Numarul 2 Complet

REPERE.
Revist de tiinele Educaiei Numrul 2/2009
STUDII TEORETICE
SABER LOCAL Y SABER GLOBAL, EN EL CONTEXTO DE LA GLOBALIZACIN

Jos Marn* FPSE, Universit de Genve
Rezumat Lumina si adevarul un apartin nimanui si este foarte bine ca lucrurile stau asa. Perceptia optica a realitatii /adevarului nu este in mod necesar ceea ce avem in fata ochilor nostri. De aceea este foarte important sa defocalizam perceptiile si sa construim o viziune globala, care sa fie insotita de ideea de Totalitate, relationata cu toate partile. Aceasta viziune globala este numita de indigenii amazonieni ochi de peste si corespunde unei viziuni de 360. Articolul analizeaza relatiile fundamentale intre cunoasterea locala si cunoasterea globala, in contextul Globalizarii si influentele pe care aceste aspecte le exercita asupra educatiei.
INTRODUCCION La luz y la verdad no pertenecen a nadie y es mejor que as sea . La percepcin ptica de la realidad / la verdad de un objeto o sujeto, no es necesariamente, lo que tenemos frente a nuestros ojos. sta, puede encontrarse a la izquierda, a la derecha o detrs de nuestra percepcin. Es por este motivo, que es muy importante que desfocalicemos nuestras percepciones y construyamos una visin global, que sea acompaada de la idea de una Totalidad, relacionada con todas sus partes. Esta visin global, es denominada por los indgenas amaznicos, ojo de pescado y corresponde a una visin global de 360.Igualmente, la luz no puede ser la propiedad de nadie, ella vive en el brillo de los ojos de los nios. La luz tambin existe en los reflejos del agua y respira en la piel de las hojas de los rboles del bosque. La luz es como la verdad, todos poseemos un poco de luz, cada quien posee un poco, una parte, un fragmento. Si queremos que nazca el nuevo amanecer, debemos juntar todos los fragmentos de luz y unir toda la energa, que todos poseemos, para que vuelva a nacer la vida. Pensar en la relacin de los conocimientos locales y los conocimientos globales, en un contexto determinado, nos lleva a estudiar la historia de las relaciones de poder, entre las culturas dominantes y las culturas dominadas. Saber es poder, es una afirmacin que resume esta premisa. El saber, es un sustento de la dominacin en todos los territorios de las actividades humanas. En el proceso de poder. actual de la globalizacin, la dominacin del saber tecnolgico, es simblicamente determinante en las relaciones
REPERE. Revist de tiinele Educaiei Numrul 2/2009
Existe una larga historia de valorizacin y de desvalorizacin de los conocimientos, que han marcado la relacin entre culturas dominantes y culturas dominadas, que se reproducen en los sistemas educativos impuestos desde la poca de la dominacin colonial y post-colonial. La escuela oficial, se encarg de transmitir la visin del mundo, la lengua y la cultura dominante y fue una institucin eficaz, para reducir, denigrar y marginalizar las lenguas, las visiones del mundo y los saberes locales. En el contexto de Amrica Latina, la Santa Inquisicin, fue un smbolo de esta poca. La iglesia y la escuela tuvieron la funcin, con la evangelizacin y la alfabetizacin, de imponer una visin del mundo y determinados conocimientos valorizados por la cultura dominante. Reflexionar sobre este tema, nos lleva a plantearnos algunas preguntas : Quin determinan el valor de un conocimiento y le otorgan un carcter universal ? Cules son los conocimientos reconocidos, que forman parte de la cultura dominante ? Quines no reconocen y marginalizan ciertos conocimientos, o los reducen a un valor local, o terminan por folklorizar, los saberes dominados ? Cul es la visin del mundo que sustenta la interpretacin y el contenido de los conocimientos. Cules son las relaciones entre los conocimientos, precisando, si estos responden a nuestras necesidades y a nuestros intereses. Tratar de establecer las relaciones fundamentales entre los conocimientos locales y conocimientos globales, en el contexto actual de la Globalizacin, nos lleva a reflexionar sobre el sentido de la funcin de la educacin. Actualmente, necesitamos repensar y cuestionar las teoras, los conceptos y las metodologas del aprendizaje, que nos permitan dar los elementos necesarios para poder reflexionar sobre la didctica, en relacin con los contextos locales y globales en los que se inscribe, cada realidad. Necesitamos superar la fragmentacin del conocimiento, para reunir las partes con la totalidad, como condicin primera, para encontrar las mejores formas de transmitir los conocimientos. Para abordar esta problematica de una manera introductoria, trataremos brevemente, sobre el contetxo histrico de la Globalizacin, en el que se inscriben las relaciones entre los conocimientos locales y globales, en el intento de repensar las alternativas, para imaginar una educacin, capaz de adaptarse a las necesidades y a los intereses de nuestras sociedades.
La globalizacin, los conceptos, las interpretaciones las paradojas y los desafos : Los conceptos La globalizacin : Es la traduccin castellana del trmino ingls Globalization , empleada en los Estados Unidos de Norte Amrica, a principios de los aos 1980. Originalmente, este concepto se refiere a una supuesta liberacin planetaria de los intercambios econmicos. Desde los aos de 1990, este trmino se ha
enriquecido y se aplica ms all del campo econmico, en la informacin y en el dominio de la cultura, entre otros. Actualmente la Globalizacin est asociada a la hegemona de la geopoltica de los Estados Unidos. La Globalizacin est sustentada en la ideologa neoliberal, que impone una libertad de empresa, para beneficiarla con ventajas fiscales y arancelarias, preconiza igualmente, el libre empleo, que en la realidad, se traduce por la precarizacin de las condiciones de trabajo y defiende el libre intercambio econmico y financiero. Este proceso, tericamente se traducira en la especializacion de cada pas en funcin de sus ventajas comparativas y en una division internacional del trabajo. Todos estos postulados no resisten un mnimo de anlisis por sus mltiples incoherencias ya demostradas en la realidad (Stiglitz, 2002). La Deslocalizacin : Se denomina as, al desplazamiento de la produccin industrial haca los pases con bajos salarios y mejores ventajas fiscales. Este fenmeno es un producto de la Globalizacin y es sinnimo de desindustrializacin y de la destruccin del mercado de trabajo y el aumento de la desocupacin y la exclusin en los pases industriales. Este proceso, ya provoca profundas mutaciones econmicas, sociales y culturales en los pases industriales. La precarizacin de grandes sectores sociales, representa un gran desafo par la dignidad huimana. Los movimientos Antiglobalizacon : Movimiento que tiene sus origenes, en el desmantelamiento de la ex- Unin de Repblicas Socialistas Soviticas (URSS) realizado en los aos 90. Se opone a las privatizaciones, de los sectores pblicos, como la salud, la educacin y los servicios sociales, que son concebidos por la Globalizacin Neoliberal, como mercancias que deben ser gestionadas por el mercado, con una total perdida de la dimensin social y humana. A estas proposiciones se opone este Movimiento, en el campo ecolgico, econmico, social y cultural. Sus acciones polticas, denuncian las consecuencias perversas y las paradojas que provoca la globalizacin. Esta oposicin es expresada por diferentes organizaciones no gubernamentales y por las iniciativas ciudadanas, como las de Porto Alegre. La Globalizacin y sus interpretaciones : Interpretacin histrica referente a los diferentes episodios de la dominacin occidental, desde el inicio del colonialismo el post-colonialismo y la actual dominacin hegemnica occidental, en Africa, Amrica, Asia y Oceana. Interpretacin desde la perspectiva del respeto de la Biodiversidad, como sustento vital para todos los seres vivientes y como condicin para asumir el desafo ecolgico.
Interpretacin cultural, como necesidad de respetar la diversidad cultural y la pluralidad, en tanto, condiciones necesarias para cohabitar democrtica e interculturalmente en la sociedad humana. Interpretacin social, referente a la ausencia de un modelo de sociedad viable, como respuesta a las mutaciones y paradojas provocadas por la Globalizacin, includas toda la problemtica de la exclusion y el desafo de la dignidad humana Interpretacin econmica, de la dimensin econmica y financiera de la imposicin del capitalismo a escala mundial Interpretacin geopoltica, acerca de la hegemonia geopoltica que a nivel planetario que ejercen los Estados Unidos, en trminos polticos y militares. La actual invasin y destruccin de Irak, es un ejemplo Interpretacin humanista en relacin a los principios ticos y a los fundamentos esenciales de la dignidad humana. . Intrepretacin demogrfica, que concierne a las migraciones, provocadas por las mutaciones y el orden injusto, que provoca la Globalizacin del sistema capitalisa. Interpretacin cultural, frente a la tendencias de dominio cultural que impone la Globalizacin, a travs del control de la informacin y las comunicaciones. Este aspecto, plantea actualmente, grandes desafios a la educacin, en trminos de visin del muindo, sistema de valores, identidades y referencias, en el cuadro de las relaciones entre lo local lo global. Las Paradojas de la Globalizacin y las incontestables evidencias de la ausencia de un proyecto de sociedad viable La lista de estas paradojas, ha sido elaborada con algunas reflexiones del autor y en gran medida, inspiradas, por el Informe de la 46 Conferencia Internacional de Educacin de la UNESCO : Aprender a vivir juntos : Hemos fracasado ? (UNESCO, 2003). Las paradojas son producidas, en gran medida, por los efectos perversos de la globalizacin, La primera paradoja Tiene lugar entre la apertura a un desarrollo compartido entre los pases industriales y la destruccin de potencialidades de desarrollo, en particular en las naciones menos favorecidas. El incremento del comercio internacional, las oportunidades de movilidad personal y el avance extraordinario de las telecomunicaciones ofrecen, entre otros aspectos, una base material para la vida en comn. Sin embargo, la forma como se promueve la Globalizacin, provoca problemas graves en muchos lugares del mundo. Estos problemas, se articulan, sobre todo, en la destruccin del medio ambiente y en el deterioro de la calidad de vida de millones de habitantes de todos los continentes, acentundose las distancias entre ricos y pobres. La segunda paradoja
Consiste en la profunda contradiccin que se d, entre la proliferacin de los conocimientos cientficos y tecnolgicos y los desequilibrios que provocan en las reas en las que se aplican. Las formas de produccin y de consumo energtico del siglo XXI, la modernizacin transferida del Norte al Sur, el crecimiento de la poblacin en ciertas regiones del mundo producen efectos perversos y serios daos en el medio ambiente (UNESCO, 2003). Un buen ejemplo de esta paradoja es la cuenca amaznica, cuyos bosques se extienden sobre 5.5 millones de kilometros cuadrados (casi el equivalente de una vez y media, el actual territorio de la Comunidad Europea de los 25 pases). La cuenca amaznica est repartida entre 9 pases, de los cuales el Brasil posee el 70%. Incendios involuntarios y deforestacin han destrudo ms de 630,000 kilometros cuadrados desde 1970, el equivalente de dos veces el territorio italiano. El ao 2003, ms de 24,000 kilometros cuadrados han sido deforestados, el equivalente a la isla de Sardea. La desvastacin es provocada por la expansin de cultivos agroindustriales como la soya, la ganaderia y la deforestacin (Allemand, 2004). La biotecnologa avanza en la construccin de conocimientos para resolver problemas muy diversos, pero se desconocen las consecuencias y los efectos posteriores de sus aplicaciones. La aplicacin de estas tecnologas, en reas de la produccin de alimentos tienen que tener en cuenta, estos riezgos.
La tercera paradoja En la etapa actual, se dispone de un desarrollo a nivel internacional de conocimientos, que podran mejorar considerablemente la calidad de la vida de toda la humanidad, pero que no se aplican, ni se aprenden de forma equitativa. Casi mil millones de personas viven sin acceso al agua potable ; 2,400 millones no tienen acceso a la sanidad bsica ; ms de dos millones mueren al ao debido a la contaminacin ambiental y 34 millones sobreviven con el SIDA o VIH (PNUD, 2001, pag. 11). En solo dos aos, el porcentaje de la poblacin mundial que utiliza internet, pas de 2,4 a 6,7 ; mientras que, por ejemplo, en Suecia, Estados Unidos y Noruega, esa cifra se eleva en ms del 50%. En China, Africa del Sur y Brasil est por debajo del 10%, y en muchos pases pobres, esa cifra se eleva a 0%. La brecha en el uso de las nuevas tecnologas de la informacin es acumulativa, con diferencias en el acceso a la electricidad, los tractores, el telfono y otras innumerables tecnologas del siglo XX (PNUD, 2001 : 42-43). La cuarta paradoja Nunca antes, la humanidad produjo tanta riqueza, pero nunca antes tampoco tanta desigualdad. En 1990, 2.718 millones de personas (es decir el 45% de la poblacin mundial, vivan con menos de 2 dlares por da ; en 1998 eran 2,800 millones (Banco Mundial, 2001 : 29). Actualmente se estima que 1.200 millones de personoas viven con menos de un dlar por da.
Actualmente, bajo estas condiciones, cada vez ms, asistimos a una emigracin desesperada, a nivel planetario, desde los pases ms pobres hacia los paises ricos. El espejismo de la migracin, como opcin para mejorar la calidad de la vida, remplaza al mito del desarrollo, propuesto por los pases ricos, como solucin a la pobreza en los aos sesenta. El caso trgico de la emigracon del norte del Africa hacia Europa y la situacin de los inmigrantes clandestinos en los Estados Unidos, es entre otros, uno de los dramas humanitarios contemporneos ms importantes y constituye un gran desafo para todos nosotros ; el desafo, de asumir el respeto de la dignidad humana. Cada vez ms personas jovenes y educadas, abandonan sus lugares de origen para buscar -con o sin xito- una mejor calidad de vida, all donde es posible. Las migraciones siempre han enriquecido a los pases, pero representan igualmente un gran desafo y crean nuevos dramas y problemas. Los pobres buscan en los pases ricos, espacios de sobrevivencia, que no son siempre acogedores, ni generosos. Los casos de racismo y de xenofobia que sufren los inmigrantes son innumerables. La historia de las migracines, han marcado la historia de la humanidad. Actualemente, con el fenmeno de la deslocalizacin y la destruccin del mercado de trabajo en los pases ricos, muchos de sus pobladores sern obligados igualmente a emigrar.
La quinta paradoja Cmo asumir la diversidad cultural ? Cmo respetar las diferentes visiones del mundo, las diversas creencias religiosas ? Cmo asumir la multiculturalidad de nuestras sociedades ? Cmo asumir nuestra pluralidad y convivir juntos, respetndo nuestras diferencias, sin llegar a los extremos de la perversidad del racismo, la xenofobia y la marginalidad. Estas son, las grandes preguntas a responder hoy en dia, y constituyen, entre otros, los grandes desafos actuales. La educacin en este contexto, tiene un grandesafo a asumir. La globalizacin presentada como una gran apertura, nos amenaza con la uniformidad cultural y pone en peligro la preservacin de la diversidad cultural, despertando conflictos y repliegues identitarios y nacionales, facilitando as, la emergencia de las inevitables consecuencias de la intolerancia y el racismo. Actualmente, el racismo, en el contexto europeo, constituye una ideologia poltica de masas (Marin, 2002, 2003) No solo se rechazan las culturas, lo mismo ocurre con los idiomas maternos. La lengua, tiene una extraordinaria importancia, ya que es la que, con la nominacin organiza el conocimiento de nuestros ecosistemas. La lengua, es vital para construir nuestras identidades y expresar nuestra percepcin del mundo y la de nuestras sociedades.
La dominacin cultural y lingstica, conlleva a una prdida del patrimonio cultural de toda la humanidad. La imposicin del ingls como lengua vehicular, empobrece las culturas y las lenguas locales. La sexta paradoja En 1980, 81 pases dieron pasos significativos para la democracia y 33 regmenes militares fueron remplazados por gobiernos civiles, se hizo ms transparente la presencia y la injerencia de las ONGs (PNUD, 2002 :10). Pero la posibilidad de realizar la democracia, encuentra grandes obstculos. Es evidente el debilitamiento de los Estados- Nacin, como modelos polticos para organizar el Estado, frente a la emergencia de los poderes y las instituciones transnacionales, que controlan los nuevos sectores del poder de la finanza, de la informacin y de las comunicaciones, que determinan las decisiones del poder poltico sobre la sociedad. El caso de la crsis argentina, es un buen ejemplo de esta dramtica realidad (Stiglitz, 2002 ; UNESCO, 2003 ; Lewkowicz, 2003). Entre 1992 y 1995, murieron en Bosnia aproximadamente 200,000 personas y 500.000 en Rwanda en 1994. En la actualidad, la imposicin mililtar de la hegemnia geopoltica de los Estados Unidos, crea la inseguridad en el destino de la humanidad, esta incertitud, se encarna en la tragedia impuesta al pueblo iraqu. La globalizacin y sus paradojas Primeramente, es necesario comprender que la globalizacin actual del sistema econmico capitalista, bajo el signo de la ideologa neoliberal, no es sinnimo de libre comercio , sealar esta premisa, nos permitir comprender las transformaciones sociales, que se estn produciendo en los ltimos veinte aos. Identificamos a la ideologa Neoliberal, con el debilitamiento y el desmantelamiento del Estado, Este proceso histrico implica que, las decisiones ms importantes escapan a la gestin de los gobiernos estatales pretendidamente democrticos. Las desiciones son tomadas de acuerdo con los intereses de las empresas multinacionales y de los organismos internacionales, como el Banco Mundial (BM), el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) y la Organizacin Mundial de Comercio (OMC). La influencia preponderante de estas instituciones sobre la orientacin que debe tomar el desarrollo econmico, social, cultural y educativo del mundo, es uno de los aspectos de la Globalizacin, que es importante que sea sealado y ms investigado (Marin & Dasen, 2004). Los sectores democrticos y todas las instituciones de la sociedad civil tendran que asumir un papel fiscalizador ms importante de este proceso. Necesitamos tener una visin global de nuestras sociedades, para mejor comprender las implicaciones y consecuencias de la Globalizacin sobre las mismas y sobre nuestra vida cotidiana, en nuestros trabajos y en otros sectores importantes, como lo social, la salud pblica y la educacin Los antecedentes historicos de la globalizacin, entendida como un complejo proceso histrico de dominacin, encuentran sus origenes en la colonizacin, de Amrica, de Africa, de Asia y de Oceana.
Este proceso de dominacin, nos muestra la tendencia a universalisar los sistemas econmicos, politicos, religiosos, culturales y educativos. Entre los desafos ms importantes a sealar, podramos pensar en el elevado costo de las nuevas tecnologas Los Desafos El inicio del tercer milenio est marcado por mutaciones econmicas, sociales y culturales
profundas, que cuestionan las certidumbres y las verdades universales impuestas desde hace tanto tiempo y nos obligan a recrear el sentido de la vida y ha imaginar un proyecto de sociedad viable. Entre los desafos ms importantes a sealar, podramos pensar en : El desafo ecolgico, que se traduce por el respeto a la bisfera, por el respeto a la Biodiversidad, que implica evitar toda la destruccin sistemtica de los ecosistemas, por un proceso de industrializacin, que no integr la naturaleza, como factor primordial de la produccin. Los conocimientos cientficos y las tecnologas que sustenban el proceso de industrializacin, ignoraron la capacidad de la naturaleza, para soportar todos los efectos contrarios al mantenimiento de su equilibrio. Repensar el eje vital, NATURALEZA y CULTURA, como fundamento esencial en la construccin del saber cientfico y tecnolgico, nos plantea un gran desafo epistemolgico. La catstrofe de Tchernobyl en Ucrania, en 1986, nos muestra los limites de esta visin del mundo. La ausencia de la naturaleza en el pensamiento cientfico actual, nos explica la incapacidad tecnolgica para controlar la radioactividad, la destruccin de la capa de ozono, el manejo de los desechos industriales y radioactivos, el peligro de las manipulaciones biogenticas y sus conseceuncias posteriores. El uso irracional de tecnologas, en cuya concepcin est ausente, la dimensin ecolgica, se encuentran al orgen de una nueva generacin de enfermedades como la vaca loca . Necesitamos integrar la dimensin ecolgica no solo en terminos de la economa, sino tambin, en todos los dominios donde se construyen el conocimiento. La educacin es el territotio por excelencia, donde puede producirse la reconciliacin entre la naturaleza y la cultura. Evidentemente, este es un aspecto que implica a repensar nuestras visiones del mundo, que se encuentran a la base de un proyecto de sociedad determinado. La preservacin de los climas y el respeto por la biodiversidad, han sido temas de discusin en las reuniones internaionales de Rio de Janeiro en 1992 y ltimamemte en Kyoto, ha contado con la abierta oposicin de los Estados Unidos de Amrica a los acuerdos internacionales, con el pretexto de predervar el cilma y la biodiversidad se opone a su progreso econmico . El desafo tico y el de la dignidad humana
Denigrar las percepciones y los saberes locales, implica igualmente, un proceso que erosiona la dignidad y la identidad de quienes sufren esta agresin. En muchos casos, este proceso de dominacin cultural, lleva a a los dominados a terminar asumiendo su inferioridad Asumir el desafo es primordial, como premisa para afrontar el desafo ecolgico y para asumir la reconstruccin de un nuevo proyecto de sociedad. La capacidad de respetarnos a nosotros mismos y de ser capaces de respetar a los dems, es la base de la construccin de la dignidad humana. Actualmente, la falta de tica se traduce en la corrupcin del sistema politico que se supone debe administrar la democracia. El caso dramtico de la invsin norteamericana y de sus aliados en Irak, pretende justificars en nombre de la imposicin militar de la libertad y de la democracia, que disfraza muy mal una verdadera guerra de saqueo imperial, para apropiarse por la fuerza de los yacimientos petroliferos de ese pas. La dignidad, nos permite ocupar un lugar en la sociedad, sustentada en el reconocimiento y en el respeto de nuestros derechos. Reconocimiento, sobre el cual, se construyen nuestras identidades y a partir de las cuales, logramos dar un sentido a nuestra existencia. La educacin tiene una gran tarea en la proteccin y la preservacin de la dignidad, desde el ambito familiar hasta la escuela. Trabajar contra la denigracin o autodenigracin que impone la dominacin. No olvidemos que denigrar para asegurar la opresin, fue la regla de oro desde la poca de la dominacin colonial. Reconstruir la estima y el respeto que todos necesitamos, es una arda tarea. No solo se valoriza a las personas, si no tambien se debe valorizar sus lenguas, ya que, estas organizan, nominan y explican sus conocimientos, sustento de sus culturas, la lengua explica sus ecosistemas. Reconocer que los otros , tmabin poseen conocimientos, es admitir el valor y la petinencia de sus culturas y es otorgarles una posicin de interlocutores. Todas estas son premisas fundamemtales, par construiir el dilogo, fundamento democratico de la educacin.
El desafo social y econmico El desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologas de la informacin, de la comunicacin, de los transportes, caracterizan la actual Globalizacin. La informtica y la robtica han transformado profundamente el paisaje industrial y conocemos la gravedad de las fracturas sociales. La implementacin de estas nuevas tecnologas han reducido o destrudo, en muchos casos, el mercado de trabajo, provocando altos porcentajes de desocupacin, lo que ha provocado una gran destruccin del Tejido social, fragmentando las familias y los individuos, que sufren este proceso de marginalizacin. La prdida de los puestos de trabajo provoca una crsis de identidad, una crsis existencial, ms an todava, en la sociedad industrial, donde la sola identidad que poseen los trabajadores, es su trabajo.
Perder el trabajo, es perder su lugar en la sociedad, perder su lugar en la sociedad puede significar un gran drama, que se extiende igualmente a la familia, que sufre la estigmatizacin que esto implica. Esta exclusin creciente, destruye la dignidad y la identidad de quienes lo sufren. Actualmente, no existe un proyecto de sociedad viable, capaz de responder a los desafos ecolgicos, ticos y a los aspectos concernientes a la dignidad humana. La construccin de un proyecto de sociedad, solo ser posible, si asumimos el respeto de la biodiversidad, de la diversidad cultural, de las diferentes visiones del mundo y de las creencias religiosas, que los diversos pueblos del planeta poseen. El gran desafo es pensar en una sociedad que nos permita SER, para poder realizar nuestras aspiraciones ms nobles y no limitarnos a POSEER ; y a reducirnos a producir y a consumir, como lo hacemos compulsivamente hoy en da.
Desafos de la Globalizacin en el dominio de la educacin Los desafos son mltiples, en la medida que, una gran parte de la referencias y fundamentos sobre los cuales hemos construido nuestros conocimientos, se encuentran en una profunda mutacin. El mundo contemporneo, ha sufrido profundos cambios, el gran desafo para todos nosotros es, construir colectivamente un proyecto de sociedad viable. La sociedad humana necesita reconstruirse y reflexionar sobre la funcin de la educacin en el contexto actual de la Globalizacin. Reflexionar sobre la educacin, construir conocimientos y didcticas para transmitirlos, ya no es ms, la tarea de algunos individuos, sino, una tarea que compromete al conjunto de la sociedad, que se encuentra confrontada a mltiples desafos. La educacin a nivel planetario, es la institucion cultural por excelencia, que responde a la pregunta universal, que se plantea en todas las culturas : cmo transmitir el conocimiento, los sistemas de valores y otras referencias ? Ante este desafo, de imaginar, cmo asumir en el plano educativo, las relaciones entre los conocimientos locales y los conocimientos universales /globales Hay la gran necesidad de plantearse muchas preguntas? Cmo transmitir visiones del mundo, que asocien la naturaleza a la cultura ? Como transmitir una educacin que preserve la biodiversidad, la diversidad cultural, la plurallidad y las diferentes concepciones religiosas. Cmo transmitir sistemas de valores que recreen la solidaridad y refuercen una dimensin humana colectiva, sabiendo que todos necesitamos de los dems.
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Cmo transmitir concepciones que asocien lo global y lo local Cmo transmitir concepciones que asocien las partes al todo Cmo transmitir conocimientos que asocien las proyecciones, las identidades y las transferencias entre lo racional, lo emocional y lo afectivo, concebido como una totalidad. Algunas modestas sugestiones : Definir el contexto local, desde el cual trabajamos, valorizando lo que somos para poder relacionarnos, en las mejores condiciones con lo global. y lo que sabemos,
Sealar la Importancia de definirnos, desde la realidad y desde la prctica, en las que se construyen nuestros conocimientos. Teniendo en cuenta la complejidad y la multidimensionalidad de nuestras sociedades, Proyectarnos desde nuestras referencias espaciales y culturales, desde la biodiversidad, o desde el contexto ecolgico, donde se construyen nuestros conocimientos y desde la rica diversidad cultural que impregna la realidad brasilea. Es fundamental construirnos desde nosotros mismos : Desde nuestra propia auto estima, valorizando lo que somos, como condicion primera, para crecer y construirnos, desde nosotros, desde nuestra realidad, reforzando as, nuestra dignidad, que es fundamental para crecer y proyectarnos. La toma de consciencia histrica, es fundamental para imaginar el futuro. Superar la prdida de la autoestima, est en relacin directa, con la no aceptacin de sus saberes y percepciones connisderas como inferiores saberes locales, pasa por (primitivas o subdesarrolladas). Revalorizar los revalorizar la estima y la dignidad de las personas. La dimensin afectiva
es capital en el trabajo educativo, no solo se transmiten conocimientos, sino tambin afectos, que son portadores del reconocimiento, que todos necesitamos. Algunas preguntas : Cmo construir los conocimientos y cmo transmitirlos, partiendo del contexto natural de nuestros sistemas ecolgicos y de nuestro contexto histrico, cultural, social y poltico ? Cmo proyectarnos en nuestro trabajo educativo, desde nuestros propios sistemas de valores ? Teniendo en cuenta que el proceso de Globalizacin, al privilegiar el individualismo, tiende a pervertir los fundamentos de la solidaridad y de esta manera, busca erosionar los principios de colectividad.
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La ideologa Neoliberal considera que el individuo, es el actor principal de la sociedad, totalmente aislado de los dems, divorciado de la sociedad real en la que vive : El individualismo, encarna un egocentrismo en el que se encarnan los nuevos valores que aseguran el xito, como la competitividad, la movilidad, el pragmatismo, el utilitarismo y la monetarizacin de las relaciones humanas. La concepcin neoliberal , no tiene en cuenta de una realidad, que es la que, el hombre no se construye solo, que todos nosostros nos construimos mutuamente, y que no puede existir el yo sin el t.
2.- Definir lo local y lo global, para construir un conocimiento que explique las relaciones entre la totalidad y las partes y la relaciones e implicancias, que existen entre estas dos dimensiones. Algunas preguntas : Cmo integrar los fragmentos para reconstruir la totalidad y tener en cuenta de toda sus miltiples dimensiones, de su complejidad y de su multiculturalidad? Cmo reconstruir el olho de pesce (ojo de pescado)para recuperar una visin global de 360, lejos de la focalizacin, en la que se nos ha encerrado y limitado tanto tiempo, a travs de la educacin dominante de la racionalidad occidental ? Cmo relacionar en una sola ptica, los conocimientos locales y los conocimiento globales, establecindolos en sus diferentes contextos y buscando construir su complementaridad ? Algunas modestas sugestiones : En la bsqueda de una perspectiva intercultural, que admita la igualdad de los conocimientos, ms all de toda categorizacin y jerarquzacin de los conociemientos, que nos impuso el etnocentrismo de la dominacin cultural occidental. La perspectiva intercultural puede pemitirnos revalorizar los saberes locales y crear las condiciones para un compartir de saberes, para una complementariedad, que vaya ms all de la mezquina realidad de la lgica del saber, traducido como poder. Se trata de asociar los conocimentos producidos por el Occidente, con los conocimientos producidos por las culturas tradicionales, locales o regionales, considerando sus contextos de produccin. Como ejemplo concreto de estas reflexiones cito :
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El caso de la experiencia del Programa de Formacin de Profesores Indgenas en Educacin Bilinge e Intercultural, que actualemnte funciona en Zungarocoha, cerca de la ciudad de Iquitos, en la Amazona peruana. El programa fue fundado en 1986, por la Asociacin Inter-tnica de la Selva Peruana (AIDESEP) y el Instituto Superior Loreto, de la ciudad de Iquitos., Su objetivo principal es, revalorizar las lenguas y los saberes de las culturas indgenas de la Amazona peruana. Esta experiencia educativa es muy importante, en la medida, que nos permite imaginar, cmo asumir las relaciones de los conocimientos locales y los conocimientos universales o globales, utilizando la perspectiva intercultural. El Programa, parte del principio de construir un sistema educativo, capaz de elaborar un programa de estudios, que incorpore los saberes locales indgenas, aportado por los especialistas indgenas, de cada una de las etnias que participan en el programa, asocindolos a los saberes de la educacin occidental (universal / global), que aporta el equipo interdisciplinario de profesores. Los principios en los que se basa este programa son : Asociacin de la educacin tradiciional con la escuela occidental Rechazo a un sistema nico de escuela Rechazo a una oposicin de la educacin tradicional, con la esculea moderna (escuela oficial) Rechazo a una ideologa asistencialista Rechazo de una simple traduccin de la cultura occidental en el marco de la educacin bilinge. Si a una educacion bilinge e intercultural Si a un aprendizaje del castellano como segunda lengua. S a una educacin vinculada a la ecologa (asociando la naturaleza con la cultura). S a una educacin asociada a la realidad socioeconmica, poltica y cultural. (Marin, 2002: 135) Estos fundamentos educativos tratan de evitar las falsas oposiciones, propias a la imposicin de una cultura dominante y buscan la complementaridad, el dilogo de saberes, el inter- aprendizajebasados en la modestia y en la escucha del otro ; en el respeto de la otra cultura y de sus saberes. Estas son las condicines, para construir un programa de este tipo. Una educacin que parte del reconocimiento de todos los actores, respetando sus dignidades y que se funda en el dilogo. Una de la principales originalidades de la revalorizacin de los conocimientos ecolgicos
tradicionales indgenas, puede ser la Propuesta de Regmen de Proteccin de los Conocimientos de los pueblos Indgenas sobre la regulacin, al acceso de los recursos genticos) . El Per es as, uno de los poco pases, con Panam, Bolivia y las Filipinas, que haya propuesto un Regmen sui-generis para preservar conocimientos ancestrales(Galvin, M., 2002).
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Este reconocimiento de conocimientos locales, sobre la biodiversidad de la Amazona, reconocidos globalmente, puede ser quizs un ejemplo para imaginar una relacin democrtica entre Este programa ha obtendo en el 2002, el reconocimento, como uno de los mejores proyectos de la cooperacin internacional de Amrica Latina y este ao de 2004, la Fundacin Andrs Bello, viene de acordarle un premio.
La perspectiva intercultural, se d en un proceso de inter-aprendizaje, sin las perversidades, que cre las relaciones entre culturas dominantes y culturas dominadas (Marin, 2002a) . La ptica intercultural, nos permite crear las condiciones para realizar un dilogo intercultural, que permita el reconocimeinto, de que todos somos capaces de producir conocimientos. Reconocer que cada quien posee un poco de luz, es el principio fundamental para construir la dignidad que todos necesitamos. La Preservacin de la dignidad y la incorporacin de la dimensin afectiva, son esenciales, para realizar en las mejores condiciones, todo aprendizaje. Como pensar desde nosotros, desde los pueblos del Brasil, desde el contexto sudamericano, desde nuestro continente indgena, europeo, africano, asitico y desde nuestro mestizaje cultural, para crecer y construirnos desde lo que somos ? Se trata de reflexionar sobre los efectos nefastos del colonialismo mental, sobre la necesidad de pensar a partir de nuestras realidades y construir la teora, la metodologa y la didctica apropiadas, a nuestras realidades cotidianas, sin negar el valioso aporte del conocimiento terico, metodolgico y didctico de otras realidades.
Algunas preguntas : Cmo relacionar en una sola ptica los conocimientos locales y los conocimientos universales o globales, establecindolos en sus diferentes contextos y buscando sealar los aspectos comunes y vlidos, que nos permitan construir la complementaridad, para evitar todas las falsas y aberrantes oposiciones, que cre la dominacin cultural : Oponer : - la cultura contra la naturaleza , - la cultura escrita y la cultura oral,
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- la intuicin a la racionalidad Como pensar desde nosotros, desde los pueblos del Brasil, desde el contexto sudamericano, desde nuestro continente indgena, africano, europeo, asitico y desde nuestro mestizaje cultural, para crecer y construirnos desde lo que somos ? Cmo crecer desde nuestras races, desde nuestros frutos, desde nuestras realidades y necesidades, abiertos al mundo, como se abren las ramas de una araucaria, para enamorar el horizonte ? Cmo crecer desde nuestras races, desde nuestros flores y nuestros frutos, desde nuestras realidades y desde nuestras necesidades, abiertos al mundo exterior ; cmo pensar localmente para actuar globalmente. Algunas reflexiones finales : Definir la importancia de la historia para comprender los origenes y para saber situarnos en el presente y as, poder vislumbrar los horizontes del futuro. Definir la importancia de la interdisciplinaridad, como la sola posibilidad para recuperar la vision global y manejar el concepto de totalidad, de globalidad y de interculturalidad. Definir los conocimientos locales, en funcin del contexto ecolgico en los que se producen, valorizando su pertenencia y relativizndolos en funcin de la existencia de otros conocimientos, producidos en otros contextos con caracteristicas propias y circunscribirlos a estas realidades.
3.- Concepcin educativa para asociar conocimientos locales y conocimientos globales. Cmo pensar globalmente para actuar localmente
Algunas proposiciones, inspiradas del valioso aporte realizado por Edgar Morin, en sus reflexiones sobre : Los siete saberes necesarios para una educacin del futuro. (Morin, 2000) Educacin para construir una visin global : Utilizacin de una ptica y una prctica interdisciplinaria que nos permita : Abordar la multidimensionalidad de la realidad,
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Tratar de comprender la complejidad Entender y valorizar la diversidad de las inteligencias, para crear las condiciones de un dilogo intercultural, que nos permita compartir conocimientos, en una perspectiva de complementaridad, por ejemplo, entre la medicina tradicional y la medicina occidental. Educacin al error y a la ilusin Educacin a los diferentes tipos de errores Educacin para entender la rigidez de los paradigmas Educacin sobre la incertitud y la dinamicidad del conocimiento Educacin sobre nuestra condicin humana Educacin sobre nuestra condicin csmica Educacin sobre la diversidad humana Educacin Intercultural, que nos permita respetar la diversidad y a la pluralidad de los individuos Valorizacin de la dimension afectiva, fundamental en la transmisin de los conocimientos Educacin a la importancia de la tica Toma de consciencia sobre los desafos ticos, ecolgicos y los retos que debemos asumir para garantizar la dignidad humana. Toma de consciencia sobre los limites de la modernidad Educacin en la necesidad del optimismo y de la esperanza. Educacin a la comprensin : Contra el egocentrismo y el etnocentrismo. Contra todo reduccionismo. Toma de consciencia de la complejidad humana. Interiorizacin de la modestia y de la intolerncia. Educacin por una tica y por la concepccin de una cultura planetaria Educacin poltica del gnero humano, que fomente la participacin y el dilogo entre los ciudadanos, como fundamnto de la educacin.. Educacin politica por una democracia participativa, capaz de hacer vivir los principios de este paradigma, tan evocado y poco practicado. Asociar la democracia, como base para la gestin social y poltica y apoyarnos en la perspectiva intercultural, como base par la gestion de nuestra diversidad cultural.
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Referencias y Bibliografa ALLEMAND, A. (2004). Lula parie sur les industriels pour sauver lAmazonie. La Tribune de Genve, p. 3, 6 de agosto del 2004 BERGER, G., ARDOINO, J, ROCHA, J. Barbier, R. MACEDO, R. (Eds.) (2003). Educaao & Pluralidade. Brasilia: Plano Editora. LEITE GARCIA, R. (Ed.).(2003). Mtodos contramtodo. So Paulo. GALVIN, M. (2002), La poltica peruana de gestin de la biodiversidad : un objetivo de conservacin al servicio del desarrollo, pp. 90-121. In C. AUROI & S. BOSSIO (Eds.). A Dnde va el Per. Balance del Fujimorismo y preguntas para el futuro. Cusco- Genve : CBC / IUED GEERTZ, C. (1986). Savouir ocal savoir global. Les lieux de savoir. Paris : PUF. GIORDAN, A. (1998). Apprendre. Paris : Dbats Belin. LEWKOWICZ, I. (2003). Espacios argentinos. Cacerolazo y subjetividad postestatal. Buenos Aires : Paidos, Colleccin espacios del saber 30. MARIN, J. (2002). Per: Estado e Indigensmo en mutacin. El Caso de la Amazona peruana, pp.123144In C. AUROI & S. BOSSIO (Eds.). A Dnde va el Per. Balance del Fujimorismo y preguntas para el futuro. Cusco- Genve : CBC / IUED MARIN, J. (2003). Globalizacin, Diversidad cultural y prctica educativa In Revista Dilogo Educacional. Programa de Post Graduaao em Educao - PUCPR. Volume 4, Nmero 8, Janeiro/abril, pp. 11-32. MORIN, E. (2000). Os Sete Saberes necessarios Educao do Futuro. 6a editio. Brasilia: UNESCO / Cortez Editora. NAIR. S. (2003). El imperio frente a la diversidad del mundo. Barcelona : Aret. PENA-VEGA, A. ALMEIDA C. R. PETRAGLIA, I. (2003). (Eds) Edgar Morin: Etica, Cultura e Educao. 2 Edio. Brasilia Cortez Editora PERSPECTIVA, Dossi : Estudos sobre a escola : dimenses sociolgicas e politicas. Vol. 22, n.01 pp. 12766, jan./jun. 2004. PNUD (2000). Human Development report 2000. Human rights and human Development. Nueva York: Oxford University Preress PNUD (2001). Informe sobre Desarrollo humano 2001. Poner el Adelanto tecnolgico al servicio del desarrollo humano. Mexico: Ediciones Mundi-Prensa. {Versin en linea(formato PDF):
http://www.undp.org/hdr2001/spanish/consulta: 30 de noviembre de 2003}

PNUD (2002). Informe sobre Desarrollo humano 2002. Profundizar la democracia en un mundo fragmentado. Madrid : Ediciones Mundi-Prensa. {Versin en linea (formato PDF):
http://www.undp.org/hdr2001/spanish/consulta: 30 de noviembre de 2003}.
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RESZLER, A. (1990). Le pluralisme. Une ide dominante de notre fin de sicle. Genve : Institut Universitaire dtudes Europennes / Georg. SANTOS, M. (2000). Por uma outra globalizao do pensamento nico conscincia universal. Rio de Janeiro: Editora afiliada STIGLITZ, J. (2002). El malestar de la Globalizacin. Buenos aires : Editorial Taurus. TORRES SANTOME, J. (2000). A Educaao em tempos de Neoliberalismo. Porto Alegre : opArimed Editora UNESCO (20003). Aprender a vivir juntos: hemos fracasado? Informe de la 46 Conferencia Internacional de la UNESCO. Ginebra : UNESCO / BIE.
PERSPECTIVA SOCIOLOGIEI EDUCAIEI ASUPRA COLII SAU COALA CA ORGANIZAIE

