G3: Water Governance and Community Based Management Ganges Basin Development Challenge

Situation Analysis
Polder 30, Batiaghata Upazila, Khulna

Report from

Marie-Charlotte Buisson, Arijit Das and Camelia Dewan

July 2012

Contents
1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................ 4 1.1. 1.2. 1.3. Aim of the report....................................................................................................................................... 4 Methodology .............................................................................................................................................. 4 Overview of Polder 30.............................................................................................................................. 7 Location and accessibility ................................................................................................................ 7 Demographic features...................................................................................................................... 7 History of polder 30......................................................................................................................... 8

1.3.1. 1.3.2. 1.3.3. 2. 2.1.

FARMING SYSTEMS AND LIVELIHOODS ........................................................................................ 10 Cropping pattern ..................................................................................................................................... 10 Irrigation sources and costs of inputs ......................................................................................... 10 Productivity ..................................................................................................................................... 11 2.1.1. 2.1.2. 2.2. 2.3.

Livestock ................................................................................................................................................... 12 Livelihoods ............................................................................................................................................... 13

3.4. Drinking water................................................................................................................................................ 13 3. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF POLDER 30 .............................................................................. 15 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. Condition of the embankment .............................................................................................................. 15 Condition of Sluice gates ........................................................................................................................ 16 Condition of Canals: siltation and leasing issues ................................................................................ 17 Siltation ............................................................................................................................................ 17 Leasing.............................................................................................................................................. 18

3.3.1. 3.3.2. 3.4. 4. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 5. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 6. 6.1. 6.2.

Main water-related problems ................................................................................................................. 18 IPSWAM Pre-Project ......................................................................................................................... 19 IPSWAM: During Project.................................................................................................................. 20 IPSWAM: Post-intervention ............................................................................................................. 22 Formation and Project ....................................................................................................................... 24 LCS livelihood ..................................................................................................................................... 24 Governance and water management ............................................................................................... 25 Maintenance by BWDB .......................................................................................................................... 26 Maintenance by Union Parishad ........................................................................................................... 26

IPSWAM: ADDRESSING WATER INFRASTRUCTURE PROBLEMS .......................................... 19

LABOUR CONTRACTING SOCIETIES................................................................................................. 24

MAINTENANCE OF EMBANKMENTS, CANALS AND SLUICE GATES ................................ 26

6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. 7. 7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 8. 8.1. 8.2. 8.3. 8.4. 9. A. i) ii) iii) B.

Maintenance by WMA ............................................................................................................................ 27 Maintenance by WMGs and local people ............................................................................................ 27 Maintenance by others ............................................................................................................................ 28 How does maintenance take place? ...................................................................................................... 29 Operation through BWDB .................................................................................................................... 30 Operation through Union Parishad ...................................................................................................... 30 Operation through Gate committees created under IPSWAM ....................................................... 31 Operation through influential elites ...................................................................................................... 32 How does operation take place? ........................................................................................................... 33 Conflicts regarding (brackish) water intrusion .................................................................................... 34 Conflicts regarding high-low elevations ............................................................................................... 34 Conflicts regarding canal ownership .................................................................................................... 35 Participation, Exclusion and Gender ................................................................................................... 35

OPERATION OF SLUICE GATES ........................................................................................................... 30

CONFLICTS..................................................................................................................................................... 34

CONCLUSION................................................................................................................................................ 37 ANNEX 1: INSTITUTIONS IN WATER GOVERNANCE ............................................................... 39 Government Agencies ................................................................................................................................. 39 NGOs ............................................................................................................................................................ 41 Private actors................................................................................................................................................. 41 ANNEX 2 INSTITUTIONS: GENERAL INFORMATION ............................................................... 42

1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Aim of the report

Based on Focus Group Discussions and Key Informant Interviews, this report aims to create a detailed situation analysis of polder 30 in Batiaghata Upazila. It will do so by providing: i) A historical narrative of the polder from the time it was constructed to present; ii) Farming systems and livelihoods options; iii) Current state of the polder infrastructure; iv) Examining the results and process of the water management intervention IPSWAM v) Reviewing how maintenance of water infrastructure takes place; vi) Reviewing how operation of sluice gates take place and vii) Discussing main conflicts. It will then conclude by discussing the main findings and implementable policy recommendations that came from the respondents for improving water management in Polder 30.

1.2.

Methodology

8 Focus Group Discussions and 12 Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) in 4 villages were conducted by Shushilan in polder 30 from 14th to 19th March, 2012. The map describes where the FGD have been conducted. The villages were selected according to their location, sluice gates condition and concentration. Andaria village of Gangarampur union (SL# 16 and 17) was selected on the east side of the polder, by the side of the Kazibacha river, the sluice gate number 16 is still active and in good condition (even if the iron cap is broken). Moshiyardanga village of Gangarampur union (SL# 10 and 11) was selected on the bank of the Japjapia river, in the south part of the polder. The sluice gate is also active and in good condition (even if again the iron cap is broken). The sluice gate is connected with the canal Mosherdanga. Shoilmary village of Batiaghata union (SL#21, 22) was selected in the west bank of a minor river, the Shoilmary River. The sluice gate is also in good condition. Khalishabunia village of Batiaghata union (SL#23) was selected in the west side of the polder; this part of the polder is not adjacent to main rivers. Finally, the Hoglabunia and Hatbati villages of Batiaghata union. (SL#25, 26) were selected in the north- part of the polder near the Shoilmary River. The sluice gate was described as active and in good condition. Four general FGDs with mostly composed by male and local influential people were conducted, while two Labour Contracting Societies FGDs consisting of landless women, one Water Management Group and one Water Management Association. A total of 41 participants including 9 women were consulted in the four general FGDs and 12 men were consulted in two WMA/WMG FGDs. In parallel, 12 key informant interviews were conducted with ten males and two women. These interviews focused on local officials, WMG and WMA members and community members. The list is in the table 2. 4

TYPE OF FGD General Group General Group General Group General Group LCS LCS WMA WMG TOTAL = 8 FGD

GENDER OF THE RESPONDENTS Male Male Male Male Women Women Male Male 6

Table 1 List of Focus Group Discussions conducted in polder 30 DATE UPAZILA UNION VILLAGE SLUICE GATES PURISHAD NUMBERS 16-03-2012 16-03-2012 13-03-2012 13-03-2012 13-03-2012 17-03-2012 19-03-2012 13-03-2012 Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Gangarampur Gangarampur Gangarampur Gangarampur Batiaghata Batiaghata Khalishabunia Chalk Shoilmary Andaria Moshiyardanga Andaria Andaria Kismot Fultola Khalishabunia 23 21, 22, 24 16, 17 10, 11 16, 17 16, 17 19, 20 23

CANALS Thakuntole Bheeler, Kata, Chak Shoilmary Khoria Nodi Mosherganga khal Khoria Nodi Khoria Nodi Batiaghata khal Thakuntole

2 Table 2 List of Key Informant Interviews conducted in polder 30 DATE UPAZILA UNION VILLAGE PURISHAD Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Gangarampur Gangarampur Batiaghata Gangarampur Gangarampur Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Batiaghata Gangarampur Katiangla Mailmara Moshyardanga Hatbati Chalk Shoilmary Kismot Fultola Hatbati Hoglabunia

TYPE OF FGD UP Chairman UP Member WHH WMA member WMG member Case hanging person Paddy farmer Paddy farmer Fish farmer BWDB SO IPSWAM CO Upazila Agriculture Officer TOTAL = 12 KI

GENDER Male Male

SLUICE GATES NUMBERS 14 3 10, 11 26 21, 22, 24 19, 20 26 25

CANALS

Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male 10

19-03-2012 19-03-2012 Woman 23-03-2012 Woman 12-03-2012 19-03-2012 17-03-2012 19-03-2012 19-03-2012 19-03-2012 20-03-2012 19-03-2012 20-03-2012 2

Katiangla khal Mosherganga khal Hatbati khal Bheeler, Kata, Chak Shoilmary Batiaghata khal Hatbati khal Hoglabunia khal

1.3.

Overview of Polder 30

1.3.1. Location and accessibility Geographical characteristics Polder 30 is in Batiaghata Upazila (Khulna district) and is divided between Batiaghata and Gangarampur Union Parishads. The polder covers a total area of 72 sq km. and the total length of polder embankment is approximately 64.52 km. The area is surrounded by the rivers Shoilmary in the north and northeast, Bhodra in the west, Jhopjhopia in the southwest, lower Bhodra in the south, Salta in the Northwest and Kazibacha in the east. All of these rivers are navigable round the year except Jhopjhopia which dry from late winter to early summer in the ebb-tide. The land profile of the study polder is saucer shaped. The land along the riverbanks is slightly higher elevated than the land in the centre of the polder and along the inner canals. Given this general feature, the land is relatively low-lying in the southwest adjoining the nearly dead river Jhopjhopia. Accessibility by road and waterways Polder 30 is connected to the divisional city Khulna by an Upazila road. Batiaghata Upazila town is located in the northeast of the polder and the distance of the Khulna city from the Upazila town is only 10 km. Dhaka city is at 340 km north-east from polder 30. There is a local bus service from Khulna to Upazila town. From there the most frequent mode of transport to the polder area is motorbike services and rickshaw van. Travel times needed from Khulna and Dhaka to the polder area an hour and nine/ten hours respectively. Beside motorbike service in the local roads, another type of transport now expanding is battery operated three-wheeler called auto-bike and diesel operated three wheeler van. In the rivers, the main transport is mechanised boat that has almost entirely replaced both country boat and motor launch. 1.3.2. Demographic features From the last 2001 census, the latest available so far, 36 017 inhabitants were living in the polder, corresponding to 7 798 households. Table 3 provides a brief description of the polder 30 demography disaggregated between the 2 unions (UP Batiaghata and Gangarampur) with comparisons to Batiaghata Upazila and Khulna district rural.
Table 3 Demographic characteristics of the polder 30
Batiaghata UP Geographical Area (sq km) Number of households Population Population density per sq km Sex Ratio M/F*100 Literacy age 7+ % Literacy 7+ (Male) % Literacy 7+ (Female) % Muslim population % Hindu and others % 34.55 4,011 18,952 549 110 61.70 69.15 53.56 16.82 83.18 Gangarampur UP Polder 30 Total 37.54 3,787 17,065 455 103 56.87 66.17 47.39 24.53 75.47 72.09 7,798 36,017 500 107 59.29 67.66 50.48 20.68 79.32 Batiaghata Upazila 248 29,799 140,574 566 107 52.97 58.99 46.57 56.41 43.59 Khulna rural district 4,057 223,172 1,094,763 270 106 47.59 54.33 40.51 63.2 36.8

Source: Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Community Series for Khulna district Note: Sunderbans area is included in Khulna rural district and explains the low population density of the district. Khulna district rural has population density around 600 people per sq km.

The areas covered by the two areas are almost similar and no real difference can be noticed between the two districts. In both case the population density is quite high given the geographical context. Compared to about 10% non-Muslim population of the country, the polder 30 area has about 79% Hindu population and 21% Muslim population. Presence of other religious communities is very little, only about 0.1%. Table 4 below shows distribution of working people in the polder 30, the Upazila and the Khulna rural district by occupation (excluding own household work).
Table 4 - Occupation of the study area population

Batiaghata UP Agriculture Industry Construction Transport Hotel/restaurant Business Services Others Total of above 64.13 0.86 0.96 6.39 0.22 9.92 1.05 16.45 100

Gangarampur UP 75.03 0.51 0.80 2.16 0.06 5.59 1.67 14.18 100

Batiaghata Upazila 53.71 0.67 1.71 1.6 0.16 13.17 1.62 27.36 100

Khulna rural district 60.89 1.77 1.57 3.36 0.12 14.55 1.26 16.48 100

Source: Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Community Series for Khulna district

UP Batiaghata and Gangarampur have slightly different occupation patterns. Batiaghata UP has more diversified occupations, about 64% are engaged in agriculture (including fisheries and livestock sub sectors) compared to 75% in Gangarampur. All non-agricultural activities are more visible in Batiaghata than in Gangarampur although the difference is not very high. However, both Unions have lower concentration of non-agricultural occupations than the Upazila as a whole. This underlines that most of the economy of the polder 30 relies on agriculture or aquaculture activities. 1.3.3. History of polder 30 In polder 30, the embankment was built by Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB and locally known as WAPDA) between 1968 and 1972. Based on observations from several focus group participants, it seems most of the construction work was conducted in 1970. Interestingly, the reason for constructing the polder differs according to the point of view. Whereas in Khalishabunia in Batiaghata union, participants underline the role of the embankment to protect them from tidal surge and water flow, in other focus groups the embankment is seen as a mean to protect the land from salinity intrusion. Both of the reasons are probably true, but according to main priorities of the location, people focus on one or another reason. Before the polder construction, the water management system was based on Austomashi embankment. Small mud embankments were constructed in January (magh) after the harvesting and removed in August/September (bhadro). These temporary muds embankments avoided salinity intrusion during the dry season, whereas fresh water can flow-in during monsoon. Some respondents emphasised that the system was collective and that all villagers participated in the construction. In Khalishabunia, they mentioned that they used to build these walls in the beel (wetlands) between Khalishabunia village and Shoilmary.

