in the periods of the Northern and Southern dynasties, the Sui and the Tang. Even after the completion of the first draft (in 645 C.E. = 19), the author himself continued to expand and revise the text, and it was further modified after his death. For this reason, multiple versions are extant, differing from one another in scope. In the course of recent investigation and research into the old manuscript canons held at Japanese temples, we have found that there exist among them a number of unique versions of the Further Biographies, of a kind not seen in the printed canons. This presentation will introduce one such text, the Kong-ji version of Further Biographies. It is likely that this version preserves an older state of the text than other extant versions. Within the Kong-ji version of Further Biographies, the portion perhaps most deserving of our attention is the biography of Xuanzang in the fourth fascicle. In content, it bears significant features differing from both the extant printed versions, and also from the Kshji version (another old manuscript version). In this presentation, I will first diagramme the differences in the overall structure of the Xuanzang biography between the Kong-ji, Ksh-ji and Korean (2nd) versions of the text; and I will then situate these versions within the ongoing process of the compilation and expansion of the biography. On this basis, I will argue that the Kong-ji version of the Xuanzang biography represents the oldest stratum of the text, and dates to within the lifetime of its subject.

The Newly Found Text of the Puxian Pusa Xing Yuan Zan ( , Bhadracarypraidhna) in the Kong-ji Manuscript Collection
Hayashidera, Shoshun
The Bhadracarypraidhna (or Bhadracaripraidhna) is an important Mahyna encomium text, which circulated widely across all of Asia. It is composed of verses expounding bhadra-carys to be practiced by Mahyna bodhisattvas, and praising their benefits. The text has the following three Chinese translations: 1) The Wenshushili fayuan jing ( , T. 296), tr. by Buddhabhadra in 420 CE.

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2) The Puxian pusa xing yuan zan ( , T. 297), tr. by Amoghavajra between 746 and 771 CE. 3) The Puxian guangdayuanwang qingjing jie ( ) at the end of the Dafangguang fo huayan jing, ( , T. 293, Gandavyha-stra), tr. by Praja between 796 and 798 CE. Despite the fact that it bears the same title as Amoghavajra's (2) above, the newly discovered Puxian pusa xing yuan zan included in the Manuscript Collection of Kong-ji , copied in the 13th century, agrees with none of the these three texts, but is rather a hitherto unknown text, entirely comprised of a phonetic transliteration of Sanskrit in Chinese characters. There is evidence, however, that the Shingon-ritsu Siddham scholar Jiun (1718-1804), who studied Sanskrit manuscripts ( ) of the Bhadracarypraidhna extant in Japan, was familiar with a text belonging to the same stemma as the present text. In this presentation I should like to introduce this text, analyze its characteristics and consider its likely origins.

Translation or Apocrypha? Two Esoteric Buddhist Texts Regarding Malapdavajra

Chi, Limei
In the East Asian Buddhist world, Chinese Buddhist scriptures serve as a significant source of thought and culture, and their importance is thus out of the question. However, the study of Chinese Buddhist scriptures is one of the most difficult fields in the realm of East Asian Buddhism. There are several reasons for this. First, though the majority of such texts were "born" in the Indian cultural sphere, we might also regard them as having been "reincarnated" anew in the East Asian world. Furthermore, changes often occured during the transmission process. Throughout history, moreover, East Asian Buddhists displayed themselves amply motivated and willing to add new elements or contents to, or eliminate undesirable parts from, translated scriptures, in accordance with certain pragmatic needs. The most potent evidence of this tendency is the appearance in East Asia of doubtful scriptures or apocrypha, which employed Buddhist scriptures as a launching pad for the combination of Buddhist doctrine with Chinese and Japanese elements. In this presentation, I will discuss two esoteric Buddhist scriptures currently preserved in the Taish Tripiaka under the numbers 1228 (Malapdavajra dharmanieha atavikriy dharmaparyya stra) and 1229 (Malapdavajra nirdeaddhi mahpra dhra dharmarma hrthamukha stra). Although these two scriptures are traditionally considered to have been translated by Azhidaxian during the Tang dynasty, close textual analysis, utilizing the printed version as well as the Dunhuang manuscript and newlyfound Japanese ancient manuscript copies, reveals that they underwent great transformations before they reached the forms we see in current printed versions. Based on such textual analysis, I will try to reconstruct the process of the formation of these two scriptures, and then to conclude whether they are truly translations that can be traced back to an Indian origin, or rather, apocrypha composed in East Asia.

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Newly Discovered Japanese Manuscript Copies of the Liang [Dynasty] Biographies of Eminent Monks
Jo, Gen
In the course of recent investigation and research into old Japanese Buddhist manuscripts, texts have frequently been discovered which bear the same title as texts in received printed (xylograph) canonical traditions, but differ from them in content. One such text is Huijiao's (497-554) Liang [Dynasty] Biographies of Eminent Monks. When we compare Japanese manuscript copies of the Biographies with the printed versions upon which we have relied historically, the following general points are most worthy of note: 1. Japanese manuscripts preserve versions in ten and fourteen fascicles. 2. Even in the version which, like printed canonical versions, contains fourteen fascicles, there are discrepancies in the number of figures (biographies) included in each fascicle. 3. In some cases, the order of the biographies differs between the Japanese manuscripts and printed canonical versions. 4. We also see some discrepancies in the content of the biography of one and the same figure. These discrepancies represent major problems for research into the Biographies. At the same time, it is necessary to investigate the extent to which the Japanese manuscripts can be relied upon, given that they were copied around the twelfth century; and the extent to which they preserve features of Chinese Buddhism, given that they were copied in Japan. In this study, I will introduce the Japanese manuscript versions of the Biographies, with attention to commonalities and differences with printed canonical versions; and, using the clues afforded by otherwise lost passages not seen in the printed versions, attempt to assess the evidential value of the Japanese manuscripts.

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The Construction of Contemporary Chinese Buddhism (I)

Yu, Jimmy Taixus Response to Liang Shuming
Goodell, Eric
Taixus effort to popularize Buddhism was closely linked with the cultural changes that occurred in China during the May Fourth decade (19151925). In addition to critiques of Buddhism by New Culture thinkers such as Chen Duxiu, Buddhism was targeted by the Confucianist critique of Liang Shuming (18931988), who explicitly denied the relevance of Buddhism to Chinas modernization. Liangs 1921 work, Eastern and Western Cultures and their Philosophies, represented a neo-traditionalist response to the New Culture discourse. This work defined and prescribed a Confucian attitude to be adopted as China tread the fine line between modernization and Westernization. Although Liang stated that Buddhism possessed the most profound teachings, he argued that its introspective nature, if promoted on a mass scale, would inhibit Chinas development. He therefore argued against any efforts to popularize Buddhism, instead calling for the broad cultural dissemination of Confucianism. The broad appeal of Liangs book, combined with its critique of Taixus efforts to popularize Buddhism, made it vital for Taixu to reply. Taixus first formal response was published several months after he read Liangs book, in 1921, and was followed by a more detailed critique in 1924. The latter critique has been cited as an important component of Taixus Rensheng Fojiao , or humanistic Buddhism, which Taixu first promoted in 1928. The present paper analyzes Taixus 1921 response, and argues that one of Taixus most important exegetical innovations, the three-tiered system of vehicular dharmas, emerged in the context of this debate. Taixus perspectives on Westernization, Confucianism, and Buddhisms role in society will be discussed, followed by an analysis of the doctrinal foundations supporting the new system.

Via Kong Hoa Sie to Borobudur

Kandahjaya, Hudaya
Anagarika The Boan An obtained full Theravada ordination under the renowned Mahasi Sayadaw in Burma in 1954. Returning to Indonesia in 1955 as the first indigenous monk, Bhikkhu Ashin Jinarakkhita adopted an ecumenical approach in disseminating Buddhism. While this course of action did not go without challenges given the constitutional Indonesian religious settings were at times perilous, today tens of thousands of Buddhists flock to Borobudur to commemorate Vaisak each year compared with three thousands when the said Anagarika initiated it in 1953. Also, in the face of the largest Muslim country in the world, there are altogether now about one thousand monks or novices catering weekly services for approximately eight millions of Buddhists. However, recent studies often disregard his accomplishments and misconstrue the context. One even brings about a controversial statement on observing his look wearing a Theravada robe, yet wearing a beard in the Mahayana style, thus suggesting as if it is by itself evidence for heresy. Suggestion as such is problematic. Therefore, this paper attempts to reexamine the work of Ashin Jinarakkhita, including his doctrinal view, his allegiance to Indonesian state philosophy, and his charismatic personality. It will also revisit his Buddhist origin which was rooted at Kong Hoa 371

Sie in Jakarta, Indonesia, a temple which was and still is affiliated with its mother temple, Guang Hua Si of Linji lineage in Fujian, China. By reviewing his root, this study will demonstrate that that little known temple of Chinese Buddhism has silently played a significant role in preparing the settings upon which the transformation of all strains of Buddhism in Indonesia after independence began in earnest.

Inheriting the Past and Inspiring the Future: The Construction of Dharma Drum Chan Lineage
Yu, Jimmy
The late Master Shengyan Huikong (1930-2009) (hereafter, Sheng Yen) is a lineage holder of both the Linji and Caodong lines of Chan, and the progenitor of a newly constructed Chan school within Chinese Buddhism called the Dharma Drum Lineage (Fagu zong), which unites the two lineages that Sheng Yen was heir to. What stands out in this newly constructed Dharma Drum Lineage of Chan (DDLC) is his utilitarian approach to Buddhism and implicit critique of modern representations of Zen. This paper examines the DDLC in the contexts of Sheng Yens understanding of Chan, his responses to Chinese predecessors, and his reactions to modern Zen. Recent scholarship challenges the idealized understanding of Chan as an iconoclastic rejection of traditional Buddhist practices and verbal and conceptual formulations of truth where Chan is caricaturized as favoring a direct, unmediated experience that stands apart from the rich textual and doctrinal heritage of the rest of Buddhism. Scholars highlight the ritual and institutional similarities of Chan with other Chinese Buddhist institutions in general, thereby debunk Chan as a distinct tradition focused on enlightenment. Yet, such a critique comes from an uncritical acceptance of Chans self-characterization as a special transmission outside of doctrine (jiao) in the first place--a tendency to privilege textuality over actuality. There is little historical evidence that Chan was not an integral part of the Buddhist institution. From this perspective, Sheng Yens teaching is traditional because it emphasizes not only practice (including ritual) but also Buddhist doctrines, particularly those embodied in the Platform Scripture. His teaching is also unique because it is a modern panjiao (doctrinal classification) system that synthesizes early Buddhist and later Chinese Tiantai and Huayan doctrines. The teachings of DDLC stand in stark contrast to modern Zen. Sheng Yen was particularly critical of iconoclastic forms of Chan and Zen. He distanced himself almost completely from patriarchal Chan (zushi chan), which is arguably the most notable phase within the historical development of Chan that can be characterized by extemporaneous dialogues, unconventional teaching methods of shouting and beating, and rejection of doctrine and scriptural study. These teachings are promoted through modern kan studies by Japanese and Korean teachers in the West. In distancing himself from these teachings, Sheng Yen was explicitly distancing himself from kan studies, which he saw as stilted and impractical for modern people. In its stead, he advocated a return to the teachings in the Platform Scripture.

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Sheng Yens Chan formulation was inextricably linked to his Republican-period predecessors and his personal experiences teaching in the United States. Prompted by a perceived threat of the fate of Chinese Buddhism in modern times, his aim of establishing a new Chan school was to ensure the continuity of Chinese Buddhism in the modern age.

Taixu (1890-1947) and Yinshuns (1905-2005) on Modern Buddhist StudiesA Threat or an Aid to Chinese Buddhism?
Chu, William
In the examination of modern Chinese Buddhist reform history, Taixu and Yang Wenhui (1837-1911) are often touted as radical Chinese pioneers of the Buddhist modernization efforts. While Western scholarship tended to portray these two figures as representing dangerously strident and seriously disruptive voice[s] within the religion, Yinshun in many ways trump the former two in non-conformity and rebelliousness, rendering Taixu and Yang to look like staunch defenders of the conservative camp in comparison. Undoubtedly, Taixu and Yang are best remembered for their sound-bite of a modernized and engaged Buddhism. Previous scholarships portrayal of them as ideological compatriots in opposition to the conservative traditionalists was not completely misleading. Yet it is interesting to re-evaluate the role of Taixu from the standpoint of Yinshun, compared to whom his role as a rebel and radical would definitely require reconsideration. This is especially the case when their attitudes toward the modern academic studies of Buddhism are contrasted. It is a unique challenge for modern religious followers to reconcile the implications of scientific truths with religious ones, just as much as they need to do the same for possible discrepancies between religious world view and the largely secularized academic depiction of religious history. There were unprecedented, defining features about Chinese Buddhism in the early twentieth century that marked the transition into a tangibly new age. Namely, modern Chinese Buddhists are increasingly defining orthodoxy by the scholastically verified and academically sanctioned view on what constitutes Buddhist historical realities. Taixu and Yinshun debated on the legitimacy and spiritual usefulness of modern Buddhology, as they did on many other issues. Whereas Taixu was enthusiastic about the forward-looking potential and rational discourse of modern academic studies, he was greatly dismayed by that it also compellingly undermined the authority of the kind of Chinese Buddhism he wished to espouse. It could be said that Taixus ultimate allegiance was to a nationalistic Buddhism couched within the rubric of traditional hermeneutical taxonomies. Yinshun, in contrast, was much more interested in Indian source Buddhism and critically deconstructive of some of the most sacrosanct and idiosyncratic of traditional Chinese Buddhist notions. Whereas Taixus hope was to discover, through the use of academic tools and scientistic rhetoric, the connecting thread between the internationally divergent expressions of Buddhism, and to ultimately demonstrate the uniquely sinitic interpretations as the epitome of Buddhist intellectual development, Yinshun was intent on magnifying the ways in which Chinese Buddhism represented a discontinuity from its Indian predecessor, and how such a discontinuity was responsible for Chinese Buddhisms perceived failure. This was a debate that had been consistently overlooked in Western scholarships on this dynamic duo. Yet this was also a debate that continues to have ramifications on the ongoing interactions and mutually molding dynamic between Chinese Buddhism and the contemporary academic discourse on Chinese Buddhism.