Elena Stanculescu Universitatea din Bucuresti Abstract The purpose of this paper is to analyse the main topics regarding the sociological education on school. In the first chapter were presented theoretical perspectives on school like organization. It has been necessary taking into account themes such as: school burocratic organization, school organization social system, and dinamic model of the school organization (Gamoran, Secada, Marett, 2000). In he second chapter it has been discussed about organizational learning or development school strategy. We concluded that could be very important to explore the sociological aspects of the school, in order to extend the complex understanding of the teaching learning evaluation contexts. Only sociological studies can evidentiate the way in which the relation are structured, how they modify and impact the outcomes in the school settings. 1.1. Noiuni introductive Avnd n vedere c omul este o fiin gregar i o entitate unic n acelai timp, principiul fundamental al oricrui program de educaie este de a armoniza particularitile individuale cu cerinele sociale. Distana dintre experiena formal i cerinele vieii reale a fost semnalat nc din secolul al XVII-lea de ctre Rene Decartes, care se declara nemulumit de faptul c colile iezuite pregteau nite inadaptai social. Acetia acumulaser multe cunotine despre cultura antic, nstrinndu-i-se de epoca n care triau. Nu erau pregtii s neleag complexitatea vieii sociale a timpului lor. Cu toate c astzi se are tot mai mult n vedere conceperea unui sistem de nvmnt care s valorizeze particularitile intelectuale i afective ale unor copii cu personaliti diferite, ajutndu-i s fac fa
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ct mai bine exigenelor sociale, totui este posibil ca coala s nu se adapteze destul de repede la schimbrile care apar permanent. Societatea actual se caracterizeaz printr-o organizare riguroas, n vederea obinerii eficienei maxime ntr-un volum mare de activiti. Organizaiile au rolul de a structura viaa cotidian a oamenilor, ordonnd comportamentele individuale sau colective, elabornd norme, coduri de interaciune socio-uman, care reglementeaz i instituie recompense. coala, la fel ca i alte organizaii complexe, nu este o comunitate autosuficient, ci o structur specializat, avnd funcii clar definite i strns corelate cu alte sisteme. O concepie adecvat aupra colii trebuie s aib n vedere care sunt elementele fundamentale ale acesteia ca sistem social, modul n care sunt organizate pentru a da coeren ntregului, urmrind identificarea granielor colii i a relaiilor de reciprocitate instituite ntre aceasta i societate. Elementele fundamentale nu sunt numai persoanele ce dein anumite roluri, ci comportamentul unui numr mare de actori, organizai n grupuri, a cror coeziune este dat de o reea de relaii interpersonale, gestionate de o structur investit cu autoritate. 1.2. Perspective teoretice asupra colii ca organizaie 1.2.1. coala ca organizaie birocratic Conceptualizarea i evoluia unei structuri birocratice a fost una dintre contribuiile majore aduse de Max Weber (1969). Analizele de specialitate au evideniat c coala ndeplinete condiiile necesare ncadrrii n categoria organizaiilor: diviziunea sarcinilor, distribuirea ierarhic a rolurilor, un sistem de autoritate, menit s asigure respectarea normelor, reproducerea modelelor sale valorice i acionale. Cadrul bine structurat stimuleaz profesorii i elevii s ating scopurile prefigurate, obinnd satisfacii personale. Se nate o ntrebare fireasc: are coala un caracter birocratic? Spaiul educativ este rigid, excesiv de ordonat, ngrdind autonomia i creativitatea celor implicai? Modelul birocratic al colii a fost teoretizat de Ch. E. Bidwell (1965), n analiza coliii ca organizaie formal. El a subliniat caracteristicile sistemului colar modern, constatnd similitudinea cu cel birocratic: Diviziunea funcional a activitii, care const n atribuirea sarcinilor administrative (managerului) i de instruire (profesorului). Recrutarea pe criterii meritocratice i de competen, n conformitate cu baza legal. Ierarhizarea membrilor organizaiei , astfel nct s se creeze o structur autoritar bazat pe putere legal i pe relaii interpersonale neutre din punct de vedere afectiv. Operarea n conformitate cu regulile de procedur instituite, specificndu-se scopurile i modalitii aciunii oficiale.
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n cazul sistemului colar, apar modificri la nivelul caracteristicilor preluate din modelul birocratic. Selectarea i formarea viitoarelor cadre didactice difer de alte profesii. Sunt necesare o serie de nsuiri care circumscriu conceptului de competen didactic, n afara corpului comprehensiv de cunotine caracteristice specialitii respective. Relaiile interpersonale neutre din punct de vedere afectiv nu caracterizeaz coala sub nici o form. Copiii vin la coal nu numai pentru a-i dezvolta capacitatea intelectual, ci se implic emoional n diferite situaii educative, activnd o gam ntreag de triri: plcere, bucurie, satisfacie, team, nesiguran, etc. De aici i rennoirea interesului pentru relaia dinamic dintre aspectele obiective (normative) i subiective (afective) ale situaiilor i proceselor colare, pentru exploatarea complementaritii dintre anchetele bazate pe eantioane largi i studiile etnografice (Bidwell, 2000). Preocuparea excesiv pentru reproducerea sistemului colar (fr a fi formulat explicit uneori) poate duce la obinerea unor produse standardizate, descrise n literatura de specialitate prin sintagma personalitate birocratic. nsuirile definitorii ale acestui tip de personalitate sunt: supunerea fr rezerve n faa prescripiilor normative, implicare emoional-afectiv limitat, absena interesului pentru inovaie i progres, dependen fa de nivelurile ierarhic-superioare. n ceea ce privete autoritatea, ea nu se fundamenteaz exclusiv pe puterea cu care persoana este investit n mod legal (pe poziia ierarhic), depinznd n mare msur de calitile individuale ale acesteia (uurina de a comunica, de a stabili relaii personale, capacitatea de a rezolva situaiile problematice cu care se confrunt organizaia, popularitatea, prestigiul validarea social a calitilor personale. Autoritatea bazat numai pe putere este vulnerabil n faa contestaiilor, ducnd la o birocratizare excesiv a organizaiei, la transformarea ei ntr-o organizaie fr oameni (Pun, 1999, 21). Trsturile organizaiilor birocratice sunt ntlnite n special la nivelul administrativ-managerial al colii, prin definirea riguroas a structurii ierarhice, statutelor i rolurilor aferente, reglementrilor, diviziunii activitilor i meninerii ordinii i controlului. Dar sistemul de nvmnt nu se limiteaz numai la aceste caracteristici birocratice. Esena demersului educativ presupune parcurgerea unui traseu sinuos de interiorizare (a capitalului cultural), individualizare (dezvoltarea potenialului nativ), socializare (dezvoltarea unui sistem de idei, atitudini, convingeri n concordan cu un spaiu al posibilitilor create de apartenena la grupuri sociale determinate). Aceast evoluie complex demonstreaz faptul c eficiena unui sistem de nvmnt este intrinsec legat de calitatea relaiilor interpersonale, de natura climatului organizaional, de motivarea resurselor umane implicate n activiti creative, flexibile, adaptabile diverselor situaii contextuale. Acestea confer identitate organizaiei colare, ajutndu-i pe elevi s-i descopere i s-i modeleze propria identitate. ns pot fi remarcate fenomene de birocratizare chiar i la nivel instructiv-educativ, cum ar fi de exemplu excesul documentelor scrise n pregtirea activitii didactice1. Consecina acestei
1
care substituie scopul didactic propriu-zis cu o valoare n sine, solicitat de instanele manageriale
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constrngeri administrative se rsfrnge n mod nedorit asupra creativitii didactice, spontaneitatea necesar gsirii unor soluii adecvate n diverse situaii educative fiind mpiedicat de tiparele uniformizatoare ale proiectelor didactice. Acestea din urm nu trebuie gndite n manier procustian, ntruct nu exist reete educaionale, menite s se potriveasc n predarea unui anumit tip de lecii unor elevi diferii. Fiecare lecie nu este un simplu schimb informaional, ci o creaie, a crei substan este dat de actualizarea resurselor profesorului i elevilor. O alt contaminare birocratic este cea de funcionarizare a profesiei didactice. Profesorii lipsii de vocaie, neimplicai afectiv n ceea ce fac, reduc activitatea pedagogic la cea instructiv, interesndu-se doar de orele normate i pltite. Se ignor faptul c munca la catedr este de fapt o art, fiecare profesor, indiferent de disciplina pe care o pred, avnd nobila misiune de a forma caractere. Prestaia n faa clasei nu trebuie s se raporteze la contabilizarea timpului petrecut cu elevii, ci n primul rnd la satisfacia de a surprinde progresul fiecruia. Astfel de metode cantitative, economico-financiare sunt incompatibile cu msurarea progresului elevului din stadiul primelor ncercri de ordonare a realului i pn n stadiul demersurilor intelectuale complexe, a investigaiilor pline de substan, care-Ii permit viitorului adult s-i formeze o imagine coerent att despre lumea n care triete, dar i despre propria persoan. Acest ctig evideniat prin maturizarea intelectual i emoional-afectiv explic cel mai bine dimensiunea uman a colii. Aspectele menionate anterior nu sunt menite s ntreasc convingerea stereotip, conform creia birocraia are conotaii exclusiv negative. Condiiile clare care trebuie ndeplinite pentru recrutarea i promovarea cadrelor didactice reflect necesitatea unei expertize solide, care s aibe ca fundament competena. Exist ns pericolul instalrii insidioase a birocratizrii n procesul de promovare profesional (Pun, 1999). Acest lucru este determinat de brea ce se creeaz ntre motivaia intrinsec (dorina de auto-depire) i cea extrinsec (aspectele financiare legate de dobndirea unui nou grad didactic). Vocaia de a-i forma pe alii nu este compatibil cu funcionarismul didactic. Dar n coal nu totul este formalizat, reglementat, ierarhizat, ordonat strict. Exist un spaiu considerabil al posibilitii de manifestare personalizat a rolurilor de profesor i elev. Activitile nu decurg ntocmai cum au fost proiectate, ntruct totul este filtrat de experiena fiecruia. Exist de asemenea momente n care comunicarea poate s antreneze contradicii, stri tensionale. n astfel de situaii se evideniaz capacitatea cadrului didactic de a gestiona inteligent conflictele. Climatul colar, substructurile informale din cadrul interaciunilor educative (relaii interpersonale bazate pe preuire, simpatie, antipatie, respingere, afiniti reciproce) ntresc ideea c coala nu este o birocraie veritabil, chiar dac mprumut anumite caracteristici ale acesteia.
1.2.2. Organizaia colar ca sistem social Analiza sistemic a organizaiei colare i propune s surprind particularitile i modul de structurare a elementelor ce dau integritate sistemului. Sunt difereniate elementele-cheie de cele
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care pot avea un rol periferic (a cror modificare n situaii critice nu ar genera schimbri n sistem). Organizarea sistemului este influenat de interaciunile dinamice dintre elementele constitutive. coala este un sistem deschis (autoadaptabil, n virtutea unor mecanisme reglatorii, create ca urmare a interaciunii cu mediul i a schimburilor permanente de informaie, energie sau materie). Sunt ntreinute multiple relaii cu mediul socio-economic, ndeosebi cu elementele specializate (familia, mass-media, instituii culturale). Francoise Petit (1979) consider c anumite variabile care intr n sistemul colar sunt controlabile, iar altele mai puin previzibile, cum ar fi trsturile celor ce sufer transformri considerabile prin participarea la activitile educative. Elevii nu-i prsesc la intrare capitalul lor cultural (modele, valori, norme, prejudeci, stereotipuri). Acesta i pune amprenta asupra nivelului de satisfacie (generat de modificrile induse). Poziia individului n organizaie se caracterizeaz printr-o dubl tendin: dorina de satisfacere a aspiraiilor personale (obinerea succesului colar, care va stimula ntrirea imaginii de sine i a stimei publice), precum i asimilarea i acomodarea la exigenele organizaionale, integrndu-se n piramida ierarhic, respectnd normele, codurile, regulamentele interioare. Principalele caracteristici ale colii ca sistem deschis sunt (Pun, 1999): o o Apartenena la un sistem mai larg; Teleonomia sau orientarea sistemului de nvmnt n funcie de anumite finaliti, din care
decurg scopurile i obiectivele ce trebuie atinse. Pluralitatea finalitilor sistemului de nvmnt reflect nu numai complexitatea fenomenelor implicate n triada interiorizareindividualizare-socializare, ci i nevoia fireasc de meninere a strii de sntate organizaional, evitndu-se strile destructurante sau cele ce induc stagnarea, nchistarea n tipare anacronice. o Autoadaptabilitatea i starea de echilibru dinamic a colii se reflect n depirea situaiilor
de criz, antrennd modificri la nivelul strategiilor didactice, structurilor curriculare, modalitilor de evaluare. Schimbrile respective sunt menite s evite crearea unei discontinuiti ntre ceea ce coala formeaz i exigenele sociale. o Echifinalitatea sau posibilitatea de a se atinge finalitile i de a se realiza proiectele, prin
modaliti diferite. o Entropia sau gradul de dezordine din sistem. Aa cum s-a menionat mai sus, una din
caracteristicile eseniale ale unui sistem deschis este interaciunea permanent cu mediul. Contactele cu ambientul socio-economic trebuie s permit reglri succesive, stimulnd o infuzie mai mare de negentropie n comparaie cu starea entropic intern. Aceasta din urm nu are ntotdeauna o conotaie negativ, ntruct poate impulsiona activitatea de gsire a unor alternative care s elimine disfuncionalitile (evitndu-se introducerea brusc a schimbrilor radicale, mai ales dac sistemul colar este n reform).
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Retroaciunea sau transformarea output-urilor n input-uri pentru activitile ulterioare din
sistem. Retroaciunea poate fi pozitiv (amplificarea sau meninerea funcionalitii sistemului) sau negativ (controlul i corecia aspectelor neadecvate). Autoreglarea sistemului depinde de circulaia informaional i calitatea comunicrii la nivel intra- i intersistemic. Caracteristicile enunate alctuiesc un sistem coerent de interinfluene i interaciuni de natur social, a cror convergen permite atingerea scopurile propuse n cadrul activitii instructiveducative. 1.2.3. Conceptualizarea alternativ modelul dinamic al organizaiei colare (Gamoran, Secada, Marrett, 2000) Pornind de la ideea c studiul colii ca organizaie a fost caracterizat mai mult de eec dect de succes, datorit predileciei pentru identificarea atributelor colective (resurse organizaionale, structura, climatul, managementul educaional) drept surse de influen a rezultatelor individuale, A. Gamoran, W. G. Secada i Cora B. Marrett (2000) ofer o conceptualizare alternativ a relaiei dintre contextul organizaional al colii i activitile de predare-nvare-evaluare. Ancornd analiza lor n noiunea de resurse, autorii argumenteaz faptul c coala este un sistem social, al crui nucleu capt substan n virtutea unei reele complexe de relaii de interdependen. Explicaia modului n care aceste relaii afecteaz activitatea de predare-nvare ofer o nou perspectiv asupra organizrii sociale a colii. Cea mai prestigioas cercetare de sociologia educaiei renumitul Raport Coleman din 1966, realizat pe un eantion reprezentativ pentru efectivele de elevi din nvmntul american primar i secundar este considerat a fi exemplul concludent al eecului conectrii dintre colectiv i individual n situaiile educative. Realizat la cererea Congresului american, raportul Coleman (apud Bidwell, 2000, Cherkaoui, 1999) descrie impactul colii asupra invrii, n termenii egalitii oportunitilor educaionale. Aceasta din urm este definit lundu-se n considerare egalitatea resurselor puse la dispoziia tipurilor de coli frecventete de elevi provenind din diverse grupuri, categorii sociale. Existena diferenelor semnificative ntre scorurile obinute de reprezentanii minoritilor etnice i ai populaiei majoritare media scorurilor albilor era superioar fa de toate celelalte grupuri. n ncercarea de a surprinde elementele determinante ale reuitei colare, autorii au evideniat trei grupe de variabile: cele legate de originea social, de resursele colare (cheltuieli, caracteristicile corpului profesoral) i de elevii nii (interesul acordat colii, imaginea de sine i sentimentul legat de capacitatea de control a mediului). Concluzia studiului arat c colile americane erau caracterizate de o mare uniformitate n ceea ce privete efectul lor asupra rezultatelor academice. Calitatea colar a diferitelor coli nu era puternic legat de variaiile reuitei colare a elevilor. Aa se explic de ce minoritile care au un handicap socio-cultural la debutul activitii colare au de suferit pe parcursul celor doisprezece ani de studiu. Altfel spus, coala se afl n imposibilitatea de a face reuita mai puin dependent de motenirea familial.
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Exist o reacie n lan, de genul: capital socio-cultural motenit inegalitatea anselor de acces n coal mobilitate social? Pornind de la relaia dintre originea familial, nivelul de instruire i statutul social, Raymond Boudon (1973) a subliniat existena unei duble structuri: de dominan i meritocratic, care explic n mare parte fenomenul mobilitii intergeneraionale. Structura meritocratic se refer la faptul c dac statutul social al tatlui determin nivelul de instruire al propriilor copii, pe de o parte i dac acest nivel influeneaz considerabil poziia social pe de alt parte, statutul tatlui nu afecteaz statutul final al copiilor. n astfel de societi, funciile sociale sunt atribuite numai n funcie de meritele personale. n structurile de dominan, nu numai diploma afecteaz statutul social al individului. n egal msur conteaz i statutul tatlui. Se reduce astfel influena meritului, indivizii cu origine social privilegiat sustrgnd cele mai bune poziii celor cu origine social mai puin ridicat. Acest fenomen este valabil pentru toate nivelurile colare: la acelai nivel de instruire, indivizii acced la poziii sociale ct mai nalte, cu ct originea lor social le confer mai multe oportuniti. Ca urmare, se instituie o situaie paradoxal, n care nivelul de instruire ridicat nu confer protecie pentru mobilitatea descendent. Att studiile anglo-americane, ct i cele franceze au dus la acceptarea ideii conform creia inegalitile colare se datoreaz n principal ierarhiei sociale, i stratificrii colare. Combinarea acestora are un efect multiplicator. M. Cherkaoui (1999) consider c coala agent important de selecie este mijlocul cel mai eficace pentru a reduce inegalitile sociale. Chiar dac ar avea un succes real n ncercarea de a egaliza ansele colare, inegalitatea social ar continua s existe. Dei inegalitile de anse sunt frecvent ntlnite, fiind pretutindeni foarte puternice i avnd aceleai mecanisme subiacente, totui imposibilitatea eliminrii acestora nu este total. Un studiu comparativ realizat pe baza unor anchete desfurate n nvmntul secundar francez i cel elveian a artat c inegalitile colare sunt mult mai slabe n Geneva dect la Paris. Explicaiile posibile ale acestui fenomen sunt: a) stratificarea social n societatea francez este mult mai larg, distana social i cultural ntre cei cu statut privilegiat i cei defavorizai este mult mai important la Paris dect le Geneva; b) sistemul de nvmnt elveian are ntr-o mai mare msur un caracter meritocratic dect cel francez, orientarea fcndu-se doar n funcie de rezultatele colare (Boudon, Bulle i Cherkaoui, 2001). Inegalitile colare reflect ntotdeauna influena faptului c elevii din medii defavorizate din punct de vedere cognitiv sau cultural sunt mai puin pregtii pentru situaiile de instruire? Ne putem limita numai la analize n spiritul unei aritmetici politice (expresie folosit de D. F. Swift, 1968/1997), msurnd relaia dintre selecia colar i stratificarea social? Preocuparea pentru studiile de tip input-output (inegalitatea anselor de acces rezultate finale diferite) reflect faptul c coala este cutia neagr rmas nedeschis. Ceea ce se ntmpl n coal, modul n care resursele acesteia sunt valorizate nu au fost luate n considerare n raportul Coleman. ncepnd cu anii 80, sociologii au fost din ce n ce mai interesai de contextul organizaional al predrii i nvrii, de modul n care sunt folosite resursele umane. S-a considerat c acestea au un
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potenial explicativ mult mai mare dect raportarea mediei resurselor iniiale la media rezultatelor finale. Aceste studii au fost incluse n cadrul modelului nested layers - alternativa perspectivei sistemice a organizaiei colare. Modelul nested layers a identificat conexiunile dintre resursele alocate i tehnologia predrii. Eforturile de a examina un spectru larg de condiii colare au generat rezultate relativ inconsistente cu acest model. De exemplu, nu toi subiecii i nu la toate nivelurile colare se observ faptul c structura curricular are o influen puternic asupra nvrii colare. Rezumnd literatura referitoare la impactul curriculum-ului asupra pedagogiei, William Doyle (apud Gamoran, Secada i Marrett, 2000) ajunge la concluzia c de fapt curriculum-ul are o for redus n reglarea procesului de predare. Aceast afirmaie este valabil pentru nvmntul american, n care profesorii, dei tind s acopere coninuturile reflectate n curriculum-ul formal, ei i folosesc mai mult propria experien n selectarea exemplelor, metodelor de predare i evaluare, n timpul alocat diverselor teme. n sistemele de nvmnt n care se acord importan considerabil testelor strns corelate cu coninuturile prescrise, efectele alocaiilor curriculare asupra practicilor de predare sunt mai puternice. Specialitii s-au confruntat cu dificulti n situaia n care au ncercat s surprind i alte variabile colare (n afar de resursele alocate pentru instruire) care influeneaz nvarea. Studiile recente sau concentrat mai puin pe aspectele organizaionale legate de resursele materiale, orientndu-se n special asupra structurilor i proceselor organizaionale cum ar fi: managementul, colaborarea dintre diveri membri, comunicarea eficient dintre cadrele didactice din coal. S-a constatat c exist o corelaie pozitiv puternic ntre rezultatele obinute la matematic i o scal ce msura anumite nsuiri ale comunitii colare cooperarea dntre profesori, suportul oferit de ctre director acestora. De asemenea, realizrile academice ale elevilor erau mai mari n colile n care cadrele didactice aveau un accentuat sentiment al responsabilitii fa de nvarea elevilor, precum i n cazul n care se implicau n activiti de restructurare, cum ar fi: team teaching, modificarea structurii grupului, flexibilizarea orarului. Dar aceste cercetri au dus doar la obinerea unor legturi corelative, lsnd ambigu problematica mecanismelor cauzale. Modelul nested layers este contestat, ntruct se consider c relaia dintre metodele de predare i condiiile organizaionale sunt tratate ntr-un mod unilateral. Extinznd aceast abordare, A. Gamoran i W. Secada i Cora Marett (2000) propun un model dinamic, multidimensional, sesiznd interdependena dintre resursele materiale, umane i sociale. Sunt incluse variabile cum ar fi: climatul colar, tradiia colii, precum i acele tipuri de resurse pe care cadrele didactice le pot folosi pentru a-i mbunti activitatea management, colaborare, suport administrativ, sistemul de cunotine. Resurse materiale Cu toate c nu exist un suport empiric solid pentru descifrarea impactului investiiilor asupra
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rezultatelor academice, resursele materiale reprezint o condiie important n contextul organizaional al predrii. Astfel de resurse includ: materiale curriculare, echipament, timpul disponibil pentru planificare, pregtire i predare, fonduri pentru scopuri corelate predrii nvrii evalurii. Resursele materiale nu au o legtur direct cu nvarea pentru c impactul lor depinde de modul n care sunt folosite. Reducerea efectivului de elevi n clas, de exemplu, nu are ntotdeauna drept efect o cretere a performanelor elevilor n nvare. Diferene pot fi observate numai n situaia n care profesorii efectiv folosesc modaliti care s mbunteasc lucrul cu mai puini elevi n timpul orei. Dac nu este depit rutina, nu conteaz dac se lucreaz cu douzeci sau treizeci de elevi. Numrul acestora influeneaz nvarea atunci cnd se pune accent pe modalitile interactive, care pot favoriza implicarea fiecruia. De asemenea feed-back-ul va fi mult mai intens, corectndu-se eventualele aspecte lacunare n nvare. Argumente similare sunt aduse i n cercetrile referitoare la timpul alocat instruirii. n general, datele din literatura de specialitate (Bidwell, 2000) converg spre ideea conform creia cu ct timpul acordat instruirii este mai mare, cu att rezultatele nvrii sunt mai bune. Dar acest pattern nu este invariabil. S-a observat c n cazul nvmntului primar, nvtorii nu folosesc timpul suplimentar ntruct impactul resurselor materiale depinde de modul n care sunt folosite, controlul lor este de asemenea foarte important. Eficiena utilizrii resurselor este cu att mai mare cu ct se d o mai mare libertate profesorilor n decizia gestionrii lor (Gamoran, Secada i Marett , 2000). Este firesc s fie aa, deoarece ei interacioneaz cel mai mult cu elevii, le cunosc cel mai bine particularitile i nevoile. Resursele umane Dac resursele umane sunt importante n cadrul analizei colii ca organizaie, atunci optimizarea procesului de formare a profesorilor trebuie s fie elementul central al programelor de reform. Dat fiind gradul ridicat de autonomie al profesorului n clas, perspectiva care s pun accent pe pregtirea profesorilor pentru a face fa cu succes rolului lor2 pare foarte promitoare i atractiv. Aceasta este superioar modelului birocratic al colii, n care profesorii ader la proceduri standard, pentru a maximiza eficiena activitii instructiv-educative. Evidena studiilor empirice descrie predarea ca fiind o activitate de rutin uneori. Se ajunge la situaia n care nici nu mai poate fi vorba de secvene create hic et nunc, ntruct cadrele didactice sunt prea fidele schemelor mentale anterioare. Desfurarea unei lecii nu trebuie s respecte ad literam scenariul didactic de pe hrtie, fiind de dorit s se rspund cu spontaneitate cerinelor elevilor (depindu-se tiparele care au dat rezultate n alte contexte). Altfel spus, scenariul construit n conformitate cu procedurile standard (taxonomia obiectivelor, structurarea coninutului n funcie
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care nu presupune numai un ansamblu de date factuale, teorii i paradigme, ci i capacitatea de a interaciona cu propriii elevi, respectnd individualitatea fiecruia, gestionnd ntreaga clas n acelai timp
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de cerinele curriculare, selectarea metodelor adecvate tipului de lecie) trebuie s permit o transformare plin de suplee a ceea ce s-a scris pe hrtie ntr-o realitate palpabil, care mprumut ceva din specificul fiecrui elev implicat n procesul de nvare. Dar activitatea managerului colar influeneaz performanele elevilor? Din ce n ce mai mult s-a conturat n literatura de specialitate ideea conform creia managerul are rolul de a crea o comunitate ai crei membri vor fi mai mult sau mai puin motivai s ating scopurile comune (n funcie de stilul celor care i conduce, Gamoran, Secada i Marett, 2000). Un manager competent ofer o viziune comprehensiv, bazat pe filtrarea i armonizarea angajamentelor elevilor i profesorilor. De asemenea, managerul are capacitatea de a realiza o selecie a colectivului de profesori, n funcie de respectarea i ndeplinirea scopurilor propuse. Comparnd aceste puncte de vedere cu concepia c mecanismul principal prin care managerul influeneaz organizaia const n modalitatea de alocare a resurselor, se pot sesiza dezavantajele acesteia din urm. Nu numai activitatea tehnic-structural intr n atribuiile unui manager, ci n mod special felul n care reuete s coordoneze ntreaga reea de relaii interpersonale, legitimnd coala n contextul social. Din aceast perspectiv reiese faptul c managerul influeneaz activitatea profesorilor, prin intermediul conturrii unei viziuni integrative. Resursele sociale n ceea ce privete impactul resurselor sociale asupra scopului principal al organizaiei colare predarea lnvarea exist interpretri diferite: a) influen redus asupra a ceea ce se ntmpl n clas, b) influen considerabil a relaiilor dintre educatori asupra predrii i implicit asupra nvrii, c) rol colateral i nu cauzal. Managementul organic (idem, 2000) presupune dezvoltarea angajamentului (stimularea proceselor psihice energizante) i nu impunerea unui control riguros. Beneficiile care rezult se reflect n crearea unor situaii de predare stimulative, interactive, dinamice. De asemenea, sunt ncurajate relaiile sociale bazate pe ncredere, cooperare i mprirea responsabilitilor, valori comune3. Legturile strnse dintre profesori i ajut pe cei ce se confrunt cu situaii incerte, dilematice s le depeasc ntotdeauna cu succes. Prin schimbul de experien, se vor gsi cele mai bune soluii pentru problemele care pot s apar n clas. Dar nu trebuie uitat faptul c profesorul, indiferent de sugestiile primite, este cel care are sarcina de a gestiona propria clas. Aceast capacitate se afl n strns dependen cu competena didactic, pasiunea cu care se implic profesorul n realizarea leciilor pentru elevii si. n acest sens, Sarane Spence Boocock (1985) menioneaz faptul c este dificil de dat un rspuns ferm n ceea ce privete relaia dintre profesionalismul promovat de corpul profesoral i modificri ale activitii desfurate n clas, n absena unui solid suport empiric, ce ar putea demonstra legturi corelative sau de ce nu chiar cauzalitate.
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care vor fi tot attea mecanisme ce vor sprijini introducerea unor schimbri n sistem, atunci cnd vechile strategii, structuri devin inadecvate
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O modalitate de caracterizare a resurselor sociale n coal este conectarea la specificul comunitii profesionale a educatorilor. O comunitate profesional puternic ofer nu numai posibilitatea mbuntirii instruirii, ci i crearea unei culturi tehnice (Gamoran, Secada i Marett, 2000) n coal. Este promovat estfel un nalt profesionalism, ce are n vedere: cunotine solide de pedagogie, psihologia educaiei, didactic, seriozitate n ndeplinirea responsabilitilor asumate. Studiile arat c standardele de calitate sunt mai ridicate n colile n care exist o comunitate profesional care orienteaz i optimizeaz activitatea fiecrui profesor. Capitalul social reprezint o alt dimensiune a resurselor sociale ale unei coli. Acest concept se refer la ncrederea n posibilitile de realizare a scopurilor i responsabilitilor asumate, ansamblul de ateptri, valorile comune, sentimentul obligaiei de a rspunde eficient cerinelor organizaiei. Se formeaz astfel o reea de relaii sociale care fundamenteaz schimbul de idei pe teme referitoare la implicaiile psiho-pedagogice ale activitii complexe de predare nvare evaluare. Altfel spus, este vorba despre resursele sociale din care profesorii pot avea avantaje considerabile, mbuntindu-i metodele i strategiile folosite n clas. n acest mod se depete i izolarea tipic pe care i-o confer rolul su. Suportul administrativ4 contribuie de asemenea la constituirea capitalului social, facilitnd mbuntirea cunotinelor teoretice i practice capitalul uman. Dac investigaiile teoretice ale capitalului specific unei organizaii colare au evideniat existena celor trei dimensiuni: economic, social i uman, n realitate acestea se prezint sub forma unui interplay dinamic. Capitalul economic (alocarea resurselor materiale) poate avea un rol esenial n promovarea celui social i uman. Modelul prezentat i demonstreaz superioritatea fa de cele anterioare, ntruct se pune accentul pe studiul interaciunilor dinamice dintre resursele organizaionale, predare i nvare. Sunt necesare cercetri ulterioare care s nuaneze problematica interferenelor multiple dintre resursele organizaiei, climatul acesteia i performanele elevilor la nvtur.
1.3. nvarea organizaional strategie de dezvoltare a colii ntruct n prezent societatea se confrunt cu schimbri rapide, coala i dovedete eficiena n msura n care reuete s fac fa supraabundenei de aspecte incompatbile, generate de modificarea necesitilor sociale. nvarea organizaional este procesul prin care se obin i folosesc noi cunotine, instrumente, comportamente i valori (Pun, 1999). Redefinirea, restructurarea acestora sunt posibile n cadrul activitilor zilnice, cooperrii ntre membrii organizaiei pentru realizarea scopurilor comune. nvarea organizaional are loc la toate nivelurile. Ea este stimulat de feedback-ul obinut din partea mediului, anticipnd viitoarele schimbri. Informaiile dobndite sunt transformate n noi scopuri, procedee, expectane, responsabiliti i modaliti de evaluare a performanelor. ncrederea reciproc, valorile mprtite, comunicarea
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cum ar fi consilierea legat de probleme conexe instruirii i politicii colare.
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eficient, capacitatea de a gestiona situaiile tensionate, conflictuale se nva permanent, n contextul diverselor situaii educative. Managerul trebuie s ncurajeze previziunea, inovaia i creativitatea5. Schimbarea i experimentarea, competiia de idei i generarea unor alternative viabile trebuie stimulate. Strdania de a obine excelena, precum i devotamentul fa de menirea organizaiei colare trebuie de asemenea s fie ntrite. Un bun manager este acela care reuete s-i uneasc pe membrii organizaiei ntr-o comunitate responsabil, ntr-un grup de indivizi interdependeni, care s-i asume responsabilitatea obinerii succesului organizaiei colare i armonizarea acesteia cu necesitile societii. Procednd astfel, managerul dezvolt competena didactic a profesorilor cu care colaboreaz, nsuire att de necesar administrrii complexitii problemelor ivite n coal. Aa cum am menionat, un proces care nu trebuie ignorat n organizaia care nva este anticiparea (proiecii mentale ale mprejurrilor care nu au aprut nc). Aceasta este accelerat prin recompensarea celor care o folosesc drept mecanism pentru administrarea shimbrii. Nu exist contexte familiare n care poate avea loc nvarea inovatoare, n schimb, construirea de contexte noi este una dintre sarcinile sale. nvarea inovatoare se refer la problemele n curs de apariie (care pot fi unice), ale cror formulri pot fi subiect de controvers i ndoial. Extensia orizonturilor temporale permite educarea viitorilor aduli pentru societatea n care vor tri i nu pentru cea prezent, depindu-se strile prea puin profitabile de inerie i conservatorism. O alt accepiune atribuit termenului de nvare organizaional se refer la organizaiile educaionale care promoveaz i produc nvarea (Pun, 1999). Aceste specificri trebuie nuanate, subliniindu-se faptul c instruirea elevilor reprezint activitatea de baz a coli, servind n primul rnd nevoilor individuale ale fiecruia. nvarea individual nu formeaz elevii pentru binele organizaiei aa cum se ntmpl n cele de tip comercial, economic ci pentru a-i ajuta s-i dobndeasc autonomia, s aib relaii adaptative cu mediul, s i ndeplineasc bine rolurile pe care la vor avea la vrsta adult. Cele dou sensuri ale nvrii organizaionale organizaii care nva i organizaii care produc nvarea au relevan n contextul convergenei influenelor reciproce. Concluzii coala este un sistem complex (birocratic i profesional), organizat astfel nct s satisfac cerinele vieii sociale. Privit ca organizaie, coala nu este un monolit rezultat din alturarea unor elemente componente sau categorii izolate. Fiecare rol ndeplinit (de profesor, de exemplu) n cadrul acesteia are sens numai cnd este privit din perspectiva conexiunii cu celelalte tipuri de roluri (elev, director, coleg). Din acest motiv se impune un studiu sociologic al colii, care s evidenieze modul n care relaiile se structureaz, se modific i influeneaz rezultatele. Concentrarea asupra aspectelor menionate ofer posibilitatea extensiei nelegerii contextului predrii, nvrii, evalurii.
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Anticiparea evenimentelor viitoare trebuie s fie considerat un aspect important al activitii organizaionale i apreciat ca atare.
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Referine bibliografice 1. Baker, D. P. i Le Tendre, G. K. (2000). Comparative Sociology of Classroom Processes, School Organization and Achievement. n M. T. Hallinan (ed). Handbook of the Sociology of Education. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. 2. Bidwell, C. E. (1965). The School as Formal Organization. n J. G. March (ed.). Handbook of Social Organization. Chicago: Rand McNally. 3. Bidwell, C. E. (2000). School as Context and Construction: A Social Psychological Approach to the Study of Schooling. n M. T. Hallinan (ed). Handbook of the Sociology of Education. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. 4. Bockoock, S. S. (1985). School as a Social System. n Sociology of Education. University press of America. 5. Boudon, R. (1973). Linegalite de chances. Paris: Armand Colin. 6. Boudon, R., Bulle, N. i Cherkaoui, M. (2001). Ecole et societe. Les paradoxes de la democratie. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. 7. Cherkaoui, M. (1999). Sociologie de leducation. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. 8. Gamoran, A. , Secada, W. G. i Marrett, C. B. (2000). The Organizational Context of Teaching and Learning: Changing Theoretical Perspectives. n M. T. Hallinan (ed). Handbook of the Sociology of Education. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. 9. Pun, E. (1999). coala abordare sociopedagogic. Iai: Polirom. 10. Petit, Fr. (1979). Introduction a la psychosociologie des organisations. Paris: Privat. 11. Swift, D. F. (1997). Appartenance sociale et reussite scolaire. n J.-Cl. Forquin. Les
sociologues de leducation americains et britanniques. Bruxelles: De Boeck & Larcier. 12. Weber, M. (1969). The Theory of Social and Economic organization. A Free Press: New York.
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LES UNIVERSITS LHEURE DE LINTGRATION EUROPENNE