There is a consensus on the cropping system before the construction of the embankment. Each household relied on agriculture and it was a single cropping system dominated by paddy cultivation. Aman paddy was especially common, with some other local varieties as Banshful, Balam, or Kachra. Paddy cultivation was suitable for all the lands of the area and due to silt deposits fertilisers were not necessary. After the construction of the embankment, other crops such as sesame and pulses became cultivable. The cropping system has steadily moved from mono crop to two crops, paddy in monsoon and then Rabi crops. However, some participants in Khalishabunia mentioned that some Aman paddy fields were also affected after the construction of the polder due to drainage problems and water logging in low-land. Varieties of paddy have also been diversified after the embankment construction, Boran Benepol, Gulshan are some of the new varieties arrived after the polder construction. Finally, respondents reported water logging as a major concern after polder construction, especially for sesame cultivation. For example, 1985 and 1998 all the harvest of sesame was destroyed by water logging. Apart from agriculture, new economic activities have appeared after the embankment construction: shrimp farming, poultry, contractual day labour and vans. Previously, only fish being caught in the river or in ponds for self-consumption was practices. Now commercial aquaculture has been increasing for the past ten years, this includes freshwater fish and prawns (golda), as well as brackish varieties (bagda). A majority of the focus groups emphasised the reduction, and in certain instances extinction, of fish. For example, many varieties such as Ruhi, Katla, Boal, Chingri, Tengra () were common before and have now almost disappeared. For example, the stock of Hilsha seems to have been sharply reduced. Several reasons are given by the community to explain this phenomenon such as construction of the embankment, siltation of the rivers, net catching or disease but no major reason emerged from the discussions. Finally the polder construction is also linked with the reduction of livestock. Whereas land was kept fallow in winter and available for grazing, most of the field are now cultivated all the year. Ploughing with tractor, many think may also reduce grass available. Rice husk previously used to feed the cattle is also now used as poultry food or in ghers. Previously, each household used to keep 2 or 4 cows at home for ploughing the land. All these reasons were presented to explain the decreasing number of livestock heads in the area. The polder was constructed in the late 1960s and early 1970s. As hydrology has changed over the decades with increased siltation, reduced river flows and river erosion, the embankment, canals and sluice gates need rehabilitation and maintenance. Polder 30 was one out of nine polders selected for the Integrated Planning for Sustainable Water Management (IPSWAM) project implemented by BWDB and IPSWAM project staff between 2004 and 2011. This project followed the Guidelines for Participatory Water Management (Ministry of Water Resources, 2001) that stipulated local stakeholder participation in any water management project. During this project IPSWAM helped create 41 village level Water Management Groups (WMGs) and 1 polder level organisation, the Water Management Association (WMA). WMGs are locally known as block committees and the WMA is called central or polder committee. These water management organisations (WMOs) were meant to represent the interests to local stakeholders, provide feedback on engineering design as well as labour for earthworks through Labour Contracting Societies and take over the responsibility of operation of sluice gates and minor maintenance after the project has completed. This report will therefore also play close attention to results of IPSWAM and the community based organisations it had created.

2. FARMING SYSTEMS AND LIVELIHOODS

2.1. Cropping pattern

This polder is located in high land and is comparatively less affected by salinity than other polders in the coastal zone. There is therefore comparatively more area devoted to crop cultivation here than fish cultivation and even fish cultivation is dominated by fresh water fish as against brackish water fish. Nearly 100 percent of the cultivable land in this polder is used for Aman paddy cultivation in Kharif I. After harvesting Aman paddy in November (Kharif I), farmers sow Rabi crops (called Kharif II crops in Bangladesh) depending on the land elevation, water source, irrigation facilities etc. Sesame is a very popular Rabi crop in this polder region. The FGDs claims that a majority of the farmers cultivate sesame during the dry season. Sesame is particularly popular among the farmers as it requires less labour and no additional irrigation. Khalishabunia village FGD reports that sesame cultivation is the maximum this year as in the last year there was a bumper production of sesame. Apart from sesame Sunflower is cultivated in Khalishabunia village and may have been introduced by NGOs. Other than these two oil seeds a number of vegetables like pumpkin, sweet pumpkin, water melon, bitter gourd, etc. are cultivated throughout the year in Polder 30. An interesting feature of this polder is mixed farming. For example, Khalishabunia and Kismot Fultola village FGDs indicate widespread mixed farming practice. Throughout the polder majority cultivate freshwater fish along with Aman paddy. Due to availability of sweet water for a longer span they able to utilise inundated fields for mixed cultivation of paddy and fresh water fish. In the inundated paddy fields they cultivate fishes like Tilapia, different types of carps and Golda shrimp, etc. Apart from mixed farming some villagers practice sweet water aquaculture. In Andaria village has some gher, which are locally known as Pocket Gher is basically a pond with area of 10 Katha to 20 Katha. Few years back Golda was popular a popular option in this village. But due to sudden decline in Golda price and contamination in fish food, people shifted to sweet water cultivation. Now, people prefer to cultivate sweet water fishes like Ruhu, Katla, Telapia, Silver Carp, Minar Carp, Grass Carp etc. They also cultivate brackish water fish like Bhetki, Tangra and Bagda in limited areas. Bagda cultivation is limited in this polder and restricted for only few areas. In Chak-Shoilmary village only 2-3% households do Bagda farming. According to the FGD in Moshiyardanga, none of the villagers cultivate Bagda now. But some incidence of Bagda farming is found in Khalishabunia and Kismot Fultola village. 2.1.1. Irrigation sources and costs of inputs Aman paddy does not need any irrigation and mostly rain fed. In the unlikely event of water shortage during Kharif I, farmers use freshwater from the river through canals and pipes for supplementary irrigation. Sources of irrigation are fresh water river for much of Aman paddy. According to a farmer in Kismot Fultola village, water come from river for paddy (Aman) cultivation. The FGDs do not have information on the pipes. But the maps and field visit shows the practice of using water from river to irrigate Aman paddy. Sesame is popular during the dry season as it does not require any additional irrigation. Instead it uses the soil moisture as water source. Irrigation is necessary for the Boro paddy. Farmers use boring deep tubewells/pond water/ canal water for irrigation. Vegetables require limited irrigation and that is supplied through pond/canal or boring. Interestingly, in this polder people use boring to supply water in their fresh water fishery, e.g. deep 10

tubewells during the dry season. It is possible because ground water in this polder is less brackish than other polders, or also since the canal network is in poor and silted condition and can therefore not be used properly. It came out in the FGDs that ponds go dry in the dry season. In the Andaria village 4/5 hours of pumping is required to fill one pond. A farmer, in Hoglabunia village, informs that he inflow water by an inlet into his ponds. He cultivates mainly the sweet water fish like Pangash, Ruhu, Kalta, and sometimes Golda. He own 3 boring (presumably deep boring as he cultivates sweet water fish) to irrigate his ponds. Each of them costs 22000 taka. He needs 150 litters of diesel to irrigate each pond. Apart from his own ghers (ponds), he owns has taken lease of two ponds which are costing him 20000 Taka/year and 15000 Taka/year, respectively. 2.1.2. Productivity Overall productivity is good in this polder due to the availability of freshwater. Productivity of Aman paddy in this polder is approximately 15 to 20 mon/bigha (1 mon equals 40 Kg). Productivity of Boro paddy is not explicitly mentioned in the FGDs partly because only a very few farmers cultivate boro. But we can presume that productivity is more than 20 mon per bigha. In some villages sweet Pumking is very popular and its productivity is approximately 50 to 60 mon/bigha. Productivity of sesame is approximately 7 to 8 mon per bigha. According to one KII, one mon of paddy sold at 500 to 600 taka while one mon of sesame sold at 2200/2500 taka in 2011. Table 5 Cropping patterns and farming systems
Crop/ Fish Aman Variety Laltir, IRRI23, IRRI-28 , BIRRI-11, Local varieties like Boran, moinamoti, Morishali, Lal Balam, Sada Balam, ChiniKanai, Khak Shali. N/A Season Kharif Duration Start transplanting in JulyAugust and harvest during NovemberDecember. Irrigation No irrigation is required. They use river water to inundate their paddy field. If they useriver water, that is irrigation, I think. Productivity Productivity is normally 15 to 20 mon per bigha. According to villagers productivity has declined over the years for the traditional Aman varieties. But they are getting good productivity from IRRI varieties No information in FGDs/KIIs Productivity of Boro paddy higher than Aman paddy. No one really spoke on Boro paddy productivity but we know it is higher than Aman paddy. Remarks

Jute

Kharif

June to September DecemberJanuary to March-April

No irrigation

Boro paddy

IRRIgoromer dhan. In Khalishabuni a village Aftab, Hira, Laltir, BRRI-28, 29, 4, 50, and 26.

Winter/Dry season

Sesame

N/A

Winter /Dry season

February to April-May

Irrigation is required and only cultivated in those areas where sweet water is available. People with deep boring can cultivate Borro paddy. No irrigation is needed. Very sensitive to excess water.

In Khalishabunia village some respondents have talked about Jute. Coverage of Boro is not mentioned in the FGDs. But every FGDs have some mention of Boro Paddy.

Productivity of sesame is about 7-8 mon per bigha

Cash crop

11

Water Melon Sunflower

N/A N/A

Dry season Winter/Dry season Dry season

N/A N/A

Cultivated in the high-land areas. Irrigation is needed. N/A

N/A N/A

Sometime grown in the Kitchen Garden Cash crop

Vegetables

Bagda shrimp

Sweet Pumpkin, Melon, Bitter gourd, Ladies finger N/A

Throughout the year

Limited irrigation.

N/A

Domestic use and some parts are sold in the local market

During the dry season when water starts becoming brackish

After two and half month shrimp fries are ready for harvesting

Galda

Fresh Water Fish

Partly Brackish Fish

Along with the Aman paddy. Sometimes they cultivate in pond. Ruhi, Pungash, Silver Carp, Talapia, Grass Carp Tangra, Bhetki, etc

April to December

7 to months

Shallow tube well is used to provide brackish water at a regular basis. For example, in Khalishabunia and Andaria village they use boring to irrigate Bagda ghers. Sometimes irrigation is needed.

N/A

Incidence of Bagda cultivation is rare in this polder. Some villagers in most of the villages in this polder, do cultivate Bagda few years back in limited areas but now most of them stopped due decline in price and disease. Only 2-3 percent people in Moshiyardanga village cultivate Bagda. Bagda is profitable if one has his own pond and a deep boring.

N/A

Cultivation in ponds and paddy fields for limited selling.

Throughout the year

12 months continuously

Fresh Pond

water

N/A

Pangash is very profitable. It grows really fast within 4-5 months

Throughout the year

Year

Canal/ Gher/ Pond

N/A

Some villagers own pocket gher in this polder which is used to cultivate those brackish water fishes and shrimp.

Table 6 Cropping timeline

January Aman Paddy Boro Paddy Sesame Galda Bagda Fresh water fish Vegetable February March April May June July August September October November December

2.2.