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Three Generations of a Malaysian Chinese Buddhist Lineage: Chinese Buddhist Identity in Muslim-majority, Multi-ethnic Malaysia
Lye, Hun
What does it mean to be Chinese Buddhist in multi-ethnic, Muslim-majority Malaysia? Although Malaysia is a Malay-Muslim dominated country, Chinese Malaysians account for a quarter of the population of Malaysia and in fact constitute a powerful economic collective. Furthermore, Buddhists constitute about 20% of the total population, with 75.9% of ethnic Chinese registering as Buddhist. Malaysian law based on precedence established by the British mandates that all citizens must register a religious identity and most Chinese chose Buddhist. Until the early 20th century, for most Chinese Malaysians, Buddhist simply referred to someone who observed Chinese religious practices and who was not Christian or Muslim. However, by the early 20th century, the activities of Buddhist missionaries started to change the way in which Chinese Malaysians wore the label Buddhist. Despite the diversity of Buddhisms represented by these missionaries from China, Ceylon, Burma and Siam, they were all products of regional Buddhist reformist movements, promulgating a Buddhism and Buddhist identity that appealed to the burgeoning Chinese social elites in British Malaya. And thus began a new understanding of the hitherto default label of Buddhist. From then on, Chinese Malaysians started to take a more intentional stance towards becoming Buddhist. The missionary activities of Taiwanese movements such as Foguang Shan , Ciji and Dharma Drum Mountain have further energized local Chinese Buddhist communities. Their ethnic background not withstanding, Malaysian Chinese Buddhists do not necessarily limit their Buddhist practice to the Chinese form. In fact, just as there are many Malaysian monastics and laity in the rank and file of the Taiwanese Chinese Buddhist movements, there are also Malaysians authorized to teach Theravada meditation. A few are recognized as transmitters of Tibetan Buddhism. While most Chinese Malaysians ground their Buddhist practice within Chinese Buddhism, what is subsumed under this identity is far more diverse, heterogeneous and perhaps fragmented, than often assumed or observed in scholarly treatment of Chinese Buddhist identity. My paper will highlight current constructions of Chinese Buddhist identity in Malaysia by anchoring the discussion on a specific lineage centered on Venerable Wenjian , the abbot of Hongfu Si and one of the most productive monks in contemporary Malaysia in terms of the number of monk-disciples he has and the breadth of Buddhist activities they are involved in. On the issue of sectarian identity, Venerable Wenjians disciples have trained extensively in Theravada meditation. Some trained in Korean Seon while a few practice Tibetan Buddhism. While some have left the Chinese Buddhist monastic tradition to re-ordain in other Buddhist orders, the rest have remained as Chinese Buddhist monastics and have taken monk-disciples of their own. In focusing on them, I hope 1) to analyze the fluidity of Chinese Buddhist identity in Malaysia, and 2) to argue that this permeability of identity cannot be simply dismissed as a Malaysian oddity due to historical and political circumstances (as important as these elements may be) but it might be a core characteristic

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The Construction of Contemporary Chinese Buddhism (II)

Yu, Jimmy Recollection of the Buddha in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction
Heller, Natasha
The nianfo ji is a small plastic box that plays an endless loop of namo Amituofo. Looking much like a transistor radio, or a primitive iPod, the nianfo ji appears to be a quotidian object, seemingly not meriting much consideration. In this paper, I will use close reading of this device and its usage as an opportunity to examine modern transformations of religious technologies and the role of recitation in contemporary Buddhism. Given that the nianfo ji is designed for a single purpose, I will begin by discussing earlier Buddhist examples of similar technologies and their functions. In particular I will consider the rosary as a precursor to the nianfo ji. I will argue that both the rosary and the nianfo ji are material forms that attempt to claim exclusive religious usage. This creation of an exclusive form tied to a religious practice aims to reserve special meaning for activities such as recitation and counting that also exist in mundane forms. The material significance of the nianfo ji goes beyond its position in a genealogy of religious objects. Buddhist modernizers of the early twentieth century used a variety of new media, including journals and Western-style music, in the process of reshaping Buddhism. This trend has continued into the twenty-first century, as Buddhist institutions have adopted emerging technologies to present their message. In the second section of the paper I will discuss the nianfo ji as an example of repurposed technology in contemporary Chinese Buddhism. The third section of my paper will address the relationship between the form of the nianfo ji and the act of recitation. The material form of device raises questions about the meaning of its function: Designed to repeat the name of Amitbha, what is the relation between mechanical recitation and that offered by the practitioner? To assert the nianfo ji as a replacement for an individuals own recitation practice would trouble the conventional understandings of recitation. Such a mechanical substitution for human vocalization, however, has its place in settings in which a practitioner is unable to carry out recitation. Hospice and end-of-life care are examples of such settings: Not only is the ill individual be unable to carry out recitation, but changing social structures have also made it less likely that a family member will be able to attend the sickbed. The care of individuals in these circumstances has emerged as a major component of humanistic Buddhism in contemporary Taiwan. In these contexts the nianfo ji is not a religious novelty, but part of the Buddhist support offered at the end of life. In short, the nianfo ji can be situated both within the tradition of Buddhist material culture and within Buddhist modernity.

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Welcome Back, Ouyi: Reconstructing Lingfeng Monastery

Foulks, Beverley
This paper seeks to contribute to a growing body of scholarship about temple rebuilding and the revival of Buddhist monasteries in contemporary China by examining the mechanisms through which Lingfeng Monastery has promoted itself as a tourist and religious site in contemporary China. James Robson has recently emphasized the need for particular studies of monasteries that inquire about the ways they are perceived to be meaningful in contemporary sources. My paper focuses on the representation of Lingfeng Monastery in Republican era and contemporary (2007) temple gazetteers as well as informal discussions with monks and lay people during field research on-site in March of 2008. Like Robson, I find a similar emphasis on underrepresented characteristics including the natural landscape, architecture, reliquaries, and eminent monks associated with the site. Specifically, these sources draw heavily upon the association of Lingfeng Monastery with the eminent monk Ouyi Zhixu (1599-1655), who is considered the ninth patriarch in the Chinese Pure Land tradition. Not only is this connection highlighted in the gazetteers and conversations with monks and lay people, but it is also reflected in temple architecture and activities: to celebrate the 1100th anniversary of the building of Lingfeng Monastery, they constructed a new reliquary courtyard and memorial hall for Ouyi, and they also hosted a forum on the Buddhist Studies of Great Master Ouyi in October of 2007. While admittedly it was Ouyis home temple, why do contemporary Chinese Buddhists find Lingfeng Monastery meaningful because of this association? What might explain his appeal to monks and lay devotees alike? My paper will address these questions as it considers the various types of significance attributed to Ouyi and Lingfeng Monastery.

The Efficacy of Non-resistant Resistance: Xuyun in the Chinese Communist Regime

Ip, Hung-Yok
The intricate relationship between Buddhism and Communism is a crucial issue for those interested in the question of how Buddhism fared/fares amid the unfolding of Chinese modernity. Whereas historians of China generally recognize the amalgamation of socialist radicalism and Buddhism in the Republican period, existing scholarship on Buddhism in the Communist regime tends to focus on the uncongenial relationship between the two. To be sure, scholars have recognized the complexity of the CCPs policies on religion in general and Buddhism in particular, depicting the partys collaboration with progressive Buddhists, or its appropriation of Buddhism as part of its political capital. But the truth remains that researchers have tended to emphasize the highhanded measures of the socialist state, rooted in the modernist/socialist mentality of the Marxist-Leninist political elite. Recently, some scholars have begun to look beyond the clash between Buddhism and the Socialist state to investigate the issue of how Chinese Buddhists strove to define their own being, as they dealt with changes induced by the CCP in the pre-1976 Communist regime. In this article, to explore further this issue, I would focus on Xuyun (??-1959). I shall argue that this venerable monks career presses us to rethink the meaning of "socialist oppression" for Chinese Buddhists.

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In my analysis, to adapt to the political climate of the newly founded republic, Xuyun developed a creative approach to oppression. By drawing upon the wisdom of the Chan tradition, he refashioned the Socialist state's policies on restructuring the sangha into a path to spiritual progress. More importantly, in the atrocities of the Communist regime, Xuyun collaborated with his disciples and lay followers to author his controversial autobiography, which turned his life-long spiritual quest into an inspirational force, one that has sustained his posthumous fame, Chinese Buddhists' faith in their religion, and, perhaps most importantly, their memories of enlightenment. Xuyun's dealings with the CCP allow us to reexamine the intertwined issues of oppression and resistance. He refused to recant his faith and worked hard to protect it in a regime that did not appreciate religionthis fact alone can be counted as proof of resistance. But what he did defies an inherent antagonism of oppression and resistance. He battled oppression by attempting to transform oppression into fertile ground for spiritual growth and for the deepening of knowledge about Buddhism. Therefore, his project of protecting the Buddha, the Dharma, and the sangha encourages us to explore the complex interaction between Buddhism and socialism, a process which cannot be easily subsumed under the conceptual framework focused on conflict.

Tourist Temples and Places of Practice: Charting Two Paths in the Revival of Monastic Buddhism in Contemporary China
Nichols, Brian
Buddhist monasteries in China have long served as the home of clergy, fields of merit accessed by the laity and sites of beauty and cultural heritage enjoyed by visitors. During the Cultural Revolution, all places of worship were closed, many were destroyed and all outward forms of religious practice were forbidden. After the death of Mao and the end of the Cultural Revolution, temples began to be reconstructed, monasteries began to be repopulated with clergy and, eventually, visitors began to burn incense and prostrate to Buddhas throughout China. While Buddhist seminaries have resumed operations and several monasteries have returned to the training of monastics, casual visitors to China may be left with the impression that Buddhist monasticism in China has yet to recover, that Chinas old monasteries now function as tourist sites where clergy, if they exist at all, serve as caretakers rather than spiritual virtuosos. Such an impression presents part of the story, but only part. This paper aims to reveal a fuller picture of the current state of monastic Buddhism in China and the factors contributing to its revival. Based on fieldwork carried out from 2006 to 2009, this paper identifies and examines the factors contributing to the revival of temples both as tourist sites and as places of religious practice. I will describe how and why many monasteries become predominantly tourist sites due to a process which I refer to as museumification. I will also introduce sites where the training of monastics takes precedence over the accommodation of tourists and examine the factors conditioning their success. At the heart of this story are two distinct groups representing two different visions of what temples should be. One group, the core of which is formed by clergy and laypersons, seeks the restoration of Buddhist ritual and practice. The other group contains business people, local administrators and government agencies which exercise various degrees of oversight over temples such as bureaus of culture, bureaus of tourism and units known as temple 377

administrative commissions (siyuan guanli weiyuanhui). This latter group actively promotes temples as sites of historic and cultural value rather than places of living religious practice. This paper will examine how these two groups compete as well as cooperate in fashioning the current revival of monastic Buddhism in China.

Visual Piety and Beyond: Buddhist-inspired Images in Modern China

Tarocco, Francesca
The profusion of Buddhist images surrounding us today is not a new phenomenon, for image worship and veneration have long been key Buddhist practices. In modern times, the use of photography in religious portraiture, including deathbed images, was naturalized into the Chinese context as early as the 1910s. The modernist artist Li Shutong, who converted to Buddhism in 1918 and became known by his clerical name Hongyi was a pioneer in the use of photography in Buddhist monastic contexts. In the Tibetan Buddhist world too, as early as the 1910s, the camera was allowed to replace iconometric codes in conferring sanctity to its subjects in the creation of Tibetan photo-icons, namely photographic portraits of the Dalai Lama and other senior monks used as icons. This paper examines the persistent involvement with Buddhism of Chinas modern visual artists, including Feng Zikai and Hongyi, and of avant-garde figures such as Zhang Huan and Chen Zhen. It aims to move towards a fuller account of the history of Buddhist image-making practices in modern China that gives due weight to the crucial but complex developments in the twentieth century, and accounts for, among other things, Chinese Buddhists deliberate embrace of new technologies of massmediated modernity.

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The Lotus Sutra: Mahayana or Beyond Mahayana?

Logan, Joseph The Dharma Flower Sutra in the Mahayana and the Mahayana in the Dharma Flower Sutra
Reeves, Gene
Is the Lotus Sutra a Mahayana text or one that goes beyond Mahayana? I claim that it can be seen as the central Mahayana text just because it does go beyond Mahayana. By being playfully critical of the tradition in which it locates itself, it displays precisely what it means to be truly a follower of the Mahayana way. It is quite possible to study the Dharma Flower Sutra by focusing on its teachings, perhaps using its parables and stories to illustrate those teachings. But by focusing on the stories, we will discover some things that we could not see by focusing on teachings. The Dharma Flower Sutra above all is a book of enchantment with the world, a story book that calls upon its readers to stretch their minds by using their imaginations. In some ways this makes this Sutra a difficult book, one that stretches beyond, and sometimes even makes fun of, the tradition in which it lives. It surprises. But it does so primarily in its stories, which force us to think, for example, about what it means to tell the truth, or what it means to be a bodhisattva or a buddha, or how seriously to take grand cosmological schemes. And its stories call for, elicit, a creative response from the hearer or reader. What is the purpose of all this enchantment and magic? Entertainment? In one sense, yes! Stories are for enjoyment. But not only for enjoyment. In a great many of the stories in the Lotus Sutra, it is important to recognize that what is being asked of the reader is not obedience to any formula or code or book, not even to the Lotus Sutra, but imaginative and creative approaches to concrete problems. Creativity requires imagination, the ability to see possibilities where others see only what is. It is, in a sense, an ability to see beyond the facts, to see beyond the way things are, even to see beyond any present state of Mahayana, to envision something new. This paper will explore some of the ways in which the Sutra represents Mahayana teachings and some of the ways in which it stretches beyond them.

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Esoteric Buddhism Within the Framework of the Lotus Sutra Buddhism of Nichiren
Sekido, Gyokai
Nichiren (1822-82) is recognized as having established an original form of Buddhism which placed the Lotus Sutra at the center of its doctrine. However, there are opinions saying that esoteric Buddhism was a major influence on his thinking. That he copied works related to esoteric Buddhism and made a vow to Akasa-garbha Bodhisattva, revered in esoteric Buddhist circles, during the time of his studies are cited as evidence. Similarities between the Mandalas of Nichiren and those of esoteric Buddhism, his connection to and criticism of Tomitsu (Shingons esoteric Buddhism) and Taimitsu (the esoteric interpretations elaborated within Japanese Tendai), and quotations related to esoteric Buddhism in his Chu-hoke-kyo (references and notes from various Buddhist texts written in the margin spaces and on the reverse sides of the pages of his text of the Lotus Sutra) are pointed out as additional indications of esoteric Buddhisms presence. However, I take these to be a part of the developmental process of Nichirens Buddhism. Surviving several experiences of persecution raised Nichirens consciousness and recognition of himself as a propagator of the Lotus Sutra. To that end he took note of doctrines of the various forms of Buddhism he encountered throughout his period of study and transcended them as he concretized his own concepts. Esoteric Buddhism was one of those forms, however I believe its influence on the character of Nichirens Buddhism is overstated. I will examine the relationship between them in this paper.

What the Lotus Sutra Requires of People

Kubo, Tsugunari
What are the requirements being made by Shakyamuni Buddha to followers through the Lotus Sutra? In the Amida sutras, for example, the main message can be said to be complete faith, confidence, trust, and belief by followers with regard to Amida Buddhas vow to save all living beings. The Lotus Sutra however, does not promote such a relationship between Shakyamuni and followers of the sutra. Rather, the sutras message is that followers must take, make, and do some actions on their own they must make their own efforts toward the ultimate goal. Of what, then, do the personal practices advocated by the sutra consist? The fundamental item at the heart of the sutras advocacy of individual action can be said to be the establishment of communication between people. The first chapter reveals the perspective that the sutra itself must take the initiative to create a framework of communication, and undertakes to do so by relating how the present circumstance of the sutra came about. The starting point finds the Buddha Shakyamuni present with a great audience that is wondering how? why?, what is about to happen? The sutra replies to those questions through the agency of Majur addressing the audience to explain what is about to take placein effect establishing the line of communication with the audience. Through the succeeding chapters, communication becomes something that Shakyamuni wants to create between all living beings through the practices of the followers of the sutra. As one of those practices, particularly described in chapter 10, followers are to become expounders of the sutra, i.e., the agents and the establishers of that communication. In this paper I intend to analyze the Lotus Sutras requests to its followers, through which we can discern the sutras overall perspective.

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The Post-mahayanic Character of the Lotus Sutra and Its Principle

Tsuda, Shinichi
Within the complete scope of the historical development of Buddhist thought, in contrast to the Mahayanic systems of the Astasahasrika-prajnaparamita [ASPP] and the Gandavyuha [GV] that preceded it, the Lotus Sutra [SP] is duly defined as post-mahayanic (mahayanottara in Sanskrit). Such a definition is due to the fact that, at the stage of the Lotus Sutra, the Buddha revealed his true nature as the live, God-like Tathagata, freeing himself from the idealistic characterization in the preceding Mahayanic systems. Through its presupposition of Shakyamunis fulfillment of the vow to make all living beings attain buddhahood, the Lotus Sutra first provides us with the indicative half of the dialectic of the human existence of the original enlightenment (i.e., you are in yourself the Tathagata), then leads us to succeeding systems of thought through the concealed latter imperative half of the dialectic (i.e. still, you should by yourself become the Tathagata), and, ultimately, to the final level of a religio-philosophy.

The Lotus Sutra: Mahayana or Beyond Mahayana?

Tola, Fernando; Dragonetti, Carmen
The Ekayana doctrine as it is taught in the Lotus Sutra affirms that Hinayana and Mahayana are the same teaching, and that the differences they present are due to the diverse forms of exposition of Buddhist Truths and to the application of the graduality method that takes into account the different individual capacities of acceptance and understanding of the transmitted doctrines. Five centuries had elapsed between the appearance of Hinayana and that of Mahayana, and, for a system of thought as dynamic and free as Buddhism, un-fettered by any limiting central authority, this had to result in changes and transformations in the content and interpretation of the original doctrineschanges that were not arbitrary and which preserved Buddhisms coherence and unity because they firmly maintained its essential principles. Thus the Lotus Sutra, traditionally considered as representative of the Mahayana Sutras in East Asia, contributedthrough its One Vehicle conceptionto the creation of a tight link between Hinayana and Mahayana instead of removing one from the other. And it is also through this One Vehicle conception that a tight link between Mahayana and the different forms of Buddhism that appeared in the past in East Asia, and which appear at present all over the world, is established. This was in some way the triumph of unity in diversity achieved by the Lotus Sutra. In this sense it could be said that the Lotus Sutra is beyond Mahayana facing a broader horizon. But if the future of Buddhism is considered while taking the whole world into account, the Lotus Sutra could also be affirmed as being universally beyond Mahayana.

Ticket to RideBoarding the Great Vehicle by Means of the Lotus Sutra

Logan, Joseph
Describing his encounter with the oral history tellers of Africa, Alex Haley, in Roots, writes of how he was reminded that Every living person ancestrally goes back to some time and some place where no writing existed; and then human memories and mouths and ears were the only ways those human beings could store and relay information. Such were the circumstances during the age when Shakyamuni Buddha taught. In chapter 10 of the Lotus 381

Sutra, the Buddha says to the bodhisattva King of Medicines, The sutras I have expounded are innumerable tens of millions of myriads in number, but among the sutras I have already expounded, am now expounding, and will expound in the future, the most difficult to believe and hardest to understand is this Dharma Flower Sutra. Given such an assessment, how are practitioners to go about grasping, making use of, and benefiting from what is so difficult to believe and understand? To that end, among other practices the sutra challenges and exhorts its followers to internalize, recite, and expound itto, in effect, bring their memories and mouths and ears into play. This presentation will briefly examine how modern-day followers, especially those in English speaking cultures, approach practice with the Lotus Sutra, and then will make a particular case for the potential of the underutilized practice of recitation to allow one to internalize and more effectively benefit from the messages the Lotus Sutra intends to convey.

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The Prospects for Bhiksuni Ordination in Tibetan Buddhism

Roloff, Carola; Finnegan, Diana On the Mlasarvstivdin Affiliations of the Bhiku Vibhaga and Bhiku Prtimoka Preserved in Tibetan
Clarke, Shayne
In the fourteenth century, Bu ston rin chen grub (1290-1364) stated that the Bhiku Vibhaga preserved in Tibetan belongs not to the Mlasarvstivda nikya but rather to some other school. Bu ston was commenting on a major discrepancy between the number and order of rules in both the Bhiku Prtimoka and the Bhiku Vibhaga preserved in Tibetan. If Bu ston is correct, then there would be a major impediment to any move to introduce (some would argue re-introduce) bhiku ordination in Tibetan Buddhism. Indeed, those opposed to the ordination of nuns could argue that the Tibetan Bhiku Vinaya tradition is at best incomplete and at worst corrupt. Recent scholarship, however, has suggested that the problematic text is not the Bhiku Vibhaga, as Bu ston suggested, but rather the Tibetan Bhiku Prtimoka. In this paper, I will suggest that both the Bhiku Prtimoka and the Bhiku Vibhaga preserved in Tibetan belong to anot theMlasarvstivdin Vinaya tradition and that we must now consider the possibility that the Mlasarvstivdins knew at least two sets of rules for nuns.

Bhiku Ordination in the Vinayakudrakavastu of the Tibetan Kangyur

Roloff, Carola
For more than 30 years H. H. the Dalai Lama has been hoping that Tibetan monk-scholars would find an exception clause allowing full ordination (bsnyen par rdzogs pa; upasapad) to be granted to novice nuns (dge tshul ma; rmaeriks). It seems that from the beginning they only received novice ordination from Tibetan bhiku masters of the Tibetan Mlasarvstivda lineage and not from bhikus as ruled in the Vinaya. As distinct from the Buddha's times Tibetan nuns do not usually receive full ordination, since according to the MSV 10 bhikus and 12 bhikus are required to conduct this monastic rite, but Mlasarvstivda bhikus seem to have ceased to exist by the 11th century. The MSV was introduced to Tibet by the renowned Bengali abbot of Nland University ntarakita (725788). It is recorded that during the second spread of Buddhism, during his stay in Tibet, Atia (982-1054), who belonged to the Mahsghikas, was asked by some disciples to give bhiku ordination while others asked him to abstain. Due to decrees by kings and ministers of Tibet no other vinayas besides the MSV were allowed to spread. The only transmission of vinaya explanation ('dul ba'i bshad rgyun) and prtimoka vows (so thar sdom rgyun) introduced to Tibet were those of the Mlasarvstivdins. It is not recorded why the vow (sdom pa; savara) of a bhiku was not introduced, though the Mlasarvstivda Bhiku Prtimokastra together with a Bhiku Vinayavibhaga have been translated into Tibetan. Both are studied and recited by lineage holders (brgyud 'dzin) when the transmission through reading (lung) of the Tibetan Buddhist Canon (Kangyur) is given. Since different 383

Vinaya systems did not exist at the Buddha's times, the Kangyur does not state whether it is permissible for bhikus of one vinaya school such as Dharmaguptaka to join with bhikus of another school such as Mlasarvstivda to perform the dual bhiku ordination rite. Alternatively, ordination by Tibetan Mlasarvstivda bhikus only is discussed by Tibetan monk scholars in the present debate. Some accept that in the event that bhiku cryas are not available they are dispensable, while the majority remains silent or rejects this possibility. During the International Congress on the Buddhist Women's Role in the Sagha 2007 it became clear that contrary to the prevailing opinion there do exist significant differences between the extant vinayas. This paper will relate to the latest development in the Tibetan tradition and show how according to the Kangyur the Mlasarvstivda bhiku ordination in its earlier and later stages differs from the respective well-known Pli parallels. Some examples will show how Indian and Tibetan exegesis seems to partly complicate the present debate on reviving full ordination. Tibetan Vinaya commentaries are mainly based on the Tibetan translation of Guaprabha's Vinayastra and Ekottarakarmaataka.

Contextualizing the Tibetan Bhiku Debate: What Is at Stake and for Whom?
Mrozik, Susanne
Womens access to full ordination as bhiku is one of the most hotly contested issues in the Buddhist world today. Although full ordination is available to men in all Buddhist traditions, to date there is limited, if any, access to full ordination for women within Tibetan Buddhist as well as Southeast Asian Theravada Buddhist traditions. Mrozik's paper situates current Tibetan debates over bhiku ordination within the broader context of modern Buddhist efforts to extend bhiku ordination to women across the Buddhist world. The paper examines both select local and international efforts. These include early modern Sri Lankan and Thai efforts, along with more recent international efforts, notably, those of Sakyadhita, an international Buddhist women's association, and its partners in South Korean and Taiwanese monastic circles. The paper thus affords an opportunity to examine the complex intersections of gender, modernity, and globalization relevant to the current Tibetan debates. In situating the Tibetan case within its broader context, Mrozik's paper investigates what is at stake--and for whom--in granting female practitioners of Tibetan Buddhist traditions bhiku ordination. Gender and postcolonial scholars, such as Leila Ahmed and Lata Mani, have taught us that debates about womensuch as those concerning womens dress in Islam and widow self-immolation in Hinduismare often vehicles for debating other matters, notably, religious, ethnic, and national identity. Debates across the Buddhist world over bhiku ordination, which range from the minutiae of Buddhist monastic regulations to perhaps similar issues of ethnic and national identity, reflect diverse concerns, including those that may have little to do with the immediate welfare of women. Mrozik's paper explores the diverse stakes in the Tibetan case, particularly as these were displayed at the International Congress on Buddhist Women's Role in the Sagha, convened by his Holiness the Dalai Lama in Hamburg 2007. These include competing visions of the nature of a modern Buddhist sagha and the disputed role of "feminism" among advocates for Tibetan Buddhist nuns.

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Given the wide range of academic and/or monastic participants in the Hamburg conference, it should come as no surprise that the stakes articulated were both various and contested. The paper concludes by turning attention to the possible stakes of the women actually inhabiting this ideologically-contested arena, that is, Buddhist nuns and laywomen. In doing so, it asks what we might learn from the recent revival of the Sri Lankan bhiku lineage, an historic event frequently cited in current Tibetan debates. Although neither government nor sagha have formally accepted the revival, Sri Lankan bhikus are thriving largely due to close relationships they enjoy with Buddhist laywomen. Thus the paper closes by raising comparative questions about the roles played by Buddhist laywomen in Tibetan and Sri Lankan bhiku movements, particularly in light of the highly scholastic nature of the Tibetan debate, which, at least on the surface, centers on interpretation of monastic regulations.

Finding the Will and the Way: Vinaya Narratives as Resources in Tibetan Debates Over Bhiku Ordination
Finnegan, Damcho
In 2007, at an international conference in Hamburg, His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, was presented with several options deemed valid for conferring bhiku ordination in the Mlasarvstivda monastic tradition followed by Tibetan Buddhists. Although a panel of experts from all three extant vinaya traditions agreed to lend their approval and support to any of those options, His Holiness the Dalai Lama concluded the conference by calling for further conferences. With conference participants and local press both voicing disappointment with the outcome, the Dalai Lama convened an ad hoc meeting the next morning to explain his stance. Citing staunch resistance from the large Tibetan Buddhist monasteries of south India, His Holiness expressed his concern that offering full ordination to women could split the Tibetan sagha. In short, although the decades of research that the Dalai Lama had commissioned had succeeded in finding the way, powerful components of Tibetan monastic society still lacked the will to admit women as full members. This suggests that the current efforts to address legal or procedural objections will be insufficient to clear a course forward for bhiku ordination in the Tibetan tradition. Rather, what may be needed is a means of addressing the failure of imaginationof a full place for women in the saghaand a failure of appreciation for what the inclusion of women might offer not only the sagha, but Tibetan society as a whole. To this end, the vinayas many narratives could prove a richer site to mine for resources in efforts to create the will to fully ordain women than have its rules and regulations. On the whole, the Mlasarvstivdavinaya itself lavishes far more attention and textual space on its narratives than do other vinayas. Indeed, readers of the Mlasarvstivdavinaya could be forgiven for thinking at times that the rules are serving as fine excuses for the narrators to tell a good story. That generations of narrators, scribes and sponsors reproduced the thousands of pages of narrative material over the centuries invites us to consider the possibility that the creation and sustenance of monastic communities entails an education of the imagination, as well as the regulation of body and speech that vinaya is more commonly identified as providing. This paper explores several recent uses of vinaya narratives in discussions of bhiku ordination made by one of the senior-most spiritual leaders within Tibetan Buddhism: His Holiness the Seventeenth Gyalwang Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, who has publicly expressed his personal commitment to bhiku ordination. This paper looks at two occasions on which the Gyalwang Karmapa has used narratives as tools for ushering his own

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Karma Kagyu order towards accepting women as full members of the sagha. Taking up the two narratives in question, this paper examines the interpretive strategies deployed by the Gyalwang Karmapa, as evidence for the argument that vinaya narratives are invaluable resources in efforts to envision and create full places for women in the monastic community.

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The Role of the Laity in the Formation of Modern Buddhism

Aviv, Eyal Manufacturing a New Buddhism: a Lay Movement in Colonial Korea, 1920 1945
Kim, Hwansoo
Modern Korean Buddhism was shaped by Koreas colonial experience in the first half of the twentieth century. The Japanese colonial government envisioned Buddhism as one means of assimilating Koreans into imperial Japan, and it supported the efforts of both Korean and Japanese Buddhists to propagate Buddhism. Thus, while the Korean sangha sought to reassert its influence in modern society, Japanese Buddhist sects poured substantial resources into establishing temples across the land of Korea. However, Korean Buddhist monastics struggled to achieve their vision, and Japanese Buddhist priests remained confined to catering to Japanese immigrants in Korea. Disappointed by the sluggish progress of these two clerically led Buddhisms and alarmed by Christianitys success, elite Korean and Japanese lay Buddhists spearheaded the formation of a third group. The founding of the Association of Korean Buddhism in 1921 represents the rise of lay Buddhists as significant players in the shaping of modern Korean Buddhism. This talk examines how the Association presented itself as the protector of Korean Buddhism, a mediator between the clerically-led Korean and Japanese communities, and a framer of a modern Buddhism. The banners of the Association, similar to those of other Asian Buddhist countries in this period, included slogans like Buddha-ization of Korea and Asia, Popular and family-centered Buddhism, and Social and modern Buddhism. Toward these goals, the Association launched institutional, educational, social welfare, and missionary programs, unprecedented in the lay history of Buddhism in Korea. The Association set up a nationwide network; organized a joint Korean-Japanese Buddhist conference and other public events; was responsible for the massive, jointly-sponsored Buddhas Birthday festival from 1927 to 1945; published a widely-read journal for two decades, among other pamphlets and books, that examined both local and global issues for Buddhism; and trained young Koreans as elite, missionary monastics. Because of the Associations close relationship with the colonial government, scholars have characterized it as a Japanese, colonial, and political institution that existed outside the boundaries of what was considered Korean Buddhism. This interpretation leads to the conclusion that modern Korean Buddhism did not have its own lay movement because no significant number of Korean lay Buddhist leaders of note are found outside of this Association. Yet, some of the Associations key leaders were Koreans, and the Association played a major role in creating modern Korean Buddhism. This movement not only contributed to bringing Korean Buddhism into the international sphere but also prompted Korean monks and Japanese priests to engage the Korean public in a way that clerics had not done so before. Most significantly, these lay Buddhists sought to manufacture a new form of Buddhism by proactively training new priests (rather than passively receiving reforms from

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the monastic leadership), as well as create new practices and identities for Buddhists. By repositioning the Association as an integral part of modern Korean Buddhism, this presentation will bring to light the unprecedented formation of a Korean Buddhist lay movement and its development in the colonial context.

Redefining the Role of the Laity in 20th Century China: The Cases of Oyng Jngw and Wng Hngyun
Aviv, Eyal
This paper will argue that lay Chinese Buddhists in the 20th century not only increased their influence but in some cases even reconfigured their traditional place in the Buddhist sagha by assuming roles that were customarily reserved for the clergy. Holmes Welch noted that in their traditional role layperson were usually allowed to be a little more than spectators. They [now] wanted to become participants. In this paper I will explore two cases of individual laymen who went beyond active participation to become lay leaders within the Chinese Buddhist community. I will begin my presentation with the career of Oyng Jngw (1871-1943). Oyng was known for his rejection of monastic authority and his lack of trust in their knowledge and expertise. Consequently he emerged as a leader of a group that initiated the founding of the first Chinese Buddhist Association. In a proposal he submitted in 1912 to Sun Yat-sen, the first president of the Chinese republic, Oyng advocated placing the entire monastic properties under the care of group of lay persons. He later established a Buddhist institution that revolutionizes Buddhist education in China. Finally, Oyng was a leading figure in a movement that reintroduced Indian scholastic Buddhism into China, particularly the teaching of the Yogcra School. By emphasizing the teachings of this particular school Oyng sought a basis for criticizing foundational practices and doctrines that he deemed non-modern and inauthentic. Wng Hngyun (1876-1937) is notable for his role in reintroducing Japanese esoteric Buddhism (Shingon) into China. In 1926 he traveled to Japan and became a lineage holder of the Shingon School. Upon his return, Wng began to conduct initiation ceremonies (abhieka) for lay disciples and monks. Wng was vehemently criticized by leading monastic Buddhists. Prime among these critics was Tix. Tix was a renowned reformer monk, who himself propagated the reinstitution of esoteric Buddhism in China but objected to what he saw as the unorthodox path that Wng practiced. While these two cases are very different they are also similar in many important ways. Each case exemplifies a Buddhist tradition that was marginalized in China, namely the esoteric and the Yogcra traditions. These traditions were both reintroduced in order to challenge Chinese Buddhist orthodoxy and orthopraxis. Moreover, in both cases the authority of the monastic community as the authentic voice of Buddhism was questioned and challenged. Consequently, in both cases fierce debates ensued. I will discuss the outlines of these debates in my paper. Finally, in both cases the doctrines propagated were influenced by developments that originated in Japan. I argue that this evidences how globalization had a direct and indirect impact on the growing role of the laity in China.

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A New Buddhendom: the Laity's Changing Role in Modern Burmese Buddhism

Braun, Erik
The laity in Burma took on a new role in the modern era of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, one that helped to create a new sort of Buddhendom (the marriage of society and culture with Buddhist teaching and practice). In this revamped Buddhendom, lay life shifted from a predominantly local focus, centered on devotion and merit-making, to one focused more on learning doctrine and taking action on a national scale. The case of the Burmese monk Ledi Sayadaw (1846-1923) reveals how this change in the Burmese Buddhendom happened, for he played an important part in the process. His writings and his organizational efforts recast lay people's part in the Buddha-sasana and in Burmese society in two ways. First, he advocated a group ethos in moral action, exemplified in his efforts to get lay people to abstain from eating beef. The second way was his effort to align lay action with the symbolic role of the king (a role that drew to itself efforts to learn doctrine, as well as to protect Buddhism). Ledi's arguments for a collective ethos in light of societal karma and his use of the kingnot as a structural model but as a site of inspirationallowed him to improvise a new and enduring role for the laity that would enable communal efforts, such as mass meditation, which would powerfully affect global Buddhism in later years. Yet, as profound as this shift in the Burmese Buddhendom was, it did not dissolve the division between lay and monastic in ways often assumed in the study of modern Buddhism in Southeast Asia. The case of Ledi and the laity suggests the scholarly debate over laicization versus monasticization in modern Theravada Buddhism is, at least in the Burmese instance, something of a red herring, given that a sharp division in lay and monastic identities perdured. Exploring the details of the transformed relationship between the laity and the ordained through Ledi's efforts will shed light on the nature of this division and thus on the nature of modern Burmese Buddhism. At the same time, this study gives us the opportunity to address the panel's broader goal of assessing the balance of innovation and continuity as modern Buddhism took shape. While a novel development, Ledi's case shows us that modern Buddhism can depend upon the improvisational use of inheritances from the past that set the parameters for later developments.

The New Upsaka: Lay Ethicization in Tibetan Regions of the PRC

Gayley, Holly
In Tibetan regions of the PRC, the Buddhist laity has undergone a process of ethicization since the 1980s as part of a broader effort to revitalize Tibetan culture in the wake of the Maoist era. Parallel to lay ethical reform in Southeast Asia during the nineteenth and early twentieth century, Buddhist masters have encouraged the Tibetan laity to withstand the corrosive effects of rapid social change through newly focused adherence to Buddhist ethical principles. While lay Tibetans have not become leaders of Buddhist institutions, as in other parts of Asia, nevertheless their role has recently begun to shift through novel sorts of vows bestowed en masse by Buddhist masters. These vows target a host of bad habits related to social illsrather than soteriological imperativessuch as drinking, smoking, eating meat, hunting with snares, wearing fur, and fighting over the grasslands. The formulation of such vows recasts the precepts of the upska (Tibetan: dge bsnyen), particularly non-harming and abstaining from intoxicants, into a platform for social reform.

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This paper traces a concerted movement toward the ethicization of the Tibetan laity and its articulation in this-worldly terms. I focus on efforts by Buddhist masters and cleric-scholars at Larung Buddhist Academy, the largest and most influential Buddhist institution in Tibetan areas of the PRC, situated on the border of Sichuan and Qinghai Provinces. Certified in 1987 as a non-sectarian institute, Larung Buddhist Academy is the locus of an emergent Buddhist modernism on the Tibetan plateau and a leading advocate of ethical reform, spearheaded by its founder Khenpo Jigme Phuntsok (1933-2004). In tracts of advice to the laity, Khenpo Jigme Phuntsok and his successors position ethics as key to the "path forward" (mdun lam) for Tibetans as a people, impinging on cultural survival and economic welfare. I argue that the articulation of ethics in this-worldly terms by the Larung group constitutes a significant site of resistance to the civilizing mission of CCP discourse and state development policy, while offering a distinctively Buddhist vision of progress. Signaling its import, Khenpo Jigme Phuntsok's message has been disseminated widely through recorded speeches, printed slogans, color posters, commentaries by his successors, and even pop songs composed by monks.

Advocating Lay Buddhist Practice in Early Twentieth-Century Japan: Kawaguchi Ekai, Suzuki Daisetsu, and Tanaka Chigaku
Jaffe, Richard
In both the various New Religious movements and the various established denominations of temple Buddhism in twentieth-century Japan, a number of scholars have highlighted the general shift in Japan towards lay centered forms of Buddhist practice and organization. This trend was marked not only by increased activity among Japanese lay Buddhists, but, significantly, by the active rejection of clerical life on doctrinal and practical grounds by a number of prominent Buddhist clerics and intellectuals. I examine in my presentation the arguments in favor of lay Buddhist practice and against clerical ordination given by three noted Japanese Buddhists: Kawaguchi Ekai, an baku Zen cleric and the first Japanese to enter Tibet who founded a lay Buddhist organization, the Bukky Seny Kai (Society for the Promotion of Buddhism); Suzuki Daisetsu, the well-known promoter of Zen Buddhism in the United States and Europe; and Tanaka Chigaku, a Nichiren denomination cleric who created the important Nichirenist lay organization, Kokuchkai (National Pillar Society). Although the path taken to lay Buddhist life was different for each of these three figures, the arguments marshaled by them against the practicality and even possibility of monastic life in the modern world were similar to a remarkable degree. In my presentation, I detail the variety of doctrinal arguments rooted in classical Buddhist sutras and commentaries that Kawaguchi, Suzuki, and Tanaka used to justify their rejection of clerical ordination and monastic Buddhist practice. I also examine how, particularly in the cases of Kawaguchi and Tanaka, their emphasis on lay practice led them to found quasi-new religious organizations that were independent of their home denominations and served as models for organizing the more successful Buddhist-based New Religions that arose in Japan in the middle of the twentieth century. In addition to their scathing critique of monastic Buddhist practice within Japan, Kawaguchi, Tanaka, and, to a lesser degree, Suzuki also reflected on the strength and legitimacy of Buddhist monastic organizations across Asia. Their valorization of lay practice rather than traditional monastic Buddhism as the most viable form of Buddhist life in the twentieth century reflects their negative assessment of Buddhist monastic life not only in Japan but 390

also in Tibet, Southeast Asia, Korea, and China. The study of the advocacy of lay Buddhism by Kawaguchi, Suzuki, and Tanaka, thus also will provides me an opportunity, in the context of the panel comparing lay Buddhist practice in Asia, to consider how the rise of lay Buddhism in Japan was a product of exchanges of people and ideas throughout the Buddhist world as well as a result of the domestic Buddhist context.

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The Sense of Place, Real or Imagined in Japanese Buddhist Visual Culture

Chin, Gail Localizing Strategies: Eison and the Shtoku Taishi Cult in Medieval Japan
Quinter, David
The Saidaiji order of monks and nuns, founded by Eison (1201-90) and later known as Shingon Ritsu, strove to establish a firmer ethical, ritual, and material foundation for Buddhism in turbulent Kamakura Japan. They did so by widely promoting the precepts and charitable activities; performing state-protecting and other esoteric rites; and constructing temples, icons, and such public facilities as hospices and ports. Centering first on Saidaiji and other Nara temples, the order gradually expanded from Yamato Province and formed a network of temples from Kant to Kysh. Essential to the order's expansion was its vigorous engagement in deity and saint cults. This paper analyzes Eison's involvement in one of the most popular cults in Japanese history, that of the reputed father of Japanese Buddhism, Shtoku Taishi (c. 574-622). The study focuses on the ritual and iconographic evidence for Eison's increasing affiliation with Taishi cultic sites after 1246. Not coincidentally, the late 1240s and 1250s were a key stage in the order's expansion, as they moved into Kawachi and other areas where the Taishi cult flourished. Eison's involvement in the Taishi cult provides a valuable case study for investigating the rich interplay among real and imagined places, cultic activities, and ritual and visual culture in medieval Japan. I first look at four Taishi statues sponsored by disciples of Eison's between 1268 and 1303. The study then investigates the evolution of the cultic activities that helped make the statues' construction possible. In particular, I examine the content and context of Eison's 1254 liturgical text Shtoku Taishi kshiki (Prince Shtoku Ceremonial) to show how Eison's own concerns were conceptually and physically localized within the cult. Last, I suggest that the ritual and visual imagining of Shtoku Taishi in the Saidaiji order underscores the complex intertwining of local and translocal traditions in this and arguably all devotional cults in premodern Japanese Buddhism.

Blossoms Before Moss: Mus Sosekis Saihji as Sacred Site

Vallor, Molly
Renovated in 1339 by Rinzai Zen prelate and garden designer Mus Soseki (12751351), Saihji is known today as the moss temple in reference to the lush green bryophytes that blanket the temples precincts. In discussing the famed garden there, many modern accounts have overlooked the cherry blossoms that served as its centerpiece in the medieval period, focusing instead on the "Zen" features that attract visitors today, including the dry rock waterfall and the numerous allusions in landscape to Chan/Zen literature. In fact, the medieval Saihji was best known not for these elements but for several others, namely its pond, which was a popular for pleasure boating; its maple trees, which boasted a brilliant crimson in autumn; andmost especiallyits resplendent cherry blossoms. 393

Takahashi Tko has addressed these features in her discussion of the Saihji garden as a locus of imperial and shogunal diversion in Muss time and after. Building upon her research, I will examine literary representations of the Saihji cherry blossoms in order to present a new view of Muss Saihji as a sacred site. This paper focuses on three main sources: Saih shja engi (1400); Muss recorded sayings, Mus kokushi goroku (1365); and his personal short verse (waka) anthology, Shgaku kokushi wakash (1699). In uncovering the mythology of the Saihji cherry blossoms, I will demonstrate how warriors and their imperial patrons across the centuries are represented as paying homage to gods, buddhas, and holy men in their ritual and play at Saihji. Finally, I will explore the way in Muss Saihji is presented as fulfillment of Chan/Zen prophecy through a recontextualization of the cherry blossom motif.

The Reality of Place in Raigzu, Especially Pertaining to the Work of Taishid, Kakurinji
Chin, Gail
Paintings of the descent of Amida and his holy multitude as a single work are known as raigzu, or in nine scenes, known as kuhon jzu; this paper seeks to examine the Kuhon jzu that is behind the altar of the Taishid of Kakurinji, Hyogo Prefecture. Unlike the aristocratic Phoenix Hall, Kakurinji is a provincial temple in the old province of Harima, but proudly claims the patronage of the prince who is attributed with the founding of Buddhism in Japan. Shotoku Taishi is memorialized in the Taishid of Kakurinji in sculpted portraiture form placed with an image of Shaka with his bodhisattvas, Fugen and Monju, and the Four Heavenly Kings, who appear in front of a single painting of the nine levels of birth from the Pure Land belief of the Buddha Amida. On the back of this painting, there is another depicting the Mahaparinirvana, while images of female raksha appear on the pillars of this hall. This iconographic schema may seem diverse and illogical, it is not, but rather it is evidence of the confluence of beliefs held by the common people in this area of Japan at this time. While Phoenix Hall is considered the Pure Land manifested on earth in the particular place of Uji, the images of the Taishid are very different, even violent, with people pulling down stupas and hunting. The Kuhon jzu (1011 CE) painting of Kakurinji emphasizes the lowest birth of common persons who are also part of Amida Buddhas ultimate vow. Dating a century later than Phoenix Hall, the painting of the Taishid depicts the situations of these common people who may be experiencing evil birth (akunin j), which is a statement that Amida Buddha saves all, even those who have committed violent acts. But why is this image found here at the Taishid of Kakurinji of Totasan? Is there any sense of historical reality to the images? This paper will investigate the relationship between Shotoku Taishi worship and the concept of salvation for the common person as the ancient period ends and medievalism is ushered in.

394

Moving Mountains: Japanese Instantiations of the Wutai Wenshu Cult

Andrews, Susan
In the Tang dynasty (618-907) Mount Wutai emerged as the foremost sacred place in China. Its status was rooted largely in scriptural claims that the mountain was home to the bodhisattva Wenshu (Majur). While scholarship has revealed much about Wutais history during and within the borders of the Tang, it has had considerably less to say about its later and larger East Asian significance. Taking records of the Japanese monk Chnens (9381016) life and career as its starting point, this paper examines one dimension of the panAsian Wutai cult: the Heian period (794-1185) mapping of Wutais landscapes, real and imagined, onto Japanese soil. The paper aims to elucidate different ways in which Chinese Wutai narrative and practice were preserved, transformed, and used to new ends at Japanese locales. An examination of this dimension of Wutais history should have much to teach us about the complex interactions between Heian, Tang and Song instantiations of the bodhisattva cult and the role that images and architecture played in creating and sustaining an imagined network of Wutai sites in East Asia.

China, Japan or Mirokus Heaven? on the Origins of the Namikiri Fud of Kyasan
Beghi, Clemente
Temple histories such as the Collection of Spring and Autumn annals of Kya relate the small standing statue traditionally called Namikiri Fud directly to Kkai and his Chinese master Huiguo. They tell us how, at the very beginning of the 9th century, the Japanese founder of the Shingon school, just before leaving the Qinlongsi, was asked by his preceptor to carve it. Huiguo then ritually activated the statue and gave it to his foreign pupil as a protection during the perilous journey back to Japan. A closer inspection of the style and iconography of this secret icon actually tells us a different story, more likely related to 11th century Japan and the efforts to relaunch the Kyasan temple complex. Interestingly, the appearance of the legend roughly coincides with the birth of the cult of Kkai, the idea that he is not dead but simply in meditation and the connection of his resting place, the Okunoin with Mirokus Heaven, to which Fud is closely tied. In this paper we will analyse how this statue and the stories related to it became part of a broader strategy to further sanctify the mountain, drawing attention and support from the wealthy elite of the capital.

395

The Spread and Use of Dharani Sutras in East Asia, 8th-12th Centuries
Vermeersch, Sem The Mahpratisar Dhra in Medieval Sinitic Buddhism
Mcbride, Richard
There are two Chinese translations of the Mahpratisar dhra. The first is by Baosiwei (*Manicintana, d. 721) and the second is by Bukong (Amoghavajra, 705774). Several manuscripts of the dhra scripture are found among the Dunhuang documents. Although this dhra was typically invoked for protection in China, in this essay I provide a close reading of the procedures and purposes of Baosiweis translation in an attempt to make sense of the role of the dhra in an anecdote about a royal monk associated with the promotion of the Hwam (Ch. Huayan) ritual tradition on Koreas Wutai shan (Mt. Odae) in the eighth century. Spells, rituals, and deep understanding of Buddhist teachings combine in this text for a ritual understanding of the Buddhadharma that is both complex and compelling, and which provides insight on the nature of medieval Sinitic Buddhism.

The Role of Dhra Stras in Buddhist Art at Dunhuang

Wang, Michelle
Taking the mural paintings of Mogao Cave 14, dating to the late 9th-early 10th centuries, as a starting point, my paper explores the relationship between dhra stras and Buddhist art in Tang China. Cave 14 contains the most complete esoteric iconographic program of the Tang Dynasty (618-907) cave shrines at the Mogao site. Thus, it offers the possibility of studying a cohesive esoteric iconographic program following the entrance into China of the three masters of the Kaiyuan era. The iconographic program of the north and south walls of the cave consists of eight paintings of esoteric deities including Vairocana and multiple forms of Avalokitevara. In particular, I analyze the iconographic program of Cave 14 in conjunction with Dunhuang manuscripts termed chain stras ( lianxiejing), which typically consisted of what on the surface appeared to be unrelated texts, including dhras, copied in sequence. As the chain stras are considered to be apocrypha, they provide a window onto the development of esoteric Buddhism in China. At the same time, I examine the broader implications of the linking of dhras to Buddhist art at Dunhuang and elsewhere in China. Finally, what is the logic behind the linking of dhra stras and accordingly, of images of esoteric deities?

397

The Changing Connotation of Dhras in East Asian Stpa Deposits During the 8th-11th Century
Joo, Kyeongmi
Until now, the dhras found in East Asian stpas have been generally regarded as dharma relics, which are thought to have the same power and meaning as the Buddhas relic. However, the question arises whether all the dhras found in stpa deposits can be identified as dharma relics. I strongly doubt the prevalent presumption that all of them were dharma relics. Some of dhras found in stpa deposits can be regarded as dharma relics, but after the eleventh century, most of dhras in stpa were deposited as a ritual collection for chanting rites. Moreover, some dhras functioned simultaneously both as dharma relic and as ritual objects. Thus, in this paper I want to examine the changing connotation of dhras in stpa deposits in relation to the ritual of relic veneration in East Asia during the 8th -11th century. The role of dhras in stpa deposits has changed from that of dharma relics, originally equivalent to the Buddhas bodily relic, to that of mere ritual votive objects for the Buddhas bodily relic with which they were enshrined together during the tenth and eleventh century in East Asia. This implies that East Asian Buddhists in the eleventh century considered the Buddhas bodily relic more valuable and sacred than the dharma relic or dhra stras despite the latters increase in quantity. From this view, the dhras in stpa deposits after the eleventh century in East Asia should be regarded as the subordinate to the Buddhas relic veneration.

Beyond Printing: Looking at the Use and East Asian Context of Dhra Texts in Korea
Vermeersch, Sem
Two dhra texts are very famous in Korea: The Undefiled Pure Light and the Precious store mudr dhra stras. However, they are famous not as texts or for their religious meaning, but merely as prints: printed copies of these texts dated 751 (conjectured date) for the former and 1007 for the latter are famous as the earliest examples of printing on the Korean peninsula, and the former even as the earliest example of woodblock printing in the world. But this focus on printing history has somehow obscured the fact that these texts also played very important roles in the cult of the stpa, and devotional practice in general. The Undefiled Pure Light stra in particular was popular both in China, Korea, and Japan, yet the way it was treated (ie. its reproduction methods and number, its emplacement etc.) show interesting differences. Since its core practices (the text advocates its own reproduction and worship) reflect practices that were current across Asia since at least the seventh century, we have to question first of all its place in the Asian esoteric tradition before evaluating how peculiar [or not] its Korean acculturation was. The Precious store mudr has often been seen as the Kory continuation of the Silla Undefiled Pure Light sutra, but again we have to question what is really new here, and also whether the focus on only these two dhra texts is justified or not.

398

Tibetan Doctrinal Studies

Section Moderator: Higgins, David Emptiness Versus Tathgatagarbha: the Tibetan Recipients of the Tathgatagarbha-stras and the Prajpramit-stras Considering What Is Empty and What Is Not Empty From the Gzhan-stong Perspective.
Makidono, Tomoko
The Mahbher-stra, which is counted among the so-called ten Tathgatagarbha-stras of the Last Wheel of Teachings, speaks of conflicts between those scriptures that teach emptiness and those that teach tathgatagarbha, and declares that Emptiness-stras of Prajpramit are of provisional meaning, and Tathgatagarbha-stras are of definitive meaning. In doing so, it redefines the true meaning of emptiness. In Tibet, ten Tathgatagarbha-stras of the Last Wheel of Teachings became a focus of hermeneutic debates on whether they are of provisional or definitive meaning. Mkhas-grub-rje (13851438) interprets the Last Wheel as belonging to Cittamtra and of provisional meaning. For the gzhan-stong-pa, however, the Last Wheel is Great Madhyamaka of definitive meaning. Go-ram-pa (1429-1489), in explaining the three kinds of Mdhyamikas, calls the tradition of Dol-po-pa (1292-1361) Madhyamaka of the extreme of permanence (rtag-mtha' -la-dbu mar-smra- ba) who follow the stras of the ultimate truth of the Last Wheel. The commentary on Trantha (1575-1634)'s the Dbu-ma theg-mchog discusses the twenty-five existences (srid-pa nyi-shu-rtsa-lnga) in the way that the twenty-four are conditioned at the relative level and the twenty-fifth is the unconditioned at the ultimate level by referring to the Mahparinirvna-stra, the Mahbheri-stra and so forth. In his commentary of the Heart-Stra, Trantha explains that the last one of the sixteen emptiness and the twentyemptiness is gzhan-stong. Similarly, Dge-rtse Mahpaita, who is regarded as an emanation of Dolpopa (Kapstein,1997:462 ; Stearns,1999:215), interprets the twentieth emptiness (parabhvanyat; gzhan gyis stong pa) in the Prajpramit-stra in 25,000 lines as gzhan-stong. In this way, Dge-rtse Mahpaita reconstructs the Middle Wheel as gzhan-stong teachings. In the Indian commentarial literautre of the Prajpramit-stras such as the Abhisamaylakrloka of Haribhadra (8th cent. CE.) and the Vtti of Vimktisena, the parabhvanyat is explained as the highest form of emptiness With twenty emptinesses, Haribhadra comments on the verses I-46 and 47 (ed. Amano, 2000) in the Abhisamaylakra-krik of Maitreya. Furthermore, in Tibet, the Five Teachings of Maitreya including the Abhisamaylakra came to the issue that whether each of the Teachings of Maitreya represents Yogcra or Madhyamaka. Dge-rtse Mahpaita opposes the view that the Abhisamaylakra of Maitreya teaches emptiness of non-implicative negation (stong-nyid med-dgag). It would be safe to say that Dge-rtse Mahpaitas opposition to the rang-stong interpretation of Abhisamaylakra is very much grounded on his interpretation of the twentieth emptiness. Accordingly, he opposes Dge-lugs-pas position of emptiness as a mere emptiness of non-implicative negation (stong-nyid meddgag) which has been maintained since Phywa-pa (1109-1169) onwards. Rig-dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (1698-1755), another gzhan-stong-pa of Ka-thog-pa, presents the twenty supreme stras of the definitive meaning such as the Mahbher-stra. Furthermore, Kong-sprul (1813-1899) in his commentary on Rang-byung rdo-rje (1284-1339)'s Bde-bzhin gshegs pa'i 399

snying po bstan clearly differentiates between what is empty and what is not empty. For him, the adventitious stains have no intrinsic nature (rang- stong), but Tathgatagarbha (khams) is not empty. Thus, this paper examines Tibetan recipien ts of the Prajpramit-stras of the Middle Wheel and the Tathgatagarbha-stras of the Last Wheel considering their interpretations of rang-stong and gzhan-stong.

Madhyamaka and Mahamudra

Rinpoche, Yangsi
Correct apprehension and understanding of the view, presentation, and practice of Madhyamaka (defined as the ultimate mode of existence of phenomena) and Mahamudra (the ultimate nature of mind) are fundamental to the scholarship and understanding of Buddhist thought. The central themes of Buddhism are encompassed within these fields of study: the nature of phenomena and the nature of mind, and the relationship, interaction, and interdependence between the two. In this paper, I will discuss the correlations between the presentation, view, and practical application of Mahamudra and Madhyamaka in Tibetan Buddhist philosophical literature. The first section will address the definitions of the terms, and give a historical background for their usage and mis-usage. Then we will turn to the Gelug presentation of the topics through the writings of Panchen Losang Chkyi Gyelsten, Kelsang Jamyang Monlam, and Ngulchu Dharmabhadra. This section will also include a discussion of some of the points of conflict within these scholars' interpretation and understanding of the subject matter. The next section of the paper will introduce Khntn Peljor Lhndrubs Wish-Fulfilling Jewel of the Oral Tradition, a 16th century text by the teacher of the Fifth Dalai Lama, which combines both theory and practical instruction on meditation on the nature of phenomena and the nature of mind, and frames critical discussion on the differences between the terminology, understanding, and meditative practices of Madhyamaka and Mahamudra across the lineages of Tibetan Buddhism. The final section of the paper will present a summary and discussion of the actual parallels between the views, and the methodology for meditation and realization of these practices according to the four schools.

Speaking Without an Object the Integrative Language of Longchen Rabjampa's "The Precious Treasury of the Space of Phenomena"
Laish, Eran
How to speak about Being or the Ground of existence without reification or postulation of an independent ontological realm? A common distinction applied to the religious literature, in general, and to its more esoteric-gnostic oriented expressions, in particular, is the division between cataphatic language, which describes in an affirming manner the source of reality, and apophatic language, which negates all attributes of such a source. These two modes of expression are clearly evident in one of the main treatises of Longchen Rabjampa (Klongchen Rab-'byam-pa), an eminent Tibetan teacher of the 14th century, "The Precious Treasury of the Space of Phenomena" (chos dbyings rinpoche'i mdzod), which is a presentation of the 400

view of the Tibetan tradition of "The Great Perfection" (rdzogpa chenpo). However, unlike the common and accepted division between description which affirms and description that erases, the language used by Longchenpa for referring to the characteristics of Natural Awareness is an organic integration of these two modes of discourse, which overcomes the existential problems found in both modes. By analyzing the description given by Longchenpa to the three main characteristics of Primordial Awareness, being the empty-open essence (ngo bo), the spontaneous-clear nature (rang bzhin) and the compassionate responsiveness (rthugs rje), I would like to show that even though these descriptions can be traditionally categorized under the rubric of 'Cataphatic language', actually their meaning includes within itself a resistance to objectifying tendencies. Furthermore, based on the integration between an affirming description and non-objectified meaning, a discussion regarding the implications of this unique mode of expression on our way of approaching awareness through meditative praxis will follow.

Does Error Exist in the Ground? Investigating the Rdzogs Chen Distinction Between the Grounds of Freedom (Grol Gzhi) and Error (khrul Gzhi)
Higgins, David
This paper investigates the problem of why classical Rdzogs chen scholars in Tibet emphasized a clear distinction between grounds of freedom and error - viz. an unconditioned ground (gzhi) and conditioned all-ground (kun gzhi) - when earlier sources tended to emphasize unity rather than difference. To understand this shift in perspective, it is necessary to look at the confluence of Rdzogs chen tantric and Yogcra stric ground models and consider some of the problems of reconciliation this provoked. Late Yogcra traditions in India, China and Tibet had already confronted similar tensions in their encounters with Tathgatagarbha doctrine and sought to resolve these either through systems of identification (absolutizing the layavijna) or differentiation (separating the layavijna from the absolute as variously described). The Rdzogs chen ground/all-ground (gzhi/kun gzhi) distinction is best seen as an offshoot of the differentiation trend that was radicalized in the classical period as undesired implications of the identification strategy became too onerous to ignore. The result was a dialectical sycretism that could accommodate the stric causal-developmental soteriological ground model within a tantric goal-disclosive model while emphasizing their difference in terms of priority relations of founding and founded (rten/brten). At the heart of Rdzogs chen attempts to resolve the tension between developmental and disclosive ground models was the question does errancy exist in the ground? That this question is taken up repeatedly from the eighth century onward testifies to its importance as an orienting framework for bringing into view new formulations and clarifications of the Rdzogs chen ground. To gain a sense of these developments, I will briefly sketch responses to this question by four Rdzogs chen masters belonging to different periods: Gnyag Jnakumra (8th c.), Mkhas pa Nyi ma bum (12th c.), Rog Bande shes rab od (13th c.) and Klong chen rab byams pa (14th c.). These responses reflect a growing emphasis on the differentiation of the absolute and neutral grounds along with increasingly nuanced attempts to clarify the nature of this relationship.

401

Comparison of Tibetan and Chinese Pure Land Practice

Chen, Shu-Chen
In this work, I will compare aspects of Tibetan and Chinese Pure Land practice. This research is based on observations of contemporary practices carried out in a Tibetan Karma Kagyu monastery and in several monastic groups representing the Chinese Buddhist tradition. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that while Tibetan and Chinese Pure Land practice each tout their special efficacies, or unique capacity to produce a desired effect, the accomplishments of each side are comparable. The first aspect compared concerns the relationship between self (the practitioner) and other (Buddhas and Bodhisattvas). In Tibetan Pure Land practice, the objective is a fusion of self and other carried out through tantric deity yoga practice, while in Chinese Pure Land practice self invokes the help of other in the pursuit of rebirth in Buddhas Pure Land. As well, Tibetan Pure Land practice involves trantric visualization and mantra recitation while Chinese Pure Land practice uses the Contemplation Sutra and Buddha recitation as the basis for visualization of Amitabha Buddhas Western Pure Land. At the same time, Tibetan Pure Land practitioners internalize the Pure Land by striving to become a creator Buddha themselves, while Chinese Pure Land practitioners work to externalize the Pure Land by building a Pure Land on earth here and now. Tibetan Pure Land practitioners have the freedom to select from a large number of available practices while those who follow Chinese Pure Land practice have limited themselves to one practiceBuddha recitation. A question for future research is whether Tibetan Pure Land practice will become more prevalent in Taiwan when building a Pure Land on earth here and now is advocated by Chinese Pure Land Buddhists.

402

Tibetan Sociological Studies

Section Moderator: Viehbeck, Markus Remedy of Tending Life in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions
Mei, Ching
Seeking for liberation is the ultimate goal in Buddhist practices. Yet, we should not overlook the ritual performances that meant to solve the problems of the laitys daily lives. It is my research interests to explore the development of various ritual performances among different traditions in Tibet through philological studies. Recently I have turned my focus on the healing rituals, the so-called science of Tibetan medicine (gso rigs). I propose to present a talk on the remedy of tending life in Tibetan Buddhist traditions. The technique of nursing life (bcud len) has covered a wide range of concern. It introduces various methods of extracting essence from the nature, for instance, from the mineral stone called cong zhi ( ), from the flowers, soft earth and sand etc. The extracted essence of syrup need to be consecrated through certain ritual processes, it will then be believed to contain magical power to prolong life, to cure various diseases and to avoid the harms of evil spirits. Although the modern medical practitioners in Tibet have made their every effort to purify the stain of religious elements in the science of healing, it is difficult to deny religious influence and ideology. A study like this will reveal the knowledge of pharmacy and healing skills that Tibetan established in the medieval time. These characteristics could be found also in other major Asian religions. Therefore, a comparative study on the subject of traditional religious healings will be inevitable eventually.

The Yogi and the Scholar: Rhetorical Polemics as Frame and Framework
Viehbeck, Markus
The practice of debate is an eminent part of the Buddhist scholastic universe, especially as it developed on the Tibetan plateau. With opponents not always proximate in terms of space and time, debates also manifested in the form of polemical texts, composed to refute a (living or dead) opponent, and came to form an independent genre of Tibetan literature, often designated as "Dgag lan" (Objection-Response). The present paper will draw on one of the most famous examples of this kind of literature, the texts that were exchanged in the late 19th century between the Rnying ma scholar 'Ju Mi pham and his Dge lugs pa opponent Dpa' ris Rab gsal. I will argue that in those texts two different elements within the formulation of criticism should be distinguished: formal discussion, where each accusation must be not only concrete and specific, but also backed up by proper argumentation, and, secondly, rhetorical polemics, commonly enjoyed for the use of often offensive language. While this latter part of "stylized insult" seems to be only loosely connected to the development of the philosophical argument at stake, I seek to show that a meaningful way to conceive of its role and relevance for the earlier is to think of it as a frame. In terms of the structural organization of the texts 403

this is fairly obvious (depending, of course, on the specific understanding of "frame"). By investigating a recurrent topic of these polemics, the "yogi versus scholar-theme," I will, however, demonstrate that rhetorical polemics also provide the space for formulating a conceptual framework for the placement of the philosophical issues.

A Corpus of 16th Century Tibetan Blockprints: Towards a Catalogue Raisonn

Sernesi, Marta
gTsang smyon Heruka's celebrated Life of Mi-la ras-pa was printed towards the end of the 15th century, and distributed to contemporary masters and rulers. Shortly afterwards, also the Life of Mar-pa and a few doctrinal texts were produced, even though no copies of these early blockprinted editions are known today. The Madman's disciples followed the example, reprinting gTsang smyon's masterworks, printing different accounts of his life and several hagiographies of early bKa' brgyud masters, and printing or reprinting seminal works of Tibetan Buddhism. They continued the tradition for at least two generations, into the second half of the 16th century, and with their workshops contributed to the spread of xylography in Central and South-Western Tibet. The school's printed production is witnessed by a growing number of original exemplars which are coming to light, and may be ordered, described and evaluated. I will present some preliminary results issued from this effort, including information about the masters, workers and patrons involved in these printing projects. Indeed, such a survey provides an insight into the "life" of the book in Tibet at the time of the spread of the technology of xylography, from a work's composition, to its reproduction, circulation and fortune.

Emaho! The Visions Experienced by Karma Pakshi

Manson, Charles
Karma Pakshi was a 13th-century thaumaturge, important to the beginnings of the tradition prevalent in Central Asian Buddhism of succession through reincarnation for religious professionals. He is also well-known as a visionary, whose political interractions with 2 emperors, Mongke and Qubilai, were influenced by his visionary premonitions. These interractions had both beneficial and detrimental effects, from miracles and conversions through to his own physical torturing. This paper will examine the correspondences between Karma Pakshi's recorded visions and his decisions and actions, through detailed analysis of his own autobiographical writings and the main biographies of his life. In so doing, an attempt will be made to understand the experiences of a visionary Buddhist, through both the narratives of his visions, the circumstances of their occurrences, and the consequential outcomes.

404

Tibetan Nuns in Kham

Baimacuo
This article is based on fieldwork conducted at two large nunneries in the region of Kham: Yachen Nunnery (Palyul city khromtha town) and Lharong Nunnery(Serda city Lharong town). Using a comparative methodology, I will analyze the variety of social and religious roles that nunneries play in contemporary Tibetan communities. Specifically, I will analyze the status and function of the two nunneries in relation to monks monasteries of similar size in the same region. The paper will investigate specific aspects of monastic life for women, including physical environment, education, discipline, ritual, and interactions with the surrounding lay community. I will compare the two nunneries model to know how the two nunneries differ in their structures, how they are perceived and supported by their families and donors in their communities, and how they are likely to develop in future.

405

Tibetan Textual Studies

Section Moderator: Cantwell, Cathy gTsang Smyon Heruka and Bonaventure of Bagnoregio: Comparative Considerations in Hagiology
Rondolino, Massimo
In this paper I will investigate the possibility of applying methods of analysis typical of the study of Medieval Christian hagiographies, to the academical study of the Tibetan rnam thar genre. More specifically, I will concentrate on the Christian Italian 'Legenda Maior' or 'Vita Beati Francisci' by Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1221-1274) and the Buddhist Tibetan 'Mi la'i rnam thar' by gTsang smyon Heruka (1452-1507). I chose these case studies not on the basis of often mentioned similarities in the teachings and practices of St. Francis and Mi la ras pa, but on the similarities between the historical and political conditions that shaped and defined the literary production of their most famous hagiographies. In this paper, I will present a theoretical structure that will serve as an interdisciplinary bridge between the fields of Medieval Christian and Tibetan Buddhist studies and that will allow for a reciprocal exchange of analytical methods and theoretical findings. Ultimately, building on the comparative study of Bonaventure's and gTsang smyon Heruka's works, I will argue that literary and intellectual productions are shaped and constrained by socio-political contexts in similar ways across cultures, space and time.

The Development of Textual Cycles in a Revelatory Tradition: Preliminary Forays Into the Literature of the Dudjom Corpus
Cantwell, Cathy
This paper will report on preliminary findings of a four year research project (2010-2014) into notions of "authorship", composition and editing employed in the production of new tantric revelations in Tibetan Buddhism, focusing on the case study of the most influential text revealer of the 20th century, Dudjom Rinpoche (bDud-'joms 'jigs-bral ye-shes rdo-rje, 1904-1987). Dudjom Rinpoche was one of the main lineage holders who contributed to new textual compositions for a number of different revelatory traditions, including his work on editing and advancing the revelations of his predecessor, Dudjom Lingpa (1835-1904), as well as revealing new scriptures himself. The paper will consider the relationship between the scholarly editing of texts, commentarial composition, and visionary revelation when the same lama is involved in all these forms of textual production. In particular, the Dudjom Lingpa's own works on the deity Vajraklaya will be compared with Dudjom Rinpoche's textual productions of the same deity practices.

407

Philological Analysis on the Introductory Chapter of the Sadhinirmocana-stra: With Special Reference to the Phug Brag Manuscript
Takahashi, Koichi
As well known, the Sadhinirmocana-stra is one of the most important canonical texts for Yogcra. Although the original Sanskrit text is not available today, the whole text has been preserved in the Kangyur of Tibetan Tripitaka, as well as in the Chinese Buddhist Canon. A critical edition of the Tibetan translation of this stra was published by tienne Lamotte in 1935. He basically used the Narthang Kangyur for his edition, comparing to the Chinese versions, and reconstructed some Sanskrit technical terms. Nowadays, however, this epochmaking work seems to require reconsideration, because scholars and students have more ready access to a variety of Kangyur block editions and some Tibetan manuscripts. Also, recently a project to make a new Tibetan edition of the Sadhinirmocana-stra was undertaken at the University of Tokyo, which I fortunately had the opportunity to take part in. (This project was supported by the Research Grants in the Humanities of the Mitshubishi Foundation from 2009 to 2010.) In this presentation, I will report on some issues which we are facing to in the process of editing the text, showing examples from the preface or introductory chapter of the stra. Our greatest concern is the tradition or lineage of the Tibetan block editions and some manuscripts. A recent study suggested that the block editions and manuscripts of this stra can be classified into two groups, what are called the East and West recensions, or Tshal pa and Them spang ma groups (Cf. Kato, Kojiro, On the Tibetan Text of the Sadhinirmocanastra, Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies, 54-3, 2006, pp.93-99). In that study, the Phug brag manuscript was treated as a member of the Them spang ma group, but this manuscript occasionally shows unique features that are evidently different from both the Them spangs ma and the Tshal pa. Even though the Tibetan tradition can be divided into two main lines, the position of the Phug brag manuscript of the stra should be investigated more carefully. A typical instance for the features mentioned above can be found in the introductory chapter of the Sadhinirmocana-stra. For example, the Phug brag edition uses equivalents that differ from other editions and manuscripts. Moreover, it shows the completely different structure of paragraphs at the beginning of the chapter. These facts seem to provide us any clue to reconsider the position of the Phug brag manuscript of this stra in the Tibetan Kangyur tradition. In addition, it is noteworthy that this chapter has sentences which appear to resemble the expressions in the Tibetan version of the Buddhabhmi-stra. Thus, it is expected that a comparison of the corresponding sentences of these two stras will give us more detailed information.

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How Did Tsong-kha-pa Arrange His Sdhana of the Guhyasamja?

Bentor, Yael
Although the practice of Guhyasamja is something shared by different traditions of Tibetan Buddhism, the actual sdhanas practiced by these schools are not identical. The aim of this paper is to reflect on how Tsong-kha-pa (1357-1419) arranged the sdhana of the Guhyasamja as it is practiced among the Dge-lugs-pas. This becomes especially clear in light of the writing of one of Tsong-kha-pa's main teachers on this subject, Red-mda'-ba Gzhonnu-blo-gros (1348-1412), whose writings on the Guhyasamja only recently became available to us. While the Tibetan Tengyur contains three well accepted scriptural authorities for the actual practice of the creation stage of the Guhyasamja according to the rya tradition [the Pikrama-sdhana and the Stra-meravaka by Ngrjuna, as well as the Samja-sdhanavyavasthl by Ngabuddhi], Tibetan masters were well aware that they do not prescribe one and the same practice. Ngor-chen Kun-dga-bzang-po (1382-1456) describes what he calls "slight differences" between the two works by Ngrjuna, and Red-mda-ba Gzhon-nu-blogros wrote on differences between Ngrjunas Pikrama-sdhana and Ngabuddhis Samja-sdhana-vyavasthl. It is clear than that in arranging his sdhana of the Guhyasamja, Tsong-kha-pa had to make various choices. These choices will occupy our attention in this paper.

Various Conceptions of Akaniha in the Tibetan Tradition With Special Reference to rNying-ma Tantric Sources
Almogi, Orna
The abode of Akaniha, which initially was simply thought of as the fifth of the five pure abodes (uddhvsa: gtsang mai gnas), and so as the highest realm of the Rpadhtu, came in the course of time to be conceived of in different ways in different systems and by different authors. This paper will focus on various conceptions of Akaniha found in Tibetan sources in general and in rNying-ma Tantric sources in particular. It will mainly discuss explanations by Tibetan authors, and whenever possible by their Indian predecessors, attempting to present comprehensive schemes designed to include the various conceptions of Akaniha, that is, from being simply an abode within the Rpadhtu, through being an embodiment of insight (jna: ye shes), and to being the dharmadhtu itself.

On the "Comparative" (Dpe-bsdur-ma) Kangyur and Tengyur

Hackett, Paul
From 1994 to 2009, the China Tibetology Research Center in Chengdu, China published two hundred and twenty six volumes of the Derge Kangyur and Tengyur (sde dge bka' bstan 'gyur), supplemented by texts from six other recensions with comparative annotations. An analysis of this "Comparative" (dpe bsdur ma) recension of the Derge Tripitaka is the subject of this paper. An overview and breakdown of the organizational scheme used in sequencing texts is provided, along with a discussion of inclusions and omissions in coverage, and certain strengths and weaknesses of the recension.

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Translating Tibetan Buddhism: Language, Transmission and Transformation

Doctor, Andreas Translation at the Limits of Buddhist Discourse: The Politics of the Translation of Esoteric Buddhist Scriptures
Gray, David
From very early on in the history of esoteric Buddhist traditions, that is, the late seventh century onward, esoteric scriptures became increasingly characterized by their transgressive rhetoric. This included passages describing or advocating practices involving violence, sexuality, and/or the consumption of impure substances. This tendency reached it peak in the genres of esoteric Buddhist scripture known as the Mahyoga and Yogin tantras. This paper will explore the history of the reception of these scriptures in both Tibet and China, from the eighth through twelfth centuries. I will argue that in both contexts there were apparently attempts to censor scriptures that contained transgressive rhetoric, and the translations that were made were often subject to bowdlerization or selective translation, with transgressive passages omitted or euphemistically rendered. While Mahyoga and Yogin tantras were translated into both Tibetan and Chinese, the translations into Tibetan undertaken during the latter transmission (phyi dar) were, generally speaking, far more accurate than those undertaken in China during the same period, the Northern Song dynasty. I argue that this was almost certainly the result, in part, of the greater degree of imperial control over the translators in China, while translation activity in Tibet at the same time was a highly decentralized activity. While the Chinese translators likely felt obliged to produce translations that would not offend their sponsors, Tibetan translators, on the other hand, were subjected to competitive pressure to make translations that were as accurate and literal as possible. This is likely one of many factors that lead to the successful dissemination of Mahyoga and Yogin tantric traditions to Tibet, and the failure of these traditions to take root in Han China.

Finding One's Way Around the Kangyur and Tengyur

Stanley, Phillip
Major advances have been made in understanding the history and makeup of the Kangyurs in the last few decades, with more modest progress having been made for the Tengyurs. This paper will gather many insights scattered throughout the literature as well as offer new material useful to scholars engaged in research on the texts and editions of these two collections. The current state of the field will be discussed in terms of the range of dimensions described below, with emphasis being placed on the aspect of these topics that are most useful in understanding and working with these collections. The topics covered will include: an overview of the Kangyur and Tengyur stemma lines, canonical sources extant outside of these collections, the resulting recommendations for sources to use in creating textual editions with general observations about past published editions, the textual categories used in the collections and the unstated internal structure 411

used within individual textual categories, the little-discussed principles behind the sequence and structure of the textual categories in these collections, comparative remarks about the structure of the Pali, Chinese, and Tibetan collections, the variations in structure as an aid in navigating through them, variations in the placement of individual texts in the individual Tibetan collections, observations on how sectarian perspectives can be reflected in such variations, and the relationship between traditional catalogs and their collections. There will also be a discussion of a range of other variations between and within the stemma lines to document the complexities of working with the canonical texts and collections: recensional changes and transmissional errors of individual texts, contamination between stemma lines (editorial changes of specific readings, the substitution of entire texts or volumes), the addition or omission of texts as well as the combining or splitting of texts in a collection, the distinctive Tibetan handling of alternate translations, and the practice and principles of including duplicate copies of a text in multiple textual categories. The paper will conclude with two topics: (1) an overview of the electronic catalogs, digital images, and electronic texts currently available for the Kangyur, Tengyur, and related canonical sources and (2) an overview of available print and digital sources for identifying correlations between Tibetan canonical texts and extant non-Tibetan editions. In particular, there will be a discussion of the new Union Catalog of Buddhist Texts (UCBT) to be launched in December 2011 with funding from the new International Association of Buddhist Universities. (The author of this paper is the director of this project, which consists of members of over 25 major electronic projects in these canonical languages.) The UCBT catalog will correlate the texts of the Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian canonical collections and extant manuscript collections, with direct links to the digital images, electronic texts, and related catalogs on the member sites.

Describing the Gdams Ngag Mdzod: A Digital Catalog and Collaborative Venture for Tibetan Buddhist Scholars
Perman, Marcus
Tsadra Foundation is developing a digital catalog and collaborative website for the study of the contents of 'Jam mgon kong sprul's gdams ngag rin po che'i mdzod, "The Treasury of Precious Instructions." Emblematic of the Ris med movement, the gdams ngag mdzod is a collection of key texts from all of the eight great practice lineages of Tibet (sgrub brgyud shing rta chen po brgyad - ostensibly those traditions with direct links to Indian Buddhist traditions). These texts represent the most essential teachings, empowerments and practice instructions from the Vajrayna lineages of the rnying ma pa, bka' gdams pa, sa skya lam 'bras, mar pa bka' brgyud, shangs pa bka' brgyud, zhi byed and gcod, sbyor drug, and rdo rje gsum gyi bsnyen sgrub. 'Jam mgon kong sprul and the Ris med ("nonsectarian" or "eclectic") movement have had some attention from scholars in recent years (Smith, Kapstein, Deroche and others) and it is hoped that the field will be enriched by the digital catalog. The late Gene Smith took special interest in the preservation and publication of Kong sprul's five major mdzod and Tsadra Foundation funded the printing of an 18 volume version of the gdams ngag mdzod with Shechen Publications in 1999, which forms the basis for the digital catalog.

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The website includes a catalog of the nearly 500 texts in the mdzod, with two interactive views for each text. The first describes each text with metadata, complete with the colophons of texts typed in Extended Wylie and Tibetan unicode. The second contains the complete Tibetan text, searchable in Tibetan unicode. Categories of linked information relating to provenance figures mentioned in dkar chag-s and colophons, as well as sortable, linked tables of data for all texts provide a unique and user-friendly research database. In this first public presentation, the DNZ digital catalog will be used to describe the contents of the gdams ngag mdzod and two conclusions will be drawn from the data: First, as a collection of ritual instructions and empowerment manuals, the gdams ngag mdzod is not primarily a storehouse of theory or an encyclopedia that summarizes the views and practices of each major Tibetan tradition, but is instead mainly a collection of practitioner's manuals from within each lineage. Second, the gdams ngag mdzod is a collection with a purpose, not merely a catalog of found texts. Although not exclusively, it aims to preserve the lineages of traditions whose practices were dying out and contains texts describing practices that 'Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse'i dbang po, 'Jam mgon kong sprul, and others specifically chose to preserve. The presentation will also introduce the idea of a collaborative online workspace that allows for advancements in research on the texts in the gdams ngag mdzod and the practices of all the major lineages of Tibet.

The Buddhist Literary Heritage Project

Tillemans, Tom
We will present the main objectives and guiding principles of the Buddhist Literary Heritage Project, a project to translate the canon from Tibetan and Sanskrit sources.

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Women in the Texts of Early Indian Buddhism

Collett, Alice How to Avoid Marriage and Other Themes: Stories of North Indian Nuns in the Avadnaataka.
Muldoon_Hules, Karen
The 8th chapter (varga) of the Avadnaataka, redacted c. 2nd-4th cen. C.E. in north India, contains ten stories about women who become Buddhist nuns and arhats. A careful study of these ten stories reveals that half of them exhibit a tension between female renunciation and marriage that clearly responds to the Brahmanical norms of marriage, norms which also operated in the Buddhist context as early Buddhists never created their own forms of marriage. In addition, these ten stories show very little correspondence to the Pli hagiographies of nuns for this period, suggesting a separate development of nun biographies emerged in the northern context that responded to local concerns and pressures.

Entering the Bhikkhunsangha in the Pli Texts: A Womans Last Option?

Engelmajer, Pascale
Women are only parsimoniously present in the Pli canon, and this is especially true of identified women in general, and identified bhikkhuns in particular. However, their presence and therefore their importance cannot be denied. In this paper, I wish to examine womens spiritual journey as it is presented most commonly in the Pli texts, drawing both on the Nikyas, and on commentaries to the Nikyas, specifically Dhammapalas commentary on the Thergth. While the canonical texts do not provide much biographical information on bhikkhuns or even thers, Dhammapalas commentary includes information on the former social status of most thers. A close analysis of this information reveals the traditions concern with presenting women as ordaining in the bhikkhunsangha as a last step in their life, after having fulfilled their social role as wives and mothers, an attitude that takes into account the ancient Indian traditional view of women, and attempts to address it in a way that is beneficial for them, therefore ensuring their access to the Sangha. This also offers the possibility of reading the well-known episode of Mahpajpats request for ordination, and the Buddhas reaction, in a new light that puts emphasis on the texts concerns with fitting within the social context while maintaining the doctrinal claim to womens spiritual ability to attain nibbna.

On Female Sexuality
Collett, Alice
Much of modern Buddhist studies scholarship has maintained a discourse that women in early Indian Buddhism were largely considered to be sexually rapacious agents intent on luring unwilling men away from the path. Whilst women are portrayed in just this way in certain passages within various Pli (and other) texts, this construct of the female in the Pli Canon has been overstated. In an attempt to challenge such assumptions, the present study 415

of the saghdisesa rules relating to sexual behaviour in the Pli Vinaya highlights that, rather than women being the sexual aggressors, it is the attempts of monks and other men to persuade, cajole and manipulate women into sex acts with them that stand out. This paper will highlight that the differences between the rules for monks and those for nuns, and the stories behind each rule, indicate different sexual behaviors of monks and nuns and men and women, and allude to differences in male and female sexuality. It can be ascertained from a study of these rules that, on the whole, male sexuality is proactive, potent and at times aggressive, whilst female sexuality is passive and responsive, and at times submissive. There is some indication in other sections of the Pli Vinaya that women did actively experience sexual desire, such as in the pcittiya rules on female masturbation, and some questionable instances in the supplemental stories relating to the first prjika. However, overall there are fewer instances of women actively seeking out sex than there are of women responding to the sexual behavior of others. Rather than the rules and origin stories revealing women with voracious sexual appetites, who are intent on as much sexual activity as possible, the implicit undercurrent on female sexuality than runs through the text is quite the opposite.

Buddhism, Gender and the Miraculous: Three Stories From the Avadnaataka
Fiordalis, David
One of the unfortunate consequences of the general lack of attention paid to Buddhist miracles tales has been the failure to take note of stories that feature the performance of miracles by Buddhist nuns and laywomen. This paper will analyze several such miracle stories contained in the Pli Apadna and the Sanskrit Avadna-ataka, briefly comparing them with better known tales of female bodhisattvas in Mahyna Buddhist literature. By doing so, it will present a corrective to the general impression that non-Mahyna Buddhist literature is more misogynistic than Mahyna literature, while offering an important insight into the role of gender in Buddhist miracle stories. In this respect, Buddhist discourse strikes a markedly different tone from much of the traditional Western discourse on gender and the miraculous.

Behind the Birch Bark Curtain: Forgotten Women in Gandhran Literature

Lenz, Timothy
Prior to 1995, when the only Ganadhran literary source available for scholarly study was the Gndhr Dharmapada, a single verse furnished the only direct comparison of the fate of men and women available in a Gandhran Buddhist text: tatra ko vipai maco daharo si di jividi dahara vi miyadi nara nari ca ekada Who here, even though a youth, would have faith in mortal life? For at one time or another, men and women, even though youths, are subject to death. This verse, whose origin is certainly the north Indian Buddhist heartland, puts men and women squarely on an equal footing in the grand scheme of human existence, but obviously furnishes no details regarding the status of the women who were involved in shaping the Buddhist communities of Greater Gandhra. But now that the corpus of Gandhran literary texts has expanded from one text to a sizeable collection of important documents, there is a

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body of narrative literature large enough to give at least some women, the women behind the birch bark curtain, a small voice with which to characterize their position in the ancient world of Buddhist Gandhra. Generally, that voice praises wise, dedicated, and capable women, though curiously without mentioning a single nun.

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Index of Contributors
Adamek, Wendi...................................................35 Allon, Mark........................................................188 Almogi, Orna.....................................................409 Analayo, Bhikkhu...............................................91 Andrews, Susan.................................................395 Aono, Michihiko...............................................315 Appleton, Naomi......................................219, 223 Aramaki, Noritoshi.............................................83 Aviv, Eyal....................................................387, 388 Baba, Norihisa...................................................149 Baimacuo, Baimacuo........................................405 Baums, Stefan...........................................130, 188 Bayer, Achim.............................................128, 319 Beghi, Clemente................................................395 Bentor, Yael.......................................................409 Bhikkhu, Deba Mitra..........................................65 Bhikshu, Huimin...........................................6, 124 Bhutia, Kalzang.................................................137 Bhutia, Kalzang Dorjee....................................272 Bianchi, Ester....................................................363 Bingenheimer, Marcus................33, 37, 127, 131 Blumenthal, James...........................................244 Bodhy-samdhi and Four Sentences about Noarising.................................................................265 Boisclair, Annie.................................................160 Borchert, Thomas.............................................173 Boucher, Daniel...................................................29 Bowie, Katherine..............................................287 Brancaccio, Pia..................................................184 Braun, Erik.................................................318, 389 Brennan, Joy......................................................320 Bretfeld, Sven....................................................141 Brewster, Ernest...............................................164 Brose, Ben..........................................................116 Brownell, Paul...........................................135, 136 Bucknell, Roderick...........................................148 Buhrman, Kristina..............................................49 Cai, Jiehua..........................................................268 Campany, Rob......................................................57 Cantwell, Cathy.................................................407 Capitanio, Joshua.......................................58, 293 Cate, Sandra.......................................................290 Chao, Pi - Hua....................................................101 Chen, Chien Huang..........................................361 Chen, Ching-Yu.................................................125 Chen, Ching-Yu.................................................123 Chen, Huaiyu......................................80, 293, 295 418 Chen, Jidong........................................................88 Chen, Lang.........................................................333 Chen, Shu-Chen................................................402 Chen, Shuman...................................................102 Chern, Meei-Hwa..............................................170 Chi, Limei...........................................................369 Chin, Gail...................................................393, 394 Ching, Chao-Jung................................................41 Chirapravati, M.L. Pattaratorn..............259, 260 Chiu, Tzu-Lung....................................................70 Cho, Eun-Su.......................................206, 227, 228 Choi, Jin Kyoung...............................................190 Choi, Kyeongjin.................................................241 Chongstitvatana, Suchitra..............................224 Choong, Yoke Meei...........................................205 Chou, Jouhan.....................................................280 Chou, Wen-Shing..............................................135 Chu, Junjie.................................................211, 347 Chu, Nai-Shin....................................................119 Chu, William......................................................373 Chung-Hui, Tsui..................................................77 Cirklov, Jitka................................................65, 67 Clarke, Shayne..................................313, 314, 383 Clippard, Seth....................................................294 Collett, Alice..............................................152, 415 Copp, Paul............................................................59 Coseru, Christian................................................73 Cox, Collett........................................................188 Curley, Melissa..........................................193, 194 Dawei, Bei...........................................................171 De Bernon, Olivier..............................................56 De Chiara, Matteo...............................................43 De Vido, Elise.....................................................105 Decaroli, Robert................................................183 Deeg, Max..................................................197, 201 Degener, Almuth.................................................42 Dennis, Mark.....................................................341 Deroche, Marc-Henri.......................................307 Dessein, Bart......................................................198 Dewitt, Lindsey.................................................102 Dhammadipa, Fa Yao.......................................144 Doctor, Andreas................................................411 Doell, Steffen............................267, 269, 271, 275 Dolce, Lucia........................................................140 Dragonetti, Carmen.........................................381 Drewes, David......................................................29 Dreyfus, Georges.................................................75

Duckworth, Douglas.........................................305 Dy, Aristotle.........................................................68 Eckel, David.......................................................245 Eifring, Halvor...................................................115 Engelmajer, Pascale..........................................415 Ezaki, Koji..........................................................237 Falcone, Jessica...................................................36 Falk, Harry.........................................................190 Finnegan, Damcho...........................................385 Finnegan, Diana................................................383 Fiordalis, David...........................................46, 416 Fong, Grace........................................................194 Forte, Erika........................................................103 Forte, Victor......................................................343 Foulks, Beverley..........................................50, 376 Franco, Eli..........................................................346 Friquegnon, Marie............................................285 Galasek, Bruno..................................................271 Gamble, Ruth.....................................................136 Ganvir, Shrikant................................................152 Gardiner, David.................................................101 Gayley, Holly......................................................389 Geshe Samten....................................................356 Gethin, Rupert..................................................319 Gilks, Peter...........................................................95 Glassman, Hank................................................354 Goble, Geoffrey.................................................353 Gold, Jonathan....................................99, 335, 336 Gomez, Luis...............................................155, 197 Goodell, Eric......................................................371 Goodman, Amanda...........................................233 Gray, David.................................................284, 411 Green, Ronald...........................................341, 342 Greene, Eric.........................................................83 Gregory, Kathleen...............................................94 Guang, Xing.......................................................252 Gummer, Natalie.................................................28 Guthrie-Higbee, Elizabeth......................327, 328 Habata, Hiromi..................................................156 Hackett, Paul.............................................355, 409 Halkias, Georgios..............................................139 Hamar, Imre.......................................................112 Handlin, Lilian..........................................259, 284 Hansen, Anne....................................................329 Hartmann, Jens-Uwe.......................................189 Hayashidera, Shoshun.....................................368 He, Huanhuan...................................................248 Heirman, Ann..............................................91, 198 Heller, Natasha..................................................375 Higgins, David...................................................401 419

Ho, Chien-Hsing................................................213 Ho, Chiew Hui...................................................117 Holmes-Tagchungdarpa, Amy.......135, 138, 173 Holt, John...........................................................288 Hoshino, Seiji......................................................87 Hough, Sheridan.................................................94 Howard, Angela...................................................82 Hsiang, Guo........................................................301 Hsieh, Shu-Wei....................................................62 Hsu, Yu-Yin.......................................................365 Hsu, Yuan-Ho....................................................121 Hua-Stroefer, Hai-Yen.....................................349 Huang, Feng-Ying.............................................125 Huang, Shihshan.................................................50 Huang, Yi-Hsun........................................111, 112 Huang, Yun-Ju...................................................232 Huey, Chang.......................................................303 Hughes, Meredith.............................................135 Hugon, Pascale....................................................74 Hung, Jenjou..............................................127, 131 Hureau, Sylvie.....................................................62 Hwang, Soonil...................................................224 Ichimura, Shohei..............................................216 Iliouchine, Alexandre......................................117 Ip, Hung-Yok.....................................................376 Ishida, Chiko......................................................253 Ito, Tomomi.......................................................106 Jaffe, Richard.....................................................390 Jenkins, Stephen.................................................32 Jiang, Tao.......................................................23, 25 Jin, Tao.......................................................277, 360 Jing, Shi Guo......................................................310 Joo, Kyeongmi...................................................398 Kandahjaya, Hudaya................................284, 371 Kanno, Hiroshi..................................................359 Kantor, Hans......................................................265 Kantor, Hans-Rudolf..................................98, 205 Kapstein, Matthew.......................................57, 61 Karetzky, Patricia...............................................78 Kataoka, Kei.......................................................345 Katayama, Yumi................................................256 Katsura, Shoryo................................................212 Katsura, Shoryu................................................348 Kaufmann, Paulus............................................267 Kawanami, Hiroko..............................................91 Kellner, Birgit...................................175, 176, 179 Keng, Ching.......................................................207 Kenney, Elizabeth.............................................215 Kim, Hwansoo...................................................387 Kim, Jongmyung...............................................216

Kim, Thomas Sung-Eun...................................267 Kishi, Sayaka......................................................257 Kishino, Ryji....................................................314 Klaus, Konrad....................................................271 Kobayashi, Hisayasu.........................................176 Kobayashi, Satoru.............................................327 Komarovski, Yaroslav......................................305 Kosuta, Matthew.................................................45 Kovan, Martin...................................................110 Kramer, Jowita..................................................336 Krasser, Helmut..................................................93 Kritzer, Robert..........................................279, 337 Krueger, Madlen...............................................168 Kubo, Tsugunari...............................................380 Kumar, Nirmal...................................................167 Kuo, Chao-Shun................................................264 Kustiani, -.............................................................67 Kyan, Winston...................................................219 Kyuma, Taiken..................................133, 323, 325 Ladwig, Patrice.....................................5, 105, 109 Lai, Rong Dao.....................................................193 Lai, Wen-Yin......................................................231 Laish, Eran.........................................................400 Lammerts, Christian....................................53, 54 Lang, Karen........................................................248 Langenberg, Amy...............................................55 Lasic, Horst........................................................240 Lee, Doheum......................................................227 Lee, Sangyop......................................................298 Lee, Yu-Min.......................................................259 Leese, Marilyn...................................................147 Lefferts, H..................................................287, 290 Lefferts, H. Leedom..........................................289 Legittimo, Elsa..................................................201 Lenz, Timothy...................................................416 Leoshko, Janice.................................................201 Levering, Miriam..............................................111 Lewis, Todd........................................................223 Liang, Li-Ling.....................................................294 Liao, Chao-Heng..................................................38 Lin, Chen-Kuo...........................................205, 211 Lin, Kent...............................................................23 Lin, Peiying........................................................294 Lin, Su-An..........................................................161 Lin, Tony............................................................351 Linrothe, Rob.....................................................233 Liu, Cuilan....................................................54, 297 Liu, Sing Song....................................................164 Lo, Yuet Keung..................................................275 Logan, Joseph............................................379, 381 420

Lojda, Linda.......................................................148 Lomi, Benedetta................................................353 Long, Darui........................................................364 Lugli, Ligeia..........................................................98 Lusthaus, Dan.....................................24, 213, 243 Lye, Hun.............................................................374 Lysenko, Victoria..............................................345 Macdonald, Anne..............................................250 Maes, Claire.......................................................297 Maggi, Mauro......................................................41 Mahanta, Dipti..................................................287 Main, Jessica......................................................195 Mak, Bill.....................................................276, 350 Makidono, Tomoko..................................247, 399 Manson, Charles...............................................404 Marston, John...................................................327 Martini, Giuliana................................................41 Mathes, Klaus-Dieter.......................................306 Matsuda, Kazunobu.........................................190 Matsumura, Junko............................................367 Matsuoka, Hiroko.............................................238 Mc Allister, Patrick...........................................237 Mcbride, Richard..............................................397 Mcclintock, Sara...............................175, 179, 181 Mcdaniel, Justin................................................225 Mcgarrity, Andrew.............................................23 Mcrae, John.......................................................208 Meeks, Lori..........................................................92 Mei, Ching..........................................................403 Mejor, Marek.....................................................337 Meyers, Karin............................................317, 320 Minoura, Akio...................................................281 Mishra, Umakant................................................31 Mitomo, Kenyo.................................................279 Miyazaki, Izumi................................................133 Miyazaki, Tensho..............................................255 Mochizuki, Kaie................................................323 Moerman, D. Max...............................................61 Mohr, Michel.................................................87, 89 Mollier, Christine...................................57, 58, 61 Moore, Elizabeth.................................................34 Mori, Michiyo......................................................84 Moriyama, Shinya............................................175 Morrissey, Nicolas............................................184 Mrozik, Susanne...............................................384 Muldoon_Hules, Karen....................................415 Mun, Chanju......................................................342 Murakami, Shinkan..........................................147 Nagasaki, Kiyonori...........................................132 Nakagawara, Ikuko...........................................220

Nattier, Jan.........................................................207 Neelis, Jason......................................................139 Nelson, Eric........................................................159 Nemoto, Hiroshi...............................................236 Nichols, Brian....................................................377 Nichols, Michael...............................................275 Nietupski, Paul..................................................283 Nishi, Yasutomo................................................120 Notake, Miyako.................................................180 Nuernberger, Marc..................267, 268, 271, 275 Ochiai, Toshinori..............................................367 Ogihara, Hirotoshi..............................................42 Ong, Clifton Dodatsu..........................................71 Orofino, Giacomella...........................................61 Osto, Douglas.......................................................27 Oyang, Yen-Jen....................................................95 Pagel, Ulrich........................................................53 Palumbo, Antonello.........................................197 Park, Changhwan.............................................338 Park, Jin..............................................................159 Park, Kyoung-Joon...........................................228 Payne, Richard..........................................283, 353 Pecchia, Cristina...............................................235 Perman, Marcus................................................412 Porci, Tibor......................................................167 Prasad, Birendra...............................................350 Priyadarshi, Tenzin..........................................355 Pu, Chengzhong................................................202 Puri, Bharati......................................................169 Pye, Michael......................................................215 Qing, Sik.............................................................360 Quinter, David...................................................393 Radich, Michael........................................155, 205 Ratie, Isabelle....................................................180 Reck, Christiane..................................................43 Redmond, Geoffrey................................45, 46, 49 Reeves, Gene......................................................379 Revire, Nicolas............................................31, 259 Rheingans, Jim..................................................272 Rhi, Juhyung......................................................185 Riboud, Penelope................................................78 Rinpoche, Yangsi..............................................400 Robert, Jean-Noel...............................................63 Robson, James.........................................33, 37, 38 Roloff, Carola.....................................................383 Rondolino, Massimo........................................407 Saccone, Margherita........................................177 Saito, Akira........................................................253 Saito, Shigeru....................................................281 Saito, Tatsuya....................................................368 421

Sakai, Masamichi..............................................239 Sakuma, Hidenori.............................................335 Salgado, Nirmala.................................................92 Salomon, Richard.....................................187, 189 Samuels, Jeffrey........................................171, 172 Sanders, Fabian.................................................363 Sangyeob, Cha...................................................363 Srkzi, Alice.....................................................167 Sasaki, Shizuka.........................................280, 313 Sasson, Vanessa..................................................47 Schedneck, Brooke.............................................66 Scherer, Burkhard............................................278 Scherrer-Schaub, Cristina...............................313 Schlieter, Jens....................................................145 Schliff, Henry....................................................249 Schmidt, Carolyn..............................................260 Schulzer, Rainer..................................................89 Scott, Gregory...........................................331, 332 Sekido, Gyokai...................................................380 Seo, Jaeyeong....................................................227 Sernesi, Marta...................................................404 Seton, Greg........................................................243 Sferra, Francesco..............................................180 Sheehy, Michael...............................191, 305, 308 Shen, Haiyen.....................................................311 Sheravanichkul, Arthid...................219, 223, 224 Shi, Chang Shen................................................301 Shi, Chang Tzu..................................................220 Shi, Changwu....................................................302 Shi, Fayuan........................................................132 Shi, Guo Guang.........................................301, 303 Shi, Guo Huei.....................................................119 Shi, Guohuei......................................................121 Shi, Huifeng.......................................................251 Shi, Jin-Yong......................................................123 Shields, James...................................................106 Shih, Chang........................................................309 Shih, Jenkuan....................................................116 Shimada, Akira..................................................183 Shimoda, Masahiro..................................132, 157 Shulman, Eviatar..............................................149 Siderits, Mark.......................................73, 74, 243 Silk, J.A...............................................................201 Silverlock, Blair.................................................187 Solonin, Kirill............................................112, 234 Stanley, Phillip..................................................411 Stewart, James..................................................151 Strauch, Ingo.....................................................189 Stroefer, Eckhard................................................72 Strong, John.......................................................219

Sullivan, Brenton................................................53 Suwanvarangkul, Chaisit................................244 Takahashi, Koichi.............................................408 Tamura, Masaki................................................241 Tarocco, Francesca...........................................378 Teiser, Stephen F.......................................233, 234 Teng, Wei Jen.....................................................332 Thakchoe, Sonam...............................................97 Thurman, Robert......................................349, 355 Tillemans, Tom...........................................74, 413 Tola, Fernando..................................................381 Tomabechi, Toru......................................133, 324 Tomatsu, Yoshiharu.........................................126 Tong, Daoqin.......................................................37 Tournier, Vincent.............................................298 Tsai, Yao-Ming....................................................93 Tseng, C.M. Adrian...........................................115 Tsomo, Karma...................................................171 Tsuda, Shinichi.................................................381 Tu, Aming....................................................69, 132 Tudkeao, Chanwit............................................365 Tzohar, Roy..........................................................97 Unebe, Toshiya.................................................225 Vallor, Molly......................................................393 Veidlinger, Daniel.............................................128 Velez De Cea, Abraham....................................143 Vermeersch, Sem.....................................397, 398 Viehbeck, Markus.............................................403 Vignato, Giuseppe..............................................82 Vincent, Eltschinger........................................178 Voulgarakis, Van...........................................65, 69 Walker, Trent.....................................................328 Wallman, Jeff.............................................128, 191 Walser, Joseph.....................................................28 Walter, Mariko..............................................77, 79 Wan, Jung...........................................................229 Wang, Ching-Wei.............................232, 263, 309 Wang, Chuan.......................................................32 Wang, Chun-Ying.............................................163

Wang, Michelle.................................................397 Wangchuk, Dorji...............................................323 Wangchuk, Tsering..........................................307 Ward, Ryan...........................................................88 Watanabe, Toshikazu.......................................240 Watson, Alex......................................................179 Watts, Jonathan................................................123 Welter, Albert....................................................111 Wenzel, Claudia..................................................33 Weriberg-Salzmann, Mirjam..........................110 Westerhoff, Jan...........................97, 129, 243, 248 Wittern, Christian............................................131 Woo, Jeson.........................................................255 Wormald, Andrew............................................331 Wu, Hongyu.......................................................193 Wu, Jiang..............................................................37 Wu, Juan.............................................................202 Xiao, Yue............................................................361 Yagi, Toru...........................................................143 Yamabe, Nobuyoshi............................................81 Yamasaki, Kazuho............................................152 Yang, Mei...........................................................324 Yao, Fumi...........................................................315 Yao, Jue...............................................................151 Yao, Zhihua.......................................212, 345, 346 Yarnall, Tom......................................................356 Yen, Wei-Hung..................................................165 Yifa, ......................................................................71 Yit, Kin-Tung.....................................................231 Yoshimizu, Chizuko.........................................235 Yu, Jimmy..........................................371, 372, 375 Zamorski, Jakub................................................162 Zhou, Chunyang..................................................45 Zhu, Jingjing Jacqueline....................................50 Zhu, Tianshu.....................................................221 Zieme, Peter......................................................234 Zimmermann, Michael....................................156 Zin, Monika........................................................185 Ziporyn, Brook............................................25, 263

422