Ioan Mihilescu Ancien recteur de l'universite de Bucarest Universitatea din Bucuresti
Abstract Constructia europeana constituie un process complex si de durata, care se realizeaza simultan sau in etape succesive si cu intensitati diferite pe multiple planuri: economic, social, cultural, educational etc. Constructia unui spatiu educational european reprezinta o provocare importanta pentru universitate. Universitatea, prin traditie, are o dubla vocatie nationala si universala. Constructia spatiului european al educatiei modifica , in buna masura, relatia dintre aceste dimensiuni, in favoarea dimensiunii universale (in cazul de fata europene). Identitatea nationala si cea europeana nu sunt opuse, universitatea putand contribui la realizarea lor impreuna, intr-un echilibru necesar. Identitatea europeana ca obiectiv essential al constructiei europene constituie o sinteza de forte contradictorii cuprinzand, pe de o parte, factori care favorizeaza integrarea (universitatea fiind un factor central), dar si obstacole importante.. Identitatea europeana nu constituie o constructie totalmente noua, ea are elemente prealabile importante in traditia universitatii. Acestea constituie premizele pe care universitatea isi poate baza contributia la dezvoltarea unui spatiu european comun, care sa nu ignore insa radacinile sale etnoculturale.
1. De lidentit nationale lidentit europenne La question des diffrenciations culturelles entre tats, celle des chocs culturels et de leurs consquences ne sont pas de simples fictions thoriques. La construction europenne en tant que mcanisme conomique aura dur plus de quarante ans avant que ne soient enregistrs les premiers progrs notables, y compris ladoption de la monnaie unique. La construction europenne au niveau politique est en partie ralise. Un certain nombre de comptences ont t transfres aux institutions de lUnion Europnne. Cependant, la plupart des comptences politiques relvent des tats nationaux. Un autre objectif important, lintgration culturelle, est bien plus difficile raliser, parce quelle ne peut pas se faire la suite dune simple dcision politique. On peut transfrer une banque europenne le droit dimprimer la monnaie nationale, les tats peuvent renoncer leurs monnaies nationales (bien que, l encore, il y ait eu des discussions et que le calendrier initial ait t retard de plusieurs annes). Dans le cas des identits nationales, la population est bien plus attache ce quelle considre comme son principal systme de rfrence. LEurope a de trop grandes dimensions pour quil sagisse l du seul systme de rfrence axiologique et normatif. Elle
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lest mme une poque o le monde est devenu un seul village , une seule paroisse . Les gens ont besoin de rfrentiels plus proches des dimensions humaines, de leurs possibilits dinteraction. Alors, ltat national, considr parfois comme caduc, voire comme une entrave la mondialisation et leuropanisation, maintient son rle. Il est vident que ni moyen, ni long terme dans la mesure du prvisible le problme de la disparition de ltat national ne saurait se poser. Ltat demeure lun des principaux instruments permettant dassurer lidentit. Diminuer les identits nationales pour acclrer lintgration europenne serait une politique errone. Cest que la diversit culturelle qui fait la richesse culturelle de lEurope est aussi le facteur pricipal qui assure la crativit scientifique. Plus une socit est homogne, moins nombreux y sont les lments dinnovation. Plus la diversit est grande (on pourrait faire ce propos un parallle avec les thories de la gntique), plus les possibilits dinnover, ne serait-ce que par simple combinaison, sont grandes. LEurope naurait donc pas intrt diminuer les lments culturels identitaires reprables au niveau soit dune rgion, soit dun tat, pour assurer une identit europenne qui sopposerait des identits nationales. Ce serait une erreur que denvisager la construction culturelle europenne comme contredisant le maintien des identits nationales. Les deux peuvent fort bien coexister. LEurope unie coexistera avec lEurope des rgions et avec lEurope des nations. Si lautorit des tats nations dans la gestion des identits est sape, lEurope risque dtre miette en une multitude de rgions qui chercheront leur autonomie, parce que de tels regroupements identitaires se produiront spontanment. Les regroupements identitaires tiennent du cours naturel des choses. Si les tats nationaux sont mins, on naura plus affaire une quarantaine dtats, mais des centaines de rgions, bien plus difficiles harmoniser que les tats qui composent actuellement lEurope. Cest l quinterviennent nouveau les universits, avec leur double orientation nationale et universelle. Les universits sont les institutions le mieux places pour assurer linterface entre luniversel, leuropen et lidentit nationale, parce quelle vhiculent toutes ces valeurs. Dautres institutions ont soit une orientation plus globale (cest le cas, entre autres, des compagnies commerciales, intresses labolition des frontires, des barrires douanires, financires, etc.), soit une orientation rgionale ou communautaire (par exemple les glises qui, part certaines glises universelles, sont tournes principalement vers une zone dtermine). Poser que lidentit nationale et lidentit europenne peuvent saffirmer simultanment nest pas un paradoxe sociologique ou un jeu de mots. Dans le cas de lUnion europene, le problme du rapport entre national et europen se pose un autre niveau. Il sagit du rapport entre lidentit europenne et la mondialisation, du rapport entre une zone didentit lEurope et dautres zones du monde. Lun des lments fondamentaux de la construction europenne est le dveloppement de lidentit europenne. Identit veut dire spcificit et diffrenciation dune unit par rapport dautres units. En labsence dune mise en vidence de ce qui est spcifique et diffrent, lidentit est un non-sens et ne saurait tre affirme. LUnion europenne cherche assurer son unit intrieure, tout en affirmant sa spcificit par rapport dautres unit gographiques et culturelles. Ce qui est valable dans les rapports entre lEurope et les autres zones du monde doit ltre dans les rapports entre les pays dEurope et lUnion europenne.
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Laffirmation de lidentit europenne nest pas un processus ais. De ce point de vue, on ne dispose pas encore dune rponse claire la question de savoir si lidentit europenne est la redcouverte de quelque chose de prexistant en Europe (mme ltat latent) ou sil sagit dune construction entirement nouvelle. La rponse cette question ne fait pas que satisfaire une curiosit intellectuelle ; elle peut avoir dimmenses consquences pratiques. Lidentit europenne ne peut pas se construire avec quelques politiques et institutions du prsent et beaucoup dintentions pour lavenir. Les politiques et les institutions communes peuvent constituer un lment cohsiv trs puissant, mais qui ne suffirait pas assurer une identit. Quels que soient les contextes historiques ou politiques, lidentit plonge des racines dans le pass, et ces racines simposent tout moment, quon le veuille ou non. Quy a-t-il de commun et dunitaire au niveau europen dans un pass plus ou moins lointain ? Un territoire relativement unitaire lEurope ; beaucoup dlments communs issus des origines culturelles judo-greco-romaines ; une orientation culturelle rationaliste et humaniste ; enfin, en bonne mesure, une religion commune le christianisme. Or, mme ces lments communs prsentent dimportantes variations. A ne prendre en considration que les conflits de lintrieur de lEurope des cinquante dernires annes, on pourrait facilement conclure que lorientation rationaliste et humaniste nest gure ni aussi rpandue quon le croirait, ni tout fait assimile par certains Europens ou par certaines communauts dEurope. Le christianisme, lui, se prsente sous une grande varit de formes ; lcumnisme est moins une ralit quune intention gnreuse ; les diffrences religieuses entre certaines communauts chrtiennes sont mme une source ou un prtexte des conflits religieux durables ; aux cts des Chrtiens vivent en Europe beaucoup de gens appartenant dautres religions ou des personnes qui ne sont plus lies au christianisme que de faon purement symbolique. A ct de ces lments communs, il existe une multitude de diffrences locales, rgionales ou nationales. Il y a des moments o ces diffrences sestompent, laissant ressortir les lments communs ; mais elles ne disparaissent jamais. Que, parfois, ces diffrenciations se raffirment avec force, pouvant tre utilises comme arguments pour dclencher et nourrir des conflits ne saurait surprendre que ceux qui ignorent leur forte rsistance dans le temps. Mme les membres anciens de lUnion europenne ne parviennent pas contrler les explosions des identits locales ou rgionales. Mme des tats o lunit politique et administrative est assure depuis des sicles doivent faire face des conflits lorigine desquels se trouvent des diffrences culturelles, les variables dune identit, premire vue, commune. Une Union europenne tendue lensemble du continent doit sattendre bien des problmes de ce genre. Tout au long de la seconde moiti du XXe sicle, les deux grands systmes politiques qui dominaient lEurope ont insist sur les diffrences qui les sparaient. De la mise en vidence des diffrences politiques et idologiques on en vint la mise en vidence de diffrences culturelles. Mais celles-ci taient plutt des crations des arsenaux idologiques que des faits bien rels. Cependant, elles eurent un grand impact sur les mentalits et limaginaire collectifs. La fin de la guerre froide na pas mis fin aux discours sur les diffrences culturelles entre lEurope occidentale et lEurope de lest, en passant par une Europe centrale assez mal dfinie. En plein discours intgrateur de lUnion europenne, en pleine action ddification, par les institutions europennes, dune identit
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europenne, de nouvelles thories ont apparu quant la diffrenciation gopolitique et goculturelle de lEurope. Personne, dans une socit dmocratique, ne peut imposer un analyste social ou culturel de dire telle ou telle chose, de soutenir telle ou telle thorie. Une thorie qui soutient la division goculturelle de lEurope en deux zones diffrentes du point de vue aussi bien religieux que culturel, conomique et politique (lEurope catholique et rforme dune part, lEurope orthodoxe de lautre) peut, soulignons-le, implanter dans lesprit des spcialistes, mais aussi du grand public (puisque certaines thories sont diffuses par les mdias) des conceptions qui ne faciliteront pas, loin de l, le processus dintgration europenne. Si elles navaient pas de consquences pratiques, ces thories pourraient tre ignores et considres comme de simples jeux de stratgie. Elles partent de certaines diffrences religieuses entre les zones de lEurope, et sen servent, sans se soucier de chercher un fondement dans la ralit sociale, pour postuler lexistence de grandes diffrences en ce qui concerne les normes et les valeurs sociales. Il ne sagit l ni dintroduire de nouveaux moyens de censure des thories gopolitiques diffrenciatrices, ni de rprimer les eurosceptiques. La seule conclusions des constatations ci-dessus est que le processus de lintgration europenne doit galement tenir compte dlments qui engendrent des attitudes dfavorables ce processus.
2. Lidentit europenne, synthse de forces contradictoires Lintgration europenne et laffirmation dune identit europnne sont des processus largement aceepts. Leur importance ne peut tre nie mme des eurosceptiques les plus tenaces. Mais ces objectifs ne sont pas faciles atteindre ; le rythme rel de lintgration europenne est bien plus lent que le rythme fix au niveau politique. Dans le processus de lintgration europenne interviennent des facteurs qui impriment des directions daction divergentes : certains dentre eux favorisent lintgration ou constituent des mcanismes dintgration ; dautres freinent, retardent, voire bloquent le processus dintgration. 2.1. Facteurs favorisant lintgration Certains de ces facteurs proviennent de lhistoire commune de lEurope ; dautres sont des mcanismes conomiques, politiques ou culturels crs dlibrment comme autant dlments intgrateurs. La culture commune judo-grco-romaine constitue le principal lment dordre historique qui se trouve la base de lidentit europenne. Ces racines communes ont facilit la transmission et la reprise des produits culturels dvelopps dans les cadres nationaux. Les grandes crations culturelles dun peuple europen sont connues des autres peuples dEurope. Il y a eu certes des priodes o la circulation des crations culturelles entre les diffrentes zones de lEurope a t limite, voire interdite. Mais ces priodes sont des exceptions temporaires ; la rgle est celle des influences
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rciproques et des emprunts culturels. Ceci sapplique tant aux crations littraires, artistiques, quaux crations politiques, scientifiques, familiales, conomiques, culinaires ou vestimentaires. Lexistence dun march continental. A prsent, ce march continental est constitu par le march commun de lUnion europenne. Mais cette dimension continentale du march europen est bien plus ancienne. On peut, ds le Moyen ge, parler dun vritable march continental : les commerants parcouraient le continent plus facilement quils ne le font de nos jours. Le commerce ne veut pas dire seulement circulation des marchandises : il est aussi un moyen de communication et dinfluence culturelle. Les marchandises ne sont pas seulement des biens, neutres en indpendants par rapport la culture dun pays ; elles ont t produites dans certains contextes conomiques, sociaux et culturels, et portent lempreinte de ces contextes. Le consommateur qui utilise un produit ralis dans une autre socit sapproprie, avec le produit, certaines normes et valeurs de la socit en question. Les commerants sont eux-mmes des porteurs de messages culturels et des agents dinteraction culturelle. On peut affirmer que le march conomique continental a facilit lintgration europenne par des processus demprunts culturels associs la circulation des biens. Avec le march commun de lUnion europenne, limportance des commerants baisse (la circularion des marchandises se fait en systme industriel, et le commerant ne doit plus voyager pendant de longues semaines pour vendre son lot de marchandises). Mais on constate un accroissement du volume et de la diversit des changes commerciaux ; en mme temps, le consommateur dun pays devient de plus en plus dpendant des produits raliss dans un nombre toujours plus grand de pays. Dailleurs, la rglementation du march commun a t le point dcisif dans lenclenchement du processus de construction de lUnion europenne. La monnaie unique. La monnaie nationale a longtemps t considre comme un signe de la souverainet dun tat et, implicitement, comme un symbole de lidentit nationale. Cette perception, fortement enracine dans les politiques financires et montaires nationales, ainsi que dans les mentalits collectives, a fait que le passage la monnaie unique a t retard et que certains pays restent, pour linstant, en dehors du systme montaire unique. La monnaie unique marque la disparition dun lment didentit nationale, remplac par un lment didentit europenne. Thoriquement, la monnaie unique produira les effets mentionns ci-dessus. Mais, comme elle existe depuis trop peu de temps, nous ne pouvons pas nous permettre de prdire lvolution du systme et son rle dans le processus de construction europenne. Le droit europen. On peut affirmer que lapparition du droit europen est lun des grands accomplissements du processus dintgration europenne. Les normes juridiques jouent un rle immense dans la rglementation des comportements et, par consquent, dans la configuration de lidentit. Les emprunts antrieurs entre les pays europens en matire de droit (constitutions, codes, lois) ont dans une certaine mesure rendu compatibles les systmes de droit des diffrents pays, ce qui a constitu un lment important dans llaboration du droit europen. Le droit europen senrichit et se dveloppe constamment. Cependant, des domaines importants du droit continuent de relever de la comptence des tats. Les rglementations juridiques nationales peuvent varier dun tat lautre, condition de respecter les principes de base de lUnion europenne, fixs par des traits et par dautres documents, et de ne pas entrer en contradiction avec les normes et les
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procdures fixes dans le cadre du droit europen. Le droit europen sest dj manifest comme un important lment intgrateur au niveau europen, et lon peut sattendre ce que son rle grandisse lavenir. Les institutions europennes. Ce sont des mcanismes effectifs dapplication et de monitorage des dcisions portant sur lintgration europenne. Il convient de distinguer, parmi les institutions europennes, deux grandes catgories : dune part, celles qui rsultent de la runion des reprsentants des pays membres et, dautre part, les bureaucraties permanentes. Les premires consistent dans des runions priodiques diffrents niveaux (chefs dtat et/ou de gouvernement, ministres comptents) et dans le fonctionnement du Parlement europen. Les institutions de cette catgorie permettent principalement aux pays membres dexprimer leurs intrts, de les harmoniser et de prendre des dcisions communes. Bien que lobjectif principal soit lintgration europenne, les membres de ces institutions agissent moins comme des acteurs europens que comme des acteurs nationaux. Les bureaucraties europennes ont un caractre transnational trs marqu. Bien que composes de personnes originaires des pays membres (selon le principe de la reprsentation proportionnelle), les bureaucraties europennes ont dvelopp une vritable idologie europenne construction entirement nouvelle, sans aucun rapport avec les contextex nationaux des pays membres, et qui nest pas une synthse des diffrentes idologies et mentalits nationales. Les bureaucraties europennes fonctionnent selon la logique de toute organisation bureaucratique classique (selon les principes de la rationalisation, de la division prcise des rles institutionnels, de lapplication stricte des rglementations, de la hirarchie, de la loyaut envers lorganisation, etc.). Comme toute bureaucratie, les bureaucraties europennes peuvent prsenter des phnomnes de pathologie institutionnelle : multiplication inutile des rglementations ; invention de normes et de rglementations qui ne rpondent pas des besoins rels, mais qui justifient lexistence et la rmunration de fonctionnaires ; multiplication des structures fonctionnelles et des niveaux hirarchiques ; existence de procdures de plus en plus compliques de solution des problmes ; parpillement de la responsabilit, augmentation des cots du fonctionnement dorganisations de plus en plus complexes et nombreuses, etc. Le principal danger dans la pathologie des bureaucraties europennes est le dveloppement de structures institutionnelles indpendantes non seulement par rapport des intrts nationaux, mais, finalement, par rapport aux intrts europens, et dont la seule raison dtre est de se perptuer. Ces bureaucraties tendent en mme temps accumuler de plus en plus de pouvoir aux dpens des institutions publiques, tant donn quelle fonctionnent de faon permanente, quelles ont de grandes responsabilits dans la gestion des fonds et que leurs membres matrisent trs bien les procdures et les rglementations communautaires. Dautre part, ces bureaucraties ont un rle important dans la prparation des documents discuter dans les institutions politiques. Il ne sagit nullement dun complot des institutions bureaucratiques par rapport aux institutions politiques. Toute bureaucratie, et plus forte raison une bureaucratie transnationale, tend imposer sa propre logique. Les bureaucraties europennes jouent un grand rle dans la mise en uvre des programmes dintgration europenne, mais leur rle est beaucoup moins important dans ldification de
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lidentit europenne. Lidentit europenne nimplique nullement labandon de toute identit nationale et ladoption dune identit atemporelle et aspatiale. La mobilit ducationnelle et professionnelle. Les voyages ont de tout temps t autant doccasions pour connatre dautres cultures et pour interagir avec elles, de mme que pour transmettre des lments culturels appartenant la culture du voyageur, et pour reprendre et transfrer dans celle-ci des lments trangers. Aujourdhui, dans les conditions o les mobilits territoriales interculturelles ont pris une ampleur sans prcdent, ce facteur devient lun des mcanismes importants de ldification de lidentit europenne. Les millions de gens qui travaillent temporairement ltranger, les centaines de milliers dtudiants inscrits dans des programmes de mobilit internationale (par des programmes institutionnels ou pour leur propre compte), les millions de touristes qui passent leurs vacances loin de leurs propres pays, les millions de voyages daffaires faits chaque anne sont autant de possibilits de communication culturelle. Mme les personnes les plus attaches leurs cultures nationales ou les plus xnophobes sont influences par un sjour de plusieurs semaines, mois ou annes au sein dune autre socit. Les mobilits ducationnelles peuvent galement avoir une grande valeur ajoute du point de vue acadmique et scientifique (surtout lorsquil sagit de sjours ou de stages dans des universits plus performantes). Bien que toutes les mobilits naient pas une valeur acadmique significative, elles ont en revanche une grande valeur culturelle. Les mobilits dtudes sont un excellent canal de transmission et dassimilation de valeurs culturelles, permettant la connaissance rciproque, llimination ou la diminution des strotypes ethniques ngatifs, la mise en vidence des traits culturels communs et, par l, la construction dune identit europenne. Les mdias. Le rle des mdias dans le processus d europanisation est moins grand que celui quils jouent dans le processus de mondialisation. Pour les chanes europennes de tlvision, il sagit de diffuser des productions de tlvision ou de cinma des pays membres de lUnion europenne, de transmettre des informations concernant les institutions europennes et les actions dintgration europenne, de mme que des vnements intressant les pays membres. Les mdias peuvent tre un moyen de connaissance culturelle rciproque et de diffusion de valeurs et normes communes. Le simple fait de pouvoir recevoir sur un poste de tlvision des chanes de tous les pays membres de lUnion europenne est par lui-mme significatif et inculque lide dunit europenne. Lobligation faite depuis quelques annes aux tlvisions nationales de diffuser selon certains quotas des productions nationales et europennes pourrait tre considre comme une mesure protectionniste dans le domaine de la culture, surtout dans les conditions de lexpansion mondiale des productions amricaines. Ces rglementations traduisent le dsir de prserver et daffirmer les identits nationales et lidentit europenne. La religion. Nous avons plac la religion dans cette catgorie parce quil sagit dun lment culturel commun beacoup de pays de lEurope. La religion est un facteur ambivalent : elle a aussi bien des vertus unificatrices (notamment au sein des confessions et des dnominations) quun rle diffrenciateur, (permettant de dfinir lidentit dun groupe religieux par rapport un autre groupe religieux).
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Le christianisme, de quelque confession quil soit, est fond sur un ensemble commun de normes et de valeurs. Celles-ci ont dailleurs t reprises et codifies dans des normes sociales et des rglementations juridiques. On peut constater que, dans tous les pays europens, les fondements normatifs des comportements individuels et collectifs sont, pour la plupart, communs, tant issus dune source commune le christianisme. Parfois, les distances sociales entre les diffrentes confessions chrtiennes peuvent tre importantes (non seulement au niveau doctrinal, mais aussi et surtout du point de vue de la moralit des fidles, et de leur capacit de rgler les comportements individuels), mais elle ne sont jamais aussi grandes que celles qui sparent la religion chrtienne et les religions non chrtiennes. Notons que, au sein des confessions chrtiennes, les attitudes fondamentalistes ne sont pas significatives. Les glises soccupe de la moralit publique et du respect des valeurs chrtiennes, mais sans simmiscer dans lactivit des tats. Les volutions des deux ou trois dernires dcennies ont dmontr que les symbioses entre les orientations fondamentalistes et les tats xnophobes reprsentent un grave danger pour la paix et la stabilit mondiales. Il nexiste aucune contradiction entre les idologies de lintgration europenne et le christianisme. Bien au contraire, le christianisme, du moins sous sa forme primitive, a eu un caractre universaliste, affirmant la bonne entente entre les peuples, condamnant les guerres et soutenant lgalit des individus et des peuples. Ce message profond du christianisme peut constituer un facteur important dans le processus de la construction europenne. 2.2. Possibles obstacles au processus de lintgration europenne En dehors des facteur favorisants, on constate dans les pays europens laction de facteurs qui se manifestent ou pourraient se manifester comme des obstacles au processus dintgration. La plupart des lments susceptibles de freiner lintgration europenne sont des hritages du pass , parfois dun pass trs recul. Les diffrences de niveau de dveloppement conomique. Les traits europens prvoient quun pays doit rpondre certains critres conomiques pour pouvoir tre admis dans lUnion europenne. Ladmission dun pays niveau de dveloppement trop bas par rapport la moyenne des pays membres serait dfavorable tant au pays en question qu lensemble de lUnion europenne. LEurope prsente encore de grandes disparits en ce qui concerne le niveau de dveloppement des pays. Les facteurs qui ont engendr ces disparits sont moins importants dans ce contexte. Nous prendrons cette ralit historique comme une donne objective qui ne saurait tre ignore. Ladhsion de pays niveau de dveloppement conomique moins lev a t prcde de longues priodes de prparation, et les pays candidats ont reu des appuis substantiels de la part des pays membres. Comme nous lavons dj montr, si le nombre des pays candidats qui ont besoin daide dans ltape de pradhsion est grand, si leur masse dmographique est importante et leurs structures conomiques englobent des secteurs ou des entreprises peu performants, avec un personnel nombreux, il peut savrer difficile daider ces pays rattraper les dcalages. Certains pays candidats en sont conscients et essaient dobtenir un traitement prfrentiel. Bien quaccepts
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initialement par tous les pays intresss, lide de traiter les pays candidats comme un seul groupe et le principe de ladmission concomitante ont commenc tre de plus en plus souvent remis en question par certains petits pays qui prsentent moins de disfonctionnements conomiques et qui insistent sur une adhsion en plusieurs vagues. On craint que les fonds exigs par les grands pays candidats et qui doivent faire face de gros problmes conomiques ne soient un fardeau trop lourd pour les budgets communautaires et, de ce fait, ne retardent ladhsion de lentier groupe. Les traitements prfrentiels demand par certains pays candidats peuvent produire des tensions au sein du groupe et alimenter des ressentiments qui persistent mme aprs ladhsion du dernier pays. La construction europenne ne peut se raliser quen labsence de toute tension et de tout ressentimens. Des problmes irrsolus du pass. LEurope a t, tout au long de son histoire, le terrain de beaucoup de disputes internes et internationales. Les conflits interethniques, les combats livrs pour la conqute de territoires, les occupations temporaires ont laiss des traces dans la conscience des groupes et des socits. Malgr la modernisation et la tolrance apparentes, certains moments, le souvenir de conflits anciens est ressuscit et peut servir lgitimer de nouveaux conflits. Les frontires des tats europens sont souvent le rsultat de guerres ou de dcisions prises dans des confrences internationales de paix. Dans toute guerre il y a eu des vainqueurs et des vaincus. Les dcoupages territoriaux se sont faits selon la volont des vainqueurs. Naturellement, les vaincus en ont gard des sentiments de frustration. La perte dun territoire ou de lindpendance par un tat ne soublie pas, mme aprs des sicles. Sur ce point, les peuples ne se rsignent jamais. Sous les pressions internationales, un groupe ethnique ou un peuple peut reconnatre les frontires politiques de lEurope, mais cela ne veut pas dire quil reconnatra la justesse de lacte qui lui aura fait subir une perte entrine par des traits internationaux. Si aux disputes territoriales viennent sajouter dimportantes diffrences de dveloppement conomique, la probabilit de la persistance de conflits latents est trs grande. Sil existe de surcrot des diffrences dordre religieux, les divergences sen trouveront amplifies. Les disputes territoriales disparaissent avec la disparition effective des frontires politiques, lorsque le niveau de dveloppement de la zone qui fait lobjet de la dispute et des pays concerns est le mme et que se manifeste une grande tolrance religieuse. LAlsace et la Lorraine sont les meilleurs exemples de solution pacifique et deffacement de disputes territoriales, parce quelles ont rempli toutes ces conditions favorables. Par contre, lIrlande, la Corse, le Pays basque sont des cas irrsolus mme au bout de quelques dizaines dannes dintgration europenne. Dans ces rgions, lhistoire continue de gouverner le prsent. Lentre dans lUnion europenne de nouveaux membres entre lesquels il existe des tensions ou des conflits latents peut constituer un obstacle important au processus de la construction europenne. La simple adhsion lUnion europenne ne peut mettre fin des conflits vieux de plusieurs centaines dannes. Il y a, certes, de fortes chances pour que ces conflits diminuent ou disparaissent mesure que le processus dintgration europenne avance. Si les rgions ou les pays entre lesquels il existe des disputes historiques restent en dehors de lUnion europenne ou, pis encore, si certains de ces pays entrent dans lUnion alors que dautres restent en dehors, le risque de dclenchement de conflits augmente. La capacit dintervention de lUnion europenne dans la solution de disputes et
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dans la prvention de conflits sen trouvera diminue, puisque les institutions europennes nauront aucune autorit sur les pays qui ne sont pas membres de lUnion. Avant dentrer dans lUnion, les pays candidats doivent faire des efforts pour rsoudre leurs disputes historiques, afin de ne pas apporter cette organisation de nouveaux potentiels conflictuels. La solution incomplte des conflits ethniques ou trritoriaux ne doit pas bloquer ladhsion lUnion europenne, car, rptons-le, il est plus dangereux que ces zones restent en dehors de lintgration europenne. Lhistoire rcente dmontr que mme les conflits locaux, mineurs en apparence, peuvent avoir des consquences graves sur la stabilit de lentier continent. Strotypes ethniques et culturels. Les groupes humains qui interagissent se font lun de lautre certaines images. Ces images peuvent avoir des rapports avec les traits et les caractristiques du groupe concern ; parfois, ce sont de simples fictions de limaginaire social. Les strotypes peuvent porter sur des aspects ethniques, religieux, sociaux ou moraux. Certains concernent des traits positifs, dautres, des traits ngatifs attibus un groupe. En gnral, les groupes ferms produisent des strotypes ngatifs. Un groupe religieux qui exige avec rigueur la participation des fidles aux pratiques cultuelles et qui ne souvre pas aux fidles appartenant dautres cultes ne manquera pas dveiller des soupons ; or, la suspicion est la principale source des strotypes ngatifs fantaisistes. Les strotypes, mmes les plus fantaisistes, ont une grande influence sur lorientation des comportements et des attitudes des individus. Limage, mme la moins raliste, quon se fait des membres dun groupe, perus comme paresseux, sales ou voleurs, peut influencer non seulement les manifestations non critiques de lopinion publique, mais aussi les dcisions politiques qui ne peuvent ignorer celle-ci. Les strotypes ngatifs peuvent constituer des obstacles importants la construction europenne, parce quils accentuent les diffrences entre les groupes et ne permettent pas laffirmation dune identit europenne. La grande diversit linguistique de lEurope. Les traits de lUnion europenne portent une attention toute particulire aux langues nationales. A premire vue, cette grande diversit linguistique risquerait de freiner le processus dintgration europenne. Les volutions plus ou moins rcentes montrent cependant que la diversit des langues nentrave pas les changes commerciaux ou culturels. LUnion europenne a mis au point un certain nombre de procds qui permettent de dpasser les difficults issues de la diversit linguistique. On encourage lapprentissage, dans les coles ou en dehors des coles, des langues trangres, y compris des langues de faible diffusion. Tous les documents issus des institutions europennes sont traduits dans toutes les langues des pays membres. Ces activits de traduction sont dj trs coteuses et en viennent grever les budgets des institutions europennes. Les cots de la communication linguistique augmenteront encore avec lentre des pays candidats, puisque chacun de ces pays a sa propre langue, diffrente de celles qui existent dj dans lUnion europenne. On parle de plus en plus de rduire la communication linguistique quatre langues internationales. Une telle dcision pragmatique risque de provoquer des ractions dfavorables de la part de pays qui se sentiraient traits comme des membres de second rang de lUnion europenne. La religion. Nous avons dj soulign lambivalence de ce facteur et nous lavons rang parmi les facteur favorisant lintgration europenne. Nous allons maintenant parler des freins que peut
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mettre la religion ldification dune identit europenne. Except les croisades, les pays europens ont rarement agi comme un groupe religieux unitaire. Les guerres contre les Turcs, bien que lgitims parfois comme des guerres entre chrtiens et musulmans, furent en ralit des conflits motivs conomiquement et politiquement. Les intrts dordre commercial ont prim les intrts religieux. Lhistoire des conflits dEurope est une histoire de conflits apparus plutt au sein de telle ou telle confession quentre religions diffrentes. Mme de nos jours, le fait dappartenir au mme christianisme nempche que se produisent des conflits sanglants entre les Irlandais catholiques et les Irlandais protestants. Les diffrences religieuses entre catholiques, orthodoxes et musulmans dans les pays de lex-Yougoslavie ont galement produit des conflits importants, parfois avec des implications internationales. Le fait que la religion ne se manifeste pas en Europe comme un facteur de cohsion politique ou daction conomique est un lment positif. La religion joue un rle majeur en tant qulment identitaire. Mais elle est en mme temps un facteur diffrenciateur important. Bien que prche dans les discours cumnique, la tolrance interreligieuse nest gure mise en pratique dans les socit fortement attaches la religion. Dans le processus dintgration europenne, les religions et les confessions sont considres comme appartenant au patrimoine culturel europen, sans que les organisations religieuse se voient attribuer pour autant un rle politique. Bien que majoritairement chrtienne, lEurope nest pas trs homogne du point de vue confessionnel. Le grand nombre de non-chrtiens dans certains pays de lEurope occidentale engendre, comme nous lavons dj montr, des problmes dordre culturel, social, conomique et politique. Pour les musulmans, par exemple, la religion est le principal lment identitaire. Le grand nombre de mosques construites dans certains pays de lEurope occidentale met en vidence le rle de la religion dans le maintien de lidentit des musulmans. Lutilisation du christianisme comme lment de la construction europenne se heurterait une grande masse de non-chrtiens qui sopposeraient une intgration europenne sur des assises chrtiennes. Dans le processus de la construction europenne, la question de savoir quel est la place et le rle des musulmans rsidant en Europe occidentale dans lintgration europenne na pas reu de rponse nette. En admettant que les imigrs clandestins puissent tre expulss et que les travailleurs temporaires continuent dtre exclus des processus lectoraux nationaux et europens, il existe encore une masse de citoyens europens peu intgrs ou non intgrs au sein des socits o ils vivent. Dans une ville franaise, un quartier entirement peupl dArabes musulmans, o les autorits nentrent jamais, o vivent des femmes et des vieillards qui ne vont pas au-del des limites du quartier et qui ignorent le franais et nont assimil aucun lment de la culture franaise, o tous les services commerciaux et mdicaux sont assurs par des personnes parlant la mme langue et pratiquant la mme religion est, premire vue, un ghetto o les trangers se sont dlibrment isols, protgeant leur propre identit contre la socit daccueil qui essaie de les englober. Peut-on parler dintgration europenne dans le cas de ces ghettos arabo-islamiques (ou chinois, ou hindous) qui ne sont intgrs ni dans la communaut, ni dans la socit o ils se trouvent ? Bien que bon nombre de ces questions naient
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pas reu de rponse nette, il est vident que lEurope, cest aussi ces ghettos qui constituent autant dlots de non-intgration. Quelles solutions peut-on actuellement envisager ces problmes ? La premire solution serait de les ignorer, en estimant que la socit ou lEurope peuvent tolrer certaines communauts qui ont une identit autre que lidentit europenne et qui refusent de se laisser intgrer. L-dessus, deux catgories dattentes interviennent. Lune part de cette ide que lEurope intgre sera assez forte pour permettre la survivance des communauts non intgres. Dans cette conception, ce qui prime, ce sont les arguments concernant les droits des minorits. La seconde catgorie dattentes part de lide selon laquelle les bienfaits de lintgration europenne seront tellement vidents que, avec le temps, mme les communauts qui dfendent leur identit ethnique et religieuse finiront par se laisser intgrer par les socits nationales ou par lEurope. Une deuxime solution possible serait dassimiler de force du moins au point de vue linguistique et de linteraction sociale les communauts dtrangers qui refusent lintgration. Bien quelle puisse tre considre comme pragmatique, cette solution aurait des consquences graves sur toutes les constructions idologiques, juridiques et institutionnelles concernant les droits des individus et des minorits. Il est possible quune pareille solution cause de gros problmes et provoque des conflits sociaux. Le problme des communauts ethno-religieuses non intgres est une pierre dachoppement pour certains pays de lUnion europenne. La manire dont il sera rsolu constituera un prcdent pour le traitement appliquer dautres communaut diffrencies, incompltement intgres dans une socit ou dans lEurope. Ces communauts sont une preuve de limportance que peut avoir la religion dans le processus de lintgration europenne. Linvasion des minorits. La reconnaissance et la protection des droits des minorits au niveau national et europen constituent lune des grandes conqutes dmocratiques des dernires dcennies. Initialement, les minorits prises en considration taient de nature ethnique, linguistique ou religieuse. Toutes ces minorits taient des minorits reliatives : une ethnie tait minoritaire dans tel pays, mais majoritaire dans le pays voisin ; les protestants taient minoritaires en Espagne, mais majoritaires dans les pays du Nord, etc. Il sagissait l de minorits par rapport des majorits dune autre ethnie, dune autre langue ou dune autre confession. Mais elles ne prsentaient pas de diffrences substantielles du point de vue des valeurs et des normes quelles partageaient. Ces minorits ne constituent pas un obstacle lintgration europenne ; bien au contraire, lintgration permet une meilleure communication entre une minorit dun pays et une majorit semblable du point de vue ethnique, linguistique ou religieux dun autre pays. Tant quelles ne font pas lobjet de discriminations, ces minorits traditionnelles se manifestent comme des acteurs valables du processus dintgration europenne. En revanche, en cas de discrimination, elles entretiennent des tensions et des conflits qui freinent lintgration europenne. A ct des minorits traditionnelles, de nouveaux types de minorits ont apparu (homosexuels, drogus, grupes orients selon certaines conceptions religieuses syncrtistes, groupe millnaristes, etc.). Ces minorits jouissent des mmes droits et de la mme protection que les minorits traditionnelles. Les nouvelles minorits sont des minorits absolues : il nexiste pas de pays
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majoritairement homosexuel. Les nouvelles minorits non seulement dveloppent des comportements diffrents par rapport la majorit, mais dfendent aussi des normes et des valeurs opposes celles que partagent la plupart des membres dune socit. Sous langle du respect des droits des individus et des minorits, lexistence de ces minorits est protge. Mais sous langle des droits des communauts et des socits, leur protection contrevient aux intrts sociaux gnraux. Les nouvelles minorits sont diffrenciatrices tant par rapport aux socits au sein desquelles elles vivent, que par rapport toutes les autres socits europennes. Elles ne peuvent contribuer en rien lintgration europenne et ldification dune identit europenne. Lintgration europenne vaut ces minorits la possibilit de communiquer plus facilement avec des minorits semblables dautres pays et de simposer davantage sur le champ social. Les nouvelles minorits absolues peuvent susciter des difficults dans le processus dintgration europenne, si certains pays europens sont moins permissifs lgard de ces minorits, voire les rpriment au nom du respect des normes et des valeurs sociales gnrales. Le fait davoir oblig des pays candidats adopter des mesures lgislatives qui assurent la protection des nouvelles minorits a engendr, dans certains pays, des attitudes ngatives lgard de lUnion europenne. Pour linstant, on en est arriv un compromis : les nouvelles minorits absolues sont protges dans lespoir quelles ne prendront pas une ampleur qui menace les identits nationales et lidentit europenne, voire la survie dune socit. Si les minorits rcemment apparues produisent des effets ngatifs considrables, on peut sattendre des ractions pragmatiques restrictives, y compris la restriction des droits des individus et des minorits. La dynamique des majorits absolues et fortement diffrencies demeure un gros problme pour lavenir dune socit europenne et pour le processus dintgration europenne. Les cots de lintgration supports par les futurs pays membres. Initialement, lUnion europenne tait forme des pays europens les plus avancs du point de vue conomique. Les disparits conomiques entre les pays fondateurs taient relativement rduites. Ladaptation des conomies nationales aux exigences de lunion conomique sest faite durant une priode relativement longue, sans cots sociaux majeurs. Bien des ajustements conomiques ont t dcids par consensus, partir des ralits conomiques et sociales propres chaque pays. Llargissement de lUnion europenne a impliqu ladhsion dtats moins dvelopps conomiquement que la moyenne des pays fondateurs. Pour rpondre aux exigences structurelles et defficacit tablies dj de faon dtaille par une communaut conomique prexistante ladhsion, certains pays ont d procder des ajustements conomiques importants : perte ou diminution de secteurs de production, restructurations importantes dans le secteur agricole, adoption de quotas de production et dexportation, rorientation de la main-duvre, rorganisations techniques et conomiques massives imposes par les rglementations communautaires trs dtailles. Les lendemains des adhsions ont t pour certains pays, mme des plus dvelopps du point de vue conomique, relativement difficiles. La production a baiss de faon significative dans certains secteurs dactivit ; les exportations ont diminu ; le chmage a augment et les insatisfactions associes au chmage se sont multiplies. Dans certains pays, les partis qui avaient promu et accompli ladhsion du pays ont pay le prix du mcontentement social et ont
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perdu les lections. Parfois, les mcontentements des premires annes aprs ladhsion ont t tels quil ont permis certaines formations politiques de gagner du terrain en prnant labandon de lUnion europenne. Les pays candidats de lEurope centrale et orientale seront obligs de procder des changements bien plus radicaux que ceux imposs lAutriche, lEspagne ou au Portugal. Les conomies de ces pays comportent beaucoup dactivits industrielles rendement bas ou inefficaces, mais qui emploient un grand nombre de travailleurs. A court ou moyen terme, il est peu probable que la suppression de ces activit soit compense par lapparition de nouvelles activits industrielles ou de nouveaux services qui attirent massivement la main-duvre congdie. Le scnario le plus probable prvoit une hausse importante du taux du chmage dans les annes davant et daprs ladhsion. Une partie de la main-duvre congdie pourrait entrer dans des processus de mobilit occupationnelle en direction des pays les plus riches de lUnion europenne. Les pays occidentaux pourraient tre tents daccepter les flux migratoires venus de lEurope centrale et orientale, tant donn que les nouveaux migrants sont europens, chrtiens pour la plupart, et quils prsentent beaucoup de ressemblances avec les populations des pays daccueil, ce qui viterait les chocs culturels provoqus par la constitution de communauts ethno-religieuses non intgrables. Les mobilits occupationnelles Est-Ouest incluront surtout des jeunes diplms, et moins de mainduvre faiblement qualifie ou ayant des qualifications dpasses, et provenant de la fermeture dactivits industrielles. De mme que dans certains des pays membres de lUnion europenne, dans les pays de lEurope centrale et orientale qui adhreront dans les annes venir, laugmentation du chmage peut entraner des tats dinsatisfaction et, finalement, des attitudes antieuropennes. Les espoirs que les peuples des pays candidats mettent dans ladhsion lUnion sont trs grands, si bien que les ventuelles dsillusions seront normes. Laugmentation des rticences, voire des attitudes hostiles lintrieur de lUnion europenne risque de devenir non seulement un obstacle lintgration, mais aussi un lment dsintgrateur. 3. Quelles chances pour les identits nationales dans les conditions de lintgration europenne ? La conservation des identits nationales et la possibilit de leur coexistence avec lidentit europenne sont des ides solidement fondes thoriquement et acceptes dans les politiques europennes. Cependant, la ralit est bien plus diverse que ces principes thoriques et politiques. Les identits nationales nont pas la mme force de se maintenir et de saffirmer. Dun pays lautre il existe de grandes diffrences de potentiel conomique, de potentiel financier, dimportance dans les changes europens et internationaux, dimportance dmographique, de possibilits de contrle des moyens de communication au niveau europen et mondial, de force militaire, de capacit de contrler les institutions europennes et internationales, etc. Les pays mieux placs de ces points de vue ont de meilleures chances pour conserver et affirmer leur identit nationale. Il nest pas question de faire des diffrences entre cultures majeures et cultures mineures, entre identits nationales importantes et moins importantes.
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Mme les pays trs bien placs du point de vue de leurs chances de conserver et daffirmer leurs identits nationales manifestent leur inquitude face aux implications uniformisatrices de la monoculture promue par le processus de mondialisation. Il est vident que celui qui matrise ou contrle la majeure partie du processus de mondialisation dtient galement les principaux moyens daction dans le domaine de lidentit. Les tats-Unis doivent faire face lintrieur de srieux problmes lis lidentit et la ncessit dassurer la cohsion de tant dethnies diffrentes. Sur le plan international, les tats-Unis montrent une grande capacit promouvoir les modles culturels amricains. Le contrle des principaux mdias au niveau mondial facilite la diffusion des modles culturels amricains. Lutilisation de la langue de la plus large diffusion est un atout supplmentaire. En contrlant plus de la moiti du march mondial des ordinateurs et du multimdia, de mme que la plupart des marchs de logiciels, les tats-Unis dtiennent un canal privilgi de transmission non seulement de la langue, mais aussi de normes et de valeurs incorpores dans les produits techniques. Dans beaucoup de pays, les mots rcents utiliss dans le domaine de la technologie de linformation et de la communication sont soit amricains, soit adapts daprs des mots amricains. Dans ce domaine de la technologie de linformation et de la communication au moins, on constate une grande dpendance des cultures nationales par rapport aux contextes linguistiques, techniques et culturels amricains. Il est de plus en plus vident que le processus de mondialisation a sur certaines socits des effets de dculturation, de diminution des identits culturelles nationales. Face ces processus, des rponses sont apparues : des mesures de protectionnisme culturel adoptes par lUnion europenne ou par certains tats membres de lUnion ; la fermeture de certains pays aux messages culturels, informationnels ou technologiques venant des tats-Unis ; ladoption dattitudes hostiles la culture amricaine. Cette dernire catgorie pourrait inclure les actions terroristes, qui peuvent tre considres comme des ractions violentes traduisant lincapacit de certains pays prserver leur identit ethnique, religieuse et culturelle, identit quils sentent menace par les processus de mondialisation contrls par les tats-Unis. Mme les pays occidentaux qui ont une grande capacit de dfendre et de promouvoir leurs identits nationales se sentent menacs par les processus de mondialisation et sont en passe dlargir les mesures protectionnistes dans le domaine de lducation et de la culture. Le problme de la protection de lidentit europenne se pose dautant que celle-ci est en cours de formation et quelle nest pas encore assez forte pour pouvoir faire face lavance mondiale de la culture amricaine. Les chances pour la conservation et laffirmation des identits nationales des pays membres et futurs membres de lUnion europenne semblent donc, une premire analyse, assez diffrentes. Le problme de lidentit nationale se pose dune faon spcifique dans un pays dont la langue est une langue internationale, qui fabrique une large varit de produits, y compris des technologies de pointe, qui occupe une place importante dans la production de lUnion europenne et dans les changes tant lintrieur de celle-ci que sur les marchs mondiaux, qui contrle des mdias au niveau continental ou mondial, qui possde un systme universitaire dvelopp, lequel attire un grand nombre dtudiants trangers, et qui joue un rle de premier ordre dans les institutions
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europennes. Il en va diffremment pour un pays de petites dimensions, qui utilise une langue de diffusion strictement nationale, qui dpend en large mesure des importations scientifiques, technologique et culturelles, qui a un niveau conomique bas et une importance rduite sur les marchs europens et mondiaux. Lidentit culturelle des pays de cette deuxime catgorie est soumise tant aux pressions des processus de mondialisation, qu des diminutions dcoulant de lintgration europenne.
UNIVERSITATEA, NTRE MCDONALDIZARE I CUTAREA EXCELENEI

Silvia Fat Universitatea din Bucuresti Abstract: In discussing the essence of the university, we go through a number of characteristics which, taken together, give a postmodern picture of it. We see the current tension between traditional academic values and the demands of performativity and the transition from knowledge as contemplation to knowledge as praxis. Epistemologically, the university has lost all sense of direction, its epistemologies used to be social in character, but now they are also practical. From where does the university gain a new legitimacy? Universities are sites of entrepreneurialism: new imanagerial nitiatives are expected to work, guided by conditions as quality, excellence, performance.
Universitatea, una din instituiile cele mai durabile ale civilizaiei umane, s-a transformat permanent pentru a servi ct mai bine societii, formele foarte variate sub care aceasta exist, de la universitatea tradiional pn la cea virtual, fiind doar ipostaze ntr-un lung ir de transformri, unele din cele mai dramatice. Dac universitatea premodern era o comunitate centralizat, iar cea modern deinea o comunitate tiinific disparat, universitatea contemporan (pe care o vom denumi postmodern pentru c ea aparine erei postmodernitii) nu are ns nici centru i nici granie. Univesitile sunt actualmente definite ca spaii ale hipercomplexitii, de aceea este att de dificil a gestiona aceast complexitate exacerbat. Universitatea nu mai deine monopolul cunoaterii. n documentul programatic al postmodernismului6, Lyotard lanseaz urmtoarea ipotez: statutul cunoaterii se altereaz pe msur ce societile intr n ceea ce devine cunoscut drept era postindustrial, iar culturile intr n ceea ce este cunoscut drept era postmodern (Lyotard, 1984:4). Aceast alterare const ntr-o externalizare a cunoaterii fa de cunosctori. Astfel, cunoaterea va fi produs pentru a fi vndut, i va fi consumat pentru a fi valorificat n noua producie.
6
Lucrarea lui Lyotard, Jean-Francois. 1984. "The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge
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Cunoaterea nceteaz s mai fie un scop n sine, ea i pierde valoarea de finalitate. 7 Nu este greu s ntrevedem cunoaterea circulnd pe aceleai linii ca i banii, (...)distincia pertinent nu va fi cea dintre cunoatere i ignoran, ci, ca i n cazul banilor, cea dintre cunoatere pltit i cunoatere-investiie (Lyotard, 1984:6). Universitatea a devenit de-a lungul timpului o instituie deschis tuturor tipurilor de cunoatere. Una din ideile modernitii este c raiunea uman poate fi dezvoltat i instituionalizat, iar aceast raiune este orientat ctre adevruri obiective, certe, lipsit de superstiii. Postmodernitii declar ns c nu exist valori universale i sunt fericii s resping idealurile educaiei. Atta timp ct performaa este strict demonstrativ, cunoaterea cade n derizoriu, ns capt o semnificaie deosebit n momentul n care cunoaterea contemplativ tradiional devine cunoatere performant. Dezordinea epistemologic care domnete acum reprezint o tranziie de la cunoaterea contemplativ la cunoaterea practic. Cunoaterea i adevrul nu mai ofer un suport stabil universitii deoarece aceasta a cptat o legitimitate mai larg. i cum nu exist o singur modalitate de a justifica legitimitatea universitii, nu exist o esen a ei. De unde poate ctiga universitatea o nou legitimitate? Dilema fundamental exist n comunicarea dintre valorile moderne i cele postmoderne. Putem s renunm la valorile tradiionale n faa necesitilor lumii postmoderne? n remodelarea fundaiei conceptuale a universitii, trebuie s lum n considerare lumea aa cum este construim un zgrie-nori pe o falie seismic. Criza de legitimitate a Universitii The University is in ruins., spune Jean Baudrillard.8 A spune c universitatea se gsete azi, n societatea occidental, ntr-o stare de criz, confirm concepiile unei categorii de teoreticieni ce aparine celui de al II-lea razboi mondial. De fapt, temenul de criz i-a modificat semnificaia. n anii 80 i 90, sub o hegemonie neo-conservatoare, aceasta presupunea ncercarea de supravieuire financiar, nicidecum ideea de legitimare. Dac legitimarea este obsesia modernitii europene de cel puin dou secole ncoace, n postmodernitate are loc procesul de delegitimare ideologic prin pierderea credibilitii marilor scenarii. Accentul se deplaseaz, n acest proces, de pe scopuri (teleologie, progres) pe mijloace.Universitatea postmodernitii sufer de incertitudine epistemologic i ontologic. S-ar putea spune c este suficient pentru ea s se acomodeze lumii n mod pragmatic; dar acest aspect este discutabil Aceasta pentru c universitatea trebuie s menin ideea dialogului critic pentru a contribui pozitiv la capitalul intelectual i cultural al societii. Dup Smith i Webstar Pentru (1997) alii, Universitatea are tendina de a absorbi i acumula aspiraiile i poate prezumpiile de schimbare ale generaiilor succesive i ajunge, de manier surprinztoare, s dezamgeasc .
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Sociolog francez, teoretician al postmodernsimului afirm c n epoca postmodern realul a fost nlocuit aproape n totalitate de simulacre, data fiind carecapacitatea tehnologiilor moderne de a crea noi percepii ale realitii .
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precum Harvey (1991) sau Lyotard (1984), aceste tendine arat incapacitatea modernitii de a ndeplini aspiraiile i promisiunile modernitii. Pe ansamblu, dup expresia lui Readings, universitatea este ameninat de dou crize de legitimitate: o criz de legitimare intern, ridicat de scepticismul epistemologic, iar cealalt, o criz de legitimare extern, ca urmare a schimbrilor importante petrecute n statutul social al acesteia. Ar fi ns o eroare s concepem aceste dou crize altfel dect n interdependen. Pe ansamblu, dup prerea noastr, ele reflect acelai spirit al epocii caracterizate prin globalizare cultural, n care se manifest dou tendine contrare: rspndirea fr precedent a formelor culturale ale lumii occidentale concomitent cu valorizarea fragmentarului i a particularului. R. Barnett vede nvmntul superior ca fiind nchis ntr-o colivie weberian, conservnd o raionalitate prescriptiv. Pentru ali autori, printre care Giddens, schimbrile culturale, tehnologice i economice duc la intensificarea actualei transformri din nvmnt n bun de consum. Imperativul performanei nvmntul, prin competiia intelectual mondial, lanseaz multe provocri. Jan Stronach susinea c, acum 20 ani, vorbitorii de limb englez ar fi considerat ciudat noiunea de calitate corelat cu educaia. Ei ar fi argumentat c nvmntul, pentru a fi o construcie inteligibil din punct de vedere filosofic, trebuie s reprezinte sau s promoveze noiunea de cunoatere n sensul Binelui. Aceasta ar fi calitatea ei definitorie. nlocuirea filosofiei educaiei cu bussines managementul comut categoric accentele. Calificativele comparative i-au pierdut baza filosofic, fiind trte n discursuri normative n care se reflect ierarhiile autolimitate. Oare discursul despre calitate nu a dus, n mod arbitrar, la moartea filosofiei educaionale, care la rndul ei reprezenta unicul mijloc prin care problemele da calitate n nvmnt puteau fi judecate? Universitatea este o meta-instituie, ea se auto-examineaz i se autodefinete permanent. Aceste caliti sunt eseniale oricrei instituii pentru a supravieui n lumea postmodern. Power i Strathern au sugerat c acest nou discurs se identific cu introducerea culturii de revizie. Iat de ce muli profesori sunt nostalgici privind dispariia idealului educaional i sceptici fa de noua cultur de revizie, bazat pe mprumuturi din afacerile capitaliste, considerate vagi. Calitatea creeaz un nou fenomen social, i de ce nu, o clas de specialiti dedicai controlului calitii, ceea ce echivaleaz cu o revoluie la scar global. Astfel, se aplic un neodarvinism social: numai cei mai performani vor supravieui n competiiile globalizate din viitor. (Strathern, 1997:305). Se poate vedea ct de radicale au devenit aceste atitudini ce vor dicta i ordona o nou agend a calitii n educaie. Dac scopurile educaionale snt deduse exclusiv n mod normativ (fii primul!), sociologia i filosofia educaiei nu mai au nimic de spus. O astfel de abordare are un caracter individualist, problemele de srcie, clas social, ras, etc. trec n plan secund. Acestea devin mai degrab detalii tehnice dect probleme structurale. Se pleac probabil de la ipoteza c,
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dac nu poi msura un lucru, nu-l poi administra (i calitatea este n primul rnd o problem managerial). Aa se i justific apariia unei noi tiine a managementului i evalurii educaionale. Aceast demonstraie global poate fi de asemenea nsoit i de un limbaj universal al Calitii. Discursul cu privire la mbuntirea calitii devine tiin autonom, ca i formula lui Fullan, unde: E = mca2 E = eficacitate m=motivare c=capacitate a2 = asisten i asumarea responsabilitii Exist un punct de intersecie ntre scopurile educaionale i cele economice. DeCoubertin, fonadatorul jocurilor olimpice moderne, declara c viziunea jocurilor elibera omul de constituirea viziunii a homo economicus. "O astfel de mobilizare a intereselor acordate unei fantezii despre eficacitatea educaional i economic totui comport n mod decisiv o acceptare nerostit a jocului subiacent, jocul capitalismului global. Nu conteaz faptul c exist ctigtori i perdani, atta timp ct toi joac cu obedien acest joc. ntr-adevr, spectacolul face ideea de competiie inatacabil din punct de vedere moral, aa cum se poate ntmpla n cazul jocurilor olimpice. n loc ca echitatea s fie preocuparea care s se opun noiunii de competiie, ea devine calitate a competiiei.(MacAloon, 1984:257) Obiectivul micrii pentru calitate era exact opusul acesteia, o educaie eficient pentru o economie productiv, de unde i o srbtorire spectaculoas a omului economic. (Stronach, J. 1999:185). ntr-un articol relativ recent, N. Burbules (Burbules, 2000) pune n eviden patru semne ale introducerii modelului organizaiilor private n instituiile de nvmnt superior. Acestea sunt: asocierea poziiilor administrative cu titluri mprumutate din sectorul privat (manager, director executiv etc.), adoptarea sistemului de management al calitii din sectorul privat pentru a administra programele colegiilor i universitilor, noi strategii de alocare a bugetelor care recompenseaz antreprenoriatul universitar, un nou discurs care accentueaz noiuni precum clieni, servicii, sau sisteme de furnizare a educaiei i corporatizarea crescnd a diviziunilor de cercetare din universitate, incluznd apropierea relaiilor cu companiile private (Burbules, 2000: 273). Paradigma universitii antreprenoriale pornete de la premisa c presiunile exercitate de mediul hipercompetitiv n care functioneaz universitile astzi pretind o reevaluare a acestor instituii din perspectiva noilor provocri. Aa cum arat Ruth Dunkin, profesor i preedinte al Universitii RMIT, Melbourne, astzi, pentru ca o universitate s aib succes, ea trebuie s fie antreprenorial, s fie agresiv competitiv. Burton R. Clark (Clark, 2000) arat c universitile antreprenoriale sunt cele care i asum riscuri introducnd noi practici, inovnd modul n care funcioneaz, schimbndu-i radical structurile, anticipnd evoluiile pieei i deschizndu-i perspective spre viitor. Autorul sugereaz folosirea noiunii de universitate inovatoare ca relativ sinonim cu cea de universitate antreprenorial, ns cu
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avantajul acoperirii unei arii mai vaste i n acelai timp neavnd conotaii negative cum ar fi cele de afacere, cutarea profitului cu orice pre etc. McUniversitatea A aborda educaia mai mult ca pe o investiie dect ca pe o experien cultural este un lucru lipsit de emoie, extrem de ngust., ne spune G.S.Backer, deintor al premiului Nobel n economie, 19929 Braul lung al mcdonaldizrii, cum ar spune G. Ritzer, a impus succesul unui model cqare sa nrdcinat rapid n alte culturi. Ca simbol planetar, reeaua Mc Donalds impune un ir de principii n standardizata industrie fast-food (eficiena, calculabilitatea, previzibilitatea, controlul); pe lng faciliti, analitii fenomenului nu ignor nici aspectele criticabile (de la efectele ecologice la cele privind automatizarea clientului, condamnat la superficialitate. Se pare c se poate vorbi despre incidena acestui fenomen asupra nvmntului superior. Mcdonaldizarea universitii este poate mai puin evident, fiind un fenomen cu dou fee, cu avantaje i dezavantaje. ns, aceasta este o problem a universitilor europene, dac avem n vedere i aprecierea profesorului Ash de la Oxford University (2005), care consider c la ora actual, ne confruntm cu criza universitii. Marea majoritate sunt supraaglomerate, fondurile de finanare sunt extrem de srace, iar profesorii sunt din ce n ce mai presai de stat s scoat studeni pe band rulant. Exist pericolul ca mediul academic s devin un fel de industrie de producie n mas.10 Specialitii sunt de acord c una din limitele universitii mcdonaldizate este accentul pus pe cantitate n detrimentul calitii: accentul se pune pe ci studeni sau produse pot fi trecui prin sistem i ce calificative obin, nu pe deprinderea de a nva. Dup aprecierea lui Ritzer (2003), chiar dac multe din aspectele mcdonaldizrii se regsesc i n spaiul universitar, cele care presupun uniformizare, punerea accentului pe aspectele cantitative i previzibilitatea proceselor n scopul eficietizrii sistemului, totui spaiul universitar nu este tot att de mcdonaltizat. De exemplu, foarte puine dintre contactele umane sunt scenarizate. Tautologia standardelor profesionale Aa cum sugeram anterior, exigenele calitii genereaz presiuni globale. Exist o tensiune creat ntre dou registre la nivel educaional, n opinia lui Ian Stronach: economia performanei (economy of performance) i mediile practicii (ecologies of practices).
9
Gary Stanley Becker (n.
2 decembrie 193
Laureat, in 1992 al premiului Nobel in Stiinte Economice, a facut pionierat in
aplicarea analizelor economice asupra comportamentului uman, abordand domenii ca discriminarea, casatoria, familia, relatiile interumane si educatia - domenii in care comportamentul era considerat a fi unul comun si, adesea, de-a dreptul irational. 10 Ash, T. G., Lepenies, W., Noua i vechea Europ o convorbire ntre Timothy Garton Ash i Wolf Lepenies la 10 ani de la
nfiinarea Colegiului Noua Europ, Dilema veche, nr. 96/18-24 noiembrie, 2005, pp. 10-11.
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Primul este registrul economic, exprimat de obicei n termeni globali, un imperativ instrumental abordat prin practici manageriale i proceduri de asigurare a calitii. Astfel, clasamentul reprezint norma cultural a acestui discurs al calitii. mpingnd logica sociologiei pn la limit, managementul devine echivalentul pstrrii aparenelor i luptei cu umbrele: administrarea prin intermediul clasamentelor duce la administrarea clasamentelor nsei O serie de apecte ca: registrul local al identitii, al echitii, al respectului valorilor tradiionale nu pot fi msurate. Ecologia practicii se refer la educaie ca la o form a filosofiei naionale, incluznd valori culturale fundamentale, receptivitatea specific la dorinele studenilor, prinilor etc. Acelai autor, Jan Stronach se ntreab dac procedurile de asigurare a calitii constituie o tehnologie virtuoas pentru progresul educaional sau un agent pentru distrugerea ecologiilor educaionale, a variabilitii lor fine. Sunt oare indicatorii calitii un indiciu autentic sau un surogat pentru lumea educaional? i dac nu sunt, cum ar putea fi recunoscute, apreciate i pstrate aspectele mai puin msurabile ale performanei educaionale, cele intuitive, afective, att de importante pentru evoluia individual? Iat cteva din aspectele ce pot fi invocate atunci cnd abordm aceast problem delicat, dar imperativ a standardelor profesionale. 1. Exist tenina ca indicatorii de evaluare s fie citii normativ i nu formativ. Fiecare indicator era n mod inerent autocoruptibil: cnd o msur devine scop, ea nceteaz s fie o msur bun. (Strathern, 1997: 308). 2. Msurile de revizie a calitii tind s fie tautologice: este revizuit un sistem care ntruchipeaz standardele, dar, de fapt, standardele de performan snt modelate prin necesitatea de a fi revizuite. Auditul devine un lan formal prin care sistemul ntreprinde o autorevizie 3. Indicatorii sunt considerai importani, chiar dac acetia sunt reductibili sau simplificai la maxim. Rareori vreun indicator bine msurat al calitii este pus la ndoial, chiar dac acesta este unicul indicator al unei activiti foarte complexe (Stake, 1999, 49). 4. Procesele de audit reduc evenimentele reale la nsemnrile de pe hrtie i sunt cronofage. Ca i concluzie, limbajul indicatorilor domin limbajul serviciului oferit. Suntem de acord asupra faptului c educaia superioar nu poate fi dect elitist, ntruct esena ei este cutarea calitii intelectuale. Problema este c excelena poate fi doar motivat, nu poate fi impus. (...) Cu ct specifici mai precis o performan profesional, cu att mai uor msori i cu att mai greu motivezi, afirm Jan Stronach. La noi n ar, toate cele prezentate mai sus devin din ce n ce mai vizibile. Masificarea educaiei universitare, marketizarea organizaiilor academice i orientarea managerial de tip corporatist a acestora nu sunt invenii ale nvmntului superior romnesc, ci trsturi ale celor mai competitive i prestigioase pattern-uri n domeniu. Nu putem s nu constatm, cel puin n materie de educaie, decalajele, de care suntem responsabili, fa de tendinele reuite ale ieirii din criza postmodernist. Dac ne raportm la practicile din nvmntul romnesc, la nivel de curricul, izolarea n suficiena disciplinelor de nvmnt, extrem de fragmentare i obsedate de legitimitatea obinut prin inventarea de metodologii, constituie un simptom al decalajului sus amintit.
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Trebuie s regndim educaia superioar n mod conceptual, filosofic, cultural, ct i n mod pragmatic, instituional, profesional. Chiar dac universitatea nu mai deine rolul predominant de culturalizare, ci de profesionalizare, sugestia privind cutarea excelenei, aa cum am evideniat n titlul acetui articol, face din universitate o fabric a cunoaterii n era informatizrii. Din punct de vedere sociologic, trim ntr-o epoc n care nu exist autoritate, iar majoritatea fenomenelor sunt imprevizibile. Ce context conceptual poate nlocui ncrederea n cunoatere? Universitatea va trebui s creeze i s conserve totui o viziune privilegiat asupra lumii, o viziune n care creativitatea nsoit de critic s ne vorbeasc despre idealurile educaiei, renunnd la povara metafizic a Cunoaterii. Limbajul eficienei i eficacitii care ne guverneaz deja vieile profesionale paralizeaz poate abilitatea noastr de a regndi finalitatea i scopurile educaiei. Universitatea ar trebui s i asume rolul important de a stimula i supraveghea auto-educaia ntregii societi, devenind astfel mai capabili n a face deosebirea dintre raiune i nonsens, dintre educaie autentic i ideologie. Referine bibliografice LYOTARD, J. -F. (1984), The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, Manchester: Manchester University Press. BURBULES, N.C., (2000), Universities in transition: The promise and the chalengeof New Tehnologies, Teacher College Record, 273-295. MAC ALOON; J., (1984), Rite, Drama, Spectacle: Rehearsals toward a theory of Cultural Performance, Institute for Study pf Human Issues, Philadelphia.
RITZER, G. (2003). Mcdonaltizarea societii, traducere de V. Vucan, Editura comunicare.ro
SMITH, A., WEBSTAR, (1997), The Postmodern University, Buckingham, SHRE and Open University.
STRATHERM; M. (1997). "Improving ratings": Audit in the British university system.
European Review, 5(3), 305-321.
STRONACH, I. (1999) Shouting Theatre in a Crowded Fire: 'Educational Effectiveness' as Cultural Performance, Evaluation Review 5, no..2: 173-193.
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CERCETARI
EVALUAREA COMPETENELOR PROFESIONALE ALE STUDENILOR