Livestock

12

As mentioned in the introduction, the number of cows has declined in recent years due to unavailability of grazing land and high price of fodder. Nevertheless, every household owns some amount of livestock like cows, goats, lamb, etc. and almost all households rear poultry. In recent years poultry has become an important source of income. Cows and bullocks are no longer used for ploughing the land. People are therefore selling their animals to save extra cost. On the other hand, the number of goats and lambs is increasing as they require less care and fodder, bringing in higher profit.

2.3.

Livelihoods

So, overall, the villagers are mainly dependent on agriculture. After the polder was constructed the villagers able to produce something throughout the year. The mix farming of fish with paddy has improved the living standard of the villagers in this polder. According to one farmer, mix farming practice really improved their economic condition. The land owners are now getting double income from their field. They now able to cultivate fish (sweet water fish as well as Golda) as well as paddy at the same time period. The poor also gets benefit as there is more jobs in the field. One paddy farmer even mentioned that cultivating fish along with paddy improves the paddy productivity. Sesame has especially been popular. It is a cash crop in this region. Sesame is very popular in this polder and has significant effect on improving their economic condition. Landless villagers work as agricultural day labourer during the rainy season. Apart from that they are involved in various different activities such as earthworks, brick farms and fisheries. Sometimes they migrate to big cities and nearby towns for labour work in the lean time. They also do earthwork, canal excavation, maintenance of roads, embankments etc. A thorough description is given in Section 5 Labour Contracting Societies.

3.4. Drinking water

History of drinking water Prior to the installation of deep tubewells, ponds were used for drinking water, leading to diarrhoea diseases in the dry season. Since deep tubewells were installed in the late 1970s most of the villagers from polder 30 rely on them for drinking water. The quality is quite good and no scarcity problems were mentioned except for Moshiyardanga village. Access to drinking water The access to deep tube-wells is free, but according to the distance from the house, women have to spend time on carrying water or have to pay for bringing water at home. For example, a woman from Andaria explained that bringing water from the tube-well to her home with a van cost 10 T per pot. Apart from deep-tube well, other systems exists. In Katiangla, there seems to be a system of water supply. A pump is installed in the deep tube-well and provides water at fixed time. People using this water have to pay 80 taka per month. In Andaria, community members are looking for a way to store rain water in big amount to use for domestic uses but also for irrigation. Then, some households also have personal tube-wells. If the installation of personal tube-well answers to productive uses it can also be used for domestic uses. For example, a paddy farmer from Chak Shoilmary paid 5000 taka for its tube-well but in his case the water is not drinkable so he uses the tube-well for livestock and paddy irrigation. But some other households are able to use their own tube-well for cooking and drinking and ensure that they have access to water around the year.

13

Pond water uses In some case, water from pond is also used for cooking and water from tube-well is only reserved for drinking. This is a way to limit the number of drums to transport from the tube-well. Contamination In Moshiyardanga village, drinking water access seems to be more complicated than in the other villages of the polder as the tube-wells from this village are shallow and contaminated by iron and salinity. Households from this village would like to have a supply line for drinking water or the storage capacity to harvest rain water. Problems of drinking water access Though the access to safe drinking water is relatively good, inequalities and problems still exist. In Katiangla for example, inequalities in drinking water access between Hindu part of the village and Muslim part of the village have been mentioned by the group of landless women, who often consist of single female headed households or divorced/widowed women staying with their male relatives. The government tube-wells are said to be in better condition and in higher number in the Muslim part of the village. In the village of Andaria, they have requested more tube-well from the Union Parishad, but stated that their requests have been ignored on basis of their poverty, gender and religion. A tube-well is especially needed in Jhoravanga. They explained that a rule of one tube-well for 10 household exists, but for installing the tube-well, the 10 households have to pay 10,000 taka. However, if another group of household is able to pay more, to the Union Parishad (i.e. bribes), they will be able to obtain the tube-well instead. Poorer women in contrast may not afford to compete with bribes. They are extra vulnerable not only because they are women, but due to their social and economic status in society.

14

3. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF POLDER 30

3.1. Condition of the embankment

The length of the embankment is said to be 40km with a height varying from 4.3 meters to 5.1 meters depending of the locations. Even if the general condition can be considered as quite good, several weaknesses have also been mentioned. Some segments of the embankment are vulnerable. In Khalishabunia village, the road of the embankment has become lower and weaker due to brick loaded trucks. The same phenomenon is also noticed in Andaria village, Gangarampur union. In the north of the polder, the embankment is also damaged in some places. This is the case before the Danibunia ferry, but also from the south Shoilmary primary school to Taltola. Then, in the south of the polder, the embankment near the Barunpara ferry and the primary school is also at risk. Finally, holes in the embankment due to rats are also mentioned in the east side, in Andaria village. The natural condition of the embankment has also changed. Whereas the Salta river (name of the Shoilmary river in its south part) was stated to be 180 deep feet in the 70s by the FGD participants, it is now 18 feet deep. Consequently the water overflows the embankment and river erosion is high. Natural disasters as excess rain, cyclones, Aila have also weakened the embankment. The consequence of the weak condition of the embankment in some place is an increase of water erosion for example in Khalishabunia village in the northwest (Batiaghata union). The holes in the embankment have caused saline water to enter inside the polder. In Khalishabunia village, this salinity intrusion has damaged seedlings in agricultural lands in last June and July. The lack of maintenance is argued to be the reason for the vulnerability of the embankment. 5 or 6 feet of mud would be necessary to improve the embankment quality. In Khalishabunia village they mentioned that such embankment maintenance has not been conducted for the past 15 years, whereas spreading earth used to be done regularly before. Community is now waiting from BWDB to fill the embankment with earth. In other place as in the south of the polder, earth work has been done by the community.

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3.2.

Condition of Sluice gates

Two kinds of sluice gates can be found in the polder 30: old sluice gates constructed in the same time as the polder in 70s and new sluice gates constructed recently under the IPSWAM project. The general comments suggest that new gates from IPSWAM are working well whereas the old gates need reparation since they have become rusty and broken over time. As a result most of the old gates are seen to be inactive. However, when going into details, the new sluice gates are not free from problems either. Qualitative discussions and interviews mostly focus on the sluice gates with problems and very little is said about the sluice gates in good condition. Problems of the sluice gates can be classified into 2 mains categories.

First, the problems of the sluice gates are related to their design or to the inadequacy between their design and the evolution of the natural conditions. Several participants underlined that the mouths of the new gates are too small to avoid siltation problems. This is the case for the sluice gate number 21, this sluice gate was demanded by the population to IPSWAM in 2005. The construction started in 2008 and finished in 2010. However, the mouth of the gate is already subject to silt deposits. Sluice gates number 3 (Auskhali gate) and 4 (Katakhali gate) were also constructed by IPSWAM. For these gates, the cover cannot be opened easily as the level is not the same in the both side of the gate, siltation has increased the level of the riverbed on the river side. Sluice gate number 25 in Hoglabunia is also silted and the reason is said to be flawed design from BWDB. This also applied to Sluice gate number 24 in Chak Shoilmary gate, it is closed due to siltation and the gate door is broken. The second reason of problems for the sluice gates are technical problems or need for repairs. In some case the problem has no consequence on the operation of the gate. For example, the sluice gate number 19, Kismot Fultola gate, is said to be in bad condition as concrete over the gate has been broken creating problems when vehicles pass on the road. Similarly, for the sluice gate number 16, linked to Koria canal and located in the north of Andaria village, the iron pata of this gate is broken and yet these gates are being used. But in some other cases, the lack of repair and maintenance leads to not using the gate or to more serious consequences. Thus for newly the constructed sluice gate number 26 by IPSWAM, Hatbati, the bolbet (the key system wheel for pulling and getting down the sluice gate) have been stolen leading to salinity intrusion. The temporarily solution to solve the problem has been to place earth in front of the gate, but now the gate is definitively closed and cannot be used. The gate number 22, 16

Shoilmary gate connected with Kata khal, has also been closed by sand filling to protect the land from flooding. Last year, the shutter was broken and Water Management Group (WMG) members have tried to repair it with wood. However, with the high pressure of the river, water entered in land in the last Rabi season and 500 bighas of land were affected. The problem seems also serious for the sluice gate number 11, Moshiyardanga gate. This gate was constructed in 1971 but is still active. Several villages are dependent on this gate. Some holes are present in the gates, so consequently saline water penetrates through this gate even when the gate is closed. But furthermore, there is also some cracks beside the gate. IPSWAM forbade driving heavy vehicle over this gate, otherwise it would severely damage the infrastructure, with a high risk of break. Villagers fear a break of this gate and consider that they would be in great danger. Some other gates are said to be in bad condition but without any additional information or reason. This is the case for the gate number 1, said to be useless but also for the gate number 25 (Hoglabunia gate) out of order. Finally, few gates were considered as being in good condition. First the sluice gate number 21, Shoilmary gate, is used to flush-in most of the water for the Shoilmary village. The gate number 14, Katiangla gate, is also in good condition.

3.3.

Condition of Canals: siltation and leasing issues

In this polder when people are talking about the canals this is to evoke one of these two main concerns: siltation or leasing. 3.3.1. Siltation Siltation is a main concern, commonly spread over the entire polder. The total number of canals is estimated at 60 in this polder. But for most of them, the khal has become narrow, the side has broken and the depth is reduced. The canals having 100 feet width have now only 40 feet, depth has also reduced significantly. Participants consider that after the construction of the embankment, canals have been active and in good condition for 10 years but they now need to be re-excavated. Consequently the list of the silted canal is extensive. Few of them can be quoted as examples to concentrate on the consequences of siltation. In Khalishabunia village in the west of the polder, at least 4 canals have been silted. This is the case for the Baroana khal, Haniar khal, some parts of the Boro khal. The Haniar khal has become fully silted and is now used to cultivate paddy. In Moshiyadanga village, the Thakurunbari canal is not deep anymore, the side has become filled. The consequence is that water drainage is disrupted and water inundates the land. In Kismot Fultola village, Amtola canal is also about to be filled up. If some water can be found in this canal in rainy season, in dry season it is dry. Consequently, cultivation is possible using this canal water. Paddy cultivation is especially difficult if the canal is silted. If siltation holds some advantages for the few farmers recovering the land silted, for most of the farmers siltation means irrigation or drainage problems. The principal reason for filling-up of the canals is the natural process of siltation. However, some respondents also highlight another kind of reason. In Moshiyardanga village, one of the reasons evoked for the filling-up of the canals is overtopping of waste products from nearby residents or of cultivation waste from nearby field. In Andaria village, participant also clearly said that some people with fields adjacent to canals are filling the canals to use it as their own land and increase their production. So if the

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natural reason prevails, personal interest are also concerned, this raises the question of the cooperation for the maintenance of the canals and for re-excavation. Villagers are aware that re-excavation is the easiest way to solve this problem of siltation, however, very few mentioned how to implement this work. Re-excavation is not implemented in this polder since several years. For example, Duarani canal and Katakhali canal have already been re-excavated in the past. Following the UP Chairman of Gangarampur, the list of the canals needing re-excavation work includes the Khainer canal (1 km), Moshiar canal, Kalatolar canal, Amtola canal and Labongolar canal. 3.3.2. Leasing There seems to be correlations between the silted canal system and the widespread system of canal leasing in polder 30. All of the FGDs and KIIs conducted mentioned leasing as a problem. In most of the cases, leased canals are used for fish cultivation. This is the case for example in Andaria leased canals. In that case sweet water is used by the leaser. But in some other places, canals leasing is linked with brackish water ghers and community members fear salinity intrusion. There are several categories of leasing, some may be legal and others illegal. The threshold between legal and illegal is difficult to identify as the villagers do not have the information and have never seen official deed. In addition the leasing source may vary and the process of acquiring a lease may not be transparent, bribes and collusion with government agencies have been mentioned, as well as taking control of the canal by force. Canals that are currently not fully available to the public include canals through legal auction in Khalishabunia village, leases from government in Andaria village and leases through fake youth clubs by influential elites in Kismot Fultola. Illegal occupations of canals by private individuals include Haniar canal in Khalishabunia, Taltola canal in Shoilmary canal (this canal flows from Shoilmary river and ended at Kata canal), Katiangla and Amtola canals. Private use of canals tends to hinder maintenance, increase siltation of canals and hinder access to fisheries for landless (Katiangla and Amtola canals). Leasing hampers the natural flow of water and has in many instances led to water drainage problems and inundation. This is discussed in more depth in Section 7 Conflicts. 3.4. Main water-related problems From the previous descriptions of the infrastructure, several main concerns can be identified. First, the embankment condition is weak in several segments and the maintenance work is not done on a regular basis. River erosion has been identified as the key factor in weakening the embankment. This has been exacerbated by the lack of maintenance for the past 15 years, where the BWDB is seen as inactive and the community themselves have not regularly been packing earth. Secondly, sluice gates condition is not good, for two main reasons: design problems and technical problems. If solving the first problem is not possible at the polder level, technical problems should be solved at the local level with an appropriate management. In addition, constant salinity exposure and silt deposit further exacerbate any flawed design, especially since the riverbed level outside the polder may be higher than that inside the polder. Third, siltation of the gates and of the canals is a major concern and is due both to natural deposits and human behaviour. The condition of the canals combined with problems with gates has led to serious water logging problems in the polder that has disrupted agricultural productivity (Andaria, Moshiyardanga, Khalishabunia particularly). Within Polder 30 there are both low-lying and high elevated lands, where the low elevation lands are particularly prone to flooding (Khalishabunia village). Reexcavation is the easiest way to solve this problem but it would represent a huge work and need coordination within all the stakeholders. Fourth leasing, legal or illegal obstructs the access to the canals considered as public goods in the polder, it also hampers the coordination needed for management of the infrastructures. This will be discussed further in Section 7, Conflicts. 18

4. IPSWAM: ADDRESSING WATER INFRASTRUCTURE PROBLEMS

As mentioned, IPSWAM was conducted from 2004 to 2011 to address problems related to the embankment, sluice gates and canals. It re-excavated canals to address water logging and created flushing gates to remove excess water and damage crops in low-lying lands, while also rehabilitating damaged sluice gates. The project had also worked to make the embankment higher and/or wider where requested and provided additional pipes for drainage excess water. One key emphasis of IPSWAM was to form Water Management Organisations at village and polder level to take part in the rehabilitation work, as well as be active in operation and maintenance after the project ends. This section provides an overview of the IPSWAM project in its formation of WMOs, its results and processes during the intervention and the effects after it had ended. 4.1. IPSWAM Pre-Project

Mobilisation and WMO formation According to the BWDB Section Officer (SO) stationed in Batiaghata Upazila, they together with IPSWAM project staff formed Water Management Groups in 2004. The BWDB only gave the structure for the WMO formation, while the actual committees were formed through the respective Union Parishad Chairman and Members. This is supported by the General Secretary of Hatbati village in Batiaghata union, the people had been instructed to form 41 Water Management Groups for the 41 villages in the polder, and 1 Water Management Association. The WMA would consist of one male and one female representative from each WMG. The WMGs were formed in 2005 through either selection or hand-raising. The WMG would consist of 1 general group and 1 executive committee, where the IPSWAM project staff had instructed that 1 person from each household should be a general WMG member and to ensure the involvement of all classes of people including the fisherman, landless, poor women etc. It seems that there was a core group of local people together with the IPSWAM project staff facilitated this process, including the leaders of the WMA (Sunil, President of WMA and a college teacher) and Provash Bagchi (President of Kholishabunia WMG and Union Parishad Chairman). Membership composition IPSWAM consisted of a pro-poor approach where landless and poor women were targeted to gain employment opportunities through the WMOs. In terms of gender, 30% of the general members should be women. In addition, there would be 1 landless representative, 1 woman representative and 1 fishermen representative in the WMA executive committee as per the GPWM. According to Sunil and Provash, this had been maintained and women were active in meetings and taking decisions. In Andharia village, Gangarampur union it is stated that the WMG Executive committee works in consultation with the general WMG on repairing roads and the embankment. In general, the key criticism in terms of participation in WMOs was that the executive committee mostly consisted of non-farmers, such as educated elites and schoolteachers with little understanding of farmers needs. Subcommittees The WMGs in turn could form sub-committees, the main ones include: a) Gate Committee, b) Loan Committee, c) Agriculture Activities Implementation Committee, d) Water Implementation Committee, e) Member Observation and Conservation Committee, f) Fish Cultivation Committee, g) Integrated Implementation Committee. The IPSWAM CO states that there are 3 male and 2 female in these subcommittees. The field findings indicate that mainly the gate committees; loan committee and monitoring committees are active.

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Cooperative status and Membership contributions GPWM requires that all WMAs must be registered as legal entities by the concerned implementing agency or the local government institution. This should be done within the framework of the Cooperative Societies Ordinance (1984) and the Cooperative Societies Rules (1987). WMGs, on the other hand, may or may not be registered. The IPSWAM Guidelines had a provision for WMGs to become officially registered with the GoB Cooperative Department. Though the Polder 30 was not registered as cooperatives at the onset, this was done in the beginning of 2008 as IPSWAM had always intended that the WMGs would acquire a legal status. This was especially necessary for banking savings collected from members. Three years after their formation the WMA and several WMGs were registered as Cooperative Societies in 2008 and changed their names to Water Management Cooperative Society Limited while still following the IPSWAM Guidelines. This process required at least 20 signatories and enlistment of the WMG at the Department of Cooperatives Upazila office. Currently, audit is carried out every year and the WMCL members pay a monthly contribution (10-20 taka). The main incentive to join and contribute monthly is that they are able to take out loans from the WMG at an interest rate lower than conventional micro-credit NGOs, i.e. 3% versus BRACs 4% (Source: IPSWAM Community Organiser). As such, the shift to cooperative may suggest that involvement in the WMGs is mainly based on financial incentives rather than interest in water management itself. The practice of membership fee is interesting as IPSWAM as a project promoted inclusive membership. The WMA President stated: Anybody staying inside the polder can be a member of this committee. There is no need that people have to have land in order to be a member. No fee is needed to be a member. Yet, as WMGs have turned into cooperative societies, members have to pay a membership subscription fee and pay a monthly contribution. In Hatbati, this practice started already in 2004, where the subscription fee was 5 taka and the monthly fee 2 taka. In Khalishabunia, the monthly fee is set to 20 taka, while the WMA stated that the fee is 10 taka. The rates are decided by the individual WMG members and may vary depending to willingness of members and the capacity of the WMG to collect and manage these. The field team observed that the inability to collect fees is one of the key factors in declining WMG membership. Instead, they focus on collecting specific contributions for urgently needed repairs and repairs caused by disasters (chanda). 4.2. IPSWAM: During Project

WMOs and ability to influence design The President of the WMA (Sunil) stated that the WMA committee was formed 6 months before physical works. However, according to sources from both Khalishabunia and Kismot Fultola, the infrastructure work started in 2005 either prior to or simultaneously with the IPSWAM WMO formation process, hindering feedback from communities on project design. In general, it seems that the WMA tended to give textbook correct answers. It is therefore likely that WMGs at least were formed after work had started. As a result gates were seen as too small in comparison to the older BWDB gates, or flawed in terms of their ability to open or close properly. Due to the inadequate size, water cannot flush out properly and leads to inundation during the rainy season and damages paddy seedlings. In terms of response, sluice gate no 21 in the northwest had been demanded in 2005, while construction started in 2007/2008 and was completed in 2010.

Elections and Representativeness Electing the executive committee is a form of participation, i.e. how do people ensure that their opinions are valued? Elections are held every three years through voting (hand-raising) or selection. The 20

respondents indicate that ill-performing executive committee members (e.g. in Hartbati) are not reelected. Once executive committees are formed at WMG level, they send two representatives to the general WMA where another election is held for the WMA executive committee. In general, the FGDs showed a trend towards selecting people with respect and influence in the committee into the executive committee. Vote buying was not mentioned. Despite such a seemingly democratic process, a frequent complaint among paddy farmers in Batiaghata union was that the WMG and WMA executive committees consist of educated elites who do not understand farmer needs. In addition, FGDs in Gangarampur indicated that poor, landless and women were frequently excluded from the operation of sluice gates and were not able to obtain water when needed. The Union Parishad of Gangarampur, on the other hand, argues that the gates are opened based on farmers needs. As such, there might be a discrepancy between the landowners with connections to elites and poorer segments of society, despite the rhetoric of inclusive participation being voiced. In Mailmara village, Batiaghata union (SL#3) the WMG executive committee female member argued that committees are based on selection and often consist of older and influential males. Among the women LCS in Gangarampur, none of them were members even in general WMGs. Despite the regular elections and following GPWM protocol in terms of general membership as stated by WMA and WMG representatives, it seems that representativeness of the wider population and different opinions in reality has still been difficult to achieve. Training IPSWAM provided training to all 41 executive committees. Key themes include organisational capacity building, management and leadership, agriculture, fisheries, maintenance, cooperatives, livestock rearing and gender awareness. They also provided training to landless people on how to repair roads and reexcavate khals. Across respondents, the training was seen as beneficial and positive. It was suggested that training should expand to all general members as well. They attribute the training and IPSWAM project staffs presence and motivation as helping them become more aware over their responsibilities in water management. The executive committee members indicated that IPSWAM has created a greater awareness of water management responsibilities and to work through consensus. This included an emphasis of the participation of women and poorer in water management decision making and construction, as well as the mentality to save, volunteer and contribute in the maintenance of the polder infrastructure. Physical Rehabilitation and Participation in Project Design The project shifted construction works away contractors to direct contracts to local people through WMOs and LCS groups. According to the BWDB SO, only 20% of current works go to contractors, while the rest of the work is conducted by WMOs through LCS groups. The norm on the other hand is reversed, 25% is to be given to LCS according to Guidelines for Participatory Water Management. WMOs are in addition paid equally as contractors, though it is not clear whether the full amount reaches the LCS groups. The Water Management Association in Batiaghata Union supported this by stating that when they would notify BWDB about any repair works, the BWDB would award them a contract to carry out this work. The WMO would then be paid at the end of the work and after BWDB had checked the quality of the work conducted by LCS (Sunil and Mrinal, WMA Executive Committee). The overall impression from WMO members was that IPSWAM had performed well, gates were added, embankments were made stronger and withstood Aila and in places such as Chak Shoilmary village in the north, the excavated canals helped solve water logging and provided water for the Rabi season until the canals became re-silted. Nevertheless, general people accused IPSWAM and WMO committee members for corruption, superficial and insufficient excavation of canals and without having involved all the relevant households in the project areas. For instance, under IPSWAM, Moshiyardanga khal in the south and Katakhali khal were re-excavated up to 3 km two years ago in Batiaghata in the north and the Doania and Debitola khals in Gangarampur in the south. Nevertheless, there were complaints that BWDB would 21

a) do superficial excavations; b) not excavate the demanded kilometres of canals and c) do not consult local people or WMOs on which canals to excavate. In the Chak Shoilmary FGD, it was revealed that Katakhali had been excavated instead of the requested Chandor Canal and Taltola Canal. 4 years earlier under IPSWAM, SO leads some people in re-excavation of Katakhali canal, but our need was reexcavation of Chandor Canal and Taltola Canal. We were not even notified about the visit of government personnel for surveying. (81:40). This was the result of BWDB selecting canals without consulting people in the areas. BWDB did later respond to these demands, but the local people of the area found that excavation was superficial. 4.3. IPSWAM: Post-intervention

Gender One key aspect of IPSWAM was to create awareness for women's role in water management and to ensure that women are given a real voice in the WMGs and WMAs and not only be relegated as tokens. This is supported by the findings from the LCS in Andaria, in Khalishabunia women, both in the executive committee and in LCS were vocal and upfront with their opinions showing with good knowledge of water management. In Khalishabunia, the Vice-President of the WMG is a woman who has been active since IPSWAM started. The woman WMA EC member in Boirvanga aspires to become the next Vice-President and sees herself as competent and able. In the Batiaghata union sources, men admit to not having valued womens opinions prior to IPSWAM and are no comfortable with working together with marginalised and poor women. Through their involvement in the earthworks, poorer women have been able to gain an income. Training in agriculture was also appreciated. However, the quite starkly different experience of LCS women in Gangarampur may also reflect differences in empowerment depending on class and social setting (i.e. Hindu women in Muslim dominated area where there might be more unequal power structures, see Section 7. Conflicts). BWDB not consulting WMOs: top down The BWDB SO stated that he regularly inspects the infrastructure, while also visiting and advising the WMGs and WMA. The WMG in Khalishabunia supported this by stating that they received assistance from BWDB to relieve water logging. BWDB distributed 6 pipes on emergency basis to address drainage congestion. However, there were complaints that BWDB comes and do their own work without consulting or even informing the WMOs. The Polder 30 WMA President stated that when BWDB implements any activities, they do neither involve nor inform the WMA. This is seen as a stark difference from the time of IPSWAM, where BWDB would do maintenance while incorporating local peoples and WMO opinions. This practice has ended after the completion of IPSWAM. Overall, it seems that the maintenance works conducted during the IPSWAM project was perceived as better than the current BWDB implementation via outside contractors. The most common finding was that BWDB may do its own work through contractors without involving local people or WMOs. Rather there is a sense that BWDB does not encourage them to maintain the embankment, where only empty promises are given to their maintenance concerns regarding the embankment, sluice gates and canals. This perception of negligence may also be tied to the fact that BWDB was given resources to participate and conduct maintenance works under IPSWAM, while the levels and funds for activities have declined once the project ended. Inactive Implementing Agency There are contradicting statements on the level of activeness of BWDB in both unions. In Khalishabunia village it was stated that BWDB does not play any role, while another participant in the same FGD gave an example of BWDB repairing a severely damaged sluice gate (SL# 23, but listed as in good condition in IWM map. 22

A hole was created in the flushing gate long time ago. We kept the hole close by voluntary service. Then we saw the hole is not becoming okay, the hole is getting bigger. It became problematic to flush in and flush out water. Then we informed the BWDB SO, Sub-district Officer (SDO) that the gate was damaged. They visited one day and repaired it./Prodeep, Khalishabunia village.

Inactive WMA The WMA is the administrative unit that would coordinate and communicate with BWDB and Upazila Parishad and to ensure proper water management and prevent illegal use of gates and canals or wilful damage to the embankment. There are conflicting messages on the activeness of the WMA. According to officials and WMG and WMAs themselves, WMGs and WMAs are quite active in Batiaghata union. Monthly meetings are held by WMG and they send the written minutes to the WMAs executive committee. The IPSWAM representative says he attended these meetings during the project and would enquire about the condition of the embankment and gates. The IPSWAM CO mentioned how the WMA executive committee would resolve conflicts between high and low elevations, fish versus paddy and distribution of land and saline water. Despite positive statements reflecting an active WMA from the IPSWAM CO and the WMA, many respondents argued that the WMA was completely inactive and did not play any role in water management after the project had ended. This has been linked to the fact that the WMA executive committee consists of non-farmers and are not interested in polder management once the development activities have been completed. Declining memberships in WMGs Some WMGs stated that they would meet on a fixed date every month; others would arrange general meetings every 3-4 months. For those WMGs with cooperative status, the monthly meetings are a way to collect membership fees and discuss loans. In general, members are showing less and less interests to participate in the WMGs when the activities they can work in, i.e. their incentives have been reduced to pay the monthly fees ranging from 10-20 taka. The woman WMG member in Boirvanga, Ganagarampur union stated: Everyone wants go if there is any work. Local peoples are poor and their lands are limited, but they are hard-working and they want work. It was found that WMGs gate committees are active in operation in Batiaghata union, while inactive Gangarampur union since last year. This may partially be due to the fact that the canals and the consequent operation of the sluice gates were taken over by influential elites after the IPSWAM project had ended. Lack of funds and activities The IPSWAM WMG registered as a cooperative and provides loans to its members. Few of the WMGs are able to conduct meaningful maintenance activities despite their income generating activities. The Hatbati WMG has not conducted any such activities for the past eight years. The WMA in turn has not responded to its requests for assistance. Rather WMGs fund minor repairs of sluice gates through voluntary labour and contributions from local landowners. In regards to major maintenance works such as re-excavation of canals they still seem to assume that the government should pay, despite acknowledging that IPSWAM had been clear with the fact that they would not receive any funding. The WMA President suggested that the WMA should get a larger budget for maintenance, while also stating that the incomes from cooperative are not used for maintenance. We are providing volunteer service, spending our own money and going everywhere only for the development of the area.

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5. LABOUR CONTRACTING SOCIETIES

Two Labour Contracting Societies (LCS) consisting of landless women were interviewed in Andaria village, Gangarampur union. Both LCS are linked to the Rural Employment and Roads Project (RERMP) and is financed by LGED. The Union Parishad formed the groups through lottery selection based on a list of disadvantaged women (widows, poor, those with disabled husbands). The first LCS was formed in 2008 under IPSWAM and the other in 2010 by LGED. Their main activity consists of earthwork related maintenance, including repairs of rural roads, embankments and re-excavation of canals. 5.1. Formation and Project

Payment In the newest group, a payment of 120 taka per day is given monthly and they face no problems. In the older group, they have not been paid for six months. They had also a smaller wage of 100 taka per day, where 10% was taken off as part of saving. They were also saying that 40 taka was taken off for savings and that they could barely get by with the actual amount given. The women were very frustrated and are now indebted with loans from NGOs. Similarly, they complained that the 10% savings that was cut off during IPSWAM (a total of 175 000 taka for the whole group) had not been repaid. They have complained to the BWDB Upazila officers. Training The IPSWAM CO states that training on earthworks had been provided during IPSWAM and the older LCS group stated that IPSWAM had provided some training initially. No training was mentioned from LGED for the newest group. Specific problems Neither of the LCS groups specified any problems in terms of their work. The older group stated that the work conditions were quite harsh, with work the entire year, with minimal leave and no ability to call in sick. The LCS groups in Andaria stated that they work the entire year. The older LCS group was worried that they would become unemployed in the 5th year, arguing that they have a 5 year contract. This is interesting since the standard LGED contract for LCS runs for 3 years. 5.2. LCS livelihood

Improvements after joining LCS The newest LCS group was positive about the changes since they started their work in the LCS. Their income and standard of living has improved, they can now afford 3 meals per day on a regular basis. The older LCS group complained over how their livelihoods have worsened over the past 6 months as LGED has delayed their payments. They have been force to borrow money with high interest rates from influential elites and/or NGO. Paying the interest is seen as a huge financial burden. Cultivation and water sources All of the women were landless and female-headed households. In the most recent LCS group, 9 out of 10 women were Hindu saying they were not allowed to inherit any land. They tend to grow minor vegetables in their homestead gardens and use ponds, canals and rainwater for paddy and vegetables. Sesame and pumpkin were seen as requiring minimal water. They also pointed out that some people who could afford irrigation through deep tubewells would do so during the dry season. 24

Most important use of water Drinking water was seen as the most important use. To use water in cultivation we have to live first. Some of the women stated that they would have to fetch water by walking 30 minutes one way and that the closest tube well was saline contaminated. 5.3. Governance and water management

Accessible institution for complaints and problems The Union Parishad is the first point of contact and both groups had contacted the UP to sort the drinking water situation. They have requested that a deep tubewell be built, but this has not been met, this was discussed in Section 2 on livelihoods. In general the perception of the UP is negative, with suggestions of corruption. Role of Union Parishad in water management Both LCS groups agreed that the UP had a minor role in water management, that most works were done during IPSWAM and that the UP did not excavate canals to any meaningful extent. However, the older LCS group was wary of giving more responsibility to the UP who they perceive as requiring bribes prior to any action and to discriminate against those who did not vote for them. The newer LCS saw a role of the UP to excavate canals. There was a frustration that the UP would not listen to their request on deep tubewells for drinking water as they were poor, landless and women. Participation None of the LCS members in either group were members of any WMGs. They see this as something for men and influential elites. Yet they were aware of gate committees, the location and condition of sluice gates and the canals. The few that cultivate stated that the gate committee would not open the gate when they needed water. Instead they had told them to buy water from private deep tubewells. They did not feel represented in water management. Emergency During an emergency and the embankment breaks, local people spontaneously work together with their spades to stop it from breaking further. There is usually announcements through loud speakers and the UP Chairman and UP members provide assistance to those working. We rush together for our survival. Some NGOs provided disaster relief, as well as the Union Parishad. Andaria is in high-elevated land and was not badly hit by disaster. Concerns and Suggestions The rivers and canals are filled up and the LCS worried of a future without water for irrigation and fish for eating. This is exacerbated by the practice of influential elites filling up canals to increase their land area. Overall, deep re-excavation of canals and rivers was seen as urgently required. In addition, problems of salinity contamination in drinking water must be addressed to ensure regular, safe and affordable supply of water. One of the women referred to Katiangla village. They were positive to more active involvement of NGOs in re-excavating canals and ponds, providing training on fisheries and agriculture and providing deep tubewells. NGOs were seen as honest and approachable.

25

6. MAINTENANCE OF EMBANKMENTS, CANALS AND SLUICE GATES

6.1. Maintenance by BWDB

Use of contractors and superficial canal excavation It was found in general that the local communities in both Batiaghata in the north and Gangarampur in the south perceived that BWDB holds the main responsibility for water management. At the onset of IPSWAM, BWDB would give contracts to the local people through WMOs and LCS groups. However, after the intervention, it was mentioned in the FGDs and KIIs that BWDB had returned to the practice maintenance works via contractors instead. The work of these contractors has been criticised as corrupt and in need of monitoring (Paddy farmer, Hatbati village) and superficial (Ranojit, Moshyardanga village). Nevertheless, for any larger infrastructure problems and major damage, the WMG may directly contact BWDB. The Hatbati WMG was given six pipes by BWDB for drainage: four pipes were installed Hatbati khal (SL#26) and two pipes in Boroitola khal The BWDB does not repair minor damages. In Gangarampur union especially, BWDB was seen as the government agency that holds the main maintenance responsibility together with local people. Maintenance fund sources According to the BWDB SO, government funds for maintenance comes from individual projects such as IPSWAM, the BWDB Non-revenue budget and rural employment schemes such as the Food for Work Programme. After a project ends, funds can from rehabilitation projects, emergency funding (such as after Aila) and WMG incomes from leasing of khas land and canals.

6.2.

Maintenance by Union Parishad

Batiaghata Union In Batiaghata Union it was overall stated that the Union Parishad does not have any important role in water management and without any funds. This was particularly stated in Khalishabunia village (SL#23) 26

and Kismot Fultola villages in the north. In this area it was however noted that the UP member in ward no 2 has re-excavated some parts of the canals under rural employment schemes and the same applied in Kismot Fultola. The UP conducts excavation on their own initiative. Maintenance fund source stated: KABIKHA (Food for Works) Cash for Work program 40 day Work order Gangarampur Union Similar to Batiaghata Union, the UP in Gangarampur is only involved in maintenance through the reexcavation of canals (as well as the maintenance of roads) through rural employment schemes of poorer workers. Examples include portions of Kodaltola, Kalatola and Katakhali khal. It has no funds for maintenance of sluice gates and embankments, nor the capacity to address silted rivers. One of the FGD participants in Andaria village was a former UP member (Niranjon). He gave an example of how he as a UP member contacted BWDB to repair a damaged sluice gate shutter and that the gate was repaired within 6 months through BWDB funds and implementation, this was seen a bit late it was finally repaired after 6 months. UP Chairman also mentioned how he had constructed a culvert to improve drainage, though explicitly adding that they do not have any maintenance funds for the gates or embankment. Maintenance fund source stated: None

6.3.

Maintenance by WMA

According to the WMA, they try to do all initial repairs and maintenance works themselves through their own resources. If there are any cracks at any spot of the embankment which is at the initial stage, we repair it by taking all the village people under the leadership of the committee. If they are unable to do the repairs locally, the WMA contacts BWDB who inspects the problems and then initiates repairs. Maintenance is seen as a means of providing employment opportunities to poor people in the form of earth works (khal re-excavation, repairing the embankment). They are also given loans from the WMG loan committee. However, the IPSWAM community organiser points out that the WMA is more of an administrative unit, where the bulk of irrigation activities and maintenance works are carried out by the WMGs with cooperation from the WMA. Maintenance funds stated The WMA executive committee voiced frustrations regarding voluntary contributions and voluntary labour, without even being compensated for travelling. According to the IPSWAM CO the WMA has a fixed budget, 30-40 thousands taka are spent in the year when there are many activities. However, WMA activities are impeded by the lack of funds as they cannot fulfil all the requests submitted to them. They suggested that there should be funds allocated for the maintenance and monitoring of the polder. Yet they did not seem to want to finance these activities from their own funds either. They stated: No money is spent from the committee for sluice gate and polder maintenance.

6.4.

Maintenance by WMGs and local people

The WMGs must finance minor repairs such as repainting the sluice gate, and repairing bolts and shutters. In Batiaghata union it was found that WMGs take initiative for repairs if the sluice gate or embankment is damaged or in need of maintenance. In Khalishabunia, local people re-excavated the khals 27

through their own initiatives and with the support of the WMGs. During IPSWAM Baroi khal was excavated with the contract given to local people and funding from the project. When there is a BWDB contractor implementing the works, the WMG Monitoring sub-committee maintains communication with the BWDB and supervises activities by contractors. The Khalishabunia WMG stated that the Khalishabunia khal required excavation. Despite funds from the cooperatives income generating activities, the WMG does not see itself as having the sufficient funds required for full re-excavation.. The Hartbati WMG representative stated that they discuss maintenance requirements and plans during the monthly WMG meetings, this includes which khals require excavation and which sluice gates require repairs. The WMG requested the WMA to excavate the Sitibunia and Boroitola khals, without results. Maintenance funds stated Minor repairs such as small reports of the sluice gate are usually met through voluntary labour, membership subscriptions, monthly fees or contributions from landowners. For gate-related repairs, the Gate sub-committee is most active. However, WMGs state that they nevertheless do not have the capacity to meet larger damages. According to the IPSWAM CO, WMGs are often unable to collect the full target from their members (e.g. 10 000 taka), but at least 5000 taka. In addition to local contributions, the WMGs obtain income through micro-credit and savings. Their loans to members are of lesser interests rates than the NGOs (3% rather than BRACs 4%). The Khalishabunia WMG currently held a balance of 80 000 taka. It uses these funds to provide loans to the cooperative members and also state that this is not sufficient for maintenance.

6.5.

Maintenance by others

According to the UP Member, influential elites and landowners are willing to contribute money for repairs of the embankment and sluice gate. The LCS works on rural roads under LGED. They are not formally connected to any WMG. However, they repair holes in the embankment spontaneously and without direct payment. NGOs have not done any maintenance work of water infrastructure in polder 30. BATIAGHTA GANGARAMPUR UP UP WMG Local landowners BWDB BWDB Formal Mandate WMG BWDB through WMA & LCS BWDB and WMG Comment WMG in GGR inactive UP re-excavates canal to a limited extent

Minor Maintenance Major Maintenance

Emergency Maintenance

Local people, WMG, UP and BWDB

Local people, WMG, UP and BWDB

Local people organise spontaneously or via loud speaker announcements by UP. BWDB comes after.

Table 7 Maintenance in polder 30

28

6.6.
i.

How does maintenance take place?

The main responsibility for gates, embankment and canals is seen as belonging to BWDB. Most maintenance work took place under IPSWAM. BWDB led the work and contracted it to the WMA who used local labourers for re-excavation and repairing the embankment. After IPSWAM ended, major maintenance activities and membership have declined. BWDB appears to conduct some activities in the polder, but increasingly without local consultation after IPSWAM had ended. ii. The Union Parishad does some re-excavation through rural employment schemes, though this not seen as meeting the requirements. Lack of budget is stated as a reason. The UP also provides support during emergencies through channelling GoB emergency funds. iii. WMA states that it lacks funds to meet demands from WMGs, but communicates with BWDB. WMGs are most active in maintenance and collect local contributions for minor repairs of sluice gate and embankment. However, the solutions are often rudimentary (wooden shutter, when old one is broken). They have become more inactive over time. iv. Local landowners usually contribute some fees for minor repairs and maintenance. In Hoglabunia villagers collect money for khal excavation and private deep tubewell repairs.

29

7. OPERATION OF SLUICE GATES

7.1. Operation through BWDB

Prior to the BWDB restructuring of 1998, there were government-employed gatemen (khalashis) who would operate the gates and communicate with the BWDB. This system has been abolished where instead it is intended that Water Management Organisations, or communities, should take over this responsibility. BWDB has no role in the operation of sluice gates, i.e. not in the actual decision-making on operations or in the selection of committee/operator.

7.2.

Operation through Union Parishad

Batiaghata Union The WMA argued that the Union Parishad Chairmen and Members are relegated to an advisory position and have no role in or budget for water management. However, the WMA also pointed out that the UP Chairman sometimes coordinates with gate committees on the opening and closing of the gates. In general, however, the WMGs and their gate committees operate the gates in Batiaghata union, which will be discussed in section 7.3. Gangarampur Union Sluice gates: in Andaria and Moshiyardanga villages (15,16,17 and 8, 9, 10, 11) Actors and operators In the Andaria village FGD (Amtola sluice gate) it was found that there is no longer any gate committee or operator under the WMA, this could be linked to occurrence of grabbed canals and influential elites controlling the gates who may or may not be connected to Union Parishads. In Batiaghata Union, UP members and Chairman were active in functioning WMGs. The Upazila Agriculture Officer noted that the Union Parishad Chairmans in polder 30 have strong decision-making power on when to open and close the gates. The Chairman, he argued, was often found to be the Chairperson of the WMG or gate committee. In practice the UP members are heading the gate committees or are involved with them and coordinate via the UP chairman when several gates need to be opened or closed simultaneously. The Union Parishad as an institution is quite active in the operation of the gates and to create or involve itself in WMOs, despite its limited formal mandate. Operation of the gate takes place through an operator that is instructed by the gate committee. His services are usually given through voluntary labour and occasionally through rights of fishing in that particular gate. Decision-making process: According to the UP member in Gangarampur, the Union Parishad stepped in when the WMGs became inactive in operation. It is responsible for opening and closing of the gate by obtaining information from local people and opening according to local needs. The Union Parishad members form a gate committee of local stakeholders who then select an operator. This operator is given the instruction to only operate the sluice gate when he has obtained the consent of a certain number of people (UP Member, Gangarampur). This would usually include the Union Parishad Chairman and local farmers. If there is any disagreement the gate committee contacts the Union Parishad Member who in turn may consult with the UP Chairman. Whose interests are best represented? In Batiaghata, the UP through gate committees try to reconcile different interests. According to the Woman WMA member in Boirvanga, the UP Chairman Gani Biswas is in control of the sluice gate and 30

has appointed an operator who decides on operation himself regardless of the gate committee and general people and in benefit of local elites who may also have taken the control of canals.

7.3.

Operation through Gate committees created under IPSWAM

Gangarampur Union The WMGs have become inactive since 2011, coinciding with the end of IPSWAM. Batiaghata Union Sluice gates: Khalishabunia (SL#23), Kismot Fultola (SL#19, 20), Hatbati (SL#26), Chak Shoilmary (SL#24), Mailmara (SL#3) villages in Batiaghata union in the north and northwest of the polder. Actors and operators In Batiaghata union, decision-making on the closing and opening of sluice gates rested with the subcommittees of village based WMGs. These are called gate committees and they tend to vary in size. The gate committee usually has one or two operators for opening and closing the gates and they are not given a salary. They tend to work on a voluntary basis and/or receive fishing rights for their work. Decision-making process: monthly meeting and consultation According to the Khalishabunia WMG, gate committees hold regular meetings and consult with local stakeholders (paddy, fish, high/low elevations) prior to taking any decisions. The WMG explicitly states that the opinion of the majority of people is the first priority in deciding when to open and close the gate. Sometimes the committee members go door to door to take opinion of people and I am an operator of this committee. For example, paddy seedlings are sown in the field. At this time, if people realise the necessity of water, they inform this necessity to Committee. I open the gate by the order of committee (P86:12). In Kismot Fultola, Hartbati and Chak Shoilmary villages (Sluice gate # 19, 20 and 26) several villages may share a single sluice gate. In these areas the gate committees consist of representatives from the different villages, were the number of representatives reflect the population size of the village. Operation of the gate: when and for how long? The gate under this type of management system is open during the monsoon season and closed during the dry season when salinity is high. For specific requests, the people in need of water may contact the gate committee who gives authorisation to the operator. If there are any conflicting needs, the Union Parishad Chairman or Upazila Nirbahi Officer may intervene and coordinate. Whose interests are best represented? The FGDs and KIIs did not reveal any dissatisfaction in this system, nor is it possible to ascertain whether or the ones consulted only consisted of large land owners. In Hatbati village the gate is used by three different villages (SL#26), in Kismot Fultola it is shared between five villages (SL#19 and 20). It is however not clear what the power dynamics between the villages are in decision-making and whether this stretches between different wards and Union Parishads. According to Kartik Roy in Hatbati village, the Hoglabunia (SL# 27) (he called it Angulbunia) is operated as per the autocratic decisions of large land owners who have also unlawfully grabbed Jadur khal (Fieldnotes from C Dewan, 3rd December, 2011).

31

7.4.

Operation through influential elites

Batiaghata and Gangarampur Union Sluice gates: Amtola Gate (SL#8), Khorsha gate (?), Katakhali gate (Shoilmary SL#22), Moshiyardanga gate (SL#11), Kolatola gate (SL#5) and Katiangla gate (#14), Hoglabunia (#25). Actors and operators In Gangarampur Union, the gate committees formed under IPSWAM have become inactive since last year. Instead influential elites have been controlling the operation of the gate rather than the gate committee. They are doing so as a means to capture fish that flush in with the sluice gate. Decision-making process: The elites are criticised as taking autocratic decisions on the operation of the gates regardless of the needs of others. There seems to be direct collusion with the Union Parishad Chairman on this. The influential people are taking autocratic decision about closing and opening the gate. They are taking the decision by the influence of their power. This hampers the water management extremely (Ranojit, Moshiyardanga village). Those who are responsible for maintaining these gates do not understand our problem, if we need water and inform them, they tell us, the gate cannot be opened. We made boring, you buy water from that (Maduri and Labonno, LCS, Andaria village). Operation of the gate: when and for how long? The gate is kept open during rainy season and closed during the dry season, though it may be opened restrictedly based on demand for water. It is opened and close according to the needs of the large landowners. Whose interests are best represented? The influential local people use the gate to capture fish. Incorporation of wider interests in the community was dismantled after the disintegration of the gate committee that was unable to resist stronger local interests. There are overlaps with the occurrence of leased canals. Table 8 Operation in polder 30
Decision-making BWDB Union Parishad Gate committees Khalashi Gate committees led by UP Member and UP Chair Operator and Funds Discontinued Local operator: voluntary service + fishing rights Duration N/A Closed during dry season and opened during monsoon. Versus large landholders needs Interests N/A Contradicting: Elite versus broader farmers High-low lands, different villages, local farmers and landowners.

WMG Gate committees

Monthly meetings and consultations. Intervillage decisions

Local operator: voluntary service + fishing rights

Closed during dry season and opened during monsoon. Needs based with mechanisms for conflict-resolution and compromise. Large landholders needs

Influential Elites

Autocratic

The one in control

Influential elite with control of canal and gate

32

7.5.

How does operation take place?

i. In most cases gate committees formed under WMGs operate the gate. When gates are shared between several villages, the gate committees consist of representatives from each village. Operators provide voluntary labour and obtain some limited fishing rights for their work. Gate committees in Batiaghata union in the North are especially seen as responding to general requests and solve any conflicting issues between parties. Gates are open during the rainy season and restrictedly closed during the dry season. ii. Union Parishads are active in gate committees and coordinate different requests this is especially the case in the South and South-East where they hold main decision-making power. In the Gate committees in the North, UP members usually form part of gate committees. iii. In Gangarampur in the South the WMGs have become inactive and influential elites have taken over the operation of the gates irrespective of the concerns and wishes of the local people. Here, peoples perceptions of the UP Chairman seem to be negative, seeing him as ignoring women, landless and religious minorities (Hindus). Khal grabbing can be seen as exacerbating problems of operation. iv. The LCS groups in Andaria village in the Southeast were not able to influence the operator when they required water for crops and paddy. v. In northern Batiaghata union, paddy and fish farmer have invested in private deep tubewells to meet their own cultivation demand, especially for the dry season. vi. NGOs did not take any role in operation, though they were active in providing deep tubewells for drinking purposes and providing agricultural support to farmers.

33

8. CONFLICTS
This section outlines three major conflicts in polder 30 that concern water management. The firs t is salinity intrusion, the second is water distribution between high and low elevation lands and the third is conflicts regarding canal ownership.

8.1.

Conflicts regarding (brackish) water intrusion

In polder 30 the occurrence of brackish shrimp like bagda is limited to some small ponds and ghers. In many instances, WMGs, BWDB SO and the IPSWAM CO state that there is no conflict between paddy and shrimp due to saline intrusion. There have been no reports have been filed to the police and the polder area is lush and green with around-the-year agricultural cultivation. However, there seems to be a practice of a) filling the canal with saline water using it as a gher; b) cutting the embankment for salinity intrusion (Hatbati, Khalishabunia and Chak Shoilmary in the north) and c) by opening the sluice gate to intentionally draw in saline water. These issues have repeatedly come up in KIIs and FGDs in Batiaghata union and also seem to be linked to whether or not the canal is leased/grabbed. Gazi Fish Company cultivates Pangash fish and bagda. It is located at the northern side beside the Salta river of Purbokhona of the south Sholmari. Through both FGDs and KIIs it became clear that Gazi Fish is setting up pipes from the Salta River. These pipes are located in Shoilmary village between gates no. 22 and 23. According to an affected paddy farmer, these pipes are affecting 200-250 bigha land and is substantiated from discussion in Chak Shoilmary. The small paddy farmer has been personally affected by this in his 22 bigha land (both owned and leased). He has first discussed with fellow villagers and then they have spoken to the Union Parishad and Upazila Parishad arguing that shrimp cultivation cannot be conducted in this area. The affected farmer saw the Union Parishad Chairman and MP as approachable and able to help. At the time of data collection the matter had not been resolved.

8.2.

Conflicts regarding high-low elevations

Many parts of polder 30 are high elevated lands, while some are low. There are villages in the north and those in the southwest that share the same canals and who cultivate a diverse range of crops and fish with varying water needs, timing of irrigation and drainage. This has caused problems of distribution of water through the canals and sluice gate as some people are able to access water, while others are not. If high elevated lands may receive water, the crop of low lying lands may be inundated and damaged. Such issues tend to be solved mainly by the WMA, WMGs (and thus indirectly through Union Parishads) and the gate committee. The WMA would resolve such issues and if it cannot it may contact the Union or Upazila Parishad. One common approach is to allow the high-elevated land to plant their seedlings first, wait 15 days and then allow the low-lying land owner to cultivate. The WMA suggested the construction of a small sized ring embankment by putting 2-2.5 hands of soil at the sides of khal and separate it. They could then drain in and flush water through the inlet and outlet. This has not occurred due to lack of funds according to the WMA. In general the functioning gate committees try to minimise damage of water distribution between low and high elevated lands. If the WMG is unable, the WMA may intervene, or seek assistance from Union or Upazila level offices. This approach was common in the north and northwest, yet canals that were under lease or in control of influential elites would take autocratic decisions that have not always considered the interests of others. This is discussed below.

34

8.3.

Conflicts regarding canal ownership

In Bangladesh, there are government (khas) canals that can be allocated to poor and landless for fishing. According to the BWDB SO, the government can lease the khas canals but the BWDB and related WMOs may not lease them. These khas canals can thus either be leased legally, or be grabbed illegally. Both legal and illegal ways of taking the control of canals, will be referred to as leasing since the status of a khal can be under dispute. For instance, according to the IPSWAM CO, though this process may be seen as legal, it is dominated by influential elites and those with political connections to the ruling political party. Examples of leased canals include Amtola khal, Katiangla khal, Jadur khal, Hariar khal, Taltola khal, Boirakhali, Balar and Diar khal. Khalishabunia village provided an example of legal occupation of government canals, where villagers bought the khals through auction. In some other cases, individuals apply for the leases. This is the case for example for canals in Andaria village. The villagers are not informed about the legal details of the lease, only that influential people control the canals. In Kismot Fultola for example, local elites and politicians formed a fake club called Youth Development to take the lease of a canal, as there is a preference to give leases to youth clubs. There are also examples of canals that have been occupied illegally, also known as khal grabbing. The Haniar canal in Khalishabunia was occupied forcefully and a legal court case was filed against the perpetrator. He presented several false deeds and lost the litigation. However, even after this man left the polder, the canal is still occupied. Similarly, an ex-landlord in Shoilmary controls the Taltola canal (this canal flows from Shoilmary river and ends at Kata canal). Katiangla khal (after SL#14), Amtola canal and Jadur canal (SL#25, or Angulbunia)) are also grabbed by force despite their intended use for landless. According to Kartik Roy, two local influential people have illegally grabbed Jadur khal and use the gate for their own benefit (pond for fish, closing sluice gate to make own house) and operating the gate in a way that ruins peoples crops. Their operation has led to 1200 bigha land becoming inundated. Similar problems of grabbed canals leading to inundated fields have been found in Batiaghata canal (SL#1) and Taltola canal (Shoilmary). The blocking of canals for fishing by leaseholders and filling the canals with waste to increase leaseholders land area for crop production (e.g. Boirakhali) all result in the disruption of the natural flow of water and lead to problems of drainage. The FGD and KII respondents stated that they are not allowed to use these canals. As such, leasing contributes significantly to water logging in the area and negatively affects general operation and the access and distribution of water to the broader population, as well as access of canals for maintenance and re-excavation. When the WMA has tried to address this at higher administrative levels (Member of Parliament, District Chairman), they have not been able to compete in the level of bribes required. There seems to be a general public demand to remove private leases of canals.

8.4.

Participation, Exclusion and Gender

Discourse on participation When asked what peoples participation in water management means there was a strong tendency to state that all sections of societies should be members of WMGs and participate in water management. Responses such as Fisherman, landless and marginalised people, small and large farmers, ultra poor women should be the member of the committee were common across respondents. Participation was seen as ability to express opinion, working together and taking collective decisions rather than 35

individualistic selfish ones. Jibon, small farmer in Khalishabunia: All classes of people should be involved in water management in a polder. All opinions should be valued. Decisions should be taken together regarding projects and activities. Reality of participation in the polder The inclusion of all forms of local stakeholders was a key focus of IPSWAM and was promoted through WMGs and WMAs. Though the WMGs tend to work better and operate based on needs and cooperation between villages, the WMA itself and the executive committees consist of people who are not involved directly with agricultural activities. As such they have been unable to properly understand the needs of farmers. Yet after the ending of IPSWAM, the condition of canals and the current operation of sluice gates, particularly in Gangarampur show that there is a great exclusion of general people in the management of water infrastructure as the membership and activities of WMGs are declining. Influential elites and large landowners have taken control of the canals. Whether or not this may be seen as legal or illegal, the canals are being used for individual purposes, the decision-making of the canals are autocratic and re-excavation as hindered. This excludes the inclusion of broader stakeholders in the management of common water resources and severely disrupts the activities and livelihoods of other water users in the areas, whether for agriculture or for fishing in the canals, the latter often being favoured by landless and fishermen. Gender related issues Another participatory focus of IPSWAM was to empower women in decision-making of water related issues. However, the study found that landless women are participating less in the south of the polder in Gangarampur, while women of various classes are participating more in Batiaghata union where WMGs have seen to be more active. In addition, women in the executive committees tend to be of higher socioeconomic status are well connected (via their relatives) and have received training and become more vocal and confident to express their opinions and participate actively in water management decisions.The landless women in Andaria village in the southeast (Gangarampur union), on the other hand claimed that they were not given access to information about the formal WMOs, even during the IPSWAM project) and felt that no one would listen to them as they were women and did not own land. If anybody from us [LCS] is involved in this committee [WMG] than she would hear our voice. She would put importance to our opinions (Labonno, LCS, Andaria). Yet, participation has been limited to only one representative per household, as some women may prefer male relatives to attend public meetings (husband, or if they are staying with others after a divorce, widowhood). In addition, the distance and opportunity cost of participating may be too high for poorer women. To these women water management was conceptualised as drinking water. To use water in cultivation we have to live first. Some of the women stated that they would have to fetch water by walking 30 minutes one way and that the closest tube well was saline contaminated. Thus, these women struggle every day to fetch drinking water from long distances. They have been unable to solve this problem stating that the Union Parishad Members and Chairman discriminates against them based on their gender, religion (Hindu) and low economic status. In addition, their village (Andaria, SL#16) is remotely placed and they see that those with greater ability to bribe will obtain tubewells first. There are very few employment opportunities for women in the polder, though earthwork through LCS has been seen as good income generating scheme. However, there are some problems also with the LCS. For example, the past six months they have been unable to obtain payment for their employment in rural roads maintenance despite complaints to LGED. One might therefore argue that the gender impact on women in the polder differs based on geography (union) as well as social class.

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9. CONCLUSION
Polder 30 was built in the early 1970s. The construction of the embankment dramatically changed agricultural productivity, livelihoods and community management. The cropping pattern in the polder is now dominated by a 2 crops farming system. Sesame is a common second crop cultivated in dry season after paddy in kharif. This system is possible thanks to high elevated land and a low level of salinity. Though aquaculture is also present in the polder, this culture is far from being dominant and is mainly focused on fresh water fishes. The physical infrastructure of the polder is weakened by the lack of maintenance, siltation and river erosion. Similar problems have been emphasised for the sluice gates subject to siltation and/or to technical problems. Gaps in the design of the gates in a changing hydrological context have also been mentioned. In addition, a major problem is the siltation of canals. This problem is also related to leasing (or canal grabbing), as influential elites controlling such canals may either filled them further or hinder re-excavation. This in turn leads to drainage congestion and in many cases there have reported problems of waterlogging inundating large areas of agricultural land. In term of institutions, the BWDB is involved in the polder since the construction of the embankment and was also active in construction and rehabilitation work during the IPSWAM project. However, since the end of the project BWDB seems to be less active in the polder and not working through water management organisations. The WMA created during IPSWAM is now mainly inactive and does not conduct maintenance as in the past. In contrast, local management groups, WMG, are still active through gate committees. In general, these gates committees are decision-makers and operators for the operation of gates. However, in some gates, they have been replaces by influential elites and/or Union Parishad, especially in Gangarampur Union. Finally, when the canals are leased, the leasers tend to operate the associated gate by themselves. In terms of maintenance, the work done during the IPSWSAM project is seen as superficial and insufficient. Since the end of the project, major maintenance works as re-excavation of the canals have been scarce, UP have done some works through rural employment schemes but this is considered as limited. BWDB tends to work through external contractors rather than through WMGs and local people. Similarly mud is not packed regularly on the embankment. Minor maintenance work as small reparation on the sluice gates takes place through WMG using membership funds or contributions from local landowners. The consequence of the situation of the polder is reflected in the conflicts. First, the issues between high and low elevated lands still exist even if they tend to be solved during gate committees meetings. Then the role of the local elite is challenges by the community as their voice cannot prevail for decision making. Finally canals grabbing and leasing has exacerbated inequalities in water access and water logging problems for farmers as autocratic decisions take place rather than collective decisions as seen in gate committees.

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When the respondents were asked how they envisaged their village ten years from now (2022) if water management continues as usual, the scenario was bleak. Due to silted canals, weakened and lower embankments and small, silted gates many feared that the polder would be inundated only within a few years and that agricultural produce would not be possible.
If things continue as they are now, water logging will be permanent in my village within 10 years. Crop cultivation will be affected. Our staying will be very tough. (UP Chairman Gangarampur Canals will be fully filled up. There will be no way to drain in water. There will no drainage system. (Single female headed household and WMA EC, Batiaghata)

Re-excavation of rivers and canals were seen as two major priorities to address waterlogging and threat against livelihoods (crops and fish). Another problem identified was the private use of canals that would not allow water to be distributed broadly. The following suggestions are based on what needs to change to address the problems mentioned by the community members and to prevent this bleak business as usual scenario from taking place. i. The maintenance of the embankment and of the sluice gates is a daily issue and should be done more regularly, for this, sources of funding have to be identified since the local funds are insufficient. The same problem arises for the re-excavation of the canal, needing regular work and where re-excavation is much deeper than has been done to date. ii. The involvement of community members in operation and in maintenance activities is also a main question. Some villagers mentioned that the active members of the WMG need incentives to pursue their work for the community, some participants suggest giving them a salary. But in some other villages, the importance of voluntary service to protect the common interest has been enhanced. iii. Then a broader access to the resource and to the decision making is asked, this demand target especially the role of the elites and the private use of the canals. iv. Finally, some small actions can be undertaken to avoid damage on the infrastructure, for example gates and especially doors should be treated to prevent rust from salinity. A regular monitoring and small minor repairs on the gates would also prevent major technical problems.

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A. ANNEX 1: INSTITUTIONS IN WATER GOVERNANCE

i) Government Agencies
Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) The Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) is the main implementing agency of water infrastructure projects in Bangladesh. As per the National Water Policy (Ministry of Water Resources, 1999) it is responsible for polders larger than 1000 ha. For this purpose, BWDB has special wing in the district level headed by senior engineer called Executive Engineer (Operation and Maintenance). Prior to the BWDB restructuring of 1998, there were government employed gatemen (khalashis) who would operate the gates and communicate with the BWDB. This system has been abolished where instead it is intended that Water Management Organizations, or communities, should take over this responsibility. As already mentioned, IPSWAM project was implemented in Polder 30. It was aimed at helping to establish a methodology for BWDB to engage directly with community participation. It was located under the Directorate of Planning III of the BWDB. It consisted both of BWDB engineers and external project consultants who would facilitate the communication between BWDB and communities on consultation on engineering design and construction. Role in Emergency: BWDB may receive an emergency budget for major repair works caused by cyclones such as Aila and Sidr. Only in Khalishabunia village was it mentioned that BWDB came the day after Aila struck to help in the reconstruction of the embankment. This may reflect that the embankment did not break in many places in the polder. Local Government Engineering Department (LGED) Polder 30 is above the size of 1000 ha and thus falls under BWDB responsibility. Consequently, LGEDs role in the polders is limited to the Rural Roads Employment Scheme (REMS) and the creation of Labour Contracting Societies. These groups were created during IPSWAM and worked for LGED once IPSWAM had ended. Union Parishad: a Local Government Institution Rural governance in Bangladesh comprises of a three tier local government system of which Union Parishad is the grassroots local government institution and its immediate upper tier is Upazila Parishad. Polder 30 has two Union Parishads in Gangarampur Union and Batiaghata Union that both fall under the administrative boundary of Batiaghata Upazila, Khulna. Drinking water: The Union Parishad installed deep tubewells in Gangarampur union through first collecting local contributions at household level. There needs to be at least 10 households sharing one tubewell. Emergency: During disasters the Union Parishad tends to compensate people for their work through grains or food sometime after the repairs. It seems that villagers are able to organise themselves for immediate repairs with or without the UP chairman. Role of Union Parishad in IPSWAM: The Union Parishad has no formal mandate in polder management in the Guidelines for Participatory Water Management (Ministry of Water Resources, 2001). In the National Water Policy it is only required to raise awareness on drinking water and sanitation. In IPSWAM, the Union Parishad was to advise WMOs. However, it was found that the Union Parishad members and Chairmen tend to be active in polder management; this will be discussed in Section 7. 39

Role of Upazila Nirbahi Officer and District Committee/MP The role of the upper level local government institutions of Upazilas and Districts is to coordinate between different government agencies and projects active in their areas. They are also to assist the Union Parishad for issues they cannot handle alone, as for instance funding required for various development activities (drinking water, emergency, roads maintenance) and coordination at the higher levels. Since Polder 30 consists of two different unions, the Upazila office would coordinate between the two if any issues were to arise, as in for instance conflicting requirements in the operation of sluice gates. It was noted by the Fish businessman in Batiaghata Union that if they face any water problem they inform this straight to the Upazila Chairman who had introduced a 60 days development program. Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) The Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) is responsible for the dissemination of agricultural technology, information and relevant services to farmers and other stakeholders down to village level. It is the largest department under the Ministry of Agriculture having their extension officer down to village level (one extension officer called Sub Assistant Agriculture Officer for a cluster of villages called Block). In polder 30, the DAE was seen as assisting farmers with paddy cultivation. One Agriculture Worker has been recruited for each union. If community members inform them about any problem related to agriculture, they attempt to solve the issue. DAE occasionally visit the area on their own accord, provide training for men and women and try to cooperate with the IPSWAM WMOs. They provide trainings on new technologies and motivate farmers to improve agricultural productivity. The KII with the Upazila Agriculture Officer (UAO) reflected the integrated nature between the work of DAE and polder management. He was well aware of the various water management problems, including the gate condition, silted canals and rivers and problems with design. He vented some frustration that he [DAE] lacked the mandate to address these things, despite their impact on agriculture. Despite this constraint, DAE has re-excavated some canals and are trying to increase this through the Bangladesh Agriculture Development Corporation (BADC) funds. Department of Fisheries (DoF) The Department of Fisheries (DoF) is responsible for the dissemination of fisheries resource conservation and aquaculture technology and is situated under the Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock. DoF provides training on fisheries and how to do combined cultivation of paddy and fish. They provide support to fish cultivators in the area and assist them if there are any problems. The fish farmer in Hoglabunia had received training from DoF and finds them accessible whenever he is in any need of assistance or advice during his cultivation. Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE) The Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE) is the national lead agency for provision of drinking water supply and waste management throughout the rural areas. Drinking water was identified as the most important use of water, yet respondents were not able to give any information of interactions with the DPHE. Rather, they would contact the Union Parishad and request deep tubewells or piped water supply systems to access safe drinking water. In Batiaghata union the drinking water situation seemed ok, while in Gangarampur the poor LCS members had to walk for an hour each day to fetch water. The deep tubewells closest to them were contaminated with salinity.

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ii) NGOs
NGOs ASA, BRAC, Grameen Bank, Proshika, BRIS, Rupantar, Shushilan, RRF, BRDB, Prodipan, Heed Bangladesh, Nijera Kori, Samaj Progoti Shangha, CCEC, CNS, Grameen Shakti, JSS, RSF, Uttaran, LOKOS, HYSAWA, Proshar, AOSED, JICA Emergency: During Sidr and Aila the NGOs provided wheat, rice and lentils. Participation: It was perceived by the poorer and landless respondents that NGOs are better at listening to people and their needs compared to government agencies such as the Union Parishad. NGOs are seen as less corrupt. Micro-credit and loans: NGOs as source of micro-credit and that is their most common function, though interest rates are seen as high. Social welfare: Rupantar is the most active NGO on violence against women and trafficking. Agriculture: LOCOS provides training on agriculture and vegetable cultivation. BRAC provides training and inputs to farmers. Drinking water and Sanitation: HYSAWA is the biggest NGO in Gangarampur and provides deep tubewells Role of NGOs in water management: Some participants, especially in Gangarampur union, have suggested that NGOs should take responsibility for water management since BWDB is corrupted. Others have suggested they should work together with Union Parishads and hold a monitoring function. NGOs have not played a significant role in polder governance so far.

iii) Private actors

Gazi Fish, Chak Shoilmary village, Batiaghata Gazi Fish Company cultivates Pangash fish and is located at the northern side beside the Salta river of Purbokhona of the south Sholmari. Through both FGDs and KIIs it became clear that Gazi Fish is setting up pipes from the Salta River. Successful Fish and Sesame farmer, Hoglabunia village, Batiaghata Palash Bala is an award winning fish farmer (Pangash, Tilapia, white fish and bagda) who also cultivates paddy and sesame. He supplies water for his fish through his three private deep tubewells (22000 tk/machine) and water from a public canal (not clear if it is Balar khal). The cultivation of bagda gher is mentioned as limited and has its own pipes and inlet system to drain out water.

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B. ANNEX 2 INSTITUTIONS: GENERAL INFORMATION

Authority Organization Upazila Bureaucracy: UNO office headed by the UNO Concerned Ministry Ministry of Establishment Field Presence Up to Upazila level. Relevant Functions * General administration * Development coordination * Conflict resolution Constraints * Inadequate manpower * Low skills of stall * Bureaucratic orientation * Lacks public accountability * Political interference * Inadequate manpower * Low skills of stall * Bureaucratic orientation * Lacks public accountability * Political interference * Upazilla level office nonfunctional * Gateman recruitment stopped but alternative measure to O&M by communities not introduced * Inadequate manpower if no project on-going * Political interference Suggested remedial measures * Reorientation * Freedom to act professionally, neutrally, guided by law *Enhanced public accountability * Reorientation * Freedom to act professionally, neutrally, guided by law *Enhanced public accountability * Repair, reconstruct polder * Transform BWDB from just line ministry control to a people oriented institution * Freedom to act professionally, neutrally, guided by law *Enhanced public accountability * Local government strengthening

Upazila Land Office headed by the Assistant Commissioner, Land

Ministry of Land

Up to Upazila level.

* Khas land and khas jolmohal management * Leasing out of khas land, khas jolmohal *Develop and maintain polder infrastructure * Implement national water policy in the field level * Plan, implement and maintain rural infrastructure (rural roads, bridge, culvert market, ghat etc) * Plan and implement small water sector projects upto 1000 ha in cooperation with local bodies and communities * Provide technical support (design, supervision, accounting) to local government bodies to develop, operate and maintain local infrastructure area) * Provide technical advice * Assist distribution of input subsidies, agr loan etc. * Report on acreage, production etc

Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB)

Ministry of Water Resources

Effectively up to district level

Local Government Engineering Department (LGED)

Ministry of Local Government Rural Development and Cooperatives

Up to Upazila level.

Department of Agriculture Extension (DAE)

Ministry of Agriculture

Effectively up to Upazila level

* Sub Assistant Agriculture * Low skills of employees * Political interference * Elite capture of khas jolmohal/

* Establish Union based farmers information and service centre (FIAC) * Ensure presence of SAAOs in the FIAC

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Department of Fisheries (DoF)

Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock

Up to Upazila level

Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE)

Ministry of Local Government Rural Development and Cooperatives Ministry of Local Government

Up to Upazila level.

* Provide technical advice to fish/ shrimp farmers * Conserve fisheries resources * Inspect quality of shrimp fry supplied to farmers, hygienic condition of fish/shrimp landing centre/depots, quality of shrimp going to processing centre * regulation of shrimp farming so that it is not damaging environment * Khas jol mohal lease, management. * Report on fisheries/ shrimp area production etc Support water supply and sanitation - Tube Well - Pond sand filters - Rain water harvest - Ring slab latrine 38 functions - provision and maintenance of rural infrastructure (include roads, canals, dykes, small scale water management) - provision and maintenance of water supply sources - prevent contamination of water sources - village police - village court, salish

lease * Lack transparency and public accountability * Lack of manpower * Political interference * Lack transparency and public accountability

* Ensure public accountability and where UAO and SAAO must report to Upazilla and UP chair respectively * Introduce local extension agent in fisheries (LEAF) as recommended by the Fourth Fisheries Project (as a community managed but government supported extension system) * Ensure public accountability and where UAO and SAAO must report to Upazilla and UP chair respectively

* Political interference * Lack transparency and public accountability * Low coordination with other departments - Bureaucratic and political interference by DC/UNO and MP/minister -Lacks support of the government (financial & logistic) -Inability to mobilize financial resources internally - Elite domination

* Inter agency coordination * Better interaction with the communities

Union Parishad (UP)

Nearest to people

- Local government strengthening by the government - Government to support not control local government. - Involve civil society organizations/NGOs to buildup capacity of the UP and raise public awareness

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