Changing Urban Territories

Joint session on urban movements - Buenos Aires, ISA Forum CHANGING URBAN TERRITORIES: Social movements struggle praxis
(La modificacin del espacio urbano: Praxis de lucha de los movimientos sociales)
Cristina REYNALS , Roxana CRUDI , Alessio SURIAN and Juan FERENAZ ,
1 2 3 2
Abstract: The paper presents the results of our knowledge co-production practice, a methodology to produce scientific knowledge in a collective way. Pierre Bourdieu suggests that in order to reduce violence within the communication process it is essential to practice active listening in a systematic way. We suggest to go beyond this recommendation in dialogical encounters and to involve social actors as research subjects and knowledge co-producers. Through this approach the dialogical encounter can be regarded as praxis: it does not contemplate the discourse evidence. It questions its materiality every time that its material dimension provides the basis for the theoretical production of knowledge and this triggers a dynamic dialectical process within the collective knowledge production effort. Today urban conflicts are generating the need for social movements to find new answers to future challenges as struggle actors in relation with other social and political actors. In the Buenos Aires municipality and Province as well as in the Lima metropolitan area our research team has been promoting and organising joint reflection spaces involving representatives of social movements who are struggling to promote ownership and change of the urban space. These experiences have been recorded and systematized through the international Urban Popular University Meetings of the International Alliance of Inhabitants. Introduction Worldwide, beyond local cultural differences, the obstacles to housing rights are on the rise. Among the threats to housing rights, at least the following should be mentioned: real estate companies pressions upon land pricing and therefore upon the poorest, most vulnerable and least powerful sectors of the population; land grabbing; the destruction of popular neighbourhoods as well as of rural villages; ancient neighbourhood gentrification; housing rents increase compared to decreasing salaries purchase power; mega-projects and mega events whose planning and implementation affect local communities right to live where they have traditionally lived; armed conflicts and land occupation; the so called natural disasters and the climate change affects such as floods, land slides, air, water and land pollution. Only a limited political and economic elite is enjoying housing rights, habitat rights, and the right to the city1, as they are defined today, as such an elite is able to change cities according to their own desires (Harvey, 2008).
1 In the following paragraphs these terms are going to be used as sinonimous although their cnceptual basis can be differentiated.
(1) researcher, Gino Germani Centre, Buenos Aires, Argentina; UPU Latin America coordinator (2) researcher, Gino Germani Centre, Buenos Aires, Argentina, (3) researcher, FISPPA University of Padova, Italy; UPU coordinator
Such change is taking place within a new capitalistic accumulation process, carachterised by accumulation on the basis of dispossessing people of their common goods. This re-configuration of the capitalist system is challenged by new forms of resistance and organization (Cabannes et al., 2010). One of them is the International Alliance of Inhabitants (IAI). IAI was set up as a network of grassroots organisations and social movements, an intercultural effort, including, autonomous, independent, self-managed movement, practicing solidarity and being open to collaboration with other sister organisations who are working towards similar ends. Over the last ten years, there has been a strengthening of the process of collaboration and convergenge among activists, social movements, residents and neighbourhood organizations, as well as technical support agencies that are defending and promoting habitat rights. The organisations who are members of the International Alliance of Inhabitants find their common ground in the struggles to promote the Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights that are essential to defend the core roles of family, of rural and urban communities, and of living together including everybody. Such Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights are essential in relation to the right to habitat. Such rights imply obligations by the States in relation to housing, water, sanitation, education, health, and participation. They are the juridical basis in order to claim collective rights to land, to natural resources, to means of subsistence, to energy, to mobility and to leisure and particularly to the right to the city, to food sovereignity and to climate justice. From this perspective the IAI has been participating in the international process promoted by the World Assembly of Citizens for Solidarity a Responsible and a Responsible World and by the World Social Forum, that are claiming that Another World is Possible. IAI members are social organisations and social movements, local communities, residents, tenants, homeless people, cooperatives, indigenous people, and people from marginalised neighbourhoods from differet parts of the world. The IAI promotes the Zero Eviction campaign. In Latin America the campaign is steered by five antennas (South, Andes, Caribes, Brazil, and Mexico). One of its flagship activity is the celebration of the International Habitat Day. At the national level, the IAI promotes the realisation of funds for land and housing rights. This proposal imples involving civil society in the management of resources generated by international debt cancellation. In order to strengthen these campaigns it is essential to facilitate the exchange of good practice as they are promoted and experienced by local grassroots groups and national organisations and by those institutions that are addressing habitat social construction. Within this framework, more than 600 organisations from 42 countries promoted the implementation of the World Assembly of Inhabitants which took place within the World Social Forum in Dakar (Senegal) in February 2011). The Urban Popular University (UPU) is IAIs tool in order to produce knowledge. It facilitates research, capacity building, exchange and editorial activities. It is concerned with four broad issue: a) Key questions addressing
organisation and training especially concerning planning, evaluation, policy development; b) The housing global/local dimension and orgaisations capacity to exchange their experiences among peers and to develop collaborative relations; c) Habitat and Right to the city social construction; d) The role of housing social movements, including initiatives and political action by the local communities at the local as well as at the regional level especially in relation to World Social Forum and the Forum of Local Authorities. The Urban Popular University promotes regional meetings including social organisations in order to co-produce knowledge concerning their praxis. This involves establishing parterships with traditional universities. So far three regional UPU meetings were organised under the title Towards a Urban Popular University in Latin America: Buenos Aires, Argentina, May 2006), in Santo Domingo (Repblica Dominicana, April 2007) and in Lima (Peru, August 2010). The regional UPU meetings Towards a Urban Popular University in Latin America are aiming at facilitating the development of popular leader capacity to act as active agents of their own future and of the development of their territories. This implies governance and planning competences, as well as the ability to trigger reflective activities around key issues that are directly linked to IAIs needs and aims. These are complex objecties that require effective participation by the various groups who are active within a territory or a region (Reynals, Crudi, Surian, 2009). Involved participants are actual or potential leaders from popular neighbourhood, residents organisations, women groups, youth groups, cooperatives, etc. The meetings are trying to provide equal opportunities in terms of gender, age and type of organisations. The meetings methodology The Urban Popular University builds upon a range of intellectual traditions such as participatory action-research as developed by Fals Borda (1987) and Freires (2000) pedagogy of the oppressed. Both have contributed to the co-productive inquiry (coproduccin investigativa) approach (Bialakowsky, 2002). This means that they have been further elaborated in order to develop a new social science methodology. This methodology is taking into account as well the contribution by Sotolongo Codina (2006), and more well known principles such as those outlined by Bourdieu (2002) in addressing the role of the collective intellectual in democratizing knowledge. While neoliberal globalization is turning all habitat elements into commodities and it is depriving the most vulnerable population of their housing and land rights, it is aquiring ethical relevance to make the voice of the inhabitants heard. This includes the knowledge of those who are struggling for habitat rights. This implies recognising the production of knowledge upon their practice and facilitating their self-recognition as subjects of legitimate knowledge: this might make us of a dialogic game with academic knowledge. UPUs work is concerned with supporting the development of collective agency. One challenge is how to encourage participants to develop a critical
view of their own often self-referred grassroots leader condition. This can be facilitated by a dialogical activity involving academic knowledge as well as inhabitants knowledge, the outcome of their experience. At times this generates affaective relations among those participating in the UPU meetings as they develop both discursive and embodied relations. During the meetings the focus is the challenges that are affecting the inhabitants such as forced evictions, evictions due to natural disasters, environment exploitation, the confrontation with transnational corporations and the State in relation to urban territories appropriation. A key theme is how to organize themselves and how to relate with governmental and non governmental organizations. The objective is to co-produce knowledge that can be instrumental in terms of being disseminated in a symmetic way to their social transformation praxis.
Knowledge co-production Since its beginning capitalism has been based upon appropiation. Today we are witnessing a paradigm change that involves the knowledge dimension. Knowledge has been turned into a field of struggle not only within the cademic field as it is being considered as capital that is able to produce added value capital accumulation. This is a war in order to gain the power to rule today and in the future that envisages new strategies to appropriate collective goods, production means as well as what we would like to term multitudinary structures of knowledge production. Along with Bourdieu (1986) we have to consider that although these are new appropriation strategies, we have to deal with a specific scientific production: Today, among those who ensure the surviving of the sociology, there is a growing number of people who are questioning its purpose. In reality, the more it complies with its proper scientific function, the more are the opportunities that can be offered by the sociology to deconstruct or to contast power. Its function is not to be useful to something, i.e. to somebody. To ask sociology to be useful to something is always a way to ask it to be functional to power. Its scientific function is to understand the social world, beginning with power. It is an activity that is not socially neutral and that undoubtly complies a social function (Bourdieu, 1986:87). The co-production inquiry methodology is a consistent and recursive critical sociology approach. It is concerned not only with contents but also with metodhological choices and tools. It aims at avoiding the exclusion of the subjects that have been denied their own scientific and knowledge production. It highlights that historically it is the voices and bodies that have been silenced and exploited that should have a central role in creating knowledge about their own living conditions. Knowledge for the other has reached its limits, both in terms of its potential applicability as well as in relation to increasing weak expectations concerning its dissemination and transferability (Bialakowsky et al, 2011).
Within this scenario, co-productive inquiry makes reference to the concepts of the knowledge ecology and of a viable sociology of absence as epistemological forms of emerging struggles in order to provide a voice to the resistence against global capitalism, and to turn visible the social and cultural realities of the marginalised societies within the world system () where other forms of non scientific and non Western knowledge are still present across various population sectors (De Sousa Santos, 2009: 117). This is leading to the definition of an epistemology that has a potential to generate new forms of production-appropriation and exhanges between scientific knowledge and other knowledge forms, challenging prejudices and the naturalization of the power-knowledge that is an obstacle to the discursive exchange. Within the sociology and social sciences coproduction praxis we see the convergence of contributions from critical theory, the de-colonization critical discourse, public sociology and gregarious methodlogy dialectically opposing theoretical eurocentrism, methodological individualism and second order epistemology (Bialakowsky et al., 2010: 5). The traditional approach relies on observations and a-posteriori editing of narratives that aim at objectivizing the subject that has been interviewed, denying his/her ability to act as a knowledge producer, i.e. the Other that owns the methodological and theoretical knowledge is the interviewer. From our own perspective, the inhabitant, the trainee, and the researcher are all both knowledge producers and inquierers (Bialakowsky et al., 2011). The methodological co-production inquiry approach focuses on generating a dialogical exchange among researchers and the subjects of the inquiry through a conversation about the historical events that have had an impact upon their lives. In this way, and through this process of acquiring a subject perspective, those participating in the co-production process discover their own history, they reclaim it, they self-manage it, i.e. they produce a rediscovery through (researcher-co-producer) shared narratives (Bialakowsky et al., 2011), without loosing sight the mediated context and the actual territory where these experiences took place. The narrative establishes that this relation is not a relation. This relation is negating the relation. Therefore what is being narrated is a breakthrough: the release from the established natural and y social bonds. Of course, in order to tell us a breakthrough, a relation must be narrated in the first place. Nonetheless the narrative concerns the breakthrough (Badiou, 2010: 17). This is why narratives have a vital role within this methodologcal approach. They force us to focus our work upon breakthroughs, those breakthroughs that hegemonic discourse gives shape in an arbitrary way, usually leveling events and silencing dissonant voices. On the contrary, the emergence of narratives should allow to re-construct events (Bialakowsky et al., 2011).
These co-produced narratives are an opportunity to deconstruct, to reconstruct and to take ownership of stories that are collective and individual stories at the same time and that often remain silenced. Espsito (2006) recommends to make a specifically philosophical effort in order to produce a new conceptual construct. Following Deleuze, philosophy should be the practice of creating concepts that are consistent with the knowledge that moves and that transform us. Therefore this should be the time to re-think politics life relations in order not to bend life to the political turn (which is what happened in the last century), but rather introducing the life potential within the political discourse. What matters is not to face biopolitics from the outside, but rather to tackle it from within, in order to help the emergence of something that so far was flattened by its contrary (Espsito, 2006:16). As Espsito claims, current events are ahead of theories and therefore it is essential to conceive new concepts as well as new methodological approaches in order to deal with them. Territorial struggles / Urban space confrontations The following paragraphs present two ways, two forms of producing habitat on the basis of inhabitats knowledge production as a means for selfrecognition. These narratives are excerpts from the third Latin American UPU meeting which took place in Lima (Peru). Narratives have been chosen on the basis of their potential for being a reference for other organizations, and because of their empirical relevance as they involve complex relations across a wide range of actors including both State and private actors. 9 de Octubre (9th October) Hill - El Agustino District - Lima Peru In 2003 a land slide badly affected numerous houses that had been built on the slopes of the 9th October hill. The first two months after the land slide the displaced families - using precarious tents settled across a nearby avenue. They were re-located in the local area near by the railway line. The new area had been designated has one of the areas where to implement the Mi vivienda (My House) programme. The people who were confined in this area were not provided any service and had to wait until 2010 in order to be assigned proper flats, in buildings where they had to face new challenges in order to achieve proper habitat conditions. The process leading to assigning them flats that were built within a State housing programme featured a number of tensions and changes which have been often affecting the process of building Lima metropolitan area. The relationship between authorities and human settlements are marked by land occupations and invasions, usually targeting vulnerable territories (Jeremy y Sierra, 2009). I was affected by the 9 October land slide which took place in El Agustino in 2003. We took advantage of what we experieced in the exchange that took place in Buenos Aires. We were able to solve our problem: houses were built
and we were re-located: in April 2010 the only one of us who still had not been re-located was assigned a flat... (Marciano, co-producer, 1st and 3rd UPU meetings).
Ex AU3 - Buenos Aires - Argentina The history of the struggle of the inhabitants of the exAU3 road track begins with the decision taken by the Military government headed by Juan Carlos Ongana, to build highway 3. This highway should have cut across the city of Buenos Aires from Avenida Gral Paz, the de Saavedra neighbourhood until the Alsina-Nueva Pompeya Bridge, crossing the Villa Urquiza, Coghlan, Belgrano, Villa Crespo, Balvanera and Parque Patricios neighbourhoods. During the 70s, after the launch of the project, the military government which was established on the basis of the 1976 coup - began a process of expropriation. In 1977 more than 800 houses were expropriated on the ground that the State was going to build a road although eventually this never happened. People who had been expropriated had to move, but only a few houses were actually demolished (and most of them only partially demolished). With the end of the dictatorship, the highway project was abandoned and therefore many people who had housing problems moved into the neighbourhood. They began to renovate and to occupy the empty houses that had been turned into State property. Since the 80s the inhabitants have been living in a situation of permanent uncertainty, regularly affected by eviction attempts by different governments aiming at being able to sell this Buenos Aires central neighbourhoods land. This neighbourhoods inhabitants never gave up struggling for decent housing conditions. They resisted eviction attempts while they pressured the Buenos Aires local government in order to implement Social Housing programmes or other viable housing options.
The global urban trends seem to be embodied in this local dynamic. As highlighted by Pierre Bourdieu in relation to the French context: Struggles to claim space may develop into more collective strugglesboth at the national level focusing on housing issues as well as at the local level, in relation to the renovation and designation of social housing or the decision making process concerning public services. ... (in these cases) ... housing policies through fiscal measures and grants to support housing construction implemented an actual political construction of the space: to the extent in which it favoured the forming of homogeneous groups based on a common space, this policy was the main responsible agent of the effects that one can observe as they were produced by the construction of huge housing building blocks or by the implementation of the major urbanisation projects that were later abandoned by the State (1999: 124). It is worth highlighting two key issues. To begin with, private property and real estate speculation is challenged by long lasting conflict as indicated by the popular settlements; moreover, at times the spaces included in urban planning as we have seen might reveal scotomized models of rationality.
The class struggles that we are witnessing in this case are very different in nature when compared to the expanded reproduction classic proletary struggles [...] It is important to support th emerging vectors emergentes that have a potential to unify struggles. They show us the main guidelines of a form of non imperialist globalization. It is a radical alternative, centred on humanitarian and social welfare objectives. It promotes creative approaches to the uneven geographical development, rather than the simple glorification of the power of money, the ever growing capital accumulation by any means within the global economic scenario, always leading to concentrate enormous wealth within limited spaces (Harvey, 2005: 8).
Possible solutions The ways inhabitants addressed their problems present a wide range of differences, although they all have to relate with the State, its political representatives and bureaucracy. Action (and struggle) spaces are not confined in the street but are differentiated and articulated in order to interact with the different spaces as conceived by the State. This is visible in reviewing what happened in the Ex AU3: ... We succeded in lobbying for the Law 8, you can well imagine how strong and politically relevant were our organizations. We achieved to have Law 8 included among the first ones to be discussed. This was the Law that we were proposing. We achieved it through the setting up of a working group including those who wanted to formulate and to implement a Housing Law or Programme. It took us two years to get it approved by the various commissions and one more year to get it formally approved. It took us two years to get the Law 144 approved. They gave us six months of time to organise a public debate, as it has to be approved through a public debate. We participated and the Law got 144 votes out of 145. This was due to the fact that the process of building our organization did not involve only the people needing a house, but it involved as well social organisations that understood that we were formulating an interesting proposals, something that was going beyond our own interest alone. It was relevant for the whole neighbourhood and it was relevant for the urban reform, with the right to belong and live in the city, with power decentralisation... Building collective social and political bonds was a fundamental aspect in developing the struggle. ... Well, within this process we did a lot. The democratic turn allowed us to gather many experiences. We have been invited to tell our territorial struggles in the Right and in the Social Sciences Faculties and in other Faculties as well. This got us in contact with the students movement and with the academic world who have been supporting us. This helped us to make our work known at the local as well as at the national level and even at the international level... (Jose Acua, Ex AU3 inhabitants representative, Sembrar Consciencia Cooperative, Buenos Aires, Argentina).
Unfortunately, today the relations between our organization and the Distric authority are not that good. They are not implementing any activity or construction in the neighbourhood. Neither we have any relation with Techo Propio (Own Roof) although we should be in contact because the Law says that within the first five years of owmership there should be no re-selling or renting (Marciano Matos, FOVELIC, Lima, Peru). In the case of El Agustino, a natural disaster contributed to the process of organizing and mobilizing a collective effort that went well beyond the seeking of a housing solution, and it gave birth to FOVELIC (Federacin de Organizaciones Vecinales de Lima y Callao), a network including more than 40 human settlements. Newspapers reported about the housing solution process in the following ways: Within 10 days, families who lost their homes beacause of the 9th October hill land slide in El Agustino will be re-ubicated on the "Infiernillo" land, behind the Army Cuartel "La Plvora". The Minister of Defense Aurelio Loret de Mola; the Minister of Housing Carlos Bruce; the Mayor of Lima, Luis Castaeda; the Mayor of El Agustino, Vctor Salcedo; signed today an agreement that will allow the construction of buildings to be provided to those recently affected by the land slide in El Agustino, who are presently living in tents. The housing project concerns 227 thousands square metres within the property of the Fondo de Vivienda Militar (Army Housing Fund). The Fund granted the land free of charge to the El Agustino municipality. The Minister of Defense, Aurelio Loret de Mola, highlighted that providing the new buildings will show how "a united Peru is moving forward" and that conflicts among Peruvians dont lead to anything good. The Minister of Housing, Carlos Bruce, said that the two Programes, Mi Vivienda, Techo Propio Deuda Cero, will build 2 thousands flats for those who are most in need in El Agustino. He made it clear that those who suffered the land slide in the 9th October hill will be granted additional points in order for them to be the first ones to acces the 2 thousands flats to be built thanks to the two Housing Programmes promoted by the government. Lima Mayor, Luis Castaeda Lossio thanked the government ministers for their contribution to "this joint work" in favour of the El Agustino inhabitants.2 In the Los Ceibos buildings the total number of flats is 100. They were built in order to be available for those who had suffered the loss of their homes on October 19th. Flats were assigned between March and November 2010. While 100% of the flats were assigned only about 60-70% of them were actually being used in the beginning because of bureaucratic problems. Over the last months these problems were sorted out and all flats have been occupied. There are no new owners. This is not allowed by the statute and therefore by the board of managers. Maybe there are only 3 or 4 empty flats due to health or job issues. Those owners are only coming once in a while. 100% of the owners are complying with paying the energy, water, security and gardening bills. We are still lacking some infrastructures such as leisure and sport facilities including a children area. Neither we have collective spaces. While the other buildings have
2 http://www.terra.com.pe/noticias/noticias/act500348/damnificados-agustino-seran-reubicadosterreno-militar.html
them, the Los Ceibos building is still lacking them (Marciano Matos, FOVELIC, interviewed by CENCA, April 2012). Contributions to the debate This papers key issues relate to questioning how to communicate, to expand, to share these experiences and memories. How to turn them into knowledge that have the power to influence and to support the actions by the housing and habitat movements. It is our perception that this implies that the products of discursive exhanges are being turned into cognitive tools that can contribute to acknowledge a new complexity in understanding inhabitants relation and contribution to the making of the city. This should give priority to the perspective of those that have organised themselves to transform their habitat and to address it in cllective ways. Among the key elements in the production of knowledge it is important to highlight the radical dichotomy between "reason" and "body" and between "subject" and "object". Such radical dualism is associated with a tendency to reductionism and to homogenize - in the ways to define and to identify especially when it comes to the perception of the social experience. This can take the shape of an un-historical approach leading to perceiving phenomena and objects as unrelated and isolated and therefore not needing a holistic conceptualisation as well as adopting an all-encompassing organic or sistemic approach to evolution, implying a historical macrosubject. This knowledge perspective is facing today one of its deepest period of crisis, in the same way that the whole eurocentric version of modernity is facing a crisis (Quijano 2000:2).
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Joint session on urban movements - Buenos Aires, ISA Forum CHANGING URBAN TERRITORIES: Social movements struggle praxis

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