Dan Potolea (coord.) Ioan Neacu, Marin Manolescu, Firua Tacea, Olimpius Istrate, Oana Mooiu Universitatea din Bucureti, Centrul de Management i Evaluare Educaional
Abstract:
The present article is a partial radiography of the students professional competences assessment system. It comprises several data constituted as premises for changing the theory and practice of the assessment in higher education, to face the actual needs of increasing the responsibilities of education institutions towards graduates quality and performance. The presented aspects focus on the way in which the actual assessment system is perceived and on the evaluative culture of the university staff, capitalising on some of the outcomes of the project Developments and Innovations in Students Competences Assessment Strategies for a Reform of the Romanian Higher Education within the Bologna Process (CNCSIS Grant 2007-2009, project director Prof.PhD Dan Potolea). The research was designed and implemented within the Centre for Management and Evaluation in Education by a team of professors from the Faculty of Psychology and Education Sciences, University of Bucharest. Rezumat:
Articolul de fa este o radiografie parial a sistemului de evaluare a rezultatelor profesionale ale studenilor. Sunt oferite cteva date care se constituie ca premise pentru schimbri n teoria i practica evalurii n nvmntul superior romnesc, n ntmpinarea nevoilor actuale de cretere a responsabilitii instituiilor educaionale pentru calitatea i performana absolvenilor. Aspectele prezentate se centreaz pe modul n care este perceput sistemul actual de evaluare a studenilor i pe cultura evaluativ a cadrelor didactice din nvmntul superior, valorificnd o parte dintre rezultatele obinute n cadrul proiectului Dezvoltari si inovatii in evaluarea competentelor profesionale ale studentilor strategii pentru reforma invatamantului superior romanesc in cadrul procesului Bologna (Grant CNCSIS 2007-2009, director de proiect prof.univ.dr. Dan Potolea).
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Cercetarea a fost proiectat i realizat n cadrul Centrului de Management i Evaluare Educaional de o echip de cadre didactice de la Facultatea de Psihologie i tiinele Educaiei, Universitatea din Bucureti.
1. Introducere Evaluarea academic i profesional a studenilor este o tem de actualitate att n context naional, resimit ca nevoie acut de reformare n sistemul universitar, ct i n context internaional, unde preocuprile n acest domeniu sunt n plin avnt, n plan teoretic i practic. Multitudinea si diversitatea de preocupri tiinifice n domeniul evalurii n nvmntul superior nu sunt dect argumente n favoarea considerrii actualitii i importanei temei pentru sistemul universitar n sens restrns, dar pentru sistemul social i economic n sens larg - acolo unde se manifest plenar efectele modului n care se realizeaz evaluarea studenilor i asigurarea calitii absolvenilor ce profeseaz pe piaa forei de munc. Adoptarea cadrului european al calificrilor impune noi criterii de evaluare, specifice fiecrui nivel de studii i va solicita asigurarea unui sistem de evaluare raportat la standardele universitilor din spaiul european. n nvmntul superior romnesc, evaluarea studenilor a fost mai puin permeabil la reform, alte componente fiind vizate cu predilecie (curriculum, finanare). Pentru a asigura calitatea nvmntului romnesc n conformitate cu normele stabilite la nivel european prin documentele procesului Bologna, este necesar o reform unitar care s cuprind toate componentele ei. Sistemul de evaluare este nc ancorat n practici tradiionale, impediment pentru aprecierea msurii n care sunt realizate noile obiective. Necesitatea de a contura profilul academic i profesional absolventului ciclului 1 (3 ani) de nvmnt superior implic practica unui sistem obiectiv de evaluare a competenelor i cunostinelor acestuia. Preocuprile numeroase la nivel internaional atrag atenia asupra necesitii unei reforme n domeniul evalurii rezultatelor practicii educaionale universitare performana profesional i academic a studenilor. Dei coala universitar romneasc are imaginea unei instituii solide ce ofera specialiti i profesioniti pentru export, se poate sesiza o contrapondere cu slaba/ scderea calitate(ii) profesionala(e) a absolventilor din ar, reclamat deseori de organismele angajatoare. Se menioneaza numrul scazut al tinerilor interesai s-i nceap/ continue cariera profesional n domenii precum cercetarea, nvmntul sau calitatea profesional ndoielnic a acestora. Universitatea este astfel responsabil o traducere a termenului foarte folosit la nivel internaional de accountability de produsul oferit pe piaa muncii, absolvenii. De aici pn la calitatea evalurii performanelor studenilor pe parcursul lor academic nu e dect un pas, cel al cercetrii prezentat (parial) n articolul de fa.
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2. O cercetare asupra evalurii n nvmntul superior
Proiectul Dezvoltri i inovaii n evaluarea competenelor profesionale ale studenilor strategii pentru reforma nvmntului superior romnesc n cadrul procesului Bologna a adoptat premisa potrivit creia fragilitatea calitii profesionale a absolvenilor n raport cu ateptrile i schimbrile unei piee a muncii superspecializat, provocatoare i extrem de dinamic, se poate datora lipsei de control a calitii nc din timpul studiilor. Cu o metafor, am spune c sita evalurii este prea rar i pot trece astfel generaii de absolveni la limita mediocritii, nepregtii s fac fa realitii socioprofesionale pentru care s-au pregtit. Pe de alt parte, a fost formulat ipoteza optimist dup care utilizarea unor metode noi de evaluare i crearea unui sistem modern i actualizat de evaluare a studenilor are efecte n creterea calitii nvmntului superior i permite deschiderea de noi abordri pentru recunoaterea internaional a calificrilor i diplomelor, n vederea integrrii europene n aria nvmntului superior i formrii profesionale. Scopul principal al cercetrii l-a constituit promovarea unei culturi a evalurii n instituiile de nvmnt superior i, pe acest temei, perfecionarea managementului instituional al calitii. n mod specific, au fost vizate urmtoarele obiective: Studierea concepiilor i practicilor privind evaluarea performanei studenilor n
nvmntul superior pe plan internaional, n diferite ri, identificarea unor tendine, probleme critice, perspective de dezvoltare; Diagnoza principiilor i experienelor practice de evaluare a performanelor studenilor n
nvmntul superior din ara noastr; Elaborarea unui model metodologic renovat/ actualizat al evalurii performanei studenilor
concepie i instrumente de aplicare, respectiv elaborarea unor Ghiduri metodologice pentru profesori i studeni privind cultura evalurii n universitate i modalitile concrete prin care se realizeaz evaluarea; Dezvoltarea strategiei de implementare a modelului de evaluare i integrare a acestuia n
programe de formare dezvoltare profesional a cadrelor didactice din nvmntul superior. Se poate observa c proiectul se nscrie, prin intele sale, pe dou direcii majore de investigaii: reprezint o cercetare fundamental i, n acelai timp, o cercetare empiric, practic-ameliorativ. Studiul de fa prezint i pune n discuie numai unele aspecte ale cercetrii concrete care s-a interesat de analiza diagnostic a sistemului prezent de evaluare profesional a studenilor i de identificarea unor elemente de ordin ameliorativ.
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Cercetarea s-a adresat nvmntului universitar clasic, non-tehnic, i a inclus ca baz de eantionare populaia universitar, cadre didactice i studeni, din cteva domenii de specializare: matematic-tiine, studii socio-umane, i zona disciplinelor umaniste. Eantionarea a parcurs dou etape, una pentru selecia unitilor de nvmnt faculti de profil din centrele universitare Bucureti, Iai, Cluj, Timioara, Sibiu, Braov i a doua destinat stabilirii celor dou populaii statistice cadre didactice i studeni. Ca urmare a seleciei, dup validarea eantionului, n cercetare au fost cuprini 1621 de studeni i 420 de cadre didactice. Eroarea de reprezentativitate n cazul eantionului de studeni a fost de 3,4%, n timp ce a eantionului de cadre didactice de 5%. Sursa principal de colectare i analiz a datelor a constitut-o dou chestionare, pre-testate anterior, adresate cadrelor didactice i studenilor, avnd n mare msur o construcie de tip oglind.
3. Percepii privind sistemul actual de evaluare a rezultatelor profesionale ale studenilor
Determinarea strii de fapt a sistemului de evaluare din nvmntul superior pornete de la felul n care cadrele didactice i studenii percep eficiena, impactul i pertinena modalitilor concrete n care se desfoar procesul de apreciere a performanelor n nvare. O prim estimare are drept punct de plecare opinia cadrelor didactice n ceea ce privete dihotomia tradiional-inovativ. Acestora li s-a cerut s aprecieze msura n care consider c evaluarea academic a studenilor este predominant tradiional, fr inovaii semnificative aduse n ultimii 1015 ani. Aproape jumtate din totalul cadrelor didactice (44,7%) se situeaz pe o poziie median, considernd c n domeniul evalurii exist un echilibru ntre tradiie i modernitate.
Acord total P01 6,9%
Acord
Acord moderat
Dezacord
Dezacord total
Fr opinie 2,4%
Medie
Var.
27,6%
44,7%
15,0%
3,3%
3,202
28,2%
Situarea de o parte sau de alta a balanei nu are nici o conotaie valoric, sensul invitaiei adresat de echipa de cercetare fiind ndreptat ctre simpla determinare a msurii n care ritmul de introducere a schimbrilor este perceput ca fiind unul rapid sau mai degrab lent. De aceea, fr a face (deocamdat) corelaii cu alte date, putem spune c sistemul de evaluare a performanelor
5 6
studenilor pstreaz un ritm moderat de inovare, cu o permeabilitate mai degrab redus, lipsindu-i, pe de o parte, capacitatea de adaptare rapid la propunerile teoretice actuale i, pe de alt parte, pstrnd elementele tradiionale, ntr-o dinamic normal a unui sistem complex cu un anumit grad de rezisten care i confer unitate i stabilitate.
P01 100% 80% 60% 40% 20%
(T)acord
Nivel mediu
(T)dezacord
NonR
sub 3 ani
0%
Lb.-com.
Masculin
11-20 ani
Conferen.
Profesor
Gen
Functie
Experienta
Domenii
Mat-Info
Statut
O analiz comparativ n funcie de diveri factori precum genul, funcia didactic, experiena, domeniul academic i statutul disciplinei predate (fundamental sau de specialitate) ne ofer cteva informaii suplimentare: cadrele didactice cu vechime i cele de genul masculin consider ntr-o mai mare msur c evaluarea este predominant tradiional.
S coruri
3 ,5 3 ,0 2 ,5 2 ,0
medii
P01
Limba-com.
St.ec.-adm.
Om-soc.
Conferentiar
Filo-com.
Mat-Info
Mat.-sti nte
21-30 ani
16-20 ani
1 -15 ani
1 -20 ani
St.socio-
s u b 3 an i
Masculin
G en
Fu n ct i e
V ech i m e
Ex p eri en t a
s u b 3 an i
Dom en i i
A ri e
cu rri c.
S coruri
4 ,5 4 ,0 3 ,5 3 ,0 2 ,5
medii-
P02
Limba-com.
2 ,0
Om-soc.
Specialit
Asistent
St at u t
St.ec.-adm.
Conferentiar
Filo-com.
Mat-Info
Mat.-sti nte
Masculin
St.socio-
16-20 ani
21-30 ani
1 -15 ani
1 -20 ani
sub 3 ani
G en
Fu n ct i e
V ech i m e
Ex p eri en t a
sub 3 ani
Dom en i i
A ri e
cu rri c.
S coruri
3 ,5
medii
P03
Atunci cnd trecem la esena practicilor de evaluare din nvmntul superior, prerile cadrelor
3 ,0 2 ,5 2 ,0
Limba-com.
Om-soc.
Conferentiar
St.ec.-adm.
Filo-com.
Mat-Info
Mat.-sti nte
Masculin
St.socio-
Fundam.
Feminin
Profesor
Lector
p es t e 3 0
p es t e 2 0
6-10 ani
3-5 ani
3-10 ani
Sti nte
Specialit
Asistent
St at u t
16-20 ani
1 -15 ani
21-30 ani
didactice construiesc o imagine mai nuanat, identificnd o serie de neajunsuri ale sistemului actual
G en Fu n ct i e V ech i m e Ex p eri en t a Dom en i i A ri e cu rri c. St at u t
precum i direciile prioritare n care ameliorrile ar trebui s aib loc i cele n care abordrile inovative ar trebui s se manifeste. Aprecierile cele mai accentuate relev puncte slabe n ce privete completitudinea plajei competenelor acoperite prin evaluare (punctat de 54,2% dintre cadrele didactice), n ce privete msura n care se evalueaz competenele transversale (46,6%), n ce privete accentul pe sarcini reproductive (45,8%), dar i puncte tari la nivelul echilibrului dintre sarcinile teoretice i cele practice (48%) i la nivelul obiectivitii evalurii (43,7%).
1 -20 ani
sub 3 ani
sub 3 ani
5 7
Specialit
Asistent
Fundam.
Feminin
Profesor
Lector
peste 30
peste 20
6-10 ani
3-5 ani
3-10 ani
Sti nte
Fundam.
Feminin
Profesor
Lector
peste 30
6-10 ani
3-5 ani
peste 20
3-10 ani
Sti nte
Fundam.
St.ec-ad.
Specialit
3-10 ani
Om-soc.
Feminin
Lector
peste 20
Asistent
Stiinte
Aprecierea practicilor de evaluare utilizate

(T)acord 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0%
P05_02 P05_10 P05_07 P05_01 P05_08 P05_11 P05_09 P05_06 P05_05 P05_04 P05_03
Mediu
(T)dezacord
NonR
P05-01 P05-02
Accentueaz prea mult capacitatea de reproducere/ recunoatere a studenilor Nu toate tipurile de competene proiectate sunt supuse evalurii; rmn zone ale achiziiilor profesionale neevaluate
P05-03
Rezultatele obinute cu o metod de evaluare sunt, de obicei, controlate, verificate, cu ajutorul altor metode
P05-04
Acord o pondere prea mare informaiilor de tip factual, descriptiv, n detrimentul informaiilor conceptuale
P05-05
Competena profesional exprimat n primul rnd n capaciti (skills) a devenit criteriul principal de apreciere a progresului profesional al studentului
P05-06
Metodele de evaluare folosite s-au consolidat i rafinat din punct de vedere al unor caliti tehnice (validitate, fidelitate etc.)
P05-07
Competenele transversale (gndire critic, lucru n echip, comunicarea i interaciunea social, adoptarea de decizii etc.) nu reprezint nc un obiect sistematic al evalurilor academice
P05-08
Practicile actuale de evaluare, folosite efectiv, restrng tot mai mult locul hazardului sau influenele subiective n aprecierea rezultatelor profesionale ale studenilor
P05-09
Probele de evaluare sunt astfel concepute nct tind s verifice din ce n ce mai frecvent judecile personale, originalitatea i spiritul creativ al studenilor
P05-10
Probele de evaluare tind din ce n ce mai mult s echilibreze sarcinile teoretice, academice, cu sarcinile focalizate pe rezolvare de probleme practice, specifice diferitelor domenii profesionale
P05-11
Feedbackul evaluativ oferit studenilor opereaz la mari intervale de timp i de aceea nu orienteaz suficient de productiv nvarea continu
5 8
Acord total P05-01 P05-02 P05-03 P05-04 P05-05 P05-06 P05-07 P05-08 P05-09 P05-10 P05-11 15,4% 17,8% 7,4% 7,4% 9,7% 9,7% 20,0% 8,8% 10,2% 12,4% 11,9%
Acord
Acord moderat
Dezacord
Dezacord total
Fr opinie 2,1% 3,3% 5,5% 4,5% 6,2% 5,9% 3,1% 3,6% 4,0% 3,1% 7,8%
Medie
Var
30,4% 36,3% 24,0% 24,5% 30,2% 30,9% 26,6% 34,9% 31,6% 35,6% 30,4%
33,0% 29,9% 34,4% 33,7% 31,1% 33,7% 26,4% 30,9% 32,3% 31,6% 27,6%
13,8% 9,7% 22,8% 23,5% 18,3% 15,2% 19,7% 17,8% 16,6% 12,6% 18,3%
5,0% 2,6% 5,7% 6,2% 4,3% 4,3% 4,0% 3,8% 5,0% 4,5% 3,8%
3,384 3,591 3,048 3,035 3,244 3,284 3,400 3,281 3,266 3,400 3,307
31,6% 27,5% 33,6% 34,1% 31,7% 30,6% 33,7% 30,4% 31,7% 29,9% 32,0%
Practici de evaluare utilizate in invatamantul superior

60% 54,2% 48,0% 40% 46,6% 45,8% 43,7% 42,3% 41,8% 40,6%
(T)acord (T)dezacord
39,9% 31,8% 31,4%
20%
0%
P05_02 P05_10 P05_07 P05_01 P05_08 P05_11 P05_09 P05_06 P05_05 P05_04 P05_03
Utilizarea rezultatelor evalurii este iari un aspect din sfera inovrii practicilor n instituiile universitare, n msura n care considerarea evalurii ca integrat osmotic n ansamblul parcursului de nvare, att la nivelul studentului, ct i la nivel instituional/ organizaional, este un demers (teoretic) mai nou.
5 9
O serie de aspecte viznd direciile de utilizare a rezultatelor obinute n urma evalurii au fost apreciate de cadrele didactice ca fcnd parte din practica curent n cadrul instituiei: P07_1 - Pentru aprecierea calitii profesionale a cadrelor didactice dintr-o universitate P07_2 - Pentru mbuntirea activitii de nvare a studenilor (feedback formativ) P07_3 - Pentru certificarea calitii pregtirii profesionale a studenilor P07_4 - Pentru mbuntirea activitii profesionale a cadrelor didactice P07_5 - Pentru aprecierea instituiei de nvmnt superior n cadrul unor ierarhii naionale
i internaionale P07_6 - Pentru informarea tuturor factorilor interesai
n cea mai mare msur (61,3%) a fost indicat certificarea calitii pregtirii profesionale a studenilor ca modalitate de utilizare a rezultatelor evalurii, urmat de valorificarea potenialului evalurii pentru ameliorarea activitii de nvare a studenilor (54,7%).
F.
mare Mare msur 26,4% 39,0% 37,8% 32,1% 30,6% 21,4%
Nivel moderat 29,5% 29,5% 24,9% 35,4% 22,6% 26,8%
Mic msur 19,5% 11,4% 7,4% 12,8% 13,5% 19,2%
Deloc
Fr opinie
Medie
Var
msur P07_1 P07_2 P07_3 P07_4 P07_5 P07_6 8,6% 15,7% 23,5% 9,7% 14,0% 5,0%
9,7% 2,6% 3,6% 4,5% 6,7% 9,3%
6,2% 1,7% 2,6% 5,2% 12,4% 18,1%
3,048 3,547 3,724 3,314 3,364 2,922
37,0% 27,6% 27,6% 29,9% 34,1% 37,3%
mbuntirea propriei activiti profesionale a fost marcat mai degrab cu moderaie de ctre cadrele didactice universitare ca beneficiind de rezultatele evalurii studenilor (- P07_4, cu punctaj mediu de 3,314 pe o scal de la 1 la 5). De asemenea, utilizarea nivelului de performan al studenilor pentru aprecierea propriului nivel de calitate profesional a fost apreciat de cadrele didactice ca neavnd o valoare semnificativ (- P07_1, cu medie de 3,048).
6 0
Aprecierea directiilor de utilizare a rezultatelor evaluarii

(F)mare masura 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0%
Certificarea calit. preg. prof. stud. Feedback formativ Aprecierea instituiei
Potrivit
(F)mica masura
NonR
Im u b ntirea Aprecierea activ. prof. CD calitii profes .a CD
Inform area actorilor interes ai
Poate c ar fi de semnalat faptul c un procent semnificativ, de peste 10% dintre cadrele didactice, indic drept direcii de utilizare a rezultatelor evalurii mai puin de patru dintre cele ase aspecte propuse:
Numr de aspecte punctate 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 Total niciunul o direcie de utilizare dou direcii de utilizare trei direcii de utilizare patru direcii de utilizare cinci direcii de utilizare ase direcii de utilizare
Numr subieci 4 3 6 7 33 44 323 420
Procente 1,0% 0,7% 1,4% 1,7% 7,9% 10,5% 76,9% 100,0%
Cumulativ 1,0% 1,7% 3,1% 4,8% 12,7% 23,2% 100 %
Studenii apreciaz n general ca fiind acceptabil maniera n care sunt evaluai (50,8%), doar 16% avnd o prere proast i foarte proast despre modalitile curente de evaluare.
6 1
Opinia studenilor asupra modului n care sunt evaluai Foarte Foarte bun proast 2,4% 2,3% Proast 13,6% Bun 30,1%
Acceptabil 50,8%
S01 Total Dif. pe An 1 ani de An 2 studiu An 3 An 4
F.bun 2,4% 1,7% 2,0% 4,3% 0,9%
Bun 30,1% 35,2% 29,1% 31,2% 26,8%
Accept. 50,8% 52,0% 51,7% 46,8% 54,5%
Proast 13,6% 11,2% 13,4% 15,1% 15,2%
F.proast 2,3% 0,0% 3,1% 1,3% 1,8%
NonR 0,8% 0,0% 0,7% 1,3% 0,9%
Medie 3,169 3,274 3,136 3,223 3,099
Var. 24,5% 20,7% 25,0% 25,0% 23,4%
O analiz pe factori nu relev diferene semnificative de opinii ntre genuri, ani de studiu, domenii de specializare sau arii curriculare.
Opinia studentilor fata de sistemul de evaluare practicat in prezent (F)buna

100% 80% 60% 40% 20%
medie
(F)proasta
NonR
Limbacomunicare
Studii ec.si adm.
0%
Mat.-Info.
St.e socioumane
Filologcomunic.
Masculin
An 1
An 2
An 3
Feminin
An 4
Stiinte
Gen
An de studiu
Om si societate
Domenii
Arii curriculare
O analiz mai detaliat n privina nemulumirilor studenilor vis-a-vis de diferite aspecte ale practicilor curente de evaluare, dar i n privina elementelor considerate de ei ca fiind pozitive ne
Mat.stiinte
6 2
este prilejuit de rspunsurile acestora la un item deschis la care au fost invitai s enumere atributele practicilor evaluative. Aspectele pozitive se ordoneaz, n funcie de numrul de rspunsuri, ncepnd de la aprecierea obiectivitii evalurii i utilizrii metodelor moderne sau alternative de evaluare:
evaluare corect, obiectiv, imparial, (notele) reflect n mare msur 18,1%
nivelul de pregtire i competenele profesionale; se noteaz corect efortul depus n timpul semestrului; evaluarea difereniaz corect studenii evaluare prin probe practice, prin proiecte, prin portofolii, prin activitate/ 15,0%
discuii de grup, prin metode moderne de evaluare evaluare continu, evaluare prin lucrri/ referate date pe parcursul 14,0%
semestrului/ anului, prin activiti din timpul seminarului/ cursului subiecte bine elaborate, relevante (pentru esena materiei, de actualitate 8,0%
etc.), subiecte concrete, concise, clare/ din cursurile predate, vizeaz nelegerea i nu memorarea respectarea procedurilor de evaluare, de ex.: posibilitatea de a face 7,2%
contestaie; dreptul la mrirea notei; anunarea din timp a subiectelor; afiarea rezultatelor (la timp); respectarea planificrii evalurii; prezentarea cerinelor pentru evaluare; stabilirea formei de evaluare mpreun cu studenii diversificarea modalitilor de verificare, combinarea ev. scrise cu cele 6,8%
orale, utilizarea TIC atmosfer plcut/ comportament adecvat (al evaluatorului)/ discuii 6,0%
libere/ amabilitate, profesori deschii, flexibili fixarea/ dobndirea/ acumularea de cunotine, dezvoltarea de competene 6,0%
profesionale, dezvoltarea gndirii (critice i creatoare) (n cazul proiectelor i portofoliului)/ dezvoltare intelectual, stimulare profesori bine pregtii, competeni (n evaluare) teste gril existena parialelor, evaluare semestrial timp suficient de lucru 4,9% 3,6% 3,5% 2,9%
justificarea/ argumentarea notelor de ctre cadrul didactic, oferirea de 1,6%
feedback (oral)
6 3
Pe de alt parte, aspectele negative sau mai puin dezirabile sunt remarcate i consemnate de un numr mare de studeni, gradul de obiectivitate al evaluatorului pstrndu-i importana n ierarhie: subiectivitate n evaluare/ notare subiectiv, partinic, tratament incorect, inegal, 26,3%
note date pe simpatii (Uneori cumprarea crii profesorului aduce puncte n plus), criterii diferite pentru studeni diferii lipsa de feedback; note intuitive date de profesori la examene, corectarea 18,8%
superficial a lucrrilor; lipsa de interes (a profesorilor); evaluare demotivant subiecte care solicit nvare mecanic/ memorarea/ reproducerea informaiilor 13,1%
din curs, subiecte necreative/ nu reflect gradul de nelegere a materiei, nu pun accent pe originalitate, creativitate, dezvoltare gndirii; se apreciaz cantitatea i nu calitatea evaluare prea exigent, sever, strict, pretenii mari din partea profesorilor; 11,2%
rigiditate n formularea sarcinilor de evaluare; profesori slab pregtii; comunicare dificil/ lipsa de deschidere a profesorilor metode nvechite, iandecvate, rigide; nediversificarea formelor de evaluare; unii 11,0%
profesori nu combin mai multe modaliti de evaluare; predominana/ accent pe evaluarea prin probe scrise/ lipsa probelor orale/ lipsa probelor practice (nerespectarea procedurilor: ) nu sunt clare cerinele pentru evaluare/ nu sunt 10,4%
precizate modalitile de evaluare/ nu sunt respectate criteriile de evaluare stabilite la nceput/ restane nejustificate timp insuficient pentru pregtirea examenelor/ pentru realizarea temelor/ prea 10,2%
multe discipline/ prea multe examene; prea multe informaii (inutile), prea mult materie (de nvat), prea stufoas nu se face evaluare continu; nu se ine cont de prezena/ activitatea la 8,3%
curs&seminar n evaluare; profesorii nu acord importan lucrrilor de seminar susinerea colocviilor de laborator n ultima sptmn de studiu/ programarea 8,3%
rigid a colocviilor i examenelor/ evaluarea semestrial la final/ asimilarea multor informaii simultan ntr-un timp scurt/ prea multe examene ntr-un timp foarte scurt; examenul din sesiune are o pondere prea mare subiecte irelevante, cu enun confuz, neclare,complicate, multe, ample; elaborare 6,2%
de subiecte din materia neparcurs, nu se evalueaz ceea ce s-a predat timp insuficient alocat (de lucru la examene); examene lungi, fr pauze ambian neplcut, demoralizant; perioade/ stri tensionate/ stres/ blocaje/ se fraudeaz la examene/ unii studeni copiaz/ plagiaz 5,0% 3,9% 3,3%
6 4
material (didactic) insuficient, inadecvat; cursuri fr seminar; laboratoare/
3,0%
seminarii care nu urmeaz tema cursului; testele gril, ntrebrile cu rspunsuri nchise 2,3%
ntr-o ncercare de comparare a criteriilor indicate de ctre studeni, punem n oglind aspectele pozitive i negative, ordonate dup incidena rspunsurilor: Aspecte pozitive 1 Credibilitatea evalurii (obiectivitate vs. subiectivitate n apreciere) Evaluarea continua Evaluare partiala 2 Obiectivele supuse evaluarii Proiectarea instrumentelor 3 Teste grila Proiecte si probe practice Metode combinate 4 Calitatea evaluatorului Argumentarea rezultatului si a evaluarii Comunicarea student-profesor 5 Timpul de lucru Proceduri de organizare i monitorizare a evalurii Atmosfera de examen Resursele materiale 18,1% 14,0% 3,5% 6,0% 8,0% 3,6% 15,0% 6,8% 4,9% 1,6% 3,9% 2,9% 7,2% 6,0% 0,0% Aspecte negative 26,3% 8,3% 10,2% 13,1% 6,2% 2,3% 8,3% 11,0% 11,2% 18,8% 0,0% 5,0% 10,4% 3,9% 3,0%
Studenii i-au exprimat preferina pentru anumite metode i procedee de evaluare, indicnd, n ordine (pe o scal de la 1 la 5): Probele practice, lucrrile de laborator (3,899) Probele scrise (3,774) Probele orale individuale (3,559) Colocviul, discuiile de grup cu evaluarea contribuiilor individuale (3,524)
6 5
Proiectul, referatul tiinific (3,289) Portofoliul (3,120)
3,90
Distributia esantionului in functie de gradul de satisfactie privind formele de examinare / evaluare a studentilor
3,77 3,56 3,52 3,29 3,12
1 Probe practice, lucrari laborator Probe scrise Probe orale individuale Colocviu, discuii Proiectu referatu l, l
Portofoliu l
dg p e ru
tiinific
n ceea ce privete tipul de instrument, ei consider c nivelul pregtirii lor profesionale poate fi reflectat ntr-o mai mare msur de probe care le las libertatea de exprimare i elaborare sau de alegere: Eseu (3,443) ntrebri cu rspunsuri multiple, la alegere (3,138) Probe de coresponden (3,016) Completare de enunuri lacunare (3,012) ntrebri cu rspunsuri nchise, duale (2,897)
Distributia esantionului in functie de gradul de satisfactie in ce priveste proiectarea instrumentelor de evaluare a studentilor
4 3,44 3,14 3 3,02 3,01 2,90
1 Eseu ntrebri cu
rs u p.m ltiple
Prob d e e cores pond en
Com pletarea d e enu ri lacu nu nare
ntreb curs d ale ri p. u
6 6
Iar n privina tipurilor de cerine de lucru solicitate, ierarhia preferinelor studenilor evideniaz valoarea pentru acetia a capacitilor de gndire de nivel superior, n detrimentul sarcinilor reproductive: Sarcini de rezolvat care solicit abordri originale creative (3,994) Sarcini de rezolvat care solicit gndirea critic (3,956) Sarcini de rezolvat care au n vedere situaii profesionale practice (3,912) Sarcini de rezolvat care presupun abordri teoretice (3,718) Sarcini de rezolvat care presupun evaluarea unor idei, teorii, procese sau produse (3,614) Sarcini care solicit analiza de date i interpretri (3,561) Sarcini de rezolvat care privesc abordri interdisciplinare (3,505) Sarcini care solicit enunarea cu acuratee a informaiilor tiinifice, tehn. sau culturale, din
domeniul de specialitate (3,164)
3,99 4
Distributia esantionului in functie de gradul de satisfactie in ce priveste sarcinile supuse evaluarii 3,96
3,91 3,72 3,61 3,56 3,51 3,16
1 originalitate, creativitate gndirea critic
s aii itu prof.practice
ab ri ord teoretice
id teorii, ei, proces e, prod s ue
analizainterpretare d atelor
interd ciplinar is
prezentare clara a inform atiei
Att n opinia studenilor, ct i n opinia cadrelor didactice, evaluarea practicat n prezent constituie n cea mai mare msur un reper pentru mbuntirea nvrii, urmat la mic distan de semnificaia sa pentru dezvoltarea spiritului de responsabilitate social, precum i pentru reflecie i autoevaluare:
Medie studeni Medie Evaluarea constituie: - un reper pentru mbuntirea nvrii i a performanelor profesionale 3,046 3,478 didactice
cadre Test Z
7,90
6 7
- factor de dezvoltare a spiritului de responsabilitate profesional - reper pentru reflecie i pentru autoevaluare, care l nva pe student s se autoaprecieze - o resurs stimulativ, motivant, recunoate i recompenseaz rezultatele bune 2,933 3,209 4,88 2,951 3,325 6,63 2,981 3,233 4,29
Impactul evaluarii asupra studentului (scoruri medii)

4
opinii studenti opinii profesori
2 imbunatatirea activitatii de invatare responsabilitati profesionale autoevaluare stimulativa
Astfel doi din trei studeni consider c evaluarea este un reper pentru mbuntirea nvrii i a performanelor, iar unul din trei nu sunt de acord cu afirmaia c aprecierile actuale ar indica clar i obiectiv stadiul de pregtire al studentului.
S13-1 S13-2 S13-3 S13-4 S13-5
stimulativ, motivant, recunoate i recompenseaz rezultatele bune un reper pentru mbuntirea nvrii i a performanelor profesionale un indicator clar i obiectiv al stadiului de pregtire al studentului reper pentru reflecie i pentru autoevaluare, care l nva pe student s se autoaprecieze factor de dezvoltare a spiritului de responsabilitate profesional
Acord total Punctaj S13-1 S13-2 5 7,4% 8,9%
Acord
Acord moderat
Dezacord
Dezacord total
FO+NonR
Medie
Var.
4 22,3% 24,0%
3 35,0% 34,1%
2 19,7% 20,8%
1 11,9% 8,3%
0 3,7% 4,0%
Medie 2,933 3,046
Var 37,9% 35,6%
6 8
S13-3 S13-4 S13-5
9,1% 8,5% 9,6%
15,6% 23,4% 22,5%
35,1% 30,1% 31,0%
23,0% 21,6% 19,7%
12,7% 11,8% 11,9%
4,4% 4,6% 5,3%
2,848 2,951 2,981
40,0% 38,9% 39,0%
n ceea ce i privete pe profesorii lor, un procent mai mare, de 80% consider evaluarea contribuie la mbuntirea activitii de nvare continu, iar trei sferturi dintre cadre didactice (76,5%) cred c aceasta dezvolt activitatea reflexiv, de autoanaliz i autoevaluare a propriilor rezultate ale studenilor.
P25_1 P25_2 P25_3 P25_4
mbuntirea activitii de nvare continu dezvoltarea activitii reflexive, de autoanaliz i autoevaluare a propriilor rezultate cultivarea motivaiei pentru nvare dezvoltarea responsabilitii profesionale fa de propriile rezultate ale nvrii
F.mare msur P25_1 P25_2 P25_3 P25_4 12,8% 12,4% 9,3% 8,1%
Mare msur 37,5% 28,0% 27,3% 31,1%
Nivel
Mic
Deloc FO
Medie
Var
moderat msur 30,6% 36,1% 35,9% 32,3% 13,8% 18,5% 19,7% 16,6% 1,7% 1,4% 3,1% 4,5% 3,3% 3,3% 4,5% 7,1% 3,478 3,325 3,209 3,233 27,3% 29,3% 30,7% 31,0%
6 9
Opinii ale studentilor privind impactul evaluarii (F)mare

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% stimulativa imbunatatirea activitatii de invatare autoevaluare responsabilitati profesionale indicator al pregatirii
Medie
(F)mica
NonR
Opinii ale profesorilor privind impactul evaluarii asupra studentului (F)mare

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% stimulativa imbunatatirea activitatii de invatare autoevaluare responsabilitati profesionale
Medie
(F)mica
NonR
Strile tensionale pe durata testrii constituie o problem des amintit n discursul despre mbuntirea practicilor de evaluare, n special a evalurii finale. De asemenea, stresul este cel mai des invocat de studeni ca argument pentru performane sczute sau pur i simplu ca element constitutiv al examenelor de final de semestru. Este acesta corelat cu timpul acordat pentru rezolvarea sarcinilor, cu densitatea i cu dificultatea subiectelor, cu forma de evaluare inaedcvat sau cu un anumit comportament al unor cadre didactice?
Referitor la timpul acordat elaborrii rspunsurilor la sarcinile incluse n probele de examen, se observ din start o diferen mare ntre msura n care acesta este considerat adecvat/ corespunztor de ctre studeni de 53,5% - i msura n care cadrele didactice l consider suficient de 78,8%.
Timpul acordat probelor de examen este adecvat/ corespunztor (opinii studeni): Acord total Acord Acord moderat Dezacord Dezacord total FO+NonR (Total) Acord (Total) Dezacord
7 0
S15
18,0%
35,4%
29,8%
10,7%
4,8%
1,4%
53,5%
15,5%
Timpul alocal pentru evaluare este, n opinia cadrelor didactice: excesiv P24 1,7% suficient 77,1% insuficient 17,4% NonR 3,8% Suficient 78,8 Insuficient 17,4%
Timpul alocat sarcinilor din evaluare este suficient (opinii studenti)

4,8% 10,7% 1,4% 18,0% Acord total Acord Acord mediu Dezacord Dezacord total 35,4% 29,8% NonR
Timpul alocat sarcinilor din evaluare este: (opinii profesori)

3,8% 1,7% 17,4% excesiv suficient insuficient NonR 77,1%
O situaie comparativ ntre rspunsurile studenilor la itemi care vizeaz practicile evalurii din perspectiva inconvenientelor resimite de acetia (inducerea de ctre cadrul didactic de stri tensionate, timpul prea scurt, subiectivitatea n apreciere, precum i anxietatea provocat de evaluare n ansamblul su), ne ofer date suplimentare. n mod particular, se observ o variaie n funcie de anul de studiu a ncrederii studenilor n comportamentul adecvat la examen al cadrului didactic, n propriul comportament, precum i o variaie a modulul n care percep timpul alocat i gradul de obiectivitate al evaluatorului.
Practici ale evalurii S14 Comportamentul evaluativ al cadrului didactic, pe durata evalurii a evitat inducerea de stres sau de stri tensionale S15 Timpul acordat elaborrii rspunsurilor la sarcinile incluse n probele de examen este adecvat/ corespunztor S16 Considerai c aprecierea rezultatelor profesionale ale studenilor de ctre cadrele didactice este n general obiectiv, neinfluenat de factori exteriori performanelor reale ale studenilor?
7 1
S17
Practicile actuale de evaluare v provoac stri de stres, blocaje intelectuale, anxietate
Acord total Punctaj S14 S15 S16 S17 5 12,0% 18,0% 7,2% 17,6%
Acord
Acord moderat
Dezacord Dezacord total 2 19,0% 10,7% 16,5% 14,9% 1 11,2% 4,8% 8,5% 8,0%
FO+ NonR 0 3,4% 1,4% 2,1% 2,6%
Medie Var.
4 24,6% 35,4% 29,8% 22,8%
3 29,8% 29,8% 35,9% 34,2%
3,073 3,519 3,110 3,278
38,6% 30,1% 33,7% 35,6%
Opinii ale studentilor privind practicile evaluarii (F)mare

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Colaborare buna cu cadrul didactic T imp adecvat Obiectivitate Practici de evaluare stresante
Medie
(F)mica
NonR
Principalii factori care pot distorsiona evaluarea rezultatelor profesionale ale studenilor, influennd negativ obiectivitatea i caracterul difereniat al notrii studentului, au fost enumerai n egal msur de ctre studeni i cadre didactice:
Studen Profesor i 1 Factori care in de conduita cadrelor didactice: suprancrcarea 86,6% studenilor, accent prea mare pe evaluarea final, subiectivitate, construcie deficitar a probelor de examen i a baremelor, competene evaluative reduse, rigiditate sau indulgen exagerate, superficialitate, fraud, notarea n funcie de prezena la cursuri i la activitile extracolare preferate etc. 2 Factori care in de conduita studenilor: stri emoional-afective i 30,3% 40,6% i 80,5%
7 2
motivaionale, oboseal, stres, suprasolicitare, copiat, fraud, lips de onestitate, tehnici de studiu deficitare, frecven slab la cursuri i seminarii, indiferen, slab pregtire general, slab motivaie pentru noutate, pentru inovare i creativitate etc. 3 Factori care in de curriculum: surse documentare nesemnificative 8,2% sau prea puine, dezechilibru ntre teorie i practic, lipsa aplicaiilor practice, curriculum stufos, neorganizat, nesistematic, lipsit de atractivitate, necorespondena ntre program i coninutul subiectelor de examen, lipsa de conexiuni disciplinare etc. 4 Factori care in de comunicare, relaii i feedback: comunicare 8,3% slab, absena feedbackului, conflicte, animoziti etc. 5 Factori care in de deontologie: corupie, nepotism, fraudare, 18,3% condiionarea performanei, favoritism, comunicare ilicit ntre studeni la examene etc. 6 Factori care in de discriminare: de gen, de statut social, de mediu 4,6% de reziden, etc. 7 Factori care in de planificarea i gestiunea timpului: planificarea 7,6% timpului de evaluare, alocare de timp insuficient fa de sarcinile impuse etc. 8 Factori care in de administraie sau de reglementri instituionale 2,1% interne: restricii financiare interne, lipsa de spaiu/ ergonomie deficitar a spaiului de examen, planificare deficitar a studenilor per unitate de timp etc. 9 Aspecte legislative, de metodologie i reglementare general: 1,2% regulamente, norme, lipsa dreptului studentului de a contesta rezultatele la probele orale, restricii financiar-contabile, absena funcionalitii comisiei de etic din facultate etc. 1,0% 7,8% 5,0% 0,4% 9,3% 5,0% 5,8%
Copiatul i lipsa de onestitate a studenilor (subcategorie a categoriei 2) la examen a fost reclamat de 13% dintre profesori, comparativ cu doar 3,6% dintre studeni. Similar cu rezultatele obinute prin ali itemi din instrumentele de cercetare aplicate, o atenie deosebit a fost acordat att de ctre studeni (22,5%), ct i de ctre profesori (16%) subiectivitii n apreciere, fiind indicat de acetia drept principal cauz a disfunciilor n evaluare. De asemenea,
7 3
sntatea precar a cadrelor didactice a fost indicat de 19% dintre studeni, comparativ cu doar 1% dintre profesori, ca factor distorsionant pentru evaluare. O mai mare convergen de opinii au avut-o cele dou categorii n ceea ce privete superficialitatea datorat lipsei de criterii bine stabilite i de analize comparative, indicat de 14% dintre studeni i de 10,5% dintre cadrele didactice.
Profilul profesorului competent n evaluare
Profilul unui cadru didactic competent n evaluare a fost realizat de ctre studeni prin precizarea celor mai proeminente trsturi, subsumate unor categorii precum: calitile personale, relaia cu studenii, caliti ale cadrului didactic profesionist, caliti de evaluator (tie ce s evalueze i cum s evalueze), practicile de evaluare (propune de la nceput sistemul de evaluare; ofer informaii n legtur cu metodele de evaluare). Itemul propus a fost unul deschis, la care 57% dintre studeni au oferit cel puin 2 indicaii privind trsturile unui bun cadru didactic din punct de vedere al evalurii, creionnd astfel un model de evaluator sau un profil de competene dezirabile pe care, n opinia lor, trebuie s le aib un profesor. 30% au fcut precizri referitoare la calitile personale ale cadrului didactic, 26,8% s-au referit la relaia acestuia cu studenii, 30,5% dintre rspunsuri au vizat competenele academice generale ale unui profesor, 51% competenele de evaluator, iar 21,9% s-au referit la practici concrete de evaluare. n cea mai mare msur (43,3%), cadrul didactic trebuie s fie obiectiv, corect, neinfluenabil, s dea dovad de transparen i exigen, consider studenii. n ordine, 22,3% dintre cei evaluai consider c sunt definitorii o serie de caliti personale i caracterologic-temperamentale precum punctualitatea, implicarea, interesul total, rigurozitatea, responsabilitatea, seriozitatea, dedicarea, deschiderea, nonconformismul, calmul, disciplina, inventivitatea, etica, morala, cooperarea, detaarea de problemele personale, empatia, omenia, autoritatea, rbdarea, altruismul, bunacredin. n procent de 18,5%, studenii i-ar dori ca profesorul s cultive i s menin o relaie bun cu studenii, acionnd constant, i nu doar n timpul evalurilor, ntr-o manier adecvat: s colaboreze strns cu studenii, s i ajute s se exprime, s cunoasc colectivului de studeni, s fie apropiat de studeni, deschis ctre nevoile studenilor, s ofere feedback, s realizeze o evaluare individual, s argumenteze notele/ punctajele, s comenteze personalizat rezultatele, s in cont de deficienele studenilor, s prezinte alternative de rezolvare a problemelor, s asculte studentul.
4. Cultura evaluativ a cadrelor didactice din nvmntul superior
7 4
Privit ca principalul element de susinere a unor practici adecvate i eficiente, cultura evaluativ a cadrelor didactice a reprezentat zona de interes pentru estimarea creia au fost elaborate i propuse personalului didactic din nvmntul universitar o serie de ntrebri viznd concepte cheie i relaii de interdependen. mbuntirea practicilor de evaluare constituie mai degrab un rezultat al experienei dect un efort de aprofundare teoretic. Sursele cele mai la ndemn i pe care cadrele didactice le utilizeaz sunt, n ordine: 1 - Analiza reflexiv asupra propriilor experiene de evaluare 2 - Feedbackul oferit de studeni 3 - Schimbul de experien cu colegii 4 - Formri, specializri, conferine naionale i internaionale 5 - Literatura de specialitate privind evaluarea academic 6 - Strategiile de evaluare preconcepute la nivelul catedrei sau al facultii 7 - Alte surse
P04 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
FMM 52,3% 41,6% 27,3% 17,3% 20,4% 15,0% 3,3%
MM 37,1% 39,7% 38,2% 30,9% 26,4% 28,0% 8,8%
NM 6,7% 13,3% 22,1% 18,5% 24,2% 24,7% 2,9%
Mm 1,2% 4,3% 7,8% 15,9% 17,3% 16,9% 2,1%
D 0,0% 0,0% 1,7% 9,0% 6,2% 10,0% 1,7%
NonR 2,6% 1,0% 2,6% 8,1% 5,2% 5,2% 81,0%
Medie 4,445 4,200 3,841 3,345 3,397 3,224 3,532
Var 15,2% 19,8% 25,5% 37,1% 35,2% 37,7% 33,1%
7 5
Surse de imbunatatire a practicilor de evaluare

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Proprie experienta Feedback studenti Schimb experienta Formari / specializari Literatura specialit. 89,5% 81,4% 65,7% 48,3% 46,9%
Mare masura Mica masura
43,1%
Strategii institutionale
Consultarea studenilor n stabilirea modalitii de evaluare este considerat, n principiu, util de ctre cadrele didactice n proporie de peste 80%. ns 23,3% declar c nu folosesc efectiv negocierea cu studenii ca modalitate de proiectare a evalurii acestora, fa de doar 6,4% care o consider inutil, rezultnd c un procent de aproape 20% dintre profesori, din anumite motive, evalueaz altfel dect tiu (teoretic) sau i-ar dori s o fac.
Consultarea studenilor - este util - o folosesc
FMM 23,8% 8,3%
MM 30,4% 19,2%
NM 28,0% 27,8%
Mm 9,0% 18,8%
D 6,4% 23,3%
FO 2,1% 2,4%
Medie 3,574 2,698
Var 32,0% 46,8%
FNumar Medie Var Z-Gen 1,96 P_13 P_14 97,9% 97,6% 3,574 2,698 32,0% 46,8% 4,38 2,42
F-
F-
F-
F-Arie
ZStatut 1,96 2,18 1,24
Functie Vechime Experienta Domenii curric. 2,65 1,04 0,41 2,12 1,38 1,13 2,65 1,98 1,81 2,40 11,46 10,16 3,02 18,43 16,09
Aproape 40% dintre cadrele didactice universitare declar c n ultimii ani nu au avut acces la informaii mai noi privind formele, metodele i tehnicile de evaluare academic a studenilor. Pentru ceilali, sursele de informare disponibile au fost: % din total: % din categoria celor
7 6
care au avut acces: Literatura de specialitate Internetul Schimburile de experien Conferinele i seminariile Cursurile de formare Bunele practici Normativele Altele/ surse mixte/ 30,5% 21,4% 17,4% 14,0% 6,0% 1,7% 1,4% diverse 3,8% 48,7% 34,2% 27,8% 22,4% 9,5% 2,7% 2,3% 6,1%
(nespecificate)
Surse de informare asupra noilor metode de evaluare academica

35% 30,5% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0%
Literatura de specialitate Internet Schimb de experien
21,4% 17,4% 14,0%
6,0% 3,8% 1,7% 1,4%
Co fe e Cu u d Altes rs n rin i rs ri e ue sm a e in rii fo a rm re
Bu e n pc i ra tic
No a rm tive
Dezbaterile ntre cadre didactice privind problematica actual a evalurii studenilor este indicat ca fiind o practic uzual ntr-o mare msur: 62% n contexte informale i 48,5% la nivelul departamentului sau catedrei.
FF P53_1 La nivel de departament sau catedr P53_2 n contexte informale, la nivelul relaiilor colegiale 21,9%
F 26,6%
FO
Medie 3,546
Var 32,2%
27,3% 9,7%
5,5% 8,8%
22,8%
39,2%
20,7% 6,2%
1,9% 9,0%
3,825
24,9%
7 7
P53_3 n alte situaii
3,1%
3,3%
5,2%
1,4%
2,9% 83,8% 3,149
42,2%
Dezbateri privind problematica evaluarii studentilor (F)mare

100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% La nivel de departament sau catedr
Medie
(F)mica
NonR
n contexte informale, la nivelu relaiilor l coleg iale
n alte s aii itu
Diferenierea ntre competenele profesionale specifice unei specializri i competenele transversale sau generice, cu caracter disciplinar, este remarcat de ctre cadrele didactice din nvmntul superior, acetia indicnd cteva competene din fiecare categorie pe care disciplina pe care o predau este apt s le formeze.
Competenele profesionale specifice. Categorii: 1 2 3 Competene care vizeaz nivelul cunoaterii n domeniul de studii Competene care vizeaz aplicarea cunotinelor teoretice la situaii practice 45,9% 31,4%
Sunt indicate componente care reprezint domenii/arii de competen 3,1% specific
4 5 6
Competene care vizeaz dezvoltarea de produse specifice Sunt indicate competene care sunt transversale Altele
2,4% 9,0% 3,3%
Competenele transversale sau generice. Categorii: 1 Competene cognitive transversale 44,7%
7 8
2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Competene sociale Competene de comunicare Competene sistemice (la nivel de personalitate) Competene de utilizare a tehnologiilor informatice Componente afectiv-atitudinale Sunt indicate competene profesionale specifice i nu transversale Altele
15,4% 12,7% 6,7% 1,7% 1,7% 5,7% 3,8%
Din cele 45,9 procente cumulate la categoria competenelor profesionale specifice care vizeaz nivelul cunoaterii n domeniul de studiu, mai mult de jumtate (adic 29% din totalul cadrelor didactice) au indicat cunoaterea, definirea, identificarea de concepte, operarea cu concepte, teorii, modele, metode (analiza, sinteza i compararea); utilizarea limbajului de specialitate (de exemplu: analiz de algoritmi; cunotine literare; capacitatea de a opera cu conceptele fundamentale; capacitatea de analiz; de a operaionaliza terminologia; analiza fenomenelor specifice disciplinei; operarea cu limbaje de specialitate; sintez; determinarea conceptelor de baz; s fac comparaii, s sesizeze i s fixeze caracterele tipice ale speciei; s precizeze limitele de aplicabilitate; nsuire i utilizare de concepte). Cam un sfert (aproape 15% din total) au indicat capacitile de explicare, nelegere, corelare i interpretare de concepte, teorii, modele, metode (de exemplu: decelarea cauzelor evenimentelor; corelarea diferitelor informaii; integrarea n context; capacitatea de a interpreta un text; s neleag noiuni specifice; s deduc relaiile de baz ale domeniului; detectarea de elemente etc.). n ce privete competenele transversale, categoria competenelor cognitive transversale, preferat de cele mai multe cadre didactice, a avut cele mai multe rspunsuri (17% din total) cu referire la capacitile de utilizare a informaiilor (analiz i sintez); conceptualizare; capacitatea de a stabili conexiuni (de exemplu: capacitatea de a nelege i a accepta moduri diferite de interpretare; de a supune analizei datele tiinifice; corelarea interdisciplinar a cunotinelor; gsirea i exploatarea amnuntelor eseniale). Acestea au fost urmate la mic distan (16,4% dintre respondeni) de capacitatea de gndire critic, reflexiv (capacitatea de argumentare) i de rezolvarea de probleme si realizarea de cercetri (11% din total), nsemnnd: capacitatea de a aplica n mod practic aspecte teoretice, capacitatea de modelare a situaiilor practice, cercetare metodologic, organizarea/ proiectarea unei cercetri, analiza datelor, interpretarea datelor, aplicarea legilor fundamentale n domenii diferite, competene de elaborare i susinere a unui proiect.
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Opiniile cadrelor didactice referitoare la propriul nivel de nelegere a naturii competenei, ca punct nodal n analiza i evaluarea profesional, precum i n proiectarea curriculumului universitar, au artat c stpnirea acestui concept reprezint, dup cum era de ateptat, mai degrab apanajul celor cu vechime de mai mult de 16 ani, avnd funcia de confereniar sau de profesor.
S coruri
3 ,5 3 ,0 2 ,5 2 ,0
medii
P01
Limba-com.
St.ec.-adm.
Om-soc.
Conferentiar
Filo-com.
Mat-Info
Mat.-sti nte
21-30 ani
16-20 ani
11-15 ani
11-20 ani
St.socio-
sub 3 ani
Masculin
G en
Fu n ct i e
V ech i m e
Ex p eri en t a
sub 3 ani
Dom en i i
A ri e
cu rri c.
S coruri
4 ,5 4 ,0 3 ,5 3 ,0 2 ,5
medii-
P02
Limba-com.
2 ,0
Om-soc.
Specialit
Asistent
St at u t
St.ec.-adm.
Conferentiar
Filo-com.
Mat-Info
Mat.-sti nte
Masculin
St.socio-
16-20 ani
21-30 ani
11-15 ani
11-20 ani
sub 3 ani
G en
Fu n ct i e
V ech i m e
Ex p eri en t a
sub 3 ani
Dom en i i
A ri e
cu rri c.
S coruri
3 ,5 3 ,0 2 ,5 2 ,0
medii
P03
Limba-com.
Om-soc.
Conferentiar
St.ec.-adm.
Filo-com.
Mat-Info
Mat.-sti nte
Masculin
St.socio-
Fundam.
Feminin
Profesor
Lector
peste 30
peste 20
6-10 ani
3-5 ani
3-10 ani
Sti nte
Specialit
Asistent
St at u t
16-20 ani
11-15 ani
21-30 ani
G en
Fu n ct i e
V ech i m e
11-20 ani
sub 3 ani
sub 3 ani
Ex p eri en t a
Dom en i i
A ri e
cu rri c.
St at u t
Un sfert dintre cadrele didactice declar c cunosc foarte bine conceptul, iar jumtate cred c l stpnesc ntr-o mare msur.
AT P02 25,4%
A 49,6%
AM 17,1%
Dz 5,0%
DzT 0,2%
FO 2,4%
Medie 3,976
Var 20,5%
Per total, 75% consider c au o imagine clar referitoare la natura competenei, care poate s i ghideze efectiv n procesul de evaluare a achiziiilor profesionale ale studenilor.
P02 100% 80% 60% 40% 20%
(T)acord
Nivel mediu
(T)dezacord
NonR
sub 3 ani
0%
Lb.-com.
Masculin
11-20 ani
Conferen.
Profesor
Gen
Functie
Experienta
Mat-Info
Domenii
Statut
Desigur, declaraii ar trebui confruntate cu realitatea. Rmne totui un procent de 17,1% (acord moderat) i 5,2% (dezacord i dezacord total) care poate fi considerat un nivel critic i un semnal de alarm n privina nivelului culturii evaluative a celor care realizeaz evaluarea n nvmntul superior. Cel puin un profesor din patru nu are suficiente informaii teoretice care s l ajute s aprecieze corect competenele profesionale ale studenilor si.
8 0
Fundam.
St.ec-ad.
Specialit
3-10 ani
Om-soc.
Feminin
Lector
peste 20
Asistent
Stiinte
Specialit
Asistent
Fundam.
Feminin
Profesor
Lector
peste 30
peste 20
6-10 ani
3-5 ani
3-10 ani
Sti nte
Fundam.
Feminin
Profesor
Lector
6-10 ani
3-5 ani
3-10 ani
peste 30
peste 20
Sti nte
n mod special n privina acestui aspect se contureaz i valoarea cercetrii realizate la nivelul nvmntului superior de ctre Centrul de Management i Evaluare Educaional din Universitatea din Bucureti. Valorificarea deplin a schimbrilor propuse n sistemul de evaluare a performanelor profesionale ale studenilor ine, n ultim instan, de cultura evaluativ i de aciunea continu reciproc a actorilor cmpului universitar: studenii i profesorii. n mod cert, formarea pe anumite direcii sau domenii noi care provoac activitatea educaional contemporan este un imperativ. Astfel, rezultatele prezentate n materialul de fa se constituie n premise valoroase pentru programe dedicate inovrii in domeniul evalurii performanelor studenilor i, implicit, creterii calitii educaiei i a nivelului de pregtire a absolvenilor. Acestea urmeaz s fie exploatate i prezentate n studii viitoare.
SHADES OF GREY: TEACHERS BELIEFS AND THE SHAPING OF DEMOCRATIC EDUCATION

Lucian Ciolan, University of Bucharest Grzegorz Mazurkiewicz, Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland John M. Fischer, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio, USA Abstract Studiul de fa i propune s analizeze comparativ credinele i reprezentrile profesorilor din perspectiva unei educaii democratice, prin colectarea de date cu ajutorul unei anchete pe baz de chestionar n trei locaii: Polonia, Romnia i zona Midwest din Statele Unite. Principalele probleme adresate n studiu vizeaz modalitatea n care profesorii percep activitatea lor cu elevii buni sau mai puin buni, care este modalitatea lor de raportare la orele de tutorat i meditaie privat din afara colii, dar i perceia cadrelor didactice cu privire la capacitate pe care o au de a influena activitatea elevilor i a colii n care lucreaz.
School as an element of a social system experiences all the processes present within the society and mirrors all the social problems. It is difficult to point out one reason for the present situation in the educational system. However, it is possible to divide all the reasons into three categories: the ones outside school and related to the state social and political system, the ones in schools as organizations and the reasons within the people themselves (Kaczara, 1997, p. 36). To talk about democracy in school, several basic principles must be observed; democratic organization of schoolwork and equal access to education (Freire, 2001, Shore). The aim of the study,
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then, was to inquire into teachers beliefs towards controversial behaviors that might be noticeable in schools (e.g. relations with students, extra-curricular tutoring, and teachers attitudes towards his/her own work (intrinsic / extrinsic). Teacher efficacy is the belief a teacher has about their ability to impact student learning and the educational environment. Tschannen-Moran and Hoy (2001) said of efficacy that it affects the effort they invest in teaching. The goals they set and their level of aspiration (p.783). Social Cognitive theory (Bandura 1997) describes how individuals believe (or not) their ability to influence the conditions in which they find themselves. Tscannen-Moran and Hoy (2001) asked questions specifically pointed to in this study. They asked us to consider how the conditions might impact a teachers sense of efficacy. No one knows precisely what corruption in education is. Can education, in a system where a diploma of a good high school or famous university has become a valuable possession, be listed into the group of goods liable to corruption? This study has focused on gathering survey data from teachers across the three identified locations: Poland, Romania and the Midwest of the United States. The survey was developed collaboratively based on an original study conducted in Poland (Mazurkiewicz, 2003). The survey questions were translated and reviewed for cultural issues, barriers and assumptions. How do Teachers Perceive Their Work with Good and Bad Students How do teachers handle the dichotomy they have created in their beliefs? How can they argue not to provide less effort on low performing students, those less capable, while at the same time argue that gifted students should receive special attention. In a classroom with a range of students, how would you accomplish one without having the effect of the other? What about extra help After School? Extra classes or tutoring of the students by teachers from the same school is a controversial issue. This practice is directly connected to the control of access to quality education. When teachers decide that somebody needs additional support this impacts equality, when schools or teachers select students that are enabled for tutoring it changes the status quo, when students participate in extra classes it influences their learning. How Do Teachers Perceive Their Ability to Influence the Workings of Their School? While American teachers see themselves having a significant contribution to the managerial process in school (influencing decisions at institutional level), Romanians see themselves mainly having influence on students and contributing to their motivation and positive perceptions. Polish teachers have the most balanced distribution. Teachers do not often consider the necessity of supporting students equally. They may not perceive themselves as a critical part of education process. Teachers use stereotypes; have a simplified vision
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of reality. They admit that they spare a lot of time and energy for talented students, which they consider quite an obvious situation. Teachers ought to be aware of the fact that the tasks they perform have to inspire all kinds of learners, not only the best ones. The best and hard-working pupils will always be successful, even without teachers support.The idea of the equal opportunities is a revolutionary concept and it needs authentic promotion first step should be involving teachers in schools in discourse about pointed problems. 1. Democratic education and contemporary schools Recently all types of public offices, over almost all the world, are the subject of criticism. This criticism comes with a special focus on schools. In Poland, for example, for several years it has been claimed that school has demoralized children and teenagers, killed passion and creativity in young people, and is responsible for recreating the social injustice of the surroundings (Kaczara, 1997, p. 3548). This point of view is not detached from the trends in discussions about school in United States and Romania. It represents the visible condition, in which school is not able to fulfill the expectations of modern societies. In this case, it is worth asking a question: why is it so and what can be changed or improved. School as an element of a social system experiences all the processes present within the society and mirrors all the social problems. It is difficult to point out one reason for the present situation in the educational system. However, it is possible to divide all the reasons into three categories: the ones outside school and related to the state social and political system, the ones in schools as organizations and the reasons within the people themselves (Kaczara, 1997, p. 36). In this paper we will try to take a closer look at the third kind of reasons mentioned above teachers beliefs, the reasons within the people themselves. We are interested in what kind of beliefs teachers might have and how these might influence school reality in three democratic countries (Poland, Romania and the United States of America). We strongly believe that education is a critical process for healthy democracy. One of the basic conditions for a successful education is an established common ground, agreement on basic aims, means and actions. Unfortunately, very often people tend to ignore the process of communication of those basic pillars, and instead of building on openly agreed upon priorities, subconsciously follow their own directions, blurred rules, that are rooted in shades of grey. In this way we name issues that are not present in teachers discourse, although significantly influence and shape school practice. General education is one of the main aims of each society. Specific tasks of the educational systems have been changed in relation to a historical, cultural, geographical and social context. Schools in democratic systems promise to bring up responsible and active citizens possessing skills, which enable them to function in the contemporary world. Practical skills, critical thinking, collective decision-making, as well as being involved in community matters, are all of great importance. Permanent development, the process of globalization and the appearance of the new phenomenon of human civilization the knowledge society, creates numerous, ambitious but difficult tasks (Hargreaves, 2003; Marx, 2006). One needs to remember that to prepare our apprentices to live in a democratic world, functioning according to some widely accepted values and principles, schools
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must also reflect a democratic model both in relation to organization and to values. This is the only possible understanding of the term democracy and the only way to teach young people to participate in social life.
1.1. Democratic education and teachers Pointing to the important elements of the educational process is not enough for designing and securing learning situations that support the psychological, moral and social development of students, future citizens. Civil society needs open discourse about all critical issues shaping reality, therefore ignoring inequality or other controversial issues brings a threat to the young democracy. Schooling as one of the societal institutions needs this discourse, too. It is impossible to build a healthy political system in which some groups are educated in a way that stops them from speaking for themselves (Bourdieu, 2004). Educators should immerse school, its program, mission, educational values and the teachers role into a social context. The main assumption being that the teacher understands the evolution of school and school procedures as a part of historical dynamics, where different forms of knowledge, social structure and beliefs are perceived as clear-cut outcomes of specific class or group demands (Giroux, 1998). It is difficult and rare that one might find in school this level of teachers; awareness. Nevertheless, it is still essential for teachers to place their beliefs and values in a wide-ranging context. A teacher is a value, aim and tool of educational policy. His/her task is not only to pass knowledge and values, but also to organize and inspire young people. Teachers activities are aimed towards the future of societies (Banach, 2000). Unfortunately, most teachers are focused on the present and everyday situation at school, concentrating on meeting high demands and surviving in a jungle of regulations and expectations from educational authorities, students and their parents, which results in a lack of a broader perspective in their view of school and often causes situations that are difficult for both groups, students and teachers. To talk about democracy in school, several basic principles must be observed; the democratic organization of schoolwork and equal access to education (Freire, 2001, Shore, 1992). The results of our study on teachers opinions and their influence on the educational process do not indicate a simple relation. The study assumes that teachers support the democratic organization of work and relations in school and equal access to education, however their personal attitudes very often appear in opposition to officially declared statements. The aim of the study, then, was to inquire into teachers beliefs towards controversial behaviors that might be noticeable in schools (e.g. relations with students, extra-curricular tutoring, and teachers attitudes towards his/her own work), understanding intrinsic and extrinsic constraints of their position in school.
1.2. Democratic education and invisible obstacles
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It is interesting and worth questioning how attitudes towards controversial issues in a schools working life co-function with teachers efficacy, equal access to education and finally with the notion of corruption in school. When we use the term controversial issues we address issues that are not clearly and or ultimately defined by administration, teachers and parents. In almost every country some areas are still not touched by the rational process of negotiation or planning but are organized according to old traditions, rituals or not discussed at all. Very often among those issues one might find strange and harmful practices that are present only because nobody questioned it. We are afraid that in a democratic context, leaving undemocratic conditions, in the way they have always existed, creates a threat to equal access to education and, eventually, democracy. Teachers might surrender their responsibility due to the conviction that they do not have to do anything because it was always like this. Democracy demands an active approach to reality, everybody (so, also teachers) needs to participate in the process of creation we need open discussion about every single issue impacting teaching and learning. Without which the vacuum of silence creates a serious threat of corruption. Teacher efficacy is the set of beliefs a teacher has about their ability to impact student learning and the educational environment. Tschannen-Moran and Hoy (2001) said of efficacy that it affects the effort they invest in teaching. The goals they set and their level of aspiration (p.783). Social Cognitive theory (Bandura 1997) describes how individuals believe (or not) their ability to influence the conditions in which they find themselves. Do they expect to accomplish something? In social conditions, such as schools, social persuasion is at work. The members of the social environment, in our case teachers, interdependently create a sense of collective efficacy (Goddard, Hoy and Hoy, 2004) to a point where we might see it in action. In schools possessed by a high degree of perceived collective efficacy, new teachers learn that extra effort and educational success are the norm. In turn, these high expectations for action create a normative press that encourages all teachers to do what it takes to excel and discourages them from giving up when faced with difficult challenges (Goddard, Hoy and Hoy, 2004, p.6). Tscannen-Moran and Hoy (2001) asked questions specifically pointed to in this study. They asked us to consider how conditions might impact a teachers sense of efficacy. In Poland, Romania and the Midwestern U.S. we must ask how the traditions and rituals of schooling are impacted by beliefs of the democratic societies in which such schools are located. How do the societies and schools themselves set expectations for behavior and success? How do these expectations play out in schools? Ultimately, by answering this question we might begin to better answer how best to ensure equity in educational outcomes. Sometimes the lack of a certain climate in school leads to corruption. Unfortunately a basic problem connected with studies on corruption and non-ethical behaviors among teachers is a lack of uniform definitions of the actual conduct. No one knows precisely what corruption in education is. Evaluations of pedagogical attitudes, performance and practice are usually made intuitively, through single cases, on the basis of local traditions or society or even individual personal opinions (Kubiak,
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2001). Can such a definition be created? (Rose Ackerman, 2001). The dictionary entry for corruption included three definitions. The first says corruption is a process of decay, thus corruption can be understood as the decay of social relations. The second, corruption is an old synonym of bribery, coming out of greed. The third, corruption means demoralization. It is not only decay or bribery, but also a violation of certain rules of the social system for the distribution of goods, for which people at different levels are responsible. These two terms, namely the system of distribution of goods and responsibility for obeying distribution rules, will be the key issue in further considerations in this paper. In education, access to learning and educational services of high quality are assumed to be the goods, distributed according to social rules. It is noticeable that the distribution of goods belongs to a large extent to teachers. Therefore, corruption can be an unjust or unreasonable distribution of a commodity so much wanted and in short supply - good education. Corruption in school comes from the power to control access to the common good (education), followed by the distribution of this good on the basis of subjective decisions made by teachers. Those decisions might be caused by numerous motives ranging from additional encouragement (money for extra classes) to subconscious attitudes and activities (caused for example by labeling good/ bad students). In a classical approach, corruption can occur only when there is a clerk and another person with an intension of bribing the clerk or an offer of something valuable with the aim of manipulating the clerk. However, corruption has many authors, configurations and types. In considerations on ethical and proper behaviors of teachers, a troublesome question arises; can we talk about corruption if there is no perpetrator with an intension to corrupt? Schools seem to be the examples where no clearly defined perpetrator exists, however, there is a complex system of factors encouraging corruption, namely indulgent superiors, colleagues disregarding some behaviors, parents accepting the situation, students who want to be left alone. Sometimes, the situation in Polish, Romanian or even schools in the USA resembles the situation in the socialist labor market, described by the popular statement: we pretended to be working; they pretended to be paying us. Corruption is a blurred notion, however, a perspective defining it as a social pathology can be useful for analysis. Merton defines social pathology on the basis of the concept of anomy, a condition of individuals in the society characterized by a breakdown of basic social norms and values. Anomy does not mean a lack of norms or their unintelligibility, but a condition where individuals knowing the norms are ambivalent to them. It seems to resemble a situation where a certain professional group feels the need to be excused for ineffective work since: how much can you work for such little money. The history of corruption allows for investigating the existence of conditions, which are indispensable for corruption to appear. They include a presence of common property, which should be shared among members of the society, individuals who were entrusted with the distribution and also a complicated system of division, exchange and circulation of the goods. Can education, in a system where a diploma of a good high school or famous university has become a valuable possession, be enlisted into the group of goods liable to corruption? Can non-ethical behaviors, a subject of this study, be regarded as corrupt behaviors?
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A clear division between what is acceptable and what is forbidden should be established. There is no division like that in schools; there is also no discussion where this division might be set up. It would be worthwhile to start a discussion like that, even if tough and painful. This study is just such an attempt to start this difficult, however, needed dialogue. No accusations or evaluations can be made on the basis of individual experiences but the problem cannot be neglected or pretended to be not significant enough to take care of. Teachers behavior and their ethical / non-ethical attitudes in the school and in the classroom are considered to be a key factor in shaping the democratic values and democratic climate in educational institutions. Investigating teachers believes and attitudes towards different issues of schooling and democratic environments, especially in a comparative perspective, can bring some interesting ideas to the forefront for discussion. An important element is to acknowledge from this point already that we are investigating three educational system which are significantly different, from a diversity of perspectives: European versus American, different levels and perceptions of democratic experience in the social sphere, different organizational structures in general, but especially of the teacher education systems.
2.
Educational context
Every comparative study creates the inevitable dilemma of comparing different cultures, systems of values and traditions. In this study we try to avoid the judgmental approach of the critics of educational systems and rituals but we attempt to describe certain phenomena that influence the reality of school in the researched countries. Because our main focus is teachers and their beliefs, it is important to have at least a general idea of the main issues related to the profession and the general context of teachers training and work. Poland In Poland the educational system is under permanent change and reform since 1989, the year of political radical transformation. Everything from the system of schooling, through curricula, textbooks, teaching methods, to the system of external test and examinations were subject to change. It is a difficult context in which schools are influenced by low investment in the educational system, resistance from the teachers towards reform initiatives (to a certain extent) and demographic changes (Kaczara, 1997). Despite which, one of the priorities for Polish educational system is decreasing the gap between the richest and the poorest and providing equal opportunities for all. Learning and continuous professional training of teachers are essential elements of the educational situation in Poland and to a certain extent influence the quality and organization of Polish schools. Programs of teacher education are usually atomized, divided into separate academic subjects and the trainers and lecturers do not cooperate either in creating or executing the programs. Universities are not fond of teacher training within regular studies, which is reflected in a constant decrease of
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the number of hours devoted to pedagogical education, placing them in optional programs and creating large lecture groups. Teachers education at universities requires deep reform, including not only a reform of the program but also the structure (Gobniak, 1998, p. 37). At the same time, the burden of the past has still not been removed so far and the teachers attitudes reflect the attitudes of the whole society. Public life in democratic society requires from the people a certain amount of participation, and social virtues, whereas, the previous system left them with a syndrome of learned helplessness and envious egalitarianism (Wnuk-Lipiski, 1996). However, it would be unfair to not mention thousands of teachers involved in in-service professional development, numerous programs offered by different institutions (very often NGOs) focused on teaching quality, exchange programs within European Union and EU funds for teachers development. Romania Romania, after more than sixteen years of democracy building, and just integrated into the European Union (January 1st, 2007), is still struggling with educational reform including important systemic measures that are in different stages of implementation: decentralization of pre-university education and restructuring of school networks, implementation of a quality assurance system in education, reform of early childhood education, re-construction of a continuing professional development framework for teachers, and others. Besides these structural-systemic changes, a functional one is considerably lagging behind, partly because of the resistant school culture, partly because of its fuzzy nature: teaching and learning practices still anchored to a large extent in old and obsolete methodologies. Teaching careers in Romania have become more and more unattractive and the services provided by teachers have also seemed to decrease in quality in the last few years, at least if we look to the key indicators: students achievement and performance in international comparative evaluations (TIMSS, PIRLS, and PISA). All results on these tests, with very few exceptions, situate Romania under the international average (Miclea et.al., 2007, p.7). One of the major unfulfilled aspects of the reforms, despite discrete efforts and some partial successes, is the training of teachers, both pre-service and in-service. Uneven and unstructured, preserving rather than innovating, teacher education and professional development didnt succeed in offering a fresh and attractive look to the teaching profession, and was significantly affected anyway by social and economic decline. The safe haven for the remaining optimists in the system has become the myth of teachers as gifted, and teaching as a vocation, as an almost divine gift, which doesnt necessarily support the promotion of a professional approach and the image of teaching as learned profession. The United States The United States is also a complex, multi-layered context. Describing the system of education in the United States requires, in effect, describing more than 50 state systems of education. Each state, by law, directs the educational system of their state including areas of curriculum, teacher training
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requirements, funding. However, since the 1960s each successive decade has seen the federal government take a greater and greater role in the nations educational system. Most recently, the growing federal role in education is represented by the No Child Left Behind act and efforts of the Bush administration. Under the law, schools and the states that organize them must work to reduce the gap in achievement between ethnic, gender, and socio-economic groups. In order to do that, states were required to adopt academic content standards, and develop intervention systems (including closing) of schools that are under performing. In many locations these interventions include offering parents ways out of the local public school. For teachers, No Child Left Behind also defined the concept of a highly qualified teacher. Each teacher teaching in a classroom must, in theory, demonstrate their qualifications for teaching the content and grade level in which they are placed. For some teachers this has meant working to attain the professional development necessary to be defined as highly qualified. For some school districts it has meant paying careful attention to the license or qualifications of the teachers they employ. Most issues related to teachers not being highly qualified are interrelated with low performing schools. Low performing schools have a much higher percentage of teachers who are not highly qualified and therefore are the most likely to be impacted by this measure. Teacher training itself occurs as part of the normal four or five year program at a university or college. Teachers graduate from these programs with a bachelor or masters degree and varying amounts of coursework (determined by each state) on pedagogy. They have little preparation as to the ethics of their profession, although recent adoption of programs such as Pathwise (Educational Testing Service, 1995) work to have teacher candidates understand the concept of professionalism and efficacy. For teachers in low performing schools, regular high stakes testing from their state, the threat of sanctions and interventions if they continue to be low performing, and ongoing debates about the appropriate qualifications for teaching particular grades and content areas have created an environment of tension, struggle and unease. Education in the United States, while largely a state function, continues to be a system in change. State academic content standards, increased scrutiny of teacher training and a system of outside intervention in local schools all are leading schools to a future that is clouded by significant potential impacts in a direction never seen. This is the broad and synthetic context of the three systems, where the research was conducted is described in the next chapter. And so, while comparative study creates the inevitable dilemma of comparing different cultures, systems of values and traditions, the study proceeded with its main focus on teachers and their beliefs, what various authors (Tschannen-Moran and Hoy, 2001; Bandera, 1997; Goddad, Hoy and Hoy, 2004)) have called efficacy. By doing so, we hope to shed light on, to describe the concept of corruption in education and the threat to democracy of the inequitable distribution of the goods of the school systema good education.
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3.
Methodology
How do teachers in three unique contexts respond to questions central to the concepts of corruption and teacher efficacy? We entered the study with the assumption that controversial issues and teachers approaches to those issues, show hidden, covered beliefs that influence the process of education (distribution of the common good). We expected differences among countries, with some assumption that more developed democracies (using simplified view: U.S., then Poland, then Romania) would reflect more democratic beliefs. Those beliefs would reflect declarations present in official state ideology like equality, open access to education, citizens involvement in the decision making process or right to information. We also believed that more controversial issues would have a bigger discrepancy in answers (even in one country) that would show not only different opinions but also a lack of the public discourse. Finally, we looked to teachers voices to help us understand their beliefs and assumptions. We strongly believe that those beliefs and assumptions that do not support and confirm democratic values in school influence, in negative way, the everyday school practice through creating groups of students with different access to education. This study focused on gathering survey data from teachers across the three identified locations: Poland, Romania and the Midwest of the United States. The survey was developed collaboratively based on an original study conducted in Poland (Mazurkiewicz, 2003). The survey questions were translated and reviewed for cultural issues, barriers and assumptions. Key words were chosen to get at the meaning and beliefs under study. Questions were aligned and numbered exactly the same in each country for ease of data entry and analysis. Surveys were administered anonymously over the course of six months period of time during the 2005-2006 school year in each country. Surveys were given to both teachers participating in specific professional development activities and also sent to the staff of schools involved in such efforts. The size of the samples is significantly different (Poland and Romania larger, United States smaller) and no attempt to generalize results to whole populations is implied. The data provide us a picture of these teachers in their unique contexts. Data was entered into a database and open-ended items were sorted and typed. Each researcher coded and sorted open-ended items looking for implied culturally and contextually laden inferences. At key points draft analysis of each question was shared. The data were then discussed at various points to raise questions, identify themes, and build inferences.
3.1.
Description of the schools participating in the study
Comparative studies are threatened and supported, both at the same time, by the forces of the individual contexts in which they occur. Looking at important questions, such as the general
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understanding of corruption in educational settings, requires some understanding of the contexts in which individual respondents are positioned. Poland In Poland this study targeted schools participating in The Learning School Program (LSP) run by the Center for Citizenship Education in Warsaw. This program is intended to help schools design and implement significant changes that alter the functioning, effectiveness, and perception of the school. The participating schools design their work based on the following principles: cooperation within teacher teams, setting educational objectives in a measurable way, monitoring the work of teachers, students and administrators in order to measure the effects of school change, paying careful attention to reflection on teaching practice and organizational decision making, creation of a school community based on cooperation between teachers, parents and pupils, finally cooperation between schools who are members of the LSP network. The whole program is driven by certain important beliefs. They are, first, that the school is a group endeavor that depends on the autonomy and the agency of teachers and principals. They need to share the feeling of ownership and openness in all initiatives. To make school success possible it is necessary, not only to agree, but to act according to the belief that the work of the school and teachers has critical influence on its operation. It is obvious as well that the group of Polish teachers comes from specific schools that are active (voluntarily) and work in the way that should support cooperation, reflection and open discourse. Romania The research project targeted in Romania a rage of different compulsory schools (only secondary level, grades 5-8), but also high schools (grades 9-12). The criteria to select both schools and teachers were designed based on their activeness and participation in educational reform projects over the last five years. The schools then, even if they are situated in large urban or rural areas, have this characteristic, as being recognized at local or regional level for their active involvement and participation in educational reform. We are not talking here about what is generally called elite schools, but about institutions who made significant efforts for their own development over the last years and who answered positively and consistently to the reform measures undertaken at national level (curriculum reform, management restructuring, ensuring equal chances, quality in education etc.) Teachers were selected from all subjects, with the condition that they were actively involved in school development or larger educational reform projects at local, regional or even national level, and they were involved, also, in self-professional development programs recently.
Midwestern United States In the United States this research project targeted schools located in a region, often called the Midwest. The schools are in the states of Michigan and Ohio. All teachers are located in middle (grades 6-8) or high schools (grades 9-12). They teach a variety of content areas in each of the
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buildings in the area around the Great Lakes. Most middle schools in these sites have students in grades 6, 7 and 8 (ages 12-14 approximately). High schools are grades 9-12 (ages 15-18). An important feature of these schools is their involvement in significant school reform efforts. The efforts have been focused on restructuring the schools, providing significant professional development for teachers and services to students. In each building teachers have chosen to participate in after school professional development, summer teacher workshops and other efforts designed to increase academic performance. The schools themselves were originally low performing on state mandated assessments. Now many of the schools have experienced increased ratings on their individual state accountability systems. They are mainly urban schools, with one district being categorized as rural. Each of the schools has significant numbers of ethnic minorities (Latino/Latina and African-American) and significant numbers of students identified by the federal government as low socio-economic status (free and reduced rate lunch counts). As explained above, all schools and teachers in the three participating countries were selected for the study, based on their commitment and strong involvement in educational development projects, so that the opinions expressed and processed in the research mirror the perceptions and attitudes of this category of teachers, seen as change agents, the driving force in all institutions.
4.
Findings: Visible Obstacles to Democratic Education
For this paper we have chosen to focus on a few select aspects of the data. From the data collected we decided to focus on selected issues describing the interaction between teachers and students during the process of teaching and learning:
We decided to ask teachers about their beliefs describing relationships and effort in their
work with students defined as high achieving or gifted as well as though considered challenged (struggling). We believe that in this way we, at least partially, uncover the hidden mechanism determining teachers involvement in the classroom.
We also tried to focus on the additional, paid, tutoring provided by teachers to their own
students or others from their school, believing that tutoring creates a specific, different relationship between teachers and students, a relationship that influences the reality in the classroom and school, and it creates a disadvantage for those who do not participate in tutoring.
Finally we decided to include questions about teachers opinions about their level of
influence on school reality and the student educational process and life. We were interested in how teachers see themselves in the process of decision making, organization of school work and future success of their students. Is there a shared sense of collective efficacy (Goddard, Hoy and Hoy, 2004) and if not, do the results present a picture of corruption?
4.1.
Teachers Attitudes as a Challenge to the Equality of Students
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In this section we bring data that shows how teachers approaches to students are shaped by their judgments of the students abilities or personal relations. This group of questions includes problems with the amount of teachers work focused on capable, or gifted students, rather than others, and teachers relations with students. Speaking Bluntly to Students Our analyses started with a question about teachers opinions on their right to inform students about their ability to learn. We asked: Do you believe it is appropriate for teachers to bluntly tell students of low ability that they will not succeed in your school?
Chart # 1 Question (8): Do you believe it is appropriate for teachers to bluntly tell students of low ability that they will not succeed in your school ?
Question #8
90,00%
80,00% 75,00% 70,00%
76,74%
60,00%
50,00% 42,54% 40,00%
US POL ROM
30,00% 19,44% 12,28% 10,00%

11,63%
26,32% 18,86%
20,00%
8,53%
5,56%
3,10%
0,00% 0,00% a) Completely unacceptable and should not be allowed b) Unacceptable in my opinion c) Acceptable under certain conditions d) Completely acceptable
A significant difference emerged across the three national groups on this item. Polish and American teachers were overwhelmingly opposed to the notion of a teacher telling students of low ability that they will not succeed in their school. Over 75% of teachers in both those countries agreed with the statement Completely unacceptable and should not be allowed. Teachers in these schools have worked probably within reform efforts that have as one of their key goals raising expectations of students. Low ability is not viewed as an essential, unchangeable state, rather, through hard work all students can succeed. However, Romanian teachers did not see it this way. Over 60% of the Romanian teachers found it acceptable under certain circumstances or completely acceptable. Another 26% thought it was unacceptable in their opinion, implying that they knew others who would find it acceptable.
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When given a chance to add comments to their answers many wrote responses. One American teacher seemed to summarize the feelings of many when they said, (it is) difficult to motivate when youre tearing them down all the time. Who knows what true ability combined with motivation and effort can accomplish. Another said, if a school does not have an environment where all students can learn; how can they call themselves a school? Unlike many items, almost every American teacher had a comment to add to this question. Like Americans majority of Polish teachers added an opinion to this question and in their comments tried to explain their short answers. So, those who can not accept it, were pointing at rules and values that they believe in: we should appreciate every effort and praise every success, you can not cross out a human being, we need to motivate and inspire, it is immoral, everyone has chance or success, this would kill their desire (toward) learning and self-esteem. It is obvious that the surveyed teachers believe in their students or at least they believe in the statement that everyone has his or her own talent and chance for success in the certain area. Besides this they are also aware of the subjectivity of the personal judgments underlying that teacher might be wrong in this statement. Moreover they understand that they are responsible for final outcome of the learning and teaching process, saying: teachers should create conditions for success of every student. Those who were agreeing with the necessity of the informing students about their low abilities or negative opinion about their chances in school were talking about this as a motivational tool: sometimes it is good to tell something openly and without any doubts to shake them and motivate (them) to work. As it was stated, Romanian teaches had the higher percentage in considering acceptable or acceptable in certain conditions telling low achievers they will not succeed in their school. Analyzing the comments to those who answered this way, we can synthesize the main arguments from one teacher intervention who said: students need to know their real competence, to be aware of the importance of learning and not make illusions that they know too much or that they dont know anything. Realism, fairness, and motivating / mobilizing the students, supporting a realistic selfassessment were the main arguments brought by Romanian teachers in supporting this position.
Less Work with the Less Capable Chart number 2 is related to the first chart, number 1 in such a way that if an individual teacher believes teachers must work hard with low performing students, then teachers cannot work less in those classrooms with students who are considered less capable then others.
Chart # 2 Question (9): Do you believe it is appropriate for teachers to put less effort in to work with classes considered less capable than others?
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Question #9
90,00%
80,00% 75,00% 70,00%
76,56%
60,00%
56,14%
50,00%
US POL ROM 35,96%
40,00%
30,00% 19,44%
16,41%
20,00%
10,00% 0,00% 0,00% a) Completely unacceptable and should not be allowed b) Unacceptable in my opinion
6,25% 6,14%
5,56%
0,78% 1,75%
c) Acceptable under certain conditions
d) Completely acceptable
On this item we again found a divide, but not as significant as the previous question, across the national groups. Overwhelming majorities in the United States and Poland found it completely unacceptable or unacceptable in their opinion to put less effort into classes of less capable students. In Romania, the vast majority also found it unacceptable, but 56% said only in their opinion. Another 36% indicated it is completely unacceptable. Many American teachers added in their written comments a general belief that in fact the teacher needs to work harder, not give less effort. In a quote that summarizes much of the groups opinion, one American teacher wrote, actually they need to work harder for these classes, no student should be written off. This opinion was also present also in Polish teachers responses and reactions. We need to put more effort and work harder with students who are less capable was repeated like a mantra in a majority of surveys. Some of them were pointing to teachers roles: teachers are obligated to search for new ideas, approaches, techniques and methods, others were underlying that teachers need to adjust the style of work not just decrease amount of work with less capable students. A few bitter (or realistic) remarks were found: it is extremely difficult and very often does not bring results and in the same moment somebody mentioned: I know from experience that work with a group of this kind of students might bring very positive and sometimes unexpected results. In general, while discussing the issue of work with less capable students, teachers were talking mainly about the art of teaching. There was also a group of teachers who were looking at it from a different angle. Those teachers were thinking about equality and social solidarity: every student should have the same chance for
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development, less capable does not mean less ambitious, everyone in school should be treated equally. One person mentioned that different treatment means discrimination. As it was the case with the American and Polish teachers, the Romanians considered that a significantly harder effort should be mobilized in working with less capable students, in order to bring them to the acceptable standards of achievement and to eventually bridge the existing gaps. It was mentioned many times that low achievement can be caused by factors which are independent of students will, so they need focused support and more attention from teachers. One teacher said that here you can see the real competence of a teacher, in making less competitive students achieve. Is easy to work with the motivated ones and then claim that you are successful Another perception was that all students need to be treated equally, regardless of their actual performance. The same demands and same effort for all would not damage the general quality of education in that classroom, and not reduce the general level of education too low because of the low achievers.
Focusing on the Most Capable Results shown on chart number 3 raise a significant dichotomy during attempts to analyze this data and the findings from the whole survey. What do these teachers believe about classroom practice and the emphasis that should be placed on low ability and high ability (gifted) students? When asked whether it is appropriate for teachers to concentrate on gifted students in the classroom a perceptible shift occurred in the responses in comparison to the question about their work with those students not considered gifted. Suddenly Polish teachers were able to find it acceptable under certain conditions (50%) and completely acceptable (43%). Approximately 93% of the Polish teachers found it acceptable to concentrate on gifted students. Romanian teachers were evenly divided on this with approximately 50% indicating unacceptable and 50% choosing some form of acceptable. The teachers in the United States reacted differently, but still found it less unacceptable than the previous item with over 70% choosing some form of unacceptable.
Chart # 3 Question (10) Do you believe it is appropriate for teachers to concentrate on the gifted or best students in a classroom?
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Question #10
60,00%
50,00%
49,61%
42,52%
40,00% 40,00% 35,96% 34,29% US 30,00% 25,71% POL ROM 38,16%
20,00% 13,60% 10,00%

5,51% 2,36%
12,28%
When given a chance to add comments, teachers in the United States often added comments that indicated they expected teachers to work with all students and that any effort with gifted students should not be at the expense of the other students in the class. However, there were concerns raised about the special attention that gifted students need and deserve. They are sometimes as much at risk as the low performing students expressed the concern of one teacher. Others argued gifted students need to be allowed to tackle more difficult projects if they are able. Many of the teachers in the United States teach in schools where gifted students are provided higher level classes (sometimes called honors classes), as well as special activities, trips and pull out programs. It is rather clear that these teachers do not believe that students should be ignored (if low performing) or given extra attention (if high performing). Having said that, it should be made clear that in the United States the lowest performing students would, by law, be receiving special education services. Gifted students would also have been given the opportunity to take more difficult classes (honors classes), given some special attention by the building and targeted by programs designed to improve their performance. Polish teachers through their answers and responses to the two questions about the level of teachers involvement in teaching less capable and gifted students create a strange mental image of Polish school and teachers obligations. In a big simplification: it is unacceptable to put less effort in work with less capable students (and even more we find out in the reactions that it is needed to work more with them) while in the same moment it is rather acceptable to work more with gifted students if it does not hurt others. This is the main comment to the answer in which they agree that it is acceptable completely or under certain conditions to be more concentrated on talented students: if
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it does not influence others it is OK, if it happens during extra activities after regular classes we may accept it. It looks that so long, as they feel honest toward other students they would support extra work of teachers with better students. Some of teachers comments were pointing to the fact that teachers should allow gifted students to work more independently, only directing them to the sources of information and chances for individual development. What is interesting is that those explanations were given both by group supporting the idea of support for gifted and against it. There were also other opinions that brought something else to our attention. It is good to work additionally with talented students because it helps teachers and schools. We may find this style of thinking in responses like: it is good for teachers self-esteem, it is like a therapy, it brings results, better students promote school, they are like advertisement. The Romanian teachers comments to this question were split in two directions. Those considering this approach as being acceptable or acceptable in certain conditions, supported their position by mentioning that instruction should be individualized / differentiated and the gifted for sure need special attention from this perspective. It was underlined also that this situation should not damage or neglect the other students. A rather balanced position repeated regularly, offering a kind of solution to the issue: a special attention should be offered to the gifted, but not during the regular classes; they could be offered special consultation, additional training and support after compulsory schedule hours In the same time, another significant number situated themselves on a different perspective, claiming that it is not acceptable to concentrate on the gifted because of the principle of equal treatment for all. A synthesis of this category of comments can be provided by the intervention of one teacher who said: same attention should be devoted to all students; the gifted are making easier progress anyway, so they do not need special or more attention, but they need a differentiated approach in order to offer them the chance to have as well instruction adequate to their level And so teachers presented varied perspectives on how to deal with gifted students while also caring for those less capable.
Private Discussions with Students Besides the convictions about teachers right to channel students through judging and informing about their abilities to learn and their right to control and regulate the amount of work they deliver to students with different abilities there is also another factor that might influence teachers approaches to the process of teaching of particular students. We believe that it is a connection with student built through other kinds of communication than teaching personal, private discussion with students about other issues than those connected with school. We were curious how often teachers allow themselves to create this kind of the relationship. Many (41%) teachers in the United States have heard about teachers often having private discussions with students during and after class. Interestingly, few (21%) Romanian teachers have heard of such
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a thing. Only 13% of Polish teachers have often heard of conversations with students during or after class. More than 50% of teachers in Poland and Romania never heard about a situation like that and the same is true in the case of 30% of teachers in the USA. For teachers in the United States these conversations with students are an important sign of a teachers willingness to make personal connections to them. These conversations would be private or quietly spoken in a corner of the room. Similar to Maslows Hierarchy of Needs (Raffini, 1993), teachers would view these as helping care for the well being of their students. When given a chance to comment on the item teachers in the United States said there are some teachers who try to motivate, mentor, or modify behavior through individual discussions. Another said, at least daily, I talk to many students and question or refer to their relativesI ask how they are doing. A third added, whenever an academic or behavioral situation warrants the discussion. These teachers found two reasons for these discussions; discussions about behavior or class performance issues that should be private so as not to embarrass the student, and other discussions designed to build personal relationships with students as a means of improving the environment in the classroom. It appeared to be a difficult question for Polish teachers maybe because it was not precisely phrased. They were experiencing difficulties with a clear understanding of the concept private discussion, for some of them the difficulty was that they could not understand if the person asking this question sees it positively or negatively. Overwhelming majority did not comment on it. Those who did gave very diverse comments. Some said: oh yes but only a couple of people do it, one or two teachers or everyone is doing this. Others were giving their opinion about it: There is nothing wrong with it or it can not be acceptable! It should be remembered however, that in this question we had two indicators: private discussion and only group of students which really made this question hard to answer. Those teachers who accept this kind of teacher-student relationship pointed to the fact that in order to be able to support students in the process of learning and personal development they need more information about students and open relations with them. As one teacher stated: this is sad but we do not have enough time for that. Quite similar to the Polish case, the Romanian teaches did not make any comments or made very small and in significant comments to this question, showing a certain surprise and lack of a complete understanding of the question. Those who gave an affirmative answer to the question, in the majority of cases invoked special situations in which these discussions can be considered acceptable: private conversation of the student with classroom manager11, discussion with students participating in different competitions, students who ask for support or advice on private matters (eventually to the counseling and guidance specialist in the school) etc. Others strongly rejected this behavior and classified it as being unprofessional.
11
A classroom manager nominated among teachers who is in charge with educational and administrative management of that classroom (a kind of special tutor of that classroom, existing in all Romanian schools starting from lower secondary level).
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Chart # 4 Question (14): Have you ever heard about teachers who use to have private discussion (during class or after) only with certain students?
Question #14
60,00% 56,14%
53,23%
50,00%
41,18% 40,00%
33,87%
30,00%
29,41%
29,41%
US POL ROM
23,25% 20,61% 20,00%
12,90%
10,00%
0,00% a) Yes, often b) Yes, rarely c) No
This question raises lots of interesting issues. It is possible that teachers read it to mean ignoring the class to hold discussions about private issues (for instance a situation at home) that the student would not want others to know about. This could be viewed as a good thing the teacher is demonstrating rapport with the student, concern for their wellbeing and aware of what is going on outside the classroom. It is also possible to see the data as saying that teachers viewed the question as asking if it is alright for the teacher to ignore the majority of students and only pay attention to a few most would agree that is wrong.
4.1.1. Summary: Teachers Attitudes as a Challenge to the Equality of Students How do teachers handle the dichotomy they have created in their beliefs? How can they argue not to provide less effort with low performing students, those less capable, while at the same time argue that gifted students should receive special attention. In a classroom with a range of students, how would you accomplish one without having the effect of the other? Only in the United States was a sense of efficacy readily apparent. Teachers in the U.S. were opposed to special attention at both ends and argued instead for an individualized focus on individual needs. They argued for attention to be paid to the needs of all students. As one teacher said, all students are giftedmore intelligent students (academically) should be challenged (sic) equally as an individual rather than compared with others in a group. Even the comment says more upon analysis. For this teacher all students have
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intelligence, some are intelligent academically, others may share what Gardner (2006) has described as multiple intelligences. Romanian teachers appear to operate in an educational system that reflects acceptance of the notion of a meritocracy. These teachers largely agreed to tell students bluntly that the student will not succeed. And while they personally found it unacceptable to put less effort in to less capable classes, they did not feel as strong as their counterparts in the United States or Poland. They were not as likely as their Polish colleagues, however, to agree with concentrating on gifted students in the class. One is forced to ask, have Romanian teachers had low performing students eliminated from the educational system through a process of evaluation that accepts blunt evaluative remarks? If so, then they are left not needing to worry about special attention to gifted students. Maybe only gifted students fill the classrooms. Polish teachers appear to operate in a schizophrenic manner. They want to both not lessen the attention on lower students while paying lots of special attention in the class on those that are gifted. How might this be possible? Can you do both? And if they do not believe it is appropriate to tell students of less ability that they will not succeed, how will they explain to those same students and their families the completely acceptable (their view) attention being paid to the gifted students in the class. This situation might also be a result of the well known concept of equal opportunities that is still not internalized by Polish teachers. They know that they should act equally, so they declare that they make the same effort with less capable students but in their practice they still act differently, so they admit that gifted students have more of a teachers attention. One of the arguments for this interpretation might be found in teachers comments they are aware that individualized teaching is needed in their classroom but not sure why we need it. Finally, the lack of private discussion raises significant issues for teachers in Poland and Romania. It appears these teachers still see their role as wise sage, distanced from the students in the class, with limited communication. There is also the possibility of the teachers fears to be too close with students that might result in destroying the glass/ivory tower in which they stay. We ask: if democratic societies need all of their students to develop into contributing, productive members of society, how will educators deal with the students the systems have ignored? How must classroom practice, teacher beliefs and a sense of efficacy change? It is obvious to see, through teachers reactions to our inquiry the professional and social culture they live in. It is impossible to forget about their countrys background and recent history: how differently citizens of the different states react to the official values and declarations while they look at them through personal experiences. It is impossible to ignore forces that create our educational systems and shape teachers development. It brings doubts into the common conviction of education as a support mechanism for democracy in a globalized world.
4.2.
After School Tutoring as Both a Mechanism and Obstacle to Equal Opportunity for Students
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The second group of questions was focused on the issue of additional classes, tutoring for students after regular classes that are sometimes extra and paid by students. In the three researched countries the common understanding and image of those classes are slightly different. The main difference is rooted in the mechanism of paying for those classes. In USA such tutoring might be provided by the school, federal government programs, and by private, non-governmental organizations. In Poland and Romania the duty of securing money belongs to school itself (or teachers), which in practice means that parents are paying for it from their own pocket. It creates new relations between parents, students and teachers, because teachers become direct employee of their students (through parents money). We were interested how teachers are able to rationalize this issue and if they see any negative results of this situation. However, it is important to remember during interpretation of the data about those differences. It is also useful to take under consideration problems that we experienced while phrasing a question in three different languages struggling with a desire to create identical meanings, which was, taking different traditions and contexts into consideration, almost impossible.
Tutoring Your Students Teachers in the three researched groups while answering the question about paid tutoring showed significant difference in opinions. Polish teachers voted strongly against paid tutoring of their students. 82% of them do not accept this custom. Romanians and Americans presented different approach, only 13% of American teachers and 37% of the Romanian teachers do not accept the concept of additional paid work with their own students. It is interesting why this division appears in this way that one of the European countries is closer in teachers opinion to American teachers than to another European country. The biggest difference is possible to notice between Polish and American teachers almost the same number of Americans and Polish teachers present opposite opinion. It is visible (as seen in chart number 5) that in general American teachers do accept additionally paid tutoring (87%) and Poles (82%) do not accept it. For Polish teachers teaching their own students for additional money is perceived very often as being paid twice for the same work or even dishonest misconduct. Teachers in Poland are concerned about this issue: to be accused that they do not work well during regular classes so as to be able to have students participate in the additional tutoring. In their reaction to open ended questions Polish teachers called this behavior corruption. Somebody pointed out that because parents very often pay for those extra classes, it is a narrow space between fee and bribery. They are also afraid that it (possibility for extra salary for teachers) might lead some teachers into forcing students into taking those additional classes. This opinion is stressed very strongly: teachers received salary to teach in the way that students do not need additional classes. According to respondents teachers should individualize their teaching and fulfill students needs during classes. Somebody mentioned that in this situation (additional classes) parents and students expect higher grades, another person pointed that it would make objective grading difficult. They underlined the threat of the subjective approach
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to the students (probably meaning that those students are treated in a better way by teachers). In their words: it is impossible to allow even a shadow of the thought that students earn his or her grades with parents money. It is unethical in teachers words and also perceived as dangerous because of other peoples opinions. Somebody mentioned: you will always be suspected that you do not work hard enough during class to be sure to have students for additional classes. The need for additional classes (tutoring), in fact, shows the lack of the competency of the teacher, claims another person in the group of Polish educators who answered the survey. Among those who could accept it under certain conditions it was possible to find conditions under which it might be acceptable. Mainly they postulated fair behavior they would expect equal treatment of all students without favoring those from the additional classes. They would also allow teachers to organize extra paid tutoring if the student would have missed classes because of illness. Somebody mentioned that it should be accepted when teacher used all other possible methods and it did not work or when it an is independent decision of the student and parents who want to develop and to broaden their knowledge.
Chart # 5 Question (6): Do you believe it is appropriate for teachers to be paid for private tutoring of the own students?
Question #6
70,00%
63,57%
60,00% 55,26%
50,00%
47,37%
40,00% 31,58% 30,00% 22,37% 20,00% 14,91% 13,16%

18,60%
US POL ROM
15,35%
12,40%
10,00%
5,43%
Teachers in the United States positioned their open-ended responses to this question within the discourse of ongoing attempts towards professionalization of teaching (i.e. that teachers are like
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doctors and lawyers and are therefore members of a profession). Some teachers defined providing private tutoring of their own students as something above and beyond the natural expectations of teachers in their job. As a result of tutoring being above and beyond normal expectations, they stated that teachers should be treated like professionals and compensated for their services. At least a few teachers viewed the practice of teachers being paid to tutor their own students, similar to Polish teachers, as double dipping, the practice of being paid twice for work you should be doing. These teachers indicated in their comments that this was something they should not do. As one participant said if you are doing the best you cantutoring should not be necessary. However, it appears that few, if any the teachers viewed the question as asking if it was really inappropriate. They believed it possible and wanted to add comments about how the situation should be handled. The largest number of Romanian teachers considered that this practice is acceptable in certain conditions. In trying to see what these conditions would be, we analyzed the open-ended comments and selected the answers types repeating most times: is acceptable if you do not condition students with this; supplementary work and time needs supplementary retribution; if you declare the income and you make it transparently / legally; if these classes are due to lack of students performance and not to low quality work of the teacher in the classroom; when it is specially requested by students/ parents as additional training for national tests or other competitions; acceptable, but not with own students to avoid interpretations and suspicions.
Tutoring Others Students A similar pattern that saw above might be noticed in the answers to the next question in which teachers were asked if it is acceptable that teachers may privately tutor students from their school (but not their students) for extra salary. It is visible that tutoring students who are not students of the particular teacher is accepted to an even bigger extent. However again, a big group of Polish teachers are in opposition to this custom (48%), but only 15% of Romanian teachers and 2.6% of American teachers do not accept it (Chart number 6).
Chart # 6 Question (7): Do you believe it is appropriate for teachers to be paid for private tutoring of other students in their school?
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Question #7
80,00%
70,00%
68,42%
60,00% 53,07% 50,00% US 40,00%

32,81%
POL 32,02% ROM
30,00%
27,34% 21,09%
28,95%
20,00% 10,09% 10,00% 4,82% 2,63% 0,00% 0,00% a) Completely unacceptable and should not be allowed b) Unacceptable in my opinion c) Acceptable under certain conditions
18,75%
d) Completely acceptable
Those, among Polish teachers, who do not agree, very rarely gave a reason for that attitude and usually used the same arguments as for the previous answer. Those who accepted it underlined that school needs to create a system of support for struggling students. Midwestern U.S. teachers when asked if it is appropriate to be paid for private tutoring of other students (not their own) in the school significantly felt no need to add comments other than see above (referencing their response to Chart 5). Every other open-ended response talked about how such work on the part of the teacher is fine because it cant influence the grades of the student in the classroom, is viewed as help when help is necessary and might even allow the teacher to explain misunderstood information in a way the student would understand better. The Romanian teachers who found the practice acceptable, mentioned, largely, the same reasons as above, this time being more convinced that it is alright from an ethical perspective, since you do this private tutoring with other students This is considered by many a decent way of completing the unacceptably low salaries of teachers in the country.
Requiring Participation in order to Pass Very interesting results might be observed when one compares the results of the two previous questions to the results of the next question in which we asked teachers in Poland, Romania and USA if they ever heard about teachers who condition completion of the class or good grades on participation in private tutoring. American teachers answered no (100%), 92% of Polish teachers answered in the same way and less than 8% admitted that rarely they heard about teachers who did it. Romanian teachers answered that they know situations of this kind in their schools: less than 14%
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claim that they see it often but 43% witness it rarely, so more than half of them are aware of the real threat of this behavior in Romanian schools (Chart number 7). They agree that it is a possible situation. How might it be explained? We have a situation in which they tend to accept tutoring and also know mechanisms for forcing students to participate in these additional classes? When you compare it with previous questions it is obvious that American teachers accept private tutoring for additional pay, probably because they do not see it as a real threat to the teachers conduct and objectivism. In this data U.S. teachers make clear that while they agree that tutoring of students (especially those not their own) is appropriate, they have never heard of a teacher making explicit demands to a student that they must participate in tutoring in order to pass the class or receive a good grade. Polish teachers, although it is not a common thing in Polish schools are afraid of the possibility of corruption, so they strongly oppose this kind of school operation and teachers activity. On the other hand, Romanian teachers know that it might bring a negative phenomena to their school, but it does not lead them to vote against it. Polish teachers participating in our study did not comment on this question. Those who added anything to the answer yes or no usually stressed how unacceptable this kind of behavior would be: it can not have a place in our job. Others were underlying that it would be very unusual situation: I have never met a teacher like that or in my school we do not have such teachers. Four people admitted that they never met teachers like this but they heard of it and added: I believe that there are teachers like that, I heard that this happens in high schools, I only heard about it but I believe it is highly unethical. There were two additional, interesting comments. One teacher who answered that they never heard about a situation like that, defined the situation in the comments: it would be a classical example of corruption and another person who admitted that heard about it quite often, said: they work like they are paid. Teachers in the Midwestern U.S. schools appeared, by their comments, to be confused by even the concept underlying the question: have you ever heard of teachers who condition completion of the class or good grades on participation in private tutoring? It is so far out of their cultural conditions and beyond the range of teacher conceptualizations that the vast majority added no open-ended response to there bulleted answer. Those that did comment told us: no!, that sounds weird and never. In the Romanian case it seems we have enough data evidence to identify a corruption-type of behavior, since there are answers showing that some teachers require students participation in private classes in order to pass. This is one of the hidden problems of the educational system and teachers ethical behavior in Romania and all attempts to address it up to now have not been really successful. A low number of comments were formulated on this question, recognizing the existence of the practice, and also a certain embarrassment of the teachers related to this: there are rather isolated, but real cases for sure there are these kind of teachers, compromising also the other who do not do this
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Chart # 7 Question (12): Have you ever heard about teachers who condition completion of the class or good grades on participation in private tutoring?
Question #12
100,00% 100,00%
92,19%
90,00%
80,00%
70,00%
60,00% US 50,00% 42,98% 40,00% 42,98% POL ROM
30,00%
20,00% 13,60% 10,00% 0,00% 0,00% a) Yes, often b) Yes, rarely c) No

0,00% 7,81%
0,00%
4.2.1. Summary: After School As Both A Means and A Challenge to Equal Opportunity for Students Extra classes or tutoring of students by teachers from the same school is a controversial issue when we look across these three countries. This practice is directly connected to the control of access to quality education. When teachers decide that somebody needs additional support this impacts equality, when schools or teachers select students that are enabled for tutoring it changes the status quo, when students participate in extra classes it influences their learning. This situation creates difficult questions about decisions that are made in schools very often results of those decisions might be both positive and negative (in the same moment). This is why teachers struggle with judging this phenomenon. For Polish teachers it involves a moral dilemma and question about the objectivism of the teachers. They doubt if the teacher who is paid additionally for teaching students that should learn and be taught well during regular classes acts ethically. They are afraid that they might be accused of unethical behavior like treating students from additional classes differently than others or even accused that during regular classes they do not do their job correctly purposefully to advertise their extra classes.
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In contradiction to Polish teachers, American teachers seem to not share those fears. They look not aware of the possible influence of the existence of the special interaction between teacher and student on their relations in the more formal setting of the classroom. They rather tend to think about positive outcomes of those additional classes for students who participate in them. American teachers believe that paid tutoring provides a leg up for underperforming students. Those that have arrived to school years behind in reading level, underperforming in mathematics and struggling are viewed as being more likely to succeed with tutoring. The No Child Left Behind law increased parent access to tutoring in schools that are not performing up to standards. In the same moment the teachers do not show even a sign of doubt that there are teachers in American schools that might be using the tutoring as a way for conditioning their approach to students. In Romania opinions are not so strong, but surveyed teachers in general accept additional tutoring and are aware of the negative results of this process they admit that there are teachers who use it as a means to force students to participate under threat of problems in school, especially for succeeding to national examinations. If we come back to the notion of corruption in the sphere of the public education it is visible that teachers in Romania believe they have the right to regulate access to education, judging students ability on the fact of participation in additional tutoring, teachers in Poland are aware of this problem and try to avoid it and for American teachers this is not an issue important to access to education at all. However, everyone who tries to interpret these results should be aware how differently the notion of the extra classes and tutoring are shaped in cultural settings and schooling traditions in every country. As it was mentioned at the beginning of this chapter we are dealing with three different social constructs. In Poland and Romania it is still possible that sometimes students would visit their teachers in their private houses (or teachers would teach in students houses) and teachers might be paid directly by the parents (sometimes even outside of the fiscal system), so tutoring might be a part of the black market. In United States it most always happens in a school building and many times the district pays the teacher to provide this tutoring. It also is paid for by grants from the federal government and states. Seldom do parents pay for this tutoring themselves. Every time we approach an issue, dilemma or interesting problem that might be analyzed through comparative study it is critical, as it was stated a few times, to remember about the context of the particular situation. We may take a risk and state that those questions had a different angle for teachers in post-communist countries (Poland and Romania) and in United States, teachers in those two significantly different contexts were concerned with a different issue have heard different questions. In United States it was the question about right and ability of teachers to help students during extra classes, outside of the formal school time but still within formal and accepted system. In Poland and in Romania this was question about money, right of the teachers to have additional salary from the same source teaching students. It is difficult to explain the results of teachers assumption in the work but it would be even more difficult, almost impossible if we forget about those
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differences. Writing this paper gives us, researchers, a possibility to face this challenge every minute, so we need to remind readers and us how different we are.
4.3.
Teachers Perception of Their Influence as a Mechanism Towards Changing the Equality of
Students One of the very interesting and still not clear issues impacting the effectiveness of the process of teaching and learning is teachers attitudes towards their role, tasks and goals. It is agreed that the perception of teachers about their own influence in schools has a lot to do with the school culture and the openness to participation and democratic governance of the institution. In this set of questions we try to inquire how teachers feel about their influence on school work as an organization, to what extent they can influence students self-esteem and how much they can motivate students with low levels of motivation.
Perceived Influence When asked How much can you influence the decisions that are made in your school?, the respondents who feel the greatest influence are, as a mean, the Americans, followed by Poles and Romanians. If we take options for a) a lot and b) significantly we have almost 40% of the American teachers in these categories, showing a school culture characterized in a significant way by openness and democratic climate, valuing the contribution of every staff member. One of the possible explanations is that the teachers, and thereby their schools, in the United States are involved in school reform efforts that at their core focus on democratization of the school environment (Kretovics, J., Farber, K., and Armaline, W., 2004). Teachers work on teams, lead committees, participate in decision making. As such they see that they have a significant amount of influence on decision making. On the other hand, the clear majority of Romanian and Polish teachers situated themselves on the middle: they can influence some areas, but some other areas not. This could mean that teachers power in schools is significant, but they still identify some areas as closed from their influence.
Chart # 8 Question (18): How much can you influence the decisions that are made in your school?
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Question #18
60,00%
56,69%
52,86% 50,00% 44,44%
40,00%
US 30,00% 25,00% POL ROM
20,00% 13,89%14,17% 10,00%

8,66%
16,67% 12,33%
15,75%
16,74%
10,57% 7,49%
4,72%
0,00% 0,00% a) A lot (almost in all areas b) Significantly (in c) Partially (in some areas d) Almost none (I feel that I that I want and need) numerous areas, but not in yes, in other no) have influence in very small all that I am interested) area) e) None
If we look to the other extreme of the scale (almost no influence or no influence at all) we find here more than 20% of the Romanian and Polish teachers, so a quite large number of pessimists concerning their influence on decisions taken at the school level. This category could provide the typical teachers resistant to change and reforms. We can imagine they have low motivation and probably they dont see the point of getting involved since they cannot shape the school reality themselves. It is important to remember that this study was conducted in schools involved in different types of reform initiatives, so we may predict that in regular schools (not so active) the percentage of teachers who do not believe in the power would be bigger. To understand those differences we carefully analyzed additional comments that teachers might (although did not have to) write down below their answer. Polish teachers were not willing to share comments about this issue. Only few of them commented on this question. Among those who decided to present their opinion one might find four main attitudes. Usually they pointed at the classes and teaching methods they use as a area in which they have influence on the decision making process. The biggest group mentioned the teaching process as a main area for possible independent movements and decisions. The second group in size agreed that as a teaching staff they have some influence in school in formal situations when they are asked to give an opinion as a group or when they vote to decide about some issues. It is possible to find teachers who believe their school is democratically governed and they have space for their personal involvement. Minority among those who commented on this question see a high importance for the teachers voice in school, somebody said: everyone has an influence on a lot of things in school, but it was an extremely rare point of view. The fourth group sees no chance for any kind of influence and complains: I am just a regular
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employee (which also indicates how ineffective the employee might be in the definition of this person). Some of them admit that they never even tried to have any impact on the decision making process. U.S. teachers were equally divided in their comments on how much they can influence decisions made in their schools. While half of them offered no additional written comments to their answer, another half sought to add comments. Those answers can be again divided into thirds. One third felt they had no influence, decisions are made above my head and my input is not always requested or weighed. One third felt that sometimes, on rare occasions they had influence. As one respondent said: ultimately it is up to our principal, with our influence added a little bit. However, it must also be said, that some respondents that fall in this category implied their own personal reasons (I am more introspective, I will in a small group if I am comfortable). Others, spoke of other buildings with other teachers (i.e. My principal is great, however, I have seen schools where there is very little collaboration). The final third thought they had significant input into decisions at the school. I have a trusted voice in our school curriculum decisions and we are all encouraged to participate, was how one teacher voiced their active involvement and influence in the school. I believe people respect what I say is how another participant added their thoughts. U.S. teachers, by and large, felt they had an influence in the school, that they could alter the particular aspects that they were concerned about and make things better. We tried to analyze those comments using a perspective in which we asked about teachers understanding of the driving force behind school work and the source of their responsibility for the process of teaching and learning. It is obvious that this understanding might be described on the continuum from the attitude: they (government, ministry, experts) designed the process, they ordered us to do it and they demand (or expect), to: it is our school and we as experts know what to do and believe that we can do it. Those who agree that they have an influence in school have, at the same time, this deep conviction about the power of professionalism and a right to autonomy. In our understanding of the good school this kind of the strong intrinsic motivation of teachers serves school much better than extrinsic motivation, whether fear or reward based.
The Romanian teachers commented very poorly on this question. Those answering they have no influence or almost no influence blamed the authoritarian attitude of the school directors (unfortunately, the school manager do whatever he / she wants, helped by his / her supporters) or mentioned that they are not part of the managerial bodies of the school. A special situation was mentioned by the new teachers (less than 5 years of experience) and by teachers recently moved to a new school; due to integration in the organizational culture of the school and capacity to use communication and influence channels appropriately, they are rarely in the position to make a significant influence on the activities at the school level. It was also obvious a category of teachers who try to influence only on the matters considered by them as being their business: related to their subject, classrooms or position in the school.
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A large number of respondents situated themselves in a passive position, saying that they get involved and they influence if they are asked This reflects to a certain extent the reactive managerial culture, still dominant in the Romanian pre-university schools.
Helping Students be Motivated Teachers have influence on different issues and in various areas. When we asked: How much can you do to get students to believe they can do well in school work? It seems that teachers believe that influencing students seem to be much easier than influencing decisions at the school level. We can observe that especially American and Romanian teachers believe they can really get students to believe they can do well in school work (more than 86% of American teachers answered a) and b), and more than 80% of the Romanians), in this respect Polish teachers are more reserved. In this case it is interesting to notice that no teachers answered that they cannot have any influence at all, and very limited (not significant) number said they have almost no influence on students beliefs about success. Chart # 9 Question (19): How much can you do to get students to believe they can do well in school work?
Question #19
80,00%
72,22%
70,00%
60,00%
50,00%
40,16%
45,81% 39,37%
US POL ROM
40,00%
36,56%
30,00%
20,00%
13,89%
18,11% 13,89%
16,30%
10,00%
0,00% 2,36% 1,32% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00%
0,00% a) A lot (almost in all areas b) Significantly (in c) Partially (in some areas d) Almost none (I feel that I that I want and need) numerous areas, but not in yes, in other no) have influence in very small all that I am interested) area) e) None
An interesting situation relates to Romanian teachers, 36.56% of whom answered that they can influence a lot (far more in this category than Americans and Poles). We can have two interpretations of these answers: they could be more optimistic about their role in shaping the learning environment
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and in getting students motivated; they have direct intervention tools in almost all areas to influence students perceptions and beliefs about their own success. On the other hand, we can suppose that Romanian teachers have more control on the educational experiences in school, they are more in charge than other teachers and this is why they see their influence bigger then others (a more structured teacher - student interaction and a more teacheroriented climate). In their comments those Polish teachers, who were doubting their power to influence students beliefs, mentioned that students are the ones who carry the main responsibility toward how well do they do in school and for their motivation. Those teachers who admit that they have significant influence were pointing to the different ways of increasing students self-esteem and underline the importance of teachers behavior. One of the examples of this kind of opinion is: this is teachers attitude, his or her competency and charisma that determine students motivation and self-esteem. Among those the most popular ideas for increasing students self-esteem was communication, understood as close contact, conversations and positive feedback for all students. Both groups of teachers (those who believe they have influence and those who do not believe in it) stress the role of the other factors, pointing to other teachers, school culture, social indicators and one critical in their minds impact of the students family. Those teachers who believe that they can change students approach represent desired intrinsic motivation in their work. When asked how much they can do to get students to believe they can do well in school teachers in the U.S. presented varied open-ended responses. Only two people added comments indicating their belief that they had no ability to influence their students. Most students dont care, have been disinterested for a long time. They dont play the school game, was one teachers additional comment. Other teachers indicated their wish to know more that they might do. They were interested, believed it was important and sought ways to convince students to do well. As one teacher-respondent put it, I feel I do a lot however, I am not sure that it is either the correct thing or that it works. A majority of teachers added no comments to their bulleted answer. However, some added strong comments about the significant role they believe they can play. Students have a tendency to assume the attitude of the teacher. Success breeds success. Teachers can be very influential to a students success. Praise, encourage, etc. our students thrive on positive reinforcement. A very limited number of comments were posted by Romanian teachers to this question, mainly emphasizing the belief in the key role of teachers in shaping the way of students towards success. The pessimistic ones invoked largely that our influence depends on the willingness and motivation of students to learn A slightly different angle might be used to observe teachers belief system in the next question in which we asked about teachers influence on students with low interest. Through answers to the question: How much can you do to motivate students who show low interest in schoolwork? we can
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see that teachers perceive this part of their work much harder. Teachers visibly admit that motivating students with low interest is more difficult than supporting all students in average. The interpretation to the previous question (Chart number 8) could be seen in correlation with this one, since we have again Romanian teachers considering they have the strongest contribution to motivate low-achievers or students with low interest in schoolwork. Even though they are followed by Americans in terms of high level of influence, we can notice a relatively significant number of American teachers admitting that they have almost no influence on motivating students with low interest in school work (14.29%) the largest number of pessimists compared with the other two countries. Chart # 10 Question (20): How much can you do to motivate students who show low interest in schoolwork?
Question #20
60,00% 53,54% 50,00%
54,76%
40,00% 40,00% 34,29% US 30,00% POL ROM
20,00%
19,47%
19,05%
19,47% 14,29%
13,49%
11,43%11,90% 10,00% 7,08%

0,79%
0,00% 0,00% a) A lot (almost in all areas b) Significantly (in c) Partially (in some areas d) Almost none (I feel that I that I want and need) numerous areas, but not in yes, in other no) have influence in very small all that I am interested) area)
0,44%
e) None
The overall results here entitled us to say rather that Romanian teachers have a high degree of optimism concerning their positive power on students. Concerning the special influence they can have on the low achievers, this can be explained by the large number of national policies, programs and projects targeting the students situated at risk (low achievers, Roma, economically deprived, knowledge deprived etc.). In the frame of these programs a significant number of teachers were trained and received professional and logistical support to produce a qualitative leap in schools facing this problem. In their comments teachers mentioned that this power comes from different sources: the degree of didactical freedom they have, the pedagogical competence, the support of specially targeted programs.
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Again in the responses of Polish teachers one might find a significant indicator of teachers beliefs. Those who do not have faith in their ability to motivate students complain about different external conditions, pointing to a wide variety of them from students approach: I can not help a student if she or he does not want it, to general climate in schools: students have too much freedom and rights and not enough duties, the other issue is that we need to explain all bad grades, so in order to avoid problems we pass students even when they do not deserve it. Teachers who believe that they can motivate talk about introducing active teaching methods, involving students in authentic learning tasks (for example project method), seeing all students as individuals with specific needs and expectations or work with students strengths. We can use again the category of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation to separate teachers with intrinsic one who believe in their influence to bigger extend than teachers who see their work as ruled by some external forces. Both groups again see importance of cooperation with parents, stressing how important their role is in the process of education. Teacher-respondents in the United States appeared quite pragmatic with their open-ended responses to this item. Finding a way to help each student takes time and effort. I tend to focus on the students who have accepted responsibility for themselves and show some interest was the way one representative teacher put it. While 14 U.S.A. respondents provided no response, only one teacher gave a specific response around not trying to motivate struggling students. He or she said, I feel it has factors I have no idea how to deal with. And while limited, he or she appears to have voiced the feelings of the 14% of survey respondents who saw themselves with little influence. Yet, survey respondents (46%) felt they had a lot or significant ability to motivate students who seem to have lost their way in school. They mentioned: lots of incentives, personal attention, positive behavioral supports, learning needs to sometimes be entertaining, interactive and finally: it is difficult to motivate students that you only see for 42 minutes a day. I try. Teachers appeared to both be aware of how difficult it is to motivate students, but also to believe that it is a natural part of their position as teacher. They know it is hard, that in todays world of video games and i-pods that their students want and receive significant amounts of stimulation. And yet, they write of not giving up, assuming the challenge and their words describe how they work to make the impossiblepossible, some children are too far gone, but you can motivate them with honesty.
4.3.1. Summary: Teachers Perception of their Influence as a Mechanism Towards Changing the Equality of Students While American teachers see themselves having a significant contribution to the managerial process in school (influencing decisions at an institutional level), Romanians see themselves mainly having influence on students and contributing to their motivation and positive perceptions. Polish teachers have the most balanced distribution, considering that both decisions and students are subject to their influence to some extent. From this one might infer that in Poland and US school culture and
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climate are more open and democratic, allowing for a better participation of teachers, while in Romania there is still a high degree of confidence in teachers crucial and independent role in motivating and getting students to achieve. In this last case, the lower institutional autonomy of the school, as a result of the unfinished decentralization process, is replaced by teachers freedom in the classroom to shape the learning environment and impact on students achievement. While a higher participation in the managerial process and a higher autonomy of the school would definitely benefit for the system, this apparently high confidence of teachers in their influence and the assumed high degree of autonomy in the classroom could be positive, but also risky if we see the teacher as the only key factor in the success of the students, and link students success only to the competence of the specific teacher(s). Unfortunately, teachers significant lack of perceived decision-making power and autonomy. One even might see the difference between teachers in different countries, it is still disturbing that in well established democracies half of the teachers saw their possibilities to influence the system only partially. Remembering the postulate that schools should be clinics of democracy, a place were students learn and train for participation in public life and democratic processes, it might be worrisome that adult professionals working in those institutions do not see themselves (in general) as citizens but as only employee. This might be sad and dangerous indicator of the teachers passiveness and schools helplessness. In this interpretation the high self-esteem of teachers, convinced that they are able to motivate and change students attitudes, appears as an indicator of the anarchistic situation of lonely teachers in the classroom that nobody visits and nothing from external world influences. In this classroom students depends only on teachers talent and creativity what is not good when this teacher does not believe in his or her ability to influence the school in which he or she works. Teachers in that kind of school do not posses the autonomy that is a driving force for development, cooperation and democracy. Unfortunately, they have independence established by lack of communication and personal understanding of the complex issues that were never discussed in the group of co-workers. This practice dramatically influences equal access to education and creates an environment in which corruption, understood as ability to control distribution of the common good in opposition to agreed values, may bloom. Instead democratic public schools working according to an accepted value system, we allow to appear the system in which we have hundreds of separate classrooms nurturing individuals in unequal, not supportive manner. It prepares them to the cruel life but does not support in building democratic society.
5.
Discussion: Can We Discern Aspects of Efficacy in Three Distinct Contexts?
Democratic societies need strong and successful schools. Strong and successful schools need teachers with a sense of efficacy and an awareness of the threat of corruption within their school walls. In this study we decided to ask teachers about their beliefs, that determine relationships and efforts in their work with students defined as high achieving or gifted and challenged (struggling). We
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also tried to focus on the additional, paid, tutoring provided by teachers to their own students or others from their school, believing that tutoring creates a relationship that influences the reality in the classroom and school. Finally we decided to include questions concerning teachers opinions about the level of influence on school reality and students educational attainment. We were interested how teachers see themselves in the process of decision-making. Is there a shared sense of collective efficacy (Goddard, Hoy and Hoy, 2004) and if not, do the results present a picture of corruption? Being aware that conducting research in three different countries might bring some difficulties is not enough while writing the report on it through cooperation of three different researchers. Presenting data and our understanding of it brought some discrepancy but different perspectives and cultural background helped rather than disturbed this process. Of course we constantly needed to remember about the possibility that we may understand the same term differently but it was an enriching experience. Besides typical situations that happen when among three people two of them are using a certain language as a second language, we also experienced problems of a different nature. These problems where connected with the interpretation of data that is perfectly described in a common saying about glass half empty or half full. Is it OK, good, great or opposite? Is it really bad that half of the teachers see themselves only partially capable to influence school reality? Below some of those problems might be mirrored. It has often been said that naming something carries some power to define it. Corruption in educationthe use of the terms raises the significance of all what we are discussing. And yet, after working through this study one is left with the conclusion that naming is necessary if we hope to push a dialog that will continue to help define corruption and all the dangers it brings for democratic society. Early in this paper corruption was ultimately connected with the presence of common property and individuals entrusted with its distribution. A good education, one of the essentials for a good life, is distributed by teachers. While teachers exist in a context in which multiple layers of bureaucracy impact their decisions and choices, ultimately they make choices that help students to achieve good education or not. When a teacher requires students to pay for tutoring after school (as we found in Romania), ignores the less capable students in a class (as we found in Poland), gives lots of added attention to the best and brightest, and then feels like they cannot influence the students they are working with, the educational system and democratic society are in danger. And while the results of our study raise lots of questions about how these issues play out in three different educational contexts, the shades of grey we expected to find instead appeared starker and more black and white. Can a clear division be created between what is acceptable and what is forbidden? It would appear that the answer is yes. Teachers attitudes about ethical and non-ethical behavior are key factors in shaping the democratic climate in schools. Teachers in this study appeared to understand what was acceptable or not, even when they knew of the existence of unacceptable behaviors.
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The whole discussion about difference between teachers discourse and their actual practice in schools raises important questions. Is the ethics being damaged and, as a consequence, the democratic environment in our schools and societies? To what extent we can call teachers behavior unethical? The fact is that they do not necessarily consider some of those behaviors as unethical, but completely acceptable or legitimate. Moreover a large proportion of teachers, even though they know and they are aware of unethical aspects of educational process, they do not do much to solve the problem; they take eventually a verbal position but rarely and much less action is taken. These lead us to the situation in which the power and the willingness of teachers to shape democratic values and to contribute to ethically-driven education through their daily practices is put in question. School reform projects that include significant efforts related to developing a sense of collective efficacy (Goddard, Hoy and Hoy, 2004) do appear, as the result of the data from teachers in the Midwest U.S., to elevate teachers awareness. These Midwestern teachers believed every student deserves attention, and were shocked by thoughts of requiring students to participate in tutoring in order to pass a teachers class. Similarly, Polish teachers told us that they, like their American counterparts, had influence on decision making in their schools and that they could influence students in their classrooms in order to improve achievement. Across both Polish and U.S. groups we found that they had a heightened sense of efficacy. It was intrinsicthey could influence the conditions in which they find themselves. For American teachers from urban and rural poor schools, in buildings often labeled as failing under current law in the United States this sense of efficacy is an essential component if change is to occur. For Polish teachers who have worked in a system under significant change and stress that we found this sense of efficacy and awareness of corruptions boundaries gives us hope. Reform efforts that help teachers come to understand corruption, ethical behavior and develop a sense of shared efficacy are essential if teachers are going to work together to improve the educational futures of their students. The perception of Romanian teachers were clear that low achievers need more attention and support, on the one hand, and this correlated somehow with their conviction that they can have significant influence on this category of students. A strong ethical dimension related to students has started to develop in Romania, but in the same time the corrupt practices, hidden and uncomfortable to discuss as told many times by respondents during the research, still exist related especially to private tutoring. The educational reforms of last years, despite all difficulties and drawbacks, seem to contribute, slowly but certainly, to an expected mentality shift regarding the image, the role and the professionalism of the teachers. On the other hand, we can notice the greater influence of teachers on students, than on the school itself. This shows a still teacher-oriented culture at the system level, and still primitive development in the associative and collective management of educational institutions. Additionally, research shows clearly that there is still reserved if not uncomfortable feeling of teachers when discussing these sensitive matters, related to ethics and corruption. The educational
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arena in Romania very rarely tackled these issues in a professional way. It was rather the scandal approach supported by individual cases presented by media. Getting these kind of issues in the space of public, but professional, debate could be a tool to develop mechanisms to solve the existing problems, but also to contribute to improvement of the teachers status and image, which unfortunately are in a continuing decline in the last years. And probably this is one of the most useful conclusions from our study: teachers need professional in-service training if we are to support their professional development. It is not enough to have expert knowledge in a particular teachers area of expertise to be a good teacher. It is not even enough to be an expert in teaching to be a teacher in school preparing for democracy, democracy in a meaning of not existing world as we know it but democracy as ambitious project and challenging concept for future of human kind. It is quite obvious that teachers equipped only with tools that help them during traditionally understood process of teaching and learning will not pass the exam which is to teach all students, inspire young people regardless of their abilities and show new directions for their students life. To do this teachers need to start discussion that we just pointed at. To be able to face those difficult questions they need to redefine their roles, and societies needs to change their expectations. School is not about success of the individuals but about ensuring the success of the whole groups, all societies, the whole globe. Maybe our attempt to analyze the phenomenon of contemporary school through lenses of corruption does not help in understanding the complexity of the teachers role in ensuring the success of human kind. Probably, we should underline that individual understanding of controversial issue is not a result of an attitude of a corrupted teacher but the result of a corrupted idea on which we build our schools despite officially promoted slogans. So, reading this study we are eager to point to the necessity of seeing teachers as able to change into social activist and educational intellectualists instead punishing them for carrying inappropriate convictions. We need to promote the approach that only through independent inquiry together with their students and guided by their activist souls teachers might improve schooling and education. One may say that this sounds a little bit romantic, but our teachers are facing a really huge challenge. Economic analysis and development shows that out of the top best performing companies some decades ago (i.e. Forbes ranking for example), only a very limited number managed to survive time, and those who survived were the innovative ones. The first Top 100 of the companies initiated by Forbes, was first published in 1917. In 1987, 70 years later, 61 companies did not exist any more, and from the rest of 39, only 18 companies were still positioned in the first 100. Today, there are only two left. The rest didnt know how to innovate (Oancea, 2007, p.10). More than ever, education is called to contribute to social development, to social innovation that makes the difference. Are teachers prepared for this? Is there a new type of professionalism and professional culture developing? Can teachers and schools innovate in such a pace not only to resist time and to adapt rapid social and economic changes, but to drive these changes as suggested by a learning society?
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6.
Conclusions and Recommendations
In order to follow the suggestion in the sentence closing the previous paragraph, we want to point to our conclusions and to propose actions that might be designed, planned and conducted in each country. The main task for broad coalition responsible for teachers development and organization of school work (that include policy makers, administrators, universities, teacher trainers, etc.) is to help teachers to understand complex and not well developed concepts critical for a quality of education. This, together with professional in-service training focused on discussion about teachers role in democratic society, will lead to developing a sense of shared efficacy that is essential for their work. We believe that those two initiatives, increasing awareness through understanding the theoretical foundation of education and building professional culture through open dialogue, might be strengthen by steps and series of actions:
preparatory work with university students who want to become teachers on efficacy,
differentiation and positive classroom environments,

provide a system of support for young teachers, work with teachers in cooperative small groups on work analysis, and data, sharing ideas (lessons, evaluation, how to work with students), together with experts, students and parents discuss controversial school problems, encourage talk about teachers work between teachers, conduct focus group and panel discussions about data such as contained in this study in
order to spark discussion about the concept of corruption. As a result of the analysis of both survey and open-ended items we found that teachers have created a dichotomy in their beliefs concerning their approach to gifted and less talented students. While American teachers appeared more consistent, teachers in Romania and Poland argued both giving the brightest more attention and being sure not to give the more challenged students less. Those involved in reform efforts should work to build understanding of the concepts of equal opportunity and differentiation. By working to increase teachers understandings of the various strategies they might employ in classrooms and schools, with a range of student abilities, the dichotomy that appeared in our data would, we believe, diminish. What we suggest is an effort to discuss and define a common understanding of the term equal opportunities. This might be organized through debates, study circles and case studies for teachers. It is important to allow teachers to think, reflect and to develop their own approaches. Teachers as leaders in different kinds of community projects may help their students to build their self-esteem, increase involvement and learn. One other step that might continue to receive focus is that of the environment in the classroom and school. The lack of private discussion raises significant issues for teachers in Poland and Romania.
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Unfortunately, it is quite obvious that teachers struggle with building open and supportive relationships with individuals in their classrooms. It appears these teachers still see their role as wise sage, distanced from the students in the class, with limited communication. Rather, we argue that these teachers should be working to build strong relationships with all of the students in their classes. By building these relationships they will be best positioned to work with and help all students they encounter. Our recommendation focuses attention towards healthy and supportive relationships instead of external test results. One of the elements of the school game is the distribution of the teachers attention and expertise, sometimes through extra classes. It is frustrating but some teachers do not understand the necessity of supporting the students equally. It looks that they may not perceive themselves as a critical part of education process. How might tutoring play out? Extra classes or tutoring of students by teachers from the same school is a controversial issue when we look across these three countries. This practice is directly connected to the control of access to a quality education. When teachers decide that somebody needs additional support this impacts equality, when schools or teachers select students that are enabled for tutoring it changes the status quo, when students participate in extra classes it influences their learning. We are not suggesting that we believe in ideal equality but we suggest for every school an inside debate focused on designing and planning the internal system of the tutorials that would give every students a role and chance to participate. We understand that it raises serious financial issues, especially in communities struggling economically, but it cannot be left without us stating that some students have different access to teachers than others. How do we ensure that schools themselves have a democratic environment? As a result of our data, it appears that teachers with a sense of shared efficacy also feel a sense of ownership over the decision making process in their schools. Unfortunately, teachers are divided as to whether they have this sense of ownership or not. There is also a significant group that feels alienated in the decision making process taking place in school. While these American teachers see themselves having a significant contribution to that process in school (influencing decisions at an institutional level), Romanians see themselves mainly having influence on students. Polish teachers have the most balanced distribution, but also more limited, considering that they influence both but only to some extent. It seems that the key that might help in introducing changes leading to improvement this situation stays in hands of the people who decide about school management and educational policy. Teachers need autonomy in deciding about the organization of school work but they will not take it even if we give it to them. We need to start broad discussions on the role of public education and the roles and responsibilities of teachers among all involved parties. How might all of this contribute to answering the call for a dialog about corruption, one that would help to define the boundaries of ethical behavior in such a way as to increase the probability of a good education? If we choose not to involve in the dialogue then we accept the status quo. Early in this process we said that no one knows precisely what corruption in education is. Evaluations of pedagogical attitudes, performance and practices are usually made intuitively, through single cases, on the basis of local traditions or society or even individual personal opinions (Kubiak, 2001). Maybe
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we were wrong to build our work on this assumption. From this data it appears that teachers have a sense of what is acceptable and what is not. How we work to influence their answers is the next step. And why would one accept this dialog and this concern as critical, when other apparently more important problems are so pressing Because of two simple reasons (one may call them beliefs): (i) that quality of education in all senses is highly dependent on the quality of climate at the school level, shaped especially by the ethically based human interactions and mutually supportive behaviors, and (ii) that in the final instance, the expected results of education as a socially meaningful process are rather related to the extent to which all students are supported to achieve and to become innovative citizens who can be on the top
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References Banach, Cz. (2000) Etos i kultura pedagogiczna nauczyciela i szkoy. In: Etos edukacji w XXI wieku. I. Wojnar (Ed.), Komitet Prognoz Polska 2000 plus przy Prezydium PAN, Warszawa. Bandura, A. (1997) Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. New York: W.H. Freeman. Bourdieu, P. (1990) Reprodukcja. Elementy teorii systemu nauczania, PWN, Warszawa. Bourdieu, P. (2004) Mska dominacja, Oficyna Naukowa, Warszawa. Educational Testing Service (1995) Pathwise Gardner, H. (2006) Inteligente multiple. Noi orizonturi. [Multiple Intelligences. New Horizons]. Sigma, Bucharest. Giroux, H.A. (1998) Teoria krytyczna i racjonalno w edukacji obywatelskiej. In: Wprowadzenie do pedagogiki. T. Jaworska, R. Leppert (Eds.), Oficyna Wydawnicza IMPULS, Krakw. Goddard, Hoy and Hoy (2004) Collective Efficacy Beliefs: Theoretical developments, empirical evidence, and future directions. Educational Researcher. Vol. 33, num. 3, April 2004 Gobniak, B.D. (1998) Zmiany edukacji nauczycieli. Wiedza biego refleksyjno. Toru-Pozna. Freire, P. (2001), Pedagogy of Freedom. Ethics, Democracy, and Civic Courage. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., Boulder, New York, Oxford. Hargreaves, A. (2003), Teaching in the Knowledge Society. Education in the Age of Insecurity, Teachers College Press, Philadelphia. Kaczara, A. (1997) O kryzysie szkoy raz jeszcze. In: Z aktualnych problemw owiaty i kultury. Kargul, J. (Ed.) Prace Pedagogiczne, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocawskiego. Kretovics, J., Farber, K., and Armaline, W. (2004). It aint brain surgery: Restructuring schools to improve the education of children placed at risk. Educational Horizons 82(3), 213-225. Kubiak, A. (2001) Korupcja w dowiadczeniu codziennym. Raport z bada. Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Program Przeciw korupcji, Warszawa. Marx, G. (2006), Future-Focused Leadership. Preparing Schools, Students, and Communities for Tomorrow Realities, ASCD, Alexandria, VA. Mazurkiewicz, G. (2003) Odcienie szaroci. Nauczyciele dowiadczenia i postawy wobec zawodu. Raport z bada, Zabrze. Miclea, M. (ed.) (2007) Romania of Education, Romania of Research. Report of the Presidential Commission for Education and Research. Bucharest, Presidential Commission. Oancea, D. (2007) Colorand in interiorul liniilor [Coloring between the lines]. Business Magazin 149 (39/2007).
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Raffini, J. P. (1993) Winners without losers: Structures and stratgies for increasing student motivation to learn. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Rose Ackerman, S. (2001) Korupcja i rzdy. Fundacja im. Stefana Batorego i Wydawnictwo Sic!, Warszawa. Shor, I. (1992), Empowering Education. Critical Teaching for Social Change. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago and London. Tschannen-Moran, M. & Woolfolk-Hoy, A. (2001) Teacher efficacy: capturing an elusive construct. Teaching and Teacher Education. 17 p. 783-805 Wnuk-Lipiski, E. (1996) Demokratyczna rekonstrukcja. Z socjologii radykalnej zmiany spoecznej. Warszawa PWN.
REPERE TEORETICE I PRACTICE ALE DEZVOLTRII ORGANIZAIEI COLARE

Simona ALECU Universitatea Dunrea de Jos Galai
Abstract: Around the world, schools and the societies of which they are part, are confronting the most profound changes. The different directions of change can seem conflicting and are often contested. In this context, school organization development is an educational current who propose to show how our paradigms of teaching-learning and our school organization are changing and why. The diversification and the increasingly complex process of school management improvement bring forth the need for adequate and efficient management tools. Authentic changes, with their beneficial and long-term consequences, may be effected only in a carefully planned and guided manner, by means of way of taking steps shaped into improvement projects. That is the reason why the project is considered to be the most adequate means of applying a strategy of improving school management within the framework of the present change dynamics.
Necesitatea studierii dezvoltrii organizaionale coala romneasc se afl n plin proces de reform. Sistemul educaional romnesc este provocat s se nscrie pe direcia eficienei i a competiiei autentice, promovnd valorile unei societi deschise, specifice mileniului III: comunicare, cooperare, stimulare, iniiativ, investiie,
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performan i calitate. Actualul context social este tulburat de ntrebri, diversitate, complexitate, parametri de timp i spaiu care se schimb, colile trebuind s se adapteze unor noi cerine care constrng i care uneori sunt contradictorii. Se nelege, aadar, dominana abordrii dezvoltrii colare, care este, sau ar trebui s fie, preocuparea fiecrei coli, pentru c o coal evolueaz permanent, avnd dou variante: ori se dezvolt, se optimizeaz i crete calitatea serviciilor educaionale oferite, ori regreseaz, refuznd schimbarea, adaptarea la noile solicitri i implicit scznd calitatea serviciilor educaionale oferite. O coal nu poate rmne la fel pentru c ntregul context este ntr-o permanent schimbare. Mai mult de att, condiiile contemporane au generat o societate a cunoaterii, n care coala poate s i exercite din plin rolul socio-cultural de instituie investit cu funcia de promovare i dezvoltare a cunoaterii. Dezvoltarea unei societi poate fi ilustrat nu numai prin indicatori economici, ci i prin calitatea educaiei, prin modalitile de organizare a cunoaterii i a nvrii, prin performanele ateptate, prin calitatea activitii educative i reflectare a acesteia n societate. Realitatea demonstreaz c societile moderne au nevoie de un capital puternic n care resursa uman i cea economico-financiar, sau de alte tipuri, ncep s fie ntr-o proporie concurent. coala este cea care consacr nivelul i calitatea capitalului uman angajat n dezvoltare. coala este cea care prin mediul su fizic i social formeaz un univers simbolic ce se convertete n valori, ncurajnd anumite comportamente i practici sociale. Iat o realitate organizaional care acioneaz sub forma unui context social bidimensional : global - caracterizat printr-un specific ideologic i istoric ce ia forma tradiiilor, normelor, practicilor - dar i un context imediat reprezentat de situaiile concrete derivate din politica instituional, din ideologia i cultura organizaiei colare. Prin urmare, tot mai muli specialiti consider oportun insistena asupra studiilor organizaionale care demonstreaz c coala, prin structur, norme, reguli, climat, politici instituionale, etc., creeaz cadrul social al nvrii, un cadru care poate fi stimulativ, favorizant dezvoltrii sau, dimpotriv, poate bloca procesul transformrilor individuale organizaionale sociale. (Vlsceanu, L. coord., 2002, p. 14 ) Studierea schimbrilor actuale cu care se confrunt organizaiile colare permite delimitarea contextului larg n care colile trebuie s funcioneze i demonstreaz de ce a rmne pe loc sau a ne ntoarce la un trecut mitic nu mai sunt opiuni viabile (Stoll & Fink, 1992 ). Dezvoltarea colar este considerat a fi un nou curent educaional care-i propune s arate de ce se schimb paradigmele i practica educaional i mai ales cum se schimb. n epoca contemporan dezvoltarea colar nseamn a face fa noilor solicitri i presiuni sociale. Pentru asta coala trebuie s-i mbunteasc activitatea i performanele prin adoptarea unor schimbri structurale oportune generate i dup o analiz organizaional a colii. Se impune aadar corelarea dezvoltrii colare la teorii organizaionale precum: dezvoltare organizaional, learning organization , cultur i climat organizaional, .a. ., cu scopul de a determina raporturile dintre ele i pentru a rspunde adecvat complexitii crescnde a organizaiilor, ncercnd s evitm analizele unilaterale promovate de unele teorii anterioare. Utilizarea paradigmei organizaionale n abordarea dezvoltrii colare este un demers tiinific dificil i complex pentru c presupune o incursiune att n teoria ct i n practica unor domenii conexe specifice organizaiei colare: pedagogie, psihologie, sociologie. Dei perspectivele sunt diferite
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exist un prim punct comun de la care putem porni: pentru a menine o organizaie colar n stare de funcionare eficient i, cu att mai mult, pentru o cretere a performanelor sale, este necesar o adaptare a acesteia la transformrile care au loc n societate . O astfel de adaptare presupune permanente schimbri n cadrul instituiilor de nvmnt, schimbri ce trebuie prevzute, proiectate, implementate, evaluate, constituind astfel, n mare parte, domeniul unei noi orientri educaionale dezvoltarea colar. Aceast nou orientare pedagogic trateaz subiectele cheie care au aprut ca urmare a valului mare de schimbri fr precedent n domeniul educaiei, schimbri care se impun att n colile ct i n societile din ntreaga lume. Articolul de fa nu-i propune s epuizeze un subiect att de complex ca Dezvoltarea organizaiei colare, ns deschide o fereastr de cunoatere spre abordri, proceduri i termeni cheie cum ar fi: abordarea dezvoltrii colare din perspectiv organizaional, dimensiuni i factori ai dezvoltrii organizaiei colare, orientri actuale precum organizaia nvrii sau managementul schimbrii organizaiei colare, dimensiunea strategic i modelul dezvoltrii organizaiei colare prin proiecte. Dezvoltarea organizaiei colare - proces de coordonare a schimbrilor Dezvoltarea colar este probabil cel mai interdisciplinar construct conceptual din domeniul tiinelor educaiei datorit imaginii holistice generat de schimbarea colar ce nu poate fi obinut altfel dect prin integrarea conceptelor i teoriilor multiplelor domenii conexe care studiaz, n general, dezvoltarea uman i n special dezvoltarea organizaional. Actualmente asistm la un proces amplu i complex de multiplicare i diversificare a formelor de organizare a vieii sociale, la apariia unor modaliti de aciune ct mai adecvate pentru rezolvarea optim a problemelor diverse cu care se confrunt dezvoltarea uman i social. Printre variatele instrumente de care societatea se folosete pentru a-i asigura buna funcionare, organizaiile sociale ocup un loc deosebit de important. Organizaiile economice, cele juridice, politice, militare, administrative, colare, etc., sunt tot attea mecanisme care pun n micare oamenii n vederea obinerii progresului social i individual. Unii psihosociologi consider c apariia n mas a organizaiilor este o trstur distinctiv a societii contemporane care o difereniaz de alte tipuri de societi n care un asemenea fenomen fie nu era prezent, fie nu cunoscuse o amploare aa de mare. n aceste condiii nu este greu s nelegem de ce dezvoltarea colar din perspectiv organizaional, studiul ei, a captat ntr-o mare msur atenia cercettorilor. nc de la mijlocul secolului trecut, March i Simon (1958) artau c organizaiile au o mare importan datorit omniprezenei lor n viaa oamenilor, acetia petrecndu-i mare parte din timpul lor n cadrul organizaiilor. Adaptnd ideea, putem spune c din acest punct de vedere organizaia colar are o dominan semnificativ, avnd n vedere ct de mult timp petrece un om n dezvoltarea sa n instituiile de nvmnt. Dac adugm i faptul c felul n care muncim, nvm, ne relaxm, relaionm, gndim, simim, toate acestea se afl sub semnul influenei instructiv-educative, putem justifica opiunea pentru abordarea dezvoltrii colare dintr-o perspectiv organizaional, ceea ce nu exclude desigur importana altor multiple orientri educaionale moderne. O definiie larg acceptat a dezvoltrii colare a fost adoptat n Proiectul Internaional despre Dezvoltare / Ameliorare colar - la care au participat 14 ri recunoscut sub prescurtarea ISIP ( International School Improvement Project ):
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Dezvoltarea colar este un efort sistematic, susinut, dirijat nspre schimbare n ceea ce privete condiiile nvrii i alte condiii interne care sunt legate de celelalte, ntr-una sau n mai multe coli, avnd ca ultim scop realizarea obiectivelor educaionale ntr-un mod mai eficient.(Van Velzen et al.,1985 ,p.48 ). Aceast formulare extrem de sintetic arat c dezvoltarea colar pune deopotriv accentul pe predare-nvare dar i pe nevoia existenei unor condiii structural-funcionale proprii. De asemenea, este semnalat relaia complex dintre dezvoltarea colar i schimbare, ambele procese fiind subordonate finalitilor educaionale, iar elul suprem al dezvoltrii colare rmne acela de a crete eficiena activitilor instructiv-educative sporind performanele elevilor. Pstrnd accentul pe activitile de predare-nvare i pe creterea performanelor elevilor, aceast definiie aduce n prim plan capacitatea colii de a produce schimbri ntr-o manier strategic, pstrndu-i caracterul specific dat de cultura proprie. Dezvoltarea colar devine, astfel, un proces unic pentru fiecare coal, contextul fiecreia fiind unic, colile abordnd aceste procese n moduri diferite n condiiile n care nu exist scheme general valabile. Dezvoltarea ntr-o coal presupune schimbri, presupune aciune, ns e dificil s elaborezi strategii de dezvoltare a colilor n contexte att de variate. Unul dintre cei mai apreciai specialiti n domeniul dezvoltrii colare - M. Fullan - evideniaz relaia complicat dintre dezvoltarea colar i schimbare, demonstrat n timp, n orice sistem educaional: dezvoltarea colar reuit depinde de nelegerea problemei schimbrii la nivelul practicii i a dezvoltrii strategiilor rspunztoare de producerea reformelor pozitive (1992, p.27). Se impune precizarea c dei nu orice schimbare este i o mbuntire, toate mbuntirile implic schimbare. Aceast axiom este celebr n teoria organizaional, dar n educaie a fost acceptat cu greu, ntmpinnd o rezisten mai puternic dect n alte domenii, lucru firesc doar dac ne raportm la realitatea subiectiv mult mai pregnant n organizaiile colare dect n cele economice. Ideea de evoluie i de schimbare a organizaiei colare a fost exprimat n diverse moduri, n acest sens considerm sugestiv meniunea fcut de P. Drucker (1969, p. 193) - expert n management care a consacrat cu muli ani n urm ideea abandonului organizaional :O organizaie oricare i-ar fi obiectivele, trebuie s fie capabil s se debaraseze de sarcinile de ieri i astfel s elibereze energii i resurse pentru sarcini noi mai productive. Dac vrea s fie capabil s lucreze asupra anselor, trebuie s fie capabil de a abandona neproductivul i s tearg demodatul. Dei este dificil de stabilit un raport foarte clar ntre dezvoltare i schimbare, datorit complexitii lor, putem formula totui dou premise de la care vom porni n demersul analitic: schimbarea reprezint mecanismul dezvoltrii colare; dezvoltarea colar este scopul iar nu toate schimbrile conduc la dezvoltare colar, numai cele cu efecte benefice i durabile schimbarea devine mijlocul de atingere a acestuia; servesc dezvoltrii colare autentice. Teoria i practica dezvoltrii organizaionale trebuie ns particularizat pe specificul dezvoltrii colare. O contribuie remarcabil n acest sens o au specialitii R.G. Havelock i A.M. Huberman (1980, p. 40 ), care au ncercat s explice mecanismul dezvoltrii organizaiei colare prin teoria sistemelor deschise ce evolueaz ntotdeauna ctre un grad mai mare de unitate i spre un stadiu
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mai nalt de constituire. Astfel, cnd un sistem atinge un echilibru de ordin superior, acesta se manifest sub forma unui echilibru stabil dinamic, altfel spus curenii din i spre exterior se echilibreaz reciproc. n sistemele deschise din care face parte i organizaia colar, stadiul dinamic reprezint un joc combinat de subsisteme, care opereaz ca procese funcionale. Ele tind s reziste la destructurare, iar atingerea unui echilibru stabil poate duce uneori la o situaie de stagnare; pentru a evita stagnarea este necesar susinerea i ncurajarea capacitii lor de autoreglare i autoadaptare, de creativitate, de schimbare, ceea ce le face apte de dezvoltare. Dezvoltarea indic trecerea progresiv spre stri superioare, care sunt totdeauna trepte ale constituirii sistemului. Prezena dezvoltrii semnific faptul c sistemul a atins un echilibru stabil dinamic, stadiu caracterizat nu numai prin elemente de stabilitate, ci i prin capacitatea de schimbare i progres. Dezvoltarea presupune o combinaie de tipuri de creteri i schimbri, realizate n modaliti diferite lent sau rapid, superficial sau radical, parial sau total. Dezvoltarea organizaiei colare trebuie corelat cu cele dou planuri, pe care pedagogul Emil Pun (1999, p.160) le consider determinante pentru progresul i schimbarea organizaiei colare: dezvoltarea instituiei colare ( school improvement ) care implic reamenajri, adaptri i schimbri structurale i manageriale; constituie cadrul care ofer oportuniti de punere n valoare a competenelor i capacitilor cadrelor didactice; dezvoltarea personalului ( staff development ) care implic procese de formare i perfecionare a cadrelor didactice; constituie suportul esenial pentru progresul i dezvoltarea colii. Contextul i paradoxurile actuale ale dezvoltrii organizaiei colare Specificul dezvoltrii organizaionale n domeniul educaional este dat pe de o parte de istoria ndelungat a colii romneti ce a generat o puternic i bogat cultur organizaional i pe de alt parte de complexitatea organizaiilor colare care e generat de patru mari dimensiuni: dimensiunea structural: resursele umane, obiectivele i cultura organizaiei; dimensiunea instrumentalstrategic: mediul fizic, condiiile materiale, strategiile i modalitile de aciune, modalitile de comunicare, managementul; dimensiunea socio-afectiv i motivaional: relaiile interpersonale i intergrupale, modalitile de motivare i promovare, climatul organizaional; dimensiunea integrrii n comunitate: comunitatea local, comunitatea regional, naional i internaional. Aadar, orice ncercare de dezvoltare colar nu se aplic ntr-un spaiu gol ci ntr-o organizaie a colii romneti care are n spatele su secole de experien i cultur social. Schimbarea autentic se produce uneori extrem de lent datorit complexitii organizaiei colare. O coal poate s-i planifice propria dezvoltare n timp dac ia n considerare iniiativele oficiale i ale conducerii colii, mozaicul contextului su unic i a prerilor elevilor lor, a prinilor, a profesorilor i altor factori din comunitate. Noutatea ultimelor studii organizaionale este de a aduce n prim plan schimbarea organizaional alturi de componente clasice precum structura sau comportamentul organizaional, schimbare vzut iat ca o calitate indispensabil a organizaiei n epoca postmodern pe deplin valabil i n cazul colii romneti supus unor presiuni variate. Schimbarea
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are un statut aparte pentru c este neleas ca mecanism al dezvoltrii organizaionale ceea ce face ca toate celelalte caracteristici ale organizaiei colare s se subordoneze acesteia. n secolul XXI, cnd abordm dezvoltarea colar, trebuie s inem seama de ntreaga existen istoric a colii ca instituie. Reformele actuale nu apar pe un teren gol - ceea ce poate ar simplifica procesul de aceea dezvoltarea colar capt mai mult sensul de perfecionare, optimizare a valorilor i structurilor educaionale constituite n timp. Analiza relaiei dintre nvmnt i societate, a impactului schimbrilor sociale asupra colii trebuie s in seama de modul specific n care se produc schimbrile n nvmnt, de faptul c ele nu sunt obiectivarea imediat i direct a cerinelor sociale, ci sunt mediate i adesea, distorsionate de logica intern a sistemului educaional. Logica socialului i logica nvmntului nu sunt ntotdeauna convergente, pentru c, aa cum susine renumitul sociolog francez Pierre Bourdieu (1970), logica intern a nvmntului este rezultatul istoriei sale, rezultat al sistematizrilor succesive ce genereaz un ansamblu de practici, atitudini i mentaliti pedagogice ce au tendina de a se autoconserva i autoreproduce, relativ independent de presiunile i schimbrile externe, avnd rolul de filtru n relaia colii cu sistemul social. Noile condiii ale schimbrii dinamice date de un mediu imprevizibil din punct de vedere social, cultural, politic, economic, financiar, va solicita colii i oamenilor si mai ales capacitatea de a lucra cu fore diametral opuse dar valorizate deopotriv: individul i grupul centralizare i descentralizare schimbarea i continuitate siguran/coeren i imprevizibil/deschis strategie/viziune i creativitate coeziune intern i orientare ctre exterior schimbare personal i schimbare n cadrul sistemului.
Dei nu pare un climat propice elaborrii unor strategii de dezvoltare, totui, problemele, paradoxurile autentice, contradiciile sunt cele care genereaz nvare att n plan individual ct i organizaional. Iat unele dintre paradoxurile cu care se confrunt organizaiile colare: a) Progresul nseamn n acelai timp schimbare i continuitate. Schimbrile care se impun n structura de profunzime a educaiei sunt contrabalansate de forele puternice care evideniaz continuitatea n educaie aceast realitate constituie paradoxul fundamental pentru organizaiile colare. O mare parte din istoria omenirii i mai ales din istoria instituional, este reprezentat mai mult de continuitate dect de schimbare. A gndi c ceea ce s-a petrecut n trecut va continua i n viitor d oamenilor un anumit confort i face ca viaa s par mai previzibil i mai stabil. Modernitatea n secolul XX a ajuns s nsemne o societate care e stabil, solid, previzibil, compartimentat i birocratic. Secolul XXI a impus o nou er, a postmodernismului. Rosenau, P. M.(1992, p.8) precizeaz c ne aflm n mijlocul altei ere, a discontinuitii, care ne ofer nedefinitul mai degrab dect determinismul, diversitatea mai
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degrab dect unitatea, diferena mai degrab dect analiza, complexitatea mai degrab dect simplificarea . Lumea postmodern este rapid, complex, comprimat i nesigur. A. Hargreaves (1995) face o trecere n revist a paradoxurilor care afecteaz educaia unde include i faptul c o mai puternic orientare spre viitor creeaz o mai mare nostalgie fa de trecut.colile i profesorii sunt din ce n ce mai afectai de cererile i contingenele unei lumi complexe i postmoderne care se schimb rapid. Totui, rspunsul acestora este adesea nepotrivit sau ineficient pstrnd intacte sistemele i structurile prezentului sau retrgndu-se n miturile confortabile ale trecutului( p.23). Putem spune c i n educaia contemporan dorina de schimbare i mbuntire coexist cu mentalitatea obinuinei, a rutinei ceea ce Gustavson explica nc din 1955 (p.72): oamenilor le e fric de inovaii drastice i din cauz c prefer ceea ce le e familiar i pentru c interesele ascunse ale majoritii oamenilor sunt de obicei legate de situaia prezent. Mai putem aduga la aceast rezisten la schimbare i ceea ce se numete inerie instituional, o tendin de a menine organizaia n funciune la fel ca n trecut dac nu se materializeaz presiuni acute din partea schimbrii. b) coala nu este acum o organizaie care nv dei ea este cu siguran o organizaie care produce nvare Orientrile actuale n domeniul dezvoltrii organizaiei colare sunt axate pe specificul organizaiei colare, care, comparativ cu alte tipuri de organizaii, este investit cu funcia de a produce nvare i ca urmare i structureaz toate celelalte aspecte organizaionale n aceast direcie. Se poate spune c ntr-o mare msur, toate componentele organizaionale ale colii se supun logicii proceselor pedagogice - de producere a nvrii. Proiectele de dezvoltare presupun schimbri n dou planuri majore i interdependente cel structural i cel al comportamentelor membrilor organizaiei. Aceasta presupune un amplu efort de nvare social sau organizaional ce necesit rspunsuri la cel puin trei ntrebri fundamentale: De ce tocmai o organizaie a nvrii? Ce nva o organizaie colar? Cum nva o organizaie colar ? Rspunsurile se concentreaz n jurul ideii c organizaiile colare sunt fortuite s se adapteze noilor provocri ale educaiei pentru c coala nu este acum o organizaie de nvare. Valuri neregulate de schimbare, proiecte episodice, fragmentarea eforturilor i suprancrcarea formeaz destinul majoritii colilor. (M. Fullan,1993, p.1 ). Cercetrile n domeniu afirm c o organizaie poate s supravieuiasc i s se dezvolte dac rata de nvare din cadrul organizaiei este mai mare dect rata schimbrii n mediul extern. De aceea pentru a fi eficient o coal trebuie s devin o organizaie a nvrii n sensul definiiilor date de specialiti. C. Handy (1989) precum i ali autori dezvolt aceast idee i ofer dou definiii pentru organizaia nvrii ( learning organization): Organizaie care nv se refer la capacitatea instituiei colare de a se schimba prin procesele de nvare organizaional vzute ca principalul mecanism de dezvoltare colar: coala n calitate de organizaie care nva poate fi considerat un sistem unde oamenii i extind permanent capacitatea de a produce rezultatele pe care le doresc, unde nva patternuri
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noi i globale de gndire, unde aspiraia colectiv este liber i unde oamenii nva continuu cum s nvee mpreun ( J.C. Bayne, P. Holly, 1994). Organizaiile care nva sunt organizaii ce au un sim al direciei i o nelegere ferm a realitii curente prin scanarea contextelor lor, coli care planific efectiv, eficient, i flexibil, organizaii n care schimbarea continu i dezvoltarea sunt pri integrante ale culturii lor. 2. Organizaia care ncurajeaz nvarea desemneaz organizaia care promoveaz i produce nvarea individual n rndul membrilor si profesori i elevi. coala este o resurs pentru dezvoltarea, instruirea i educarea elevilor i studenilor. Organizaia l servete pe individ, elevii i studenii nu servesc dect indirect nevoilor instituiei colare. Centrul de interes nu este nvarea organizaional, ci cea individual. nvarea organizaional este considerat astzi ca fiind primul factor determinant n producerea unor schimbri benefice i de durat. nvarea ia forma unui proces de asimilare i aplicare de cunotine, valori i moduri de aciune, care sunt elementele culturii organizaiei colare. n cea mai mare parte elementele unei culturi sunt nelese de la sine de ctre membrii organizaiei care sunt purttorii i realizatorii modelelor culturale i mentale create prin procese de socializare, ce nu sunt altceva dect procese de nvare social i cultural. nvarea organizaional se produce prin nvarea individual realizat de fiecare membru n parte al organizaiei colare. Noua problem a schimbrii consist tocmai n ceea ce ar fi necesar pentru a transforma sistemul educaional ntr-o organizaie dispus s nvee care s tie cum s abordeze schimbarea ca o parte normal a activitii sale, nu doar n legtur cu cea mai nou politic, ci ca un mod de via. c) Schimbarea reprezint mecanismul prin care nva o organizaie colar. Majoritatea abordrilor moderne ce susin teza conform creia problemele, paradoxurile autentice sunt cele care produc nvare prezint i mecanismul fundamental al schimbrilor, schimbri care trebuie s nceap ntr-o organizaie prin a considera c dinamismul, complexitatea i imprevizibilitatea nu mai sunt numai lucruri care ne stau n cale, ele sunt normale. Esena nvrii organizaionale contemporane este prezentat de M. Fullan (1993, p.1): Valuri neregulate de schimbare, proiecte episodice, fragmentarea eforturilor i suprancrcarea formeaz destinul majoritii colilor. secretul creterii i dezvoltrii consist n a nva cum s ne luptm cu forele schimbrii, folosind forele pozitive n avantajul nostru, i totodat diminund influena celor negative. Viitorul lumii este un viitor al nvrii. Vom nva c nu este posibil s rezolvm problema schimbrii, dar putem nva s coexistm cu ea ntr-o manier mai activ i mai productiv. Schimbarea e nvare. ntr-o organizaie care nva dinamica se concentreaz pe ntrebri deschise i testarea opiniilor. Oamenii folosesc dezbaterea i conflictul pentru a ajunge la un consens periodic fr ca acesta s fie o norm. Nu poate fi altfel, dac oamenii caut permanent noi perspective. Un grup angajat n nvarea complex nu e dominat de dependena autoritii sau de experi. Grupul oscileaz ntre conflict i consens, ntre confuzie i claritate. Oamenii care nva n grup dezvolt un comportament controlat. Legturile merg de la descoperirea indivizilor, a schimbrilor, a disfunciilor, pn la posibilitatea alegerii izvort din reflecie i dialog. Comportamentul este
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constrns n parte de diferenele de cultur ale indivizilor i de ctre nenelegeri care mpiedic dominaia unei singure opinii. Constrngerea este astfel o consecin a tensiunii dintre nelegere i diferen. Schimbrile substaniale implic procese complexe, unde spiritul de deschidere i cercetare este necesar rezolvrii problemelor. d) Tensiunea creativ ntre dezvoltarea individual i cea de grup, ntre izolare i colaborare, ntre individualism i colectivism, reprezint un alt mare paradox al nvmntului. coala fiind o organizaie n care primeaz dimensiunea uman se impune precizarea c procesul de dezvoltare organizaional va aduce n prim plan relaia dintre dezvoltarea individual i dezvoltarea instituional. Dei opiniile sunt mprite i teoriile elaborate n timp oscileaz ntre abordrile antropocentrice i cele sociocentrice, contextul actual ilustrat mai sus ne ndreptete s afirmm c avem nevoie de o abordare dual, acionnd totodat asupra dezvoltrii individuale i instituionale. Una nu poate s o atepte pe cealalt ntr-un proces de dezvoltare organizaional. Dezvoltarea individual servete drept surs a unor capaciti de baz ce sunt necesare organizaiei pentru o fundaie generativ de la care se poate construi o mare capacitate de schimbare: cldirea unei viziuni colective, structuri organizaionale, norme i practici de anchet, accent pe dezvoltare organizaional i pricepere, culturi de lucru colaborative. Cum se ntmpl cu toate paradoxurile, nu exist soluii unilaterale. Organizaiile care nva determin schimbri educaionale productive care presupun depirea izolrii. Aceast problematic o ntlnim la Storr (1988) care menioneaz c meseria de profesor a fost ntotdeauna considerat o profesie solitar. Izolarea duce, chiar dac nu ntotdeauna produce, la conservatorism i rezisten la schimbare, la necunoaterea i ignorarea inovaiilor n exercitarea profesiei de educator. Izolarea i individualismul au multe cauze manifestate deseori ca slbiciune a personalitii, aprare/spirit defensiv n faa criticii i o tendin de acaparare a resurselor. Izolarea este o problem pentru c impune o limit ce afecteaz activitatea de cercetare i nvare. Soluiile sunt limitate la experienele individului. Ori pentru o schimbare complex, aa cum sunt cele descrise anterior, la nivelul unei organizaii colare e nevoie de muli oameni lucrnd cu perspicacitate la gsirea soluiei i angajndu-se ntr-un efort comun concentrat. n acest context multiple lucrri subliniaz ideea c problemele educaionale sunt complexe iar colile bazate pe colaborare i mbogire cu experiene de nvare procedeaz mai bine dect acelea care persist n tradiiile izolaioniste ale profesoratului (Rosenholtz,1989; Fullan i Hargreaves,1991). Multe ntrebri de genul Colaborarea e secretul dezvoltrii i e srbtorit ca automatic bun? Managementul participativ la locul de munc e rspunsul? au primit rspunsuri ambivalente de tipul: da i nu. Dus la extrem colaborarea devine gndire colectiv - conformare necondiionat la grup, acceptare nechibzuit a celei mai recente soluii, nbuirea dezacordului individual. Oamenii pot colabora n a face lucruri rele, aa cum pot colabora n lucruri bune; i colaborarea prea strns poate pierde din vedere semnalele de pericol sau oportunitile de nvare. Progresnd spre o colaborare mai apropiat nu trebuie s pierdem din vedere partea bun a individualismului.
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Capacitatea de a gndi i lucra independent este esenial pentru reforma educaional. Storr, A. (1988) precizeaz c cele mai fructuoase idei provin adesea din diversitate i din acelea marginale grupului. A pstra legtura cu vocea noastr interioar, cu reflecia personal i cu capacitatea de a fi singur cu tine nsui sunt eseniale n condiiile schimbrilor constante. Singurtatea are i ea rolul ei ca strategie pentru a face fa schimbrii. Partea negativ a gndirii colective nu e doar o chestiune de a evita supraconformismul. n condiii de complexitate dinamic puncte diferite de vedere anticipeaz adesea noi probleme, mai repede dect o fac grupuri strns legate prin acelai mod de gndire. Diferenele interne pot lrgi spectrul opiunilor unei organizaii prin generarea de noi puncte de vedere, prin promovarea dezechilibrului i adaptrii. Este de fapt o lege binecunoscut a ciberneticii - legea varietii necesare - care spune c, n vederea adaptrii oricrui sistem la mediul extern, mecanismele de control trebuie s ncorporeze varietatea. Dac varietatea din interior este redus, un sistem e incapabil s fac fa varietii din exterior. Organizaia colar inovativ trebuie s ncorporeze varietate n procesele sale interne. Aadar, izolarea e rea, dominana grupului e i mai rea. Un rspuns posibil l ofer D. Hargreaves (1995) prin precizarea c respectarea contrariilor n acelai timp - individualismul i colectivismul e mesajul cel mai potrivit pentru dezvoltarea organizaiilor colare. Dezvoltarea organizaiei colare trebuie s se bazeze pe dezvoltarea individual a membrilor si, ambele procese fiind influenate de noile condiii ale schimbrii dinamice. Diferitele direcii ale schimbrilor educaionale pot prea paradoxale i adesea contestate. Cele cteva astfel de paradoxuri prezentate, specifice zilelor noastre, determin o angajare a colilor ntro cutare continu a rspunsurilor, soluiilor, proces ce va contribui la cunoaterea aprofundat a problematicii dezvoltrii organizaionale i va determina nelegerea contextului social actual n care colile noastre trebuie s funcioneze. Se impune, iat, cu necesitate, s promovm dezvoltarea organizaiei colare ca pe un proces de coordonare a schimbrilor. Numai c schimbrile substaniale implic procese complexe, unde spiritul de deschidere i cercetare este necesar rezolvrii problemelor i unde e nevoie de o abordare strategic, pe un timp ndelungat, ca premise ale dezvoltrii organizaiei colare. Managementul strategic n dezvoltarea organizaiei colare Premisa de la care am plecat n abordarea acestei temei este c dezvoltarea organizaiei colare are dou determinri specifice: pe de o parte caracterul finalist sistemic procesual, care determin un demers laborios, temeinic pregtit pentru atingerea unor inte clare prin strategii elaborate, implementate i evaluate n conformitate cu noile cerine educaionale iar, pe de alt parte, caracterul psiho-social, interacional, ce aduce n prim plan climatul organizaional i sistemele adecvate de meninere a acestuia la nivelul favorizrii producerii schimbrilor. Raportndune doar la aceste dou caracteristici de fond constatm c organizaia colar nu se poate dezvolta numai prin dimensiunea sa specific - cea uman fiind absolut necesar n acest context i dimensiunea instrumental strategic, strategic. care la nivelul conducerii nseamn un management
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n ultimul deceniu, managementul strategic a devenit modelul predilect n care se nscriu actele decizionale ce determin evoluia organizaiilor din rile dezvoltate i se extinde n ritm alert i n alte ri, inclusiv n cele aflate n tranziie. Russu, C. (1999, p. 1) precizeaz c prin dinamizarea fr precedent a existenei noastre, accelerarea schimbrilor produce pe planul managementului efecte multiple i profunde, a cror expresie sintetic rezid n dificultatea crescnd de prevedere a schimbrilor cu suficient timp nainte pentru a asigura pregtirea necesar ntmpinrii lor, ceea ce oblig la creterea vitezei de reacie decizional i de aplicare a deciziilor, precum i la sporirea flexibilitii acionale, indispensabile n cazul producerii unor schimbri neanticipate. n esen, managementul strategic este procesul amplu i complex prin care conducerea organizaiei stabilete evoluia ei pe termen lung i performanele pe care le va realiza, pe baza anticiprii schimbrilor ce se vor produce n cadrul i n exteriorul acesteia. Managementul strategic asigur formularea riguroas, aplicarea corespunztoare i evaluarea continu a strategiei stabilite, avnd ca vocaie esenial nfruntarea schimbrilor. Orice strategie de dezvoltare a organizaiei colare trebuie elaborat din perspectiva celor dou caracteristici eseniale ale managementului educaional: dimensiunea moral-axiologic determinat de specificul activitii pedagogice din coal, ca activitate de transmitere i asimilare a cunoaterii, dar i de educare i formare a elevilor n spiritul unui sistem de valori; dimensiunea uman care este dominant comparativ cu dimensiunea instrumental-strategic, ca urmare a valorizrii individului i a interaciunii membrilor organizaiei colare i a utilizrii unor strategii de tip comunicativ (E. Pun,1999, p.142). Se impune elaborarea unei concepii moderne i coerente privind dezvoltarea colii, concepie care s se inspire att din achiziiile recente n teoria i practica managerial, ct, mai ales, din sistemul de valori al colii, din filosofia pe care este fundamentat sistemul educaional. Dezvoltarea colar atrage dup sine strategiile, aciunile, n rolul de logistic, de aceea ele trebuie gndite cu atenie i n concordan cu contextul specific colii; ns numai strategiile nu asigur dezvoltarea, n acelai timp, colile trebuie s aib n vedere condiiile interne care menin i sprijin dezvoltarea. Condiiile sunt cele care asigur o dezvoltare real n termenii rezultatelor elevilor, dar este vorba despre condiii continue care permit adaptarea la nevoie. Dintre cele mai semnificative astfel de condiii, specialitii precizeaz ca absolut necesare mcar trei: planificarea dezvoltrii, focalizarea semnificativ pe predare i nvare, dezvoltarea rezultatelor elevilor. Dezvoltarea organizaiei colare este cu siguran produsul unei multitudini de factori, dintre care unii se detaeaz prin impactul lor mai evident. Fr a minimaliza importana celorlali factori, evideniem rolul factorilor instrumentali-strategici care au o influen major n procesul dezvoltrii organizaionale. Se contureaz i n educaie, din ce n ce mai mult, viziunea unui management strategic de adaptat specificului colii de learning organization, care aduce n prim plan strategia dezvoltrii colare prin elaborarea i implementarea unor proiecte educaionale. Valorizarea aspectului strategic al proiectului corespunde preocuprii de a introduce n cadrul organizaiei un schimb finalizat, permind adaptarea acesteia la caracterul instabil al mediului: mutri de ordin cultural, tehnologic, economic, etc.. J. P. Boutinet (1993, p.215) precizeaz c schimbul finalizat pentru dezvoltare este bine ilustrat prin metafora pilotajului, adesea utilizat i
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asociat proiectului instituional; pilotajul strategic va fi atunci arta de a conduce n timp o schimbare orientat, instrumentul unei organizaii performante destinate evoluiei ntr-un mediu din ce n ce mai constrngtor i imprevizibil. Proiectul instituional constituie, cu avantajele i limitele sale, un demers de mobilizare a energiilor. Situat ntre cultur i strategie, acest proiect implic mai nti o iniiativ din partea conducerii preocupat de a da coeren i eficacitate vieii din organizaia sa. Majoritatea studiilor privind strategiile de dezvoltare a organizaiilor colare se construiesc n aria unei tematici ce aduce schimbarea, flexibilitatea i incertitudinea fa n fa cu stabilitatea, controlul, certitudinea, predictibilitatea. Cele mai multe experimente i ncercri de proiectare a unor noi strategii sunt caracterizate de structuri flexibile, n permanent schimbare, dezvoltare i care menin deschise relaiile cu mediul extern. De asemenea se accentueaz necesitatea regndirii relaiilor de munc, n sensul ncurajrii autoorganizrii echipelor de lucru, autocontrolului i oferirii anselor de nvare continu ca soluii la obstacolele i oportunitile mediului. n acest sens, se justific pledoaria pentru strategia dezvoltrii organizaiei colare prin proiecte instituionale, strategie care este compatibil cu lumea schimbrilor creia trebuie s-i facem fa, mai ales c n ncercarea de a crete potenialul de dezvoltare avem ansa s valorificm imaginaia i creativitatea la nivel personal i organizaional prin iniierea i derularea unor proiecte de succes. Diversificarea i creterea n complexitate a activitii manageriale la nivelul organizaiei colare solicit crearea unor instrumente adecvate i eficiente de conducere. Schimbrile autentice, cu efecte benefice i durabile se pot realiza numai ntr-o manier dirijat i planificat, prin intervenii care iau forma unor proiecte de dezvoltare. Proiectul reprezint o nsumare de activiti organizate i desfurate n vederea atingerii unor obiective prestabilite, care necesit resurse - umane, valorice, materiale, financiare i temporale i care introduce o schimbare realizat pe baza unui program, reprezentnd o noutate, o iniiativ unic. Actualmente, proiectul i operaia specific de proiectare constituie n tiinele educaiei o problematic major, abordat multiplu n lucrrile de specialitate. E. Pun (1999, p.152) definete proiectul ca o intenie de a ntreprinde o aciune cu caracter ameliorativ. Aspectul esenial al unui proiect este caracterul su anticipativ, efortul de a imagina modaliti de aciune n contexte noi, adesea imprevizibile. Tocmai de aceea proiectul este considerat instrumentul cel mai adecvat, la ndemna directorului, pentru a pune n practic o politic de dezvoltare a organizaiei colare n perspectiva descentralizrii. Oricare ar fi utilizarea sa individual sau colectiv, proiectul a devenit astzi o unealt uzual destinat introducerii unei schimbri, sau analizei schimbrilor anterioare, a modului lor de implementare i a efectelor pe care le genereaz. Problemele organizaiilor colare transpuse n termeni de proiecte au generat o nou activitate profesional cu roluri diverse: manager de proiect, director de proiect, consilier de proiect, analist de proiect, persoane menite s identifice condiiile propice pentru conceperea, realizarea sau evaluarea unui proiect. Aceast noutate adus de vremea proiectelor n educaie ne permite s distingem ntre dou situaii cu privire la implementarea proiectelor n organizaiile colare: o prim situaie este atunci cnd actorii membrii organizaiei sunt creatorii i realizatorii proiectului, proiect ce va fi puternic contextualizat pe specificul echipei, iar a doua variant este cnd intervine din exterior un consilier analist care identific elementele
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indispensabile pentru ca actorii n cauz s poat surprinde ulterior caracteristicile situaiei de proiect, cu condiiile sale de reuit sau de eec. Impactul modelului dezvoltrii organizaiei colare prin proiecte Dup cum menionam anterior, dezvoltarea colar este un curent educaional care-i propune s arate de ce se schimb paradigmele i practica educaional i mai ales cum se schimb ele. n acest sens este util studierea diferitelor modele de dezvoltare colar, cu insisten pe dezvoltarea prin proiecte, pentru a identifica componentele cheie ale acestui proces, precum i corelarea acestor schimbri educaionale cu literatura de specialitate din domeniu, care s-a mbogit substanial n ultimele decenii. Complexitatea managementului schimbrilor i pune amprenta asupra modelului dezvoltrii organizaiei colare prin proiecte instituionale, mai ales n contextul social actual n care termenul schimbare antreneaz nc n mintea romnilor ideea de potenial pericol, de nesiguran, dei capacitatea de adaptare la schimbrile de mediu este o condiie esenial a reuitei, a supravieuirii sau a performanei. Organizaiile colare nu se schimb de dragul schimbrii, ci pentru c fac parte dintr-un proces de dezvoltare mai amplu i trebuie s reacioneze la noile schimbri din mediu, la restriciile, cerinele i ocaziile care apar n acest domeniu. La rndul lor, n procesul de adaptare la schimbarea organizaional, oamenii trebuie s se schimbe i ei: trebuie s acumuleze noi cunotine, s abordeze sarcini noi, s-i mbunteasc gradul de competen i, foarte adesea, s-i schimbe obiceiurile de munc, valorile i atitudinile fa de modul de lucru din organizaii. Schimbarea valorilor i atitudinilor este esenial pentru c nu poate exista nici o schimbare real fr o schimbare de atitudine. Schimbarea produs prin proiecte de dezvoltare organizaional implic transformri care afecteaz ntr-o manier semnificativ toate componentele unei organizaii colare, de la cele normative (structur, cultur), pn la cele instrumental - strategice (strategie, management), sau motivaional afective ( relaii interpersonale, comunicare, climat). Pornind de la premisa c starea psihologic a membrilor organizaiei colare poate avea un impact decisiv asupra procesului dezvoltrii colare, multiple cercetri au artat c colile ncununate de succes dedic mult timp pentru asigurarea unui climat propice dezvoltrii nainte ca ele s nceap s fac schimbri substaniale, vizibile n rezultatele elevilor, neputndu-se concentra pe predare i nvare, pn cnd nu rezolv probleme subsidiare legate de climat i nu au puse la punct sisteme adecvate de meninere. Reynolds i Packer (1992) susin chiar c neglijarea proceselor interpersonale, comunicaionale, motivaionale i atitudinale, specifice climatului organizaional, poate duce la o conduit defensiv a profesorilor pentru a se proteja de inovaiile care ar putea s le expun propriile stngcii. Lund n consideraie aceste teorii, cercetarea noastr se va concentra asupra specificului derulrii proiectelor i mai ales asupra influenelor generate de acestea asupra climatului organizaiei colare, considerat ca fiind unul dintre indicatorii potenialului de schimbare individual i organizaional. n acest context conceptual teoretic, demersul nostru empiric de a analiza procesul de elaborare i implementare a proiectelor, precum i efectele asupra climatul organizaional, presupune o metodologie specific, ndreptat ctre culegerea i sistematizarea de informaii de la membrii
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organizaiei colare i din produsele muncii acestora, cu scopul de a realiza o descriere obiectiv a specificului, tipurilor, etapelor, structurii i efectelor derulrii proiectelor instituionale de dezvoltare. Aadar, ne-am propus s investigm unele stri de fapt din organizaiile colare i s valorificm exemplele bune care duc la creterea performanelor unitilor colare. n cercetare am utilizat date empirice de tip cantitativ i informaii calitative rezultate din analize instituionale. Datele empirice cantitative au fost culese prin chestionare, interviuri, gril de observaie i test sociometric. n acest sens am utilizat o gril de observaie, un test sociometric, un chestionar standardizat i un chestionar nestandardizat elaborat prin respectarea etapelor unui bun instrument de investigaie, fiind chestionate n total 1069 de cadre didactice din 20 de uniti colare. Informaiile calitative au fost culese prin focus-grup, analize instituionale i analize ale teoriilor, modelelor, documentelor colare i produselor activitilor din cadrul proiectelor derulate de coli. Aceste ultime date au servit ca baz n elaborarea chestionarului de opinie, ulterior fiind prelucrate i sub forma unor studii de caz. Experimentul derulrii proiectelor instituionale de dezvoltare a organizaiei colare a permis surprinderea specificului unui asemenea proiect precum i a efectelor asupra climatului organizaional prin folosirea combinat att a unor metode cantitative, standardizate de evaluare a atitudinilor, tririlor i opiniilor unui colectiv, ct i a unor metode calitative, nestandardizate n scopul identificrii aspectelor eseniale ale situaiei noi, de introducere a unor schimbri prin intermediul proiectelor instituionale. Totodat, ne exprimm credina c studiile organizaional manageriale dei aspir spre sfere nalte de abstractizare i generalizare, nu trebuie s piard din vedere aspectele particular ameliorative ale comunicrii i climatului organizaional, mai ales pe cele care apar la nivelul grupurilor i echipelor de munc unde realmente se construiete eficiena i eficacitatea organizaional. Cercetarea fiind de amploare, ilustrm aici doar cteva rezultate obinute n urma studiilor de caz, cazurile fiind coli reprezentative pentru nvmntul preuniversitar din judeul Galai. Metodologia a fost conceput aa nct s permit conturarea unor portrete ct mai exacte ale proiectelor colilor, ncercnd s cunoatem i s descriem viaa social a fiecrei coli din perspectiva nevoilor, oportunitilor, resurselor disponibile, a schimbrilor i rezultatelor anticipate, spaiul personalizat, climatul organizaional i atitudinile fa de schimbrile induse de proiectele instituionale. Din analiza studiilor de caz a rezultat c proiectele organizaiilor colare au multe puncte comune datorate pe de o parte specificului organizrii i funcionrii acestora n condiii socio-economice asemntoare tuturor unitilor de nvmnt, iar pe de alt parte similitudinile se datoreaz specificului proiectelor derulate care au fac parte de obicei din programe naionale sau internaionale de dezvoltare cu elemente strategice generale i care determin schimbri de un anumit tip n funcie de scopurile prestabilite. Datele obinute prin observaie sistematic au fost colectate prin utilizarea unei grile de tip checklist, care a inclus indicatori de verificare privind identitatea, structurarea i funcionarea organizaiilor colare tipul de coal, zona, dotarea material, resursele umane, aspecte ale mediului fizic exterior, aspecte ale mediului fizic interior, elemente ale comunicrii i relaionrii cadrelor didactice cu elevii i cu comunitatea. Datorit exigenelor n nregistrarea datelor, grila a fost organizat prin ncadrarea indicatorilor n categorii i marcarea n dreptul lor a trei grade de reprezentativitate: 0
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pentru absen, 1 pentru prezen, dar deficitar, inactiv i 2 pentru prezen activ sau o funcionare n bune condiii. Vizitele bilunare n fiecare coal precum i activitile multiple pe care le-am organizat i realizat mpreun cu echipele proiectelor, au facilitat culegerea unor date suficiente pentru a putea compara situaia de start, la nceputul proiectelor notat cu T1, cu situaia final, de la sfritul proiectelor notat cu T2. Prezentm n continuare tabelul cu scorurile organizaionale nregistrate n primele i ultimele luni ale cercetrii: Organizaiile colare Valoarea medie Valoarea medie Reprezentarea grafic a rezultatelor favorizeaz comparaia datelor dintre cele dou grupe de organizaii colare, n timpii T1 i T2 nceputul i finalul proiectelor. Grupa martor 1,07 1,14 Grupa experimental Scor global n T1 1,09 Scor global n T2 1,54
Scorul global nregist rat prin checklist n T2 1.8 1.7 1.6 1.5 1.4 1.3 1.2 1.1
ponderi medii
1 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1
Scorul globa l nre gist ra t de colile cu proie ct e n T1 i T2
Calculul statistic evideniaz diferenele semnificative ntre creterile nregistrate n T2, de

Column A Column B Column C Column D Column E Column F
Column G
Co
cele dou grupe GE = 1,54 (serie 1) i GM = 1,14 (serie 2)), GE reprezentnd organizaiile colare care organiza iile colare
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au derulat proiecte iar GM reprezentnd organizaiile colare care nu au beneficiat de aceste proiecte, desfurndu-i activitatea n condiii obinuite, comparaia fiind elocvent i prin raportare la cele dou momente T1 - la nceputul proiectelor i T2- la finalul proiectelor ( pentru z >1,96 i p <0,05). Scorurile organizaionale nregistrate de colile incluse n cercetarea noastr arat diferene semnificative ntre cele dou momente comparate i ntre cele dou grupe experimentale, care au avut datele de start foarte apropiate (Ge = 1,09 i Gm = 1,07), dar au nregistrat creteri difereniate (GE = 1,54 i GM = 1,14) datorate factorului experimental introdus, adic derularea proiectelor instituionale de dezvoltare. Analiza documentelor i a produselor activitii colare din perioada derulrii proiectelor ne-a servit drept punct de referin a veridicitii datelor obinute prin observaie sistematic. S-au analizat documentele manageriale, documentele de eviden colar, documentele comisiilor metodice, documentele echipei proiectelor instituionale, documentele consiliului elevilor, portofolii i mape cu produse ale elevilor i cadrelor didactice. Concluzia general este c viaa organizaiilor colare a cunosc o intensificare alert n sensul creterii numrului de activiti extracurriculare i a mririi numrului participanilor din rndul cadrelor didactice, a elevilor, prinilor i altor reprezentani ai comunitii. Analiza activitilor din proiectele instituionale derulate de organizaiile colare, care au fcut subiectul cercetrii noastre, reflect dominana unor direcii de aciune simite ca necesare n actualul proces de reform: dezvoltarea resursei umane reflectat n numrul impresionant de activiti de formare dedicate cadrelor didactice: seminarii, ateliere de lucru, schimburi de experien, dezbateri, sesiuni de comunicri tiinifice, precum i numeroase activiti dedicate elevilor: cercuri, concursuri, ateliere de lucru, dezbateri, tabere de creaie, excursii tematice, strngere de fonduri, voluntariat comunitar, .a.; dezvoltarea instituional reflectat prin aciuni de promovare a unui management participativ democratic, structurarea i coeziunea echipei organizaiei colare, mecanisme funcionale de cooperare i comunicare intra i inter instituional, dezvoltarea unui climat organizaional favorabil nvrii, atragerea de fonduri, .a.; relaia coal comunitate reflectat n numrul mare de aciuni realizate n parteneriat cu ali factori educaionali: sptmna porilor deschise, seminarii interactive, dezbateri pe teme comunitare, ateliere de lucru, aciuni de promovare a imaginii colii n comunitate, .a.; informarea publicului preocupare nou pentru colile glene, reflectat prin numrul mare de aciuni de mediatizare a activitii din coli i prin multele publicaii elaborate: buletine informative, reviste ale colii, ziarul judeean al programului, brouri, pliante, afie, suporturi audio video, ghiduri i ndrumare, articole de pres. ntreaga activitate din program s-a focalizat n jurul dezvoltrii colilor pilot, n sensul creterii capacitilor acestora de a face fa schimbrilor din societate i de a implementa reforma n spiritul creterii calitii n educaie. Studiul realizat a dus la colectarea unui volum mare de informaii care a permis corelri, comparaii, interpretri multiple i relevante din perspectiva problematicii abordate. Concluzia general este c
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dezvoltarea colar autentic presupune realizarea corelaiei ntre finaliti, coninuturi i strategii, altfel spus, ntre DE CEul schimbrii, CE-ul schimbrii i CUM-ul schimbrii, pentru a crea o abordare coerent, profund i adecvat mediului educaional. Proiectele instituionale pot respecta aceast condiie a dezvoltrii, ns e bine s contientizm, n acest sens, att beneficiile ct i limitele unei asemenea strategii de dezvoltare bazat pe proiecte instituionale, mai ales n contextul lipsei unei culturi a proiectului n colile romneti. Dei avantajele i dezavantajele reprezint o tem extins i complex iat doar cteva dintre ele, ce se nscriu pe tema dezvoltrii organizaiei colare: Avantaje : Proiectele aduc cu ele schimbri; implicarea membrilor organizaiei colare n elaborarea i implementarea unui proiect instituional de dezvoltare constituie un exerciiu de acceptare i adaptare la schimbare. Proiectele favorizeaz munca n echip; realizarea unor proiecte viabile de dezvoltare colar presupune adaptarea la condiiile fiecrei coli, identificarea problemelor reale i soluionarea acestora printr-un efort comun, prin implicarea membrilor organizaiei n derularea proiectului. Proiectele ncurajeaz parteneriatele; n producerea schimbrilor propuse prin proiecte, scopurile i activitile diverselor persoane i instituii implicate trebuie s se armonizeze; o politic colar deschis i favorabil cooperrii poate construi conexiuni eficiente ntre partenerii educaionali. Proiectele implic o permanent comunicare i cooperare interuman. Proiectele au determinat colile s-i introduc n politica lor dou inte de actualitate: dezvoltarea personalului i orientarea ctre obinerea resurselor. Louis i Miles (1990) au constatat c dezvoltarea colilor necesit o gam variat de resurse i c schimbarea nu poate fi realizat fr un nivel optim al resurselor: bani, timp, spaiu, echipament, personal, idei mari, materiale, colile fiind nevoite s nvee noi modaliti de autofinanare i gestionare a resurselor. Proiectul reflect cultura unei organizaii colare, fiind n acelai timp reprezentantul mai multor subculturi specifice ale profesorilor, elevilor, prinilor, etc., subculturi care se manifest n derularea unui proiect i convieuiesc, se suprapun, se ignor, sau se confrunt.
Riscuri i neajunsuri n implementarea proiectelor: Schimbarea autentic se produce uneori extrem de lent datorit complexitii organizaiei colare. Efectele unui proiect pot aprea n timp, ceea ce la un moment dat ar putea s produc demotivarea membrilor organizaiei, cu implicaii negative asupra climatului i a muncii n echip pe care o solicit un proiect. Scopurile comune sunt cu greu adoptate de toi membrii organizaiilor colare; ntotdeauna Proiectele care n-au avut rezultatele scontate n educaie au crescut reticena la schimbare. exist persoane care sunt indiferente sau care manifest rezisten i opoziie vdit. Cea mai mare rezisten se ntlnete n colile unde actorilor sociali li se cere doar s
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implementeze schimbrile educaionale dar sunt exclui din procesul de analiz i luare a deciziilor. n orice organizaie colar exist o limitare pentru munca dezvoltrii grupului. Orict de unit ar fi un grup, el nu va dura niciodat, cci oamenii vin i pleac. Migraia personalului didactic este uneori un mare obstacol n procesul de dezvoltare. Meseria de profesor este considerat o profesie solitar. Izolarea duce la conservatorism i rezisten la schimbare i opoziie fa de inovaii n exercitarea profesiei de educator. Izolarea este o problem ce afecteaz activitatea de cooperare i nvare specific unui proiect instituional de dezvoltare. Proiectele presupun un management specific i o capacitate deosebit de planificare a dezvoltrii colare. Abilitatea de a-i proiecta, implementa i monitoriza propria schimbare este nc un deziderat n managementul educaional al multor coli, iar greeala frecvent este tendina de a se axa pe probleme care nu privesc nici mcar indirect clasa de elevi. Oricare ar fi tipul de proiect pe care o organizaie colar dorete s-l realizeze, el va fi dominat de dimensiunea instrumental strategic pentru c legturile dintre proiect i aciune sunt susinute de relaia dintre anticipare i realizare, care apar inseparabile n logica uman. Proiectul este cel care va permite organizaiei s scape de rutin, de stagnare sau regres, cutnd s-i actualizeze potenialul de dezvoltare i s produc schimbri autentice. Nu trebuie s ignorm, totui, c proiectul este n acelai timp marcat de inerie sau de eec. Astfel recunoatem caracterul riscant, failibil al oricrui proiect instituional. Perspectiva pragmatic a proiectului ne apare foarte contrastant: n domeniul tehnic al proiectelor rigide, materiale, eficacitatea este adesea exemplar i sigur; n domeniul organizaional al proiectelor flexibile cu dominant relaional, rezultatele sunt incerte i eficacitatea precar. Abordarea realist a acestui fapt presupune acceptarea riscurilor proiectului care suscit multe sperane dar genereaz adesea puine efecte, dnd totui senzaia membrilor organizaiei c sunt actorii unei aciuni de schimbare. Poate c cel mai mare obstacol al generalizrii dezvoltrii prin proiecte const n faptul c colile din nvmntul romnesc nu au format o cultur a proiectului, datorit orientrilor politice care au impus o centralizare excesiv pe o perioad ndelungat de timp n care oamenii colii n-au avut dreptul la iniiativ, analiz, decizie, implicare, elemente specifice unui proiect de dezvoltare. n pofida acestor neajunsuri, de ce am opta, totui, pentru dezvoltarea organizaiei colare prin proiecte instituionale? Rspunsul a fost dat de cercetrile n domeniu care au demonstrat c coala este profund dependent de societatea n care funcioneaz, dar tot ea poate accelera sau frna dezvoltarea societii. Abordarea colii ca pe o organizaie caracterizat prin obiective mprtite de membrii si, printr-o cultur de cooperare, deschidere, comunicare, printr-o structur de organizare a muncii, printr-o reea de statusuri i roluri, printr-un management strategic, prin proiecte de dezvoltare i un climat stimulativ, o astfel de abordare a colii ar trebui s fie o practic curent a conducerii unitilor de nvmnt, ceea ce ar determina o atitudine deschis i interesat de problemele educaiei, reflectat n consultarea i implicarea cadrelor didactice ori de cte ori se impun schimbri n modul de organizare sau de funcionare a organizaiei colare.
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Studiul privind modelul dezvoltrii organizaiei colare prin proiecte este mult mai complex, prezentarea sa necesitnd un spaiu mai amplu. De aceea, n aceste pagini am sintetizat ideile fundamentale astfel nct s reflecte contextul organizaional actual, relaia dintre schimbare i dezvoltarea organizaiei colare, precum i una din strategiile posibile de dezvoltare a organizaiei colare prin derularea unor proiecte instituionale. O presupoziie, cnd explicit, cnd subneleas nsoete ntreaga lucrare: derularea unor proiecte instituionale este o aciune complex, problematic, dificil i motivant deopotriv, dar determin dezvoltarea organizaiilor colare, optimizeaz mediul de nvare att pentru elevi ct i pentru cadrele didactice, sporind calitatea educaiei. Tema rmne deschis i altor investigaii pentru c, dei am utilizat multe date, nu putem elucida ntreaga problematic a dezvoltrii organizaiilor colare, tem att de complex i supus permanent unei dinamici a schimbrii, dup cum am artat pe parcursul lucrrii. Perspectiva organizaional asupra dezvoltrii colii nu exclude celelalte abordri i curente educaionale moderne, fiecare dintre acestea avnd valene pro i contra, ns, pentru succesul reformei din nvmntul romnesc considerm a fi primordial orientarea ctre cadrul didactic vzut ca actor n procesul dezvoltrii individuale i de grup n cadrul organizaiei sale colare care-i pstreaz identitatea cultural dar care este, totodat, racordat la schimbrile i progresul societii. Schimbarea colar autentic care genereaz dezvoltarea de tip educaional nu se produce dect n condiii specifice. Dedicarea fa de dezvoltarea colar este mai probabil atunci cnd cei implicai n implementarea schimbrilor colare sunt i ei consultai i implicai n luarea de decizii. Profesorii trebuie s fie motivai i interesai s fac o schimbare; ei trebuie s posede voina de a face ca dezvoltarea colar s reueasc. Aceast voin e generat de o delegare profesional crescut; optimismul profesorilor, sperana i dedicarea sunt asociate cu condiiile de la locul de munc i cu succesul unei organizaii colare.
BIBLIOGRAFIE 1. Alecu, S. M. -Dezvoltarea organizaiei colare. Managementul proiectelor, EDP, Buc., 2007. 2. Bayne, J.C.,Holly ,P.Developing Ouality Schools, Falmer Press, LondraWashington D.C., 1994 3. Bourdieu, P., Passeron, J.C. La reproduction, elements pour une theorie du sisteme de enseignement, Edition de Minuit , Paris,1970 4. Boutinet, J.P. Anthropologie du projet, PUF, Paris, 1993 5. Drucker, P. The Era of Discontinuity , New York , Harper i Row, 1969 6. Fullan, M.G. Change Forces: Probing the Depths of Educational Reform London: Falmer Press., 1993 7. Fullan, M.G. Successful School Improvement Buckingham: Open University Press and Toronto: OISE Press, 1992
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8. Fullan, M.G., Hargreaves, A., Whats Worth Fighting for in Your School? Buckingham, UK, Open University Press, 1991 9. Garratt, B. Learning Organization , Glasgow, William Collins, 1987 10. Gustavson, D.F. , A Preface to History, Toronto , Mc Graw-Hill,1955 11. Handy, C. Understanding Organizations, Penguin Books, 1985 12. Hargreaves, D. School culture, school effectiveness and school improvement, School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 1995 13. Hargreaves, D. and Hopkins, D. Development Planing for School Improvement. Cassell, London, 1994 14. Havelock, R.G. , Huberman, A. Innovation et problemes de l education , Unesco, Paris, 1980 15. Louis, K.S. , Miles, M.B. Improving the Urban High School: What Works and Why ?, New York, 1990 16. Pun, E. coala abordare sociopedagogic, Ed. Polirom, Iai, 1999 17. Reynolds, D. and Packer, A. School effectiveness and school improvement in the 1990s, in D. Reynolds and P. Cuttance (eds) School Effectiveness: Research, Policy and Practice. London: Cassell, 1992 18. Rosenau, P.M., Postmodernism and Social Science: Incursions and Intrusions, Princeton , NY, 1992 19. Rosenholtz, S.J. Teachers Workplace. Social Organization of Schools, Longman, NY, 1989 20. Russu, Corneliu Management strategic, Ed. All, Bucureti,1999 21. Senge, P., The fifth Discipline, New York, Doubleday, 1990 22. Stoll, L. and Fink, D. Effecting school change: the Halton approach, School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 1992 23. Storr, A., Solitude , Flamingo Press, London,1988 24. Vlsceanu, L. (coord.), coala la rscruce. Schimbare i continuitate n curriculumul nvmntului obligatoriu. Studiu de impact., Ed. Polirom, Iai, 2002 25. Vlsceanu,M, Organizaii i comportament organizaional,Ed. Polirom, Iai, 2003
FIGHTING ACADEMIC CORRUPTION IN EASTERN EUROPEAN UNIVERSITIES: RECENT INITIATIVES LED BY STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS AND NGOS
Daniel Teodorescu, Emory University, USA Tudorel Andrei, Academy of Economic Studies-Bucharest, Romania Abstract While previous research on the issue of academic corruption in Eastern European nations has dealt primarily with measuring the extent of corruption, examining the causes and effects of corruption, or
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gauging the costs of corruption, there is no systematic study of the anti-corruption initiatives launched recently in these nations. The main argument of this paper is that the anti-corruption efforts led by student organizations and NGOs are more vigorous than the actions taken by governments or higher education institutions. The paper categorizes and discusses the various anticorruption programs that have been launched by NGOs and student organizations. Introduction For the post-communist countries newly entered into the European Union, one of most important challenges facing their quest for full integration is the fight against corruption. Since the early 90s, there has been a general increase in academic corruption among students, faculty, and administrators throughout the region. Despite a growing number of studies documenting the spread of corruption in higher education, responses from governments and university leaders have been ineffective. The lack of a firm response at the central and institutional levels has triggered a grassroots movement where student organizations and NGOS have launched a series of anticorruption campaigns. The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of the anti-corruption projects carried out by NGOs and student organizations. Academic corruption is strongly linked to the quality in higher education and returns to higher education. Unless corruption is significantly reduced in these nations, the quality of the higher education sectors will continue to be mediocre, and rates of return to a college degree will continue to decline. In a previous study, we have demonstrated a clear relationship between perceived quality of instruction and student intent to cheat (Teodorescu & Andrei, 2008). Also, using data from Transparency International on perceptions of corruption in education in 68 countries, Heyneman (2002) found that a nation's perceived corruption significantly reduces the payoff to higher education; when corruption is pervasive, highly educated persons are much less likely to report high income. In most countries, the educational sector represents the 1st or 2nd largest component of public expenditures. In a context of pressures on the public resources, and with governments demanding accountability, corruption becomes the most important issue that ministries of education need to tackle. Corruption in higher education deserves attention for many reasons, but in particular because of the negative impact it has on society. For example, corruption in higher education undermines employers and the general publics trust in the countrys colleges and universities. Corruption in higher education may take multiple forms and permeate all areas of the system. Heyneman (2002) provided an overview of the categories of corruption in higher education and distinguished between corruption in selection, corruption in accreditation, corruption in procurement, professional misconduct, and corruption in educational property and taxes.
Causes of Corruption
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Corruption has become a major threat to the quality of higher education throughout Eastern Europe and the former Soviet states. A recent report titled Corrupt Schools; corrupt Universities: What can be done?, reveals how in Russia and Ukraine employers explicitly state in job advertisements that only graduates from certain universities are welcome to apply (such is the mistrust of the quality of diplomas issued by some institutions). Altbach (2005) identifies several trends that have caused an increase in corruption in higher education throughout the region. First, higher educations expected role for providing social mobility resulted in academe attracting more attention, and more criticism, from the mass media. In addition, the privatization and marketization of higher education has lead colleges and universities to adopt more and more commercial values, including a greater predilection for corruption, and a greater distance from traditional academic values. In parallel, the massification of higher education has created many new types of higher education providers, including commercial enterprises offering postsecondary qualifications, who have only marginal connections to core academic values. According to Altbach, the decreasing state support for higher education is another trend that caused universities to become more concerned with commercial considerations than with academic affairs, and some institutions have been lured into engaging in corrupt practices. Facing declining salaries, some professors, particularly the part- and poorly trained faculty, are especially at high risk for corruption. This segment of the faculty often lacks an understanding of the meaning of the traditional university as well as the means to support themselves from their academic salaries.
Method To assemble the examples of student and NGO-led anti-corruption efforts, we reviewed articles published in media outlets in the region and news items reported by various NGOs between 2002 and 2008. Case studies of student led initiatives come from Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, and other former Soviet bloc nations. The examples of NGO-led initiatives include the Open Society Institute, Transparency International, as well as local NGOs (i.e., Coalition 2000 in Bulgaria). Previous research on academic corruption has dealt primarily with measuring extent of corruption, examining the causes and effects of corruption, or gauging the costs of corruption. Naturally, throughout the 1990s and early 2000 there was a need to first inform and raise awareness of university communities and general public about the level and type of corruption in universities. Over the past five years, however, student organizations and NGOs have begun to move from data collection to organizing veritable anti-corruption campaigns. The evolution of these initiatives has not been yet examined in a systematic manner. Therefore, there is a need to review these initiatives and learn from their experiences. Corruption is widely acknowledged by university staff and government officials, but offending professors or administrators are rarely punished. The reason is that those at the top have a stake in sustaining the status quo because they are part of the corrupt system themselves and greatly benefit from it. That is why, by and large, anticorruption measures have been initiated from outside the
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system, rather from inside. Since local NGOs throughout the region are weak and poorly funded, it is usually foreign funding from major international agencies that launched examination of corruption within these systems.
The Roles of NGOs Across Central and Eastern European nations, NGOs have been at the forefront of anti-corruption movement in higher education ever since the mid-1990s. One of the key contributions they have made in this area has been to place corruption in higher education on the list of public concerns. NGOs have also been instrumental in prompting governmental action against corruption and exert a consistent pressure for key reforms. Most importantly, against the background of the unstable political structures of the post-communist period, NGOs have been the only actors who maintained the consistency and sustainability of the anti-corruption agenda in higher education. Benefiting from international funding, NGOs initiate and conduct awareness campaigns, educational, and preventive activities, and lobby for enforcement of anti-corruption legislation. NGOs' most important functions appear to be monitoring, drafting laws, and regular cooperation with the media. The NGO sector owes much of its prominence in national anti-corruption efforts to its capacity to pull together substantial analytical resources and to communicate well with the media and engage the government. It also has a good cooperation with international institutions and support from donor organizations and has enlisted them as key stakeholders. NGOs have made a difference in a number of areas, most significantly in: Analysis of corruption. NGOs have been providing government with expertise and analyses in the development and evaluation of anti-corruption legislation and policies; Public education. These are crucial to bringing pubic around to support reformist policies and be less tolerant of corruption; Engaging the media in investigative reporting Pilot initiatives to create lasting anti-corruption structures and instruments within the nongovernmental sector; Facilitating a broader cooperation in counteracting corruption by engaging student organizations, domestic and international NGOs, and the ministry of education Perhaps the most important contributions have been in the first three areas: data gathering, establishing public education programs, and engaging the media. These contributions will be discussed in greater detail in the next section. 1) Acquiring information about corruption The first step in any effective anti-corruption intervention is to acquire information about the experience and cost of corruption. It is extremely important to engage in an ongoing systematic study of the phenomenon and its causes through research of student, faculty, and administration.
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Interestingly, in our review of anticorruption programs we have not found a single instance where an institution of higher education or a ministry initiated a self-examination. One merit of measuring incidence of and perceptions about corruption is that through wide publication of results, it can lead to real change in attitudes. As Heyneman (2004) note, in one country, with surveys at two points in time, the decline in corruption was significant, suggesting the possibility of exposure and professional embarrassment is real, the propensity to engage in corruption declines. In 2003, several student NGOs from Macedonia, Albania, Croatia, Bulgaria, Moldova, Serbia and Montenegro have formed a regional network to combat corruption in education. Through a series of campaigns, student discussions and other lobbying events they created an unprecedented youthlead regional force to fight corruption in higher education. The Anti-Corruption Student Network (ACSN) in Southeastern Europe is one example of an NGO that has been actively involved in gathering data on corruption in higher education. In the first phase of the project a regional research on corruption in five countries was conducted and the results were analyzed. In the second phase of this project, the networks mission was to inform and raise awareness of universities communities and general public about the level and type of corruption at universities. In Romania, the Coalition for Clean Universities (CUC) was established in October 2007 as a group of 14 NGOs12. Its purpose is to promote good practices and monitor the Romanian public university system specifically with regards to integrity issues. Currently, CUC has set up a methodology for monitoring four defining components of academic integrity and completed the pilot phase of the project. The pilot phase was held between October 2007 and May 2008. It aimed to enforce a set of integrity principles and test the monitoring methodology. The assessment of academic integrity has been achieved through five teams of external evaluators, composed equally of experts and students. The pilot project will be followed up by a far-reaching national project that will run in the academic year 2008-2009 and will include the monitoring and evaluation of all public universities in Romania. This new phase will expand the monitored universities to a number of 43 public universities. The assessment of academic integrity will be achieved through teams of external evaluators, composed by both of experts and students. At the end of this programme, the Coalition will publish the Integrity ranking of Romanian Universities. The Bulgarian Corruption Monitoring System (CMS) and the Media Monitoring System (MMS) of Coalition 2000 have established a set of quantitative and qualitative monitoring instruments that generate information about the structure and dynamics of corrupt behaviour, the scope and dynamics of corruption related attitudes, assessments and expectations of the general public, of
12
Centre for Independent Journalism (CJI), Pro Democracy Association (APD), Euroregional Centre for Democracy (CED), National Association of Students Organizations from Romania (ANOSR),The Group for Reform in Universities (GRU), Group for Social Dialogue (GDS), Romanian Academic Society (SAR), University Solidarity Association (SU), EduCer Association (EduCer), Ad-Astra Association (Ad Astra), Romanian Society of Political Science (SRSP), FAR Association (FAR), New Europe College Foundation (NEC), National Union Federation Alma Mater (Alma Mater)
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public sector officials, and of specific social and professional groups. The corruption perception indexes produced by the CMS are produced twice per year and widely publicized in the Bulgarian media and accepted by the policy-makers and the society as a trustworthy source of information. The periodic reports and case-studies produced by MMS evaluate how the media presents specific corruption-related issues to the society. The data provided by this mechanism have been successfully used to initiate and produce a specific policy change in the area of civic and anticorruption education in the secondary school system in Bulgaria. Lastly, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Transparency International has carried out surveys on levels of acceptance of corruption by university students in 2004 and 2005. The results were compiled in the report 'Corruption in Education and the Role of Education in Combating Corruption. These are only a few examples of data collection activities that have been organized by NGOs, often in collaboration with student organizations. In general, the studies of corruption have used a multicampus design and have measured both perceptions about corruption as well as actual incidence of various types of corruption. 2) Developing anti-corruption education Anti-corruption education is a vital component of any anti-corruption strategy. Informed students are more effective in preventing corrupt and unethical behavior of faculty and administrators than the most sophisticated honor codes, laws and regulations. Without reports of corruption, corrupt acts cannot be sanctioned, ombudsmen cannot follow up on complaints, and the judiciary cannot prosecute. Unfortunately, a large majority of students throughout the region are extremely passive vis--vis academic fraud and rarely report colleagues who cheat or faculty and administrators who take bribes. The goal of anti-corruption education is to build demand for accountability. Anti-corruption education promotes values, attitudes and expectations that condemn corruption, and skills to resist it. Anti-corruption education develops students understanding of their rights and responsibilities for preserving the quality of their diplomas. It highlights the damage done by minor acts of corruption. In Bulgaria, Coalition 2000 developed educational tools and a strategy to introduce anti-corruption education in high school and university levels. The main goal was to educate students on the role and functions of state institutions, on basic knowledge of budgets and taxes, the work of local authorities, on the need for transparency and accountability in public institutions, as well as on the civil rights and obligations of citizens. The new updated version of the Anticorruption Educational Manual moves a step further in the elaboration of a comprehensive program for a university course on the substance of corruption as a social phenomenon and the possible strategies for fighting it in the public institutions and using the means of international organizations and civil society. Within the higher education sector, Coalition 2000 sponsored the creation of a specialized
anticorruption portal: Anticorruption Education. In 2004 the group also published a brochure
called Anticorruption Notebook and distributed it to students. The brochure gives practical advices to students how to deal with corruption practices at the universities if they encounter them in their academic life.
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The main policy change that was achieved as a result of the joint efforts of Coalition 2000 and its partners - governmental institutions, universities and public schools, and nongovernmental organizations and media - was the introduction of Anticorruption classes in the official curricula of the Bulgarian secondary schools in the fall of 2004. In Romania, a campaign against nepotism was sustained by several newspapers and a web site was created to mediate this initiative (www.nepotism.org) where 89 people signed a letter of support for introducing regulations against nepotism in public universities. The different perspective for communication offered by Internet allowed interconnecting Romanian researchers all over the world around issues of corruption in universities, with particular focus on cases of nepotism. This led to the formation in October 2003 of the Romanian Academic Forum (FAR, Forumul Academic Roman
www.forum-academic.com) that prepared in 2004 a study entitled Proposal for the reform of the
Romanian higher education system. In Lithuania, a project supported by Open Society and undertaken by Modern Didactics Center from Lithuania, in close cooperation with Special Investigation Service and Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Lithuania, implemented a series of anti-corruption education projects:
Education Against Corruption (2002-2003), "Preventing Corruption through Education, Information and Consciousness Raising Component I - Preparation of the anti-corruption education course for higher schools" (2003-2004), Development of In-service Training Programme for Anti-corruption Education (2004). These activities led to an integrated optional
anti-corruption programme for secondary schools, programmes and courses for anti-corruption education at universities, in-service training programme of anti-corruption education for teachers professional improvement developed and the development of a team of trainers responsible for the dissemination of the findings in the region. 3) Cooperating with the media Within the former Soviet bloc, it is the media that leads the battle against corruption by surfacing stories of corruption, fraud, and other official wrongdoing and, in many cases, risking their lives in the process. The media also played a crucial role in promoting awareness about corruption in higher education. Free media promotes transparency and accountability, while investigative journalism exposes corruption and waste. The International Research Exchange (IREX) is a good example of an international NGO that involves heavily the local media in the fight against corruption. Their goal is not to name names, but rather to analyze the scope and causes of corruption through anti-corruption diagnostics and then educate and raise the expectations of the citizens. IREX has supported investigative TV news programming in Albania and Bulgaria that uncovers corrupt practices in government and business. IREX supports local TV broadcasters and news teams to produce television series such as the Bulgarian program NaChisto and the Albanian program Hapur. Modeled loosely on American investigative news show formats, episodes probe cases of corruption,
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aiming to reduce corruption through public exposure and professional journalism. The local partners continue to produce the TV programs, which are broadcast over a network of stations throughout the country. Numerous televised reports have resulted in the prosecution or correction of corrupt practices, such as the illegal awarding of university degrees to high-level officials and their family members, procurement and issuance of government contracts, misappropriation of funds by public institutions, and business negligence, thus demonstrating that the rule of law can and will be enforced. The Role of Student Organizations Along with NGOs, student organizations have been a major force of change in the fight against corruption throughout the former Soviet bloc. Although students generally lack the knowledge and experience to advocate for their rights, when provided with appropriate training by NGOs, they can quickly acquire the organizational skills and practice that are necessary to implement anti-corruption recommendations. If NGOs tend to have more input at the initial stage of an anti-corruption movement (data collection and dissemination of information), the main contribution of student organizations comes at the second stage: organization of local anti-corruption campaigns. In Romania, the student organizations in Iasi established in 2006 a local structure that mirrors the National Anti-Corruption Division. This structure was established primarily to eliminate corruption in the allocation of student housing and exams. This organization proposed assembling an elaborate monitoring structure that includes local committees and a central committee which will be responsible for stopping corruption within the Romanian higher education system. In every major city, there will be an ombudsman office where students and professors can report corruption cases. The National Student Union in Romania (UNSR) will release to the public all cases that have been verified as valid complaints. Last year, UNSR produced a ranking of bribes for students in various disciplines by interviewing students in various university centers. Their results place medicine at the top of the rankings, where the typical bribe for passing an exam varies between 200 and 1.500 euros. This is followed by law (300 euros), engineering (50-300 euros), business administration (200 euros), and humanities (40 to 700 euros). In Moldova, there already is a strong tradition of anti-corruption campaigns, which usually are organized during the exams session. All these campaigns are initiated by the national student organization (the Alliance of Students in Moldova) and supported by the Ministry of Education. Although every campaign has the same objective, each takes a different form. For instance, in the 2007 campaign, the organizers were dressed in t-shirts that read Yes to Education, walked through universities and distributed pens that with the inscription No to Corruption, Yes to Education and I do not want to be the pen of a corrupted person. The campaign was held both before and during the admission exams. In 2006, the alliance organized an interactive campaign in several universities, which brought students and faculty together to discuss cases of corruption and ways to improve academic integrity. The campaign also launched a TV ad that featured a student in medicine, who during his six years of
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formal courses never studied, bought all his exams, eventually becoming a surgeon. Years later, one of the professors who took a bribe from this student comes to him for a major surgery. The ad invites the viewer to reflect on the consequences of corruption in higher education by asking the question: Who would like to hand his/her life to this surgeon? Finally, Coalition 2000 in Bulgaria sponsored the student initiative I Do Not Bribe, which was organized by the National Youth Organization for Social and Economic Development in three universities: Plovdiv University Paisii Hilendarski, Gabrovo Technical University and New Bulgarian University. Project activities included the conducting of three specialized on-line surveys on corruption topics which aimed at investigating the students opinions regarding the existence of corruption practices at the Bulgarian universities. The survey results were presented on round tables at the three target universities and discussed with students and professors. What can governments and higher education institutions do? The civil society is a necessary element in the fight against corruption, but not sufficient in itself. To be effective in the fight against corruption, NGOs and student organizations need to work in association with governments and institutions of higher education. The key ingredients to any successful anti-corruption initiatives are commitments and alliances. None of the above-mentioned anti-corruption programs can be successful in the long run without a certain level of commitment from the government, as well as from other actors: student organizations and academics, investigative journalists, ombudspersons, and international donors. Isolated actions and initiatives have little chances for success if broader coalitions are not created. Commitment and alliances are needed to ensure that the design and implementation of the anti-corruption strategy is well organized and well coordinated. Figure 1 presents a possible framework where the civil society, the government, and higher education institutions are equal players in the fight against corruption. Figure 1. Roles Played by Different Actors in Combating Corruption in Higher Education NGOs Student Organizations Systematic collection Training organizations student investigative data Organizing and protests Higher Institutions creation anti- establishment of transparent ethics accreditation system and design of standardized national examinations supporting student corruption campaigns professional faculty Involving media in administrators of a Education Government/Ministry
codes for university
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Developing corruption
anti- reporting public Designing codes
strengthening honor governments
and anticorruption
empowering student movements licensure exams in the Improving Organization public debates of management traditional exams the professions of medicine) (law, conducted
education programs Involving media in investigative reporting Disseminate
outside universities
an Establishing channels for complaints and reporting
publish information Lobby for change
Compared to the civil societys anti-corruption initiatives, governmental response has been relatively weak and slow in most countries throughout the region. Yet, there are signs in recent years that the pressures exerted by NGOs, students, and scholars finally have an effect on governments. For instance, in an effort to curb corruption at the admission stage, in 2007 Russia's parliament approved a plan to introduce a nationwide, standardized multiple choice test for high school seniors the equivalent of the U.S. SAT, which would substitute for written and oral admission exam. Obviously, there will be less influence on the part of university admission staff. The testing requirement is expected to be implemented in 2009.And in Romania, the Ministry of Education and Research required in 2005 that all higher education institutions that receive public funding establish honor codes for their communities. However, the measures adopted thus far have been isolated (piecemeal approach) and there is no holistic approach to the corruption phenomenon. At the national (government) level, systemic changes should include reforms in state financing of education that encourage private-sector development and competition among universities; creation of a transparent accreditation system; design of standardized national examinations; establishment of professional ethics codes for university faculty and administrators; supporting student anticorruption movements; and strengthening and empowering student governments. Key among the reforms, however, is the establishment of independent and controllable quality assurance and accreditation system. The problem today is that the accreditation committees in the region are controlled by rectors of pubic institutions who have a genuine interest in limiting competition. At the institutional level, possible reforms may include redefining institutional missions and drafting honor codes that place emphasis on quality, academic integrity, and honesty; improved remuneration that provides incentives for better productivity; developing structures that reward achievement; establishing sanctions against corrupt practices and prosecuting offenders; establishing an ombudsman office; developing internal rules and regulations for administrative practices; redesigning and rationalizing academic programs and establishing performance targets. Equally
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important is the need to develop systems that monitor and evaluate progress toward reduced corruption.
The Stages of an Anti-Corruption Movement The experience of Eastern European nations suggests that there are four stages in the evolution of an anti-corruption movement (see Figure 2). Figure 2. Stages of Anti-Corruption Movements Stage I: Infancy (Self awareness) Stage II: Adolescence (Public Education) Stage Maturity (Legislative reforms) MAIN ACTORS: MAIN ACTORS: MAIN ACTORS: MAIN ACTORS: Higher Education III: Early Stage IV: Late Maturity (Implementation)
International and local International and local Ministry of Education NGOs, media NGOs, media, student Higher organizations, professors ACTIONS: ACTIONS: International ACTIONS: donors Student local Colleges groups universities anti- honor codes Institution-based Institutions
Education Institutions Judiciary System
and ACTIONS: institute Students report corruption regularly cases of
and NGOs work with organize assessing and corruption NGOs public ministry and and and incidence of Academics media structures initiate cases
local NGOs to begin corruption campaigns perceptions
admissions exams are Institutions and replaced by national faculty for corruption Certification licensing professions education programs and support IMPACT: IMPACT: investigative reporting institutions in the is proven and corruption students put in place standardized exams
punish and guilty of
administrators who are
publicize results to the reporting discussions with the education institutions
higher NGOs set up public separated from H E
IMPACT :
Changes in behaviors
IMPACT:
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Changes in perceptions Changes in perceptions SCOPE of IMPACT: SCOPE of IMPACT: Selected Institutions Selected Institutions All Institutions In the first stage (infancy), the main goal is assessment of the extent to which corruption is spread throughout the higher education system. Oftentimes, international NGOs and donors work in collaboration with local NGOs and student organizations to survey the main actors in higher education (students, faculty, and administrators) about the incidence of various types of corruption as well as their perceptions about corruption. Results are widely publicized and discussed in universities and colleges. At the same time, through investigative reporting, the media brings to the attention of the general public major cases of academic fraud. During the second stage (adolescence), NGOs move from data collection and dissemination of findings to public education programs that highlight the consequences of a corrupt higher education system and the importance of personal accountability. At the same time, student groups launch anticorruption campaign on their campuses and begin to exert pressures on the leadership at their institutions requesting more vigorous measures against those who commit academic fraud. In the third stage (early maturity), the ministry of education responds to pressures from the civil society by separating the admissions exams as well as the licensing exams in the professions (i.e., medicine, law, accounting) from higher education institutions. In addition, higher education institutions establish honor codes, which are expected to guide the ethical behavior of their academic communities. In the last stage (late maturity), the structures put in place by the ministry of education and the institutional honor codes begin to change behaviors. Students are not passive anymore when observing cases of corruption. They also begin to notice that those who are caught receive the appropriate punishment. Finally, both students and faculty begin to realize there is a tight connection between corruption the quality of their intuition. As of toady, most nations in the former Soviet bloc have reached Stage II in their fight against corruption in higher education. A few systems are moving now to Stage III, as governments become more responsive to the pressures exerted by civil societies as well as the requirements of the Bologna process. However, none has yet reached the last stage of maturity, where behaviors have been significantly altered. Discussion and Implications All institutions SCOPE of IMPACT: SCOPE of IMPACT: Changes in behaviors
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This research represents an attempt to catalogue recent student and NGO-led movements against academic corruption and extract lessons and best practices that could help student organizations across the region organize similar anti-corruption campaigns. It is clear from the examination of the NGOs and student organizations that governments and universities would not have been addressed corruption through their own initiative. Participation of civil society was vital in launching the anti-corruption movement. Civil society participation increases the effectiveness and efficiency of policy implementation and makes democracies more pluralistic, representative and responsive. It can mobilize people in ways that governments cannot, raise public awareness and ensure support of groups representing diverse interests. Expansion of international anti-corruption organizations and a growing number of similar national and local organizations indicate the great potential of civil society to lead the fight against corruption. The challenge for governments is to recognize that the civil society (NGOs, students, and academics) can be their ally and partner. Governments should set a framework designed to facilitate engagement of civil society in the fight against corruption, including legal and regulatory measures and financial incentives. It is encouraging to see that political will to deal with corruption issues is on the rise throughout the former Soviet bloc. And governments are increasingly promoting initiatives to step up transparency, initiatives such as freedom-of-information legislation and ombudsman offices that monitor corruption allegations. What these examples demonstrate is that governments cannot, and have not, succeeded in addressing corruption on their own. Civil society, in all of its manifestations -- nongovernmental organizations, student groups, media, and academia -- has proven indispensable in the fight against corruption. The rise of international organizations such as Transparency International -- with its 100plus national chapters; national organizations like Coalition 2000 and Coalition for Clean Universities are all clear examples of the enormous potential of civil society to lead the fight against corruption by raising public awareness, representing and mobilizing students, pressuring governments to reform, and implementing activities on the ground to reduce corruption. Conclusions The role of NGOs and student organizations is to constantly put pressure on higher education institutions to deal with the problem of corruption. Institutional mechanisms to fight corruption have not been established yet. Civil society's monitoring and oversight functions are fundamental to guaranteeing that government is serving the interests of its citizens and to ensuring that they have access to information that will help them understand and evaluate government decisions. These oversight groups are making higher education institution more open, lawful at accountable, and responsive. While it is too early to assess the impact of these initiatives, the fact that we are beginning to see strong student movements against corrupt practices in universities is extremely encouraging. No government or institutional policy aimed at fighting corruption can succeed without a major shift in the student culture. A universitys honor code will be effective only when students change their
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perceptions vis--vis corrupt practices. The student led initiatives documented in this paper have a great potential to affect student culture. However, one needs to be realistic and recognize that cultural changes in the CEE countries will not happen over night. It took decades to change entrenched corrupted practices in the US in the early twentieth century. Instead of expecting former Soviet bloc nations to address corruption in six months or to fully implement national programs in a few years, a deeper and more sophisticated (although slower and requiring more patience) approach on the part of international organizations and donors is likely to bring about better results. References Altbach, P. (2005). Academic Corruption: The Continuing Challenge, International Higher Education, 38. Retrieved November 20, 2006, from http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/newsletter/News38/text003.htm Heyneman (2002). Education and Corruption. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for the Study of Higher Education (ASHE), Sacramento, CA Teodorescu, D. and Andrei T. (2008). Seattle, May 24th-28th. Appendix A. Major International NGOs Transparency International Among the international NGOs, Transparency International (TI), based in Berlin, Germany, aims to fight corruption and bribery in international business transactions through international and national coalitions encouraging governments to establish and implement effective laws, policies and anticorruption programs; build public support for anti-corruption programs; and develop "islands of integrity". Transparency international has more than seventy national chapters that combat corruption at the national level and is co-operating with international organizations, including the OECD, in actions against bribery and corruption Transparency International's Corruption Online Research and Information System, which provides an information resource for the global anti-corruption community. The site features a special page devoted to educational corruption, containing introductory papers as well as further readings on corruption in education, country reports, NGO tools and good practice, a database on TI National Chapter activities, and selected links to other resources and websites. An Examination of Students Propensity to Cheat: The
Importance of Peers and Faculty Influences. Presented at the 48th AIR Forum
The U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre
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The U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre assists donor practitioners in more effectively addressing corruption challenges through their development support. U4 serves seven development agencies: Norad (Norway), DFID (UK), CIDA (Canada), GTZ (Germany), MinBuZa (the Netherlands), Sida (Sweden) and BTC (Belgium) by providing resources and services. Through an extensive online resource centre, U4 guides users to relevant anti-corruption resources, including applied research (Themes), and they communicate the work of the U4 partner agencies through a searchable database of projects and initiatives. They also offer a Help Desk service and provide online as well as in-country training on anti-corruption measures and strategies for partner
agencies and their counterparts.

IIEP-UNESCO Project on Ethics and Corruption in Education This international project was launched by the International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEPUNSECO) in 2002 to promote the circulation of information on the issue of corruption and education amongst specialists through the ETICO information exchange and conducting research. The site features information on IIEP research on corruption, training aimed at strengthening capacities in the fight against corruption in education, a database with over 200 articles and publications, links to other organizations working in the field of anti-corruption, a collection of news articles on corruption in education, and information on forthcoming events.
EL PERFIL DE LAS COMPETENCIAS PROFESIONALES DEL PROFESORADO DE LA ESO

Zoia Bozu Universitat de Barcelona Abstract: In articolul de fata incercam sa realizam un scurt inventar pe tema anuntata in mod global inca din titlu: profilul competential al profesorilor din invatamantul gimnazial. Impartim lucrarea in doua parti: in prima parte definim conceptul de competenta si realizam o sintetica tipologie a competentelor, iar in a doua parte sa ne axam pe analiza problematicii profilului competential al profesorilor din invatamantul gimnazial, definind astfel conceptele de profil si competenta profesionala didactica pentru a descrie in cele din urma cateva competente profesionale pe care toti profesorii din gimnaziu ar trebui sa le posede pentru a putea exercita cu succes activitatea didactica. Cuvinte cheie: competenta profesionala, perfil competential, invatamant gimnazial, pregatirea profesorilor.
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1. Aproximacin al concepto de competencias 1.1. De que hablamos cuando hablamos de competencias? El concepto de competencia naci en el contexto de la formacin profesional y se est expandiendo al conjunto del sistema educativo. Tambin se utiliza en los procesos de formacin contina. La gestin por competencias se ha convertido, en los ltimos aos, en un modelo integrador y orientador de las diferentes polticas de Recursos Humanos. Pese a que las principales experiencias y las ms numerosas se producen en empresas privadas, progresivamente el mundo educativo est apostando por este modelo, asumiendo los retos y ventajas que comporta. La literatura sobre el tema, contempla varias acepciones del termino competencia. Normalmente, estas identifican las competencias con caractersticas de la persona relacionadas con una actuacin de xito en su puesto de trabajo. En un intento de hacer una sntesis, despus de analizar un elevado nmero de definiciones de la competencia, elaboradas por una gran diversidad de autores e instancias nacionales e internacionales, tanto educativas comunes a tener en cuenta: En el concepto de competencia se integra el saber, el saber hacer y el saber ser. Se constituye de conocimientos, habilidades y actitudes que producen resultados tangibles, y Tiene relacin con la accin: se desarrolla, se actualiza en la accin. Esta vinculada a un contexto, a una situacin dada. Facilita la resolucin eficaz de situaciones laborales conocidas o inditas. Es educable.
como
profesionales, podemos extraer algunos elementos
su medida nos informa del grado de dominio conseguido.
1.2. Tipos de competencias La variedad de concepciones sobre el concepto de competencia nos remite a un otro aspecto, no menos importante: las clases o tipos de competencia que existen. A continuacin, procedemos a enumerar algunas tipologas de competencias, como serian por ejemplo: 1. Desde una perspectiva cognitivista: competencia interpretativa, competencia argumentativa, competencia propositiva. 2. Desde una perspectiva ms actualizada y de mayor profundidad, se establecen tres tipos de competencias: Cognitivas- Procedimentales- Actitudinales. 3. Las competencias en las realidades popperianas (Realidades Objetivas, Realidades IntraInter- Subjetivas, Realidades Culturales).
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4. Las competencias segn el tipo de estructura mental: Competencias Instrumentales y Competencias Operacionales (Pacheco, 2005). En el mbito de la didctica y desde una perspectiva curricular, hablamos de competencias
disciplinarias o especficas y transversales o genricas. En el campo de la formacin del profesorado identificamos el concepto de competencia profesional y el modelo de formacin es uno basado en competencias. 2. El perfil competencial del profesorado de la enseanza secundaria Entendemos que el perfil profesional ha de ser una descripcin detallada y esmerada que muestre los rasgos ms caractersticos de un grupo profesional. Cuando hablamos del perfil profesional del profesorado, nos referimos al conjunto de capacidades y competencias que identifican la formacin de una persona, para asumir en condiciones optimas las responsabilidades propias del desarrollo de funciones y tareas de su profesin. O, decirlo de una otro manera, definir el perfil profesional del profesorado significa definir las funcionas, las atribuciones, los mbitos de actuacin y sus competencias profesionales. A los apartados siguientes nos proponemos definir y delimitar las competencias profesionales del profesorado de secundara. 2.1. Qu entendemos por competencias profesionales del docente? En la mayora de las definiciones de competencia profesional se reconoce que esta expresin no se limita al conjunto de habilidades o destrezas requeridas para desempearse adecuadamente en un contexto determinado. Es decir, no se limita a la simple ejecucin de tareas, sino que tambin involucra una combinacin de atributos con respecto al saber, saber hacer y saber ser (Tunning, 2003). Por eso, las competencias profesionales del profesorado se pueden definir como el conjunto de conocimientos, habilidades, actitudes y valores necesarios para realizar una docencia de calidad. Eso es, el que han de saber y saber hacer los profesores/as para abordar de forma satisfactoria los problemas que la enseanza les plantea. 2.2. Referencial de competencias profesionales docentes en la enseanza secundaria
Las competencias del profesorado de secundara se derivan de las funciones profesionales que le corresponde realizar en la actualidad y las funciones generales del profesorado de secundara son:
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planificar e implementar el currculo escolar, tutorizar a los alumnos, apoyarse en el contexto familiar y social y actualizarse e implicarse en la profesin docente. La literatura sobre el tema nos ofrece una multitud de listados de competencias para el profesorado de secundara. A continuacin, enumeramos y analizamos algunas de ellas.
Perrenaud (2004) plantea "Diez dominios de competencias consideradas prioritarias en la

formacin contina del profesorado de la enseanza secundaria, entre los cuales encontramos: 1. Organizar y animar situaciones de aprendizaje. 2. Gestionar la progresin de los aprendizajes. 3. Elaborar y hacer evolucionar dispositivos de diferenciacin. 4. Implicar al alumnado en su aprendizaje y en su trabajo. 5. Trabajar en equipo. 6. Participar en la gestin de la escuela. 7. Informar e implicar a los padres y a las madres. 8. Utilizar las nuevas tecnologas. 9. Afrontar los deberes y los dilemas ticos de la profesin y 10. Organizar la formacin continua. Asimismo, destaca la importancia de la competencia "Construir y planificar dispositivos y secuencias didcticas", que es otra competencia necesaria a poseer y sobre la cual seala: "Una situacin de aprendizaje se incluye en un dispositivo que la hace posible y a veces en una secuencia didctica en la cual cada situacin es una etapa en una progresin" Los conceptos de dispositivo y de secuencia didctica hacen hincapi en el hecho que una situacin de aprendizaje no se produce al azar, sino que la genera un dispositivo que sita a los alumnos ante una tarea que cumplir, un proyecto que realizar, un problema que resolver. No existe un dispositivo general, todo depende de la disciplina, de los contenidos especficos, del nivel de los alumnos, de las opciones del profesor. Por otra parte, la preocupacin por la formacin de los futuros profesores y profesoras de los niveles de enseanza secundaria, ha de comprender competencias en diversos campos que podemos explicitar en los siguientes trminos13: a) Mejor conocimiento de base lingstica y de los procesos psicolingsticos y sociolingsticos: Mejorar el dominio personal de las lenguas oficiales, de su uso oral y escrito y de su didctica es una necesidad imperiosa, ya que los profesores ejercen su profesin a travs precisamente del uso del lenguaje y adems las habilidades lingsticas son la base del aprendizaje.
13
Adaptacin de Joan Badia Pujol. Subdirector General de Formaci Permanent i Recursos Pedaggics.
Departament dEducaci de la Generalitat de Catalunya, 2005.
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b) Dominio de las nuevas tecnologas aplicadas a la didctica: El maestro y la maestra del siglo XXI deben poseer un dominio extenso e intenso de las TIC, tanto en lo referente al uso de software general (procesadores de textos, bases de datos,...), como especifico de las distintas reas de aprendizaje. Igualmente tienen que saber buscar recursos en la red e implementar la docencia valindose de las nuevas tecnologas. Al mismo tiempo deben tener suficientes conocimientos sobre comunicacin audiovisual a fin de poder dar una educacin de calidad e cuanto a la lectura de la imagen a su alumnado. c) Dominio de un idioma a nivel de suficiencia: Los profesores de secundaria adems de conocer el idioma materno, deberan ser capaces de dar clases de cualquier rea en otro idioma (que seria ingles, francs), adems de saber ensearlo como lengua. Para ello la Universidad deber ofrecer ms y mayores oportunidades para su perfeccionamiento: ms horas de enseanza, cursos paralelos, acceso fcil a escuelas de idiomas universitarias, becas Erasmus, etc. d) Recursos para intervenir en un aula intercultural: Las aulas de muchas escuelas estn cada vez ms repletas de un alumnado procedente de distintos pases del mundo, can una variedad de lenguas y, sobre todo, de culturas. Los maestros y las maestras de nuestro siglo deben saber tratar de manera adecuada estas situaciones, con recursos funcionales (conocimientos) suficientes, para una correcta integracin de todo el alumnado al contexto social, lingstico y cultual del pas de acogida. Finalmente, puntualizamos algunas de las caractersticas que, a nuestra manera de entender, deberan de tenerse en cuenta en la formacin del profesorado de secundaria.
mbitos de competencias
Caractersticas Tener una preparacin adecuada y suficiente en Ser consciente y saber justificar los criterios que
Saber
contenidos cientficos y psicopedaggicos. rigen la seleccin de los conocimientos y contenidos a ensear. Saber como proceder para que los alumnos aprendan de manera rigorosa, activa, autnoma y compartida. Conocer las caractersticas definitorias y la problemtica de la adolescencia para tener en cuenta las necesidades y las posibilidades de los alumnos y prever los posibles conflictos. Saber adaptar los programas y la metodologa a las necesidades concretas de cada contexto social y
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cada grupo de alumnos. Conocer las cuestiones relativas a la organizacin Poseer conocimiento y recursos para poder del centro y del grupo clase. atender la diversidad en el aula y al alumnado nuevo (inmigrante).
Hacer
Conseguir
que
los
conocimientos
sean
significativos para los alumnos.
Promover la participacin activa de los alumnos Aplicar las tcnicas bsicas de comunicacin. Actuar de manera que nuestra materia sea
en la enseanza de los contenidos.
considerada parte integrante de la educacin de nuestros alumnos. Eso implica un trabajo en equipo con el resto del profesorado de secundaria, de acuerdo con un proyecto educativo de centro.
Trabajar en equipo con compaeros que ensean
otros ciclos y etapas de la ESO para entender la educacin como un todo inseparable. Ser Tener cierta capacidad de comunicacin o
capacidad de empatia, de compasin y cierto sentido del humor. Creer en la relevancia de la funcin social de la educacin. Eso implica aceptar el compromiso tico que supone la profesin. Tener vocacin y gozar trabajando con los alumnos.
Cuadro N 1: Arsenal de competencias del profesorado de secundaria (elaboracin propia a partir de la bibliografa consultada)
A manera de sntesis, evidenciar que las competencias a las que hemos aludido ponen de manifiesto las siguientes conclusiones o ejes esenciales que deberan de estar presentes en el perfil profesional del profesorado de Secundaria:
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La aparicin de una mayor diversidad en las aulas, que demanda al profesorado la
preparacin suficiente para dar a cada alumno un tratamiento adecuado, en acuerdo con sus necesidades especificas. El crecimiento vertiginoso de las tecnologas de la informacin y comunicacin tiene La nueva realidad de los centros educativos, ante la generalizacin de las etapas obligatorias, repercusiones en la educacin actual. exige prestar especial atencin a todos aquellos factores que condicionan un clima favorable para la convivencia. El nuevo docente ha de conformar su perfil profesional con el aumento de las habilidades y relaciones interpersonales e interinstitucionales, de manera coherente y adecuada.
El anlisis y la reflexin sobre la formacin inicial y permanente, de carcter
epistemolgico de la disciplina a impartir y de la preparacin psicopedaggica, as como la preparacin prctica inicial para abordar en solitario el ejercicio de la docencia.
Referencias bibliogrficas: ANECA (2005). Libro Blanco. Titulo de Grado en Magisterio. Vol.1 BUNK, G. P. (1994). La transmisin de las competencias en la formacin y perfeccionamiento profesionales en la RFA. Revista CEDEFOP, N1, p. 16. DELORS, J. (1996). Educaci: Hi ha un tresor amagat a dins. Informe per a UNESCO de la Comissi Internacional sobre Educaci per al segle XXI. Barcelona, Centre UNESCO de Catalunya, ECHEVERRIA, B. (2001). Gestin de la Competencia de Accin Profesional, en Revista de Investigacin Educativa, 20 (1), pp.7-43. FALLOWS, S.; STEVEN, C. (ed.), (2000). Integrating key skills in higuer education. London: Kogan Page. GMEZ E., Jairo (2004). Lineamientos pedaggicos para una educacin por competencias. En El concepto de competencia II. Una mirada interdisciplinar. Santa fe de Bogot. Sociedad Colombiana de Pedagoga. LE BOTERF, G. (1998). La ingeniera de las competencias, Dorganisation, n 6, p. 23. PERRENOUD, P. (2004). Diez nuevas competencias para ensear. Barcelona: Gra. PROYECTO TUNNING (2003). Tunning Universidad de Deusto. TRUJILLO S., F. Objetivos en la enseanza de lenguas extranjeras: De la competencia lingstica a la competencia intercultural. Comunicacin presentada en el Congreso nacional Inmigracin, Convivencia e Interculturalidad, organizado en Ceuta por el Instituto de Estudios Ceutes (Novembrie, 2001). ZARIFIAN, PH. (2001). Le modle de la comptence. Paris, ditions Liaisons,. ZABALZA, M.A. (2004). Los cinco miuras de la convergencia europea. Crnica Universia. Consultado el 30-10-2004, en Educational Structure in Europe. Informe final, Bilbao:
http://www.universia.es/portada/actualidad/noticia_actualidad.jsp?noticia=76168
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THE INCREDIBLE LIGHTNESS OF EVIDENCE:PROBLEMS OF SYNTHESIS IN EDUCATIONAL EVALUATION14

Robert E. Stake University of Illinois Abstract Educational measurement and evaluation is a field, a problematic field. Standardized testing is magnificent in its conceptual structure. And it is out of control in educational practice. The differentiation it makes among students, schools and countries can lead to respect for individuality, custom and creativity. But much of the differentiation by standardized measurement is distractive to the curriculum and hurtful to students. Comprehension, Compassion, Conviction. It is not enough for leaders in measurement and
evaluation to be creators and interpreters of evidence. Those leaders also need to understand the broad effects of measurement policy and to have deep compassion for those discriminated against. David Nevo is a measurements and evaluation leader of outstanding creativity, comprehension and compassion. He was mentored well by Arieh Lewy and passes the legacy to Tami Lewin. He has brought together ideas and values from around the world and has sent his students out as broadly. Evidence in Educational Evaluation. I want to express my intellectual respect for David by digging into the vexing problem of evidence. Evidence is a problem for reasoning in general, in all human cognition, including the attainment of understanding, prioritization, and choosing a course of action. As humans, we reflect upon experience, we gather and analyze information, we ponder and put meanings together, that is, we synthesize. As researchers, we become persuaded which are the more dependable relationships and we counsel others to help them choose a course of action--with conviction. As users, to act with caution is important and to wait for conviction is essential. We in measurement and evaluation draw heavily on pschometrics, but also from distant corners of the library, upon experience in educational program evaluation, and upon collaboration with teachers and administrators. We have our convictions and we advocate for high standards of evidence. We have a literature on statistical confidence and validity and bias. But we have not sufficiently thought through what evidence means in terms of user conviction.
14
A tribute to Professor David Nevo, on the occasion of his retirement, Tel Aviv University, July 15, 2008
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Evidence-Based Decision Making. Cordray, 2000).
In Academia, in professional practice, and in business and One quickly
government today, there is widespread advocacy for evidence-based decision-making (Lipsey and It honors technological thinking and disdains intuitive thinking. understands that its advocates are speaking of evidence in the form of objective, science-driven, decontextualized knowledge, not as to user utility. It will be useful to distinguish between facts and rationales. The most common concept of evidence is the determination of fact. Did the student pass the course? Does the admissions policy need change? Is the advocacy for community participation sustainable? standard, course passing, sustainability and flaws in advocacy are often decided in binary fashion. In law we think of guilty and not guilty. On-time or late. In pharmacology, we think of safe and insufficiently tested. Pass or fail. An assessment is made and sometimes a fact is declared. Evidence is an important concept also in establishing a rationale or potential for action. Here there is no single criterion but multiple criteria: An education is good only if broad. A curriculum policy should be based on many factors, on evidence of many kinds. A debate is argued in terms of several implications, with evidence presented not just to establish facts but to make an integrated case. A rationale needs to be pertinent to the action to be taken. The body of evidence should be interrelated. Consider the rationale for reporting the quality of a training program. The evaluator recognizes multiple goals, multiple expectations, multiple challenges, multiple standards and a body of evidence is brought to light. All those are put together in a synthesis of values, possibly resulting in a simple judgment but amplified in a reasoned, evidence-based argument. Such is judgment of quality of any educational programincluding todays tribute to David. If evaluators anticipate going further than indicating merit and worth, going further to recommend action, then there is additional responsibility. Evaluators realize that the implications of any What covariation, what circumstantial recommendation needs to be anticipated and judged against various criteria and conditions. Implication requires reasoning, but also evidence. evidence is often needed. Whether practitioner or administrator, whether examiner or examinee, a decision maker needs facts and rationales and anticipation of the implication of possible action. They need evidence for all three, good evidence. Evidence, more than anything else, makes the facts and rationales useful to the conviction needed for good decision making. relationships, what dangers have been observed that warrant these recommendations? Still more With reference to meeting a
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We might hypothesize that one could measure quality of evidence based on the quality of a decision made. A process-oriented evaluator might select a panel of decision-makers to judge the quality of the decision made. Was the decision considered broadly enough? Was the reasoning sound? In other words, does the decision look good to other decision makers? But an outcomes-oriented evaluator would be hard pressed to find good evidence of the quality of decision making. Attribution of subsequent program accomplishment is usually problematic because there are so many other happenings, or decisions, that could have been responsible. And how can this decision be compared to any decision that was not made? Milan Kundera examined the uncertainties of life in his 1994 book, The Unbearable Lightness of Being. Contemplating the choicesparticularly the political and amatory choicesof Tomas, a surgeon in Prague, during the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia, Kundera said: There are no means for testing which decision is better, because there is no basis for comparisons. We live everything as it comes, without warning, like an actor going on cold. Any schoolboy can do experiments in the physics laboratory to test various scientific hypotheses. But man, because he has only one life to live, cannot conduct experiments to test whether to follow his compassion or not. Kundera was saying, Man has little way to test the quality of his evidence.
Probative Evidence. In Law, probative evidence is evidence that has the effect of proof. According to Blacks Law Dictionary, (Nolan, J. R., et al., 1990) probative evidence is evidence that induces conviction of truth. It consists both of fact and reason co-operating as co-ordinate factors. If the evidence is probative, then finding it essentially eliminates doubt. In his 1994 paper on the synthesis of evaluation, Michael Scriven attempted to guide evaluators in that huge, final, procedural step, putting all the evidence together, to describe and declare the merit and shortcoming of the evaluand. He urged design of evaluation studies to minimize bias by minimizing the role of human judgment. He would have us rely on probative reasoning. He explained that the evaluator should identify a small number of critical, objective criteria that would be seen and accepted generally, by the relevant people, as proof that the program was acceptable or not acceptable. Reasoning would be needed to select the criteria, but the evidence should be straightforward, needing minimal judgmental interpretation. The field of law takes that approach, defining the commission of a crime, or the exercise of a contract, or the creation of a dying persons will, as resolved and legalized by meeting a small number of criteria. Lawyers and judges call these necessary and sufficient criteria elements. Take
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murder. First degree murder. Generally speaking, the elements of murder are (1) the killing of a person (2) by another person (3) who had the intent to kill (4) and with premeditation. Just four elements must be present beyond reasonable doubt. Evidence is defined in Black (1990) as any species of proof, or probative matter, legaly presented at the trial of an issue, by the act of the parties and through the medium of witnesses, records, documents, exhibits, concrete objects, etc. for the purpose of inducing belief in the mind of the court or jury as to their contention (p 556). The interesting thing here is that the evidence itself does not resolve the issue but that it induces one belief versus another in human minds. Evidence is presented to convince human juries and judges and guide their judgment. A court trial often has the appearance of an exercise of personal judgment. On television it really appears as an emotional event--histrionics mixed with forensics. But dispassionate workings of the law have reduced legal proceedings to a rubric, the demonstration of a set of standardized elements. To establish the validity of a will, the attorney must show five elements, (1) the intent to transfer property, (2) the capacity to write the will (a sound mind), (3) the written will,(4) the decedents signature, and (5) witnesses to the signing. The transfer of complex property has been reduced to a relatively simple technical matter. Procedure is essential to the vitality of the law. But is such procedural reduction of social process otherwise in the best interests of society? Should a will be allowed to perpetuate a house of prostitution? Should a will be allowed to leave the state with expenses which the decedent should have provided, such as the care of his young children? Should a will be allowed to violate human rights principles? There is rationale and precedent for what the law allows, but one of the costs of reducing the law to elements is a restriction on the exercise of societal aspirations. Program evaluation can be, but needs not be, so technical. One prerogative of a jury needs mention. A jury has authority to decide that, even though all legal elements have been satisfied, a contrary judgment should be made. The criteria by which a jury can so rule are not specified. Here we have instance in which the rule of law, as ordinarily interpreted, is exceeded by reasoned interpretation. We will want to think of that as we continue thinking about evidence.
Pharmaceutical Research.
In trials of new drugs, the publicized evidence of effect
comes from randomized group comparison to a placebo group. The fully tested drug is considered safe for uses controlled by doctors. Not every one agrees that such evidence is sufficient even when the testing follows scientific rules.
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Are pharmacology and the law good models for finding evidence of the good teaching? I think not. The criteria for education policy are much more complex. And, with exception, controlled teaching experiments have had too little to show (Walker, Hoggart & Hamilton, 2008). History has not yet shown educational prescriptions amenable to the control of samples and contexts. The evidence is unbearably light.
Unbearable Lightness. In The Unbearable Lightness of Being, Kunderas theme was that life was a collection of chance happenings, with every intention and choice vulnerable to overturn by circumstance and caprice. As he told it, everything in the world happens but once and, although precious, existence turns out to have little substance. We feel the unbearable lightness of being. Kundera described Tomas first meeting Tereza, the traumatic love of his life: Seven year earlier, a complex neurological case happened to have been discovered at the hospital in Terezas town. They called in the chief surgeon of Tomas hospital in Prague for consultation, but the chief surgeon happened to be suffering from sciatica, and because he could not move, he sent Tomas to the provincial hospital in his place. The town had several hotels, but Tomas happened to be given a room in the one where Tereza was employed. He happened to have enough free time before his train left to stop at the hotel restaurant. Tereza happened to be on duty, and happened to be serving Tomas table. It had taken six chance happenings to push Tomas towards Tereza. so fortuitous a love, that would not have existed had it not been for the chief surgeons sciatica (p 35). In this vein, I ask you to consider today the evidence by which all of us make our decisionslarge decisions and small. Often, fortuitous, personal and situational they become, capable of being revalued and overturned. I am not claiming that we make our decisions capriciously. No, we factor in matters of great importance, but the weights we assign to different matters is subject to change, as we are burdened by new responsibility and enticed by new opportunity. A Contemporary Design. Back in the states, I am currently designing an evaluation of a professional support experience for mid-career urban school administrators. A group of more than 20 administrators are invited each year to participate--while continuing their dutiesto gather at retreats and in collaborative action research. The program is externally funded but operated by an American research university. Last winter, a thoughtful advisory committee and staff called for an evaluation study with emphasis on improvement as shown on objective school characteristics during the two years following participation. I am designing the evaluation. In this program, participants are coached by campus faculty members at the same time they are working independently to examine the complexities of school leadership. They meet in small
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groups and are engaged in mentoring.
Toward the end of the experience, each makes a
presentation--to a diverse audienceof new work they are undertaking at their school. As to effects, two objective criteria mentioned most have been student scores on standardized achievement tests and student attendance. Reduction in student drop-outs, teachers leaving, and principals mobility have also been seen as desired outcomes. Objective indicators of staff morale and personal reflectivity have been suggested as possible outcome variables. The committee wants a matched comparison of participating and non-participating schools. I doubt that such evidence will be useful. It is my belief that noteworthy effects of the experience will manifest individually by participants in their school and professional responsibilities. They may be inspired to remain long with the same people, school and communityor they may be inspired to move on to a more challenging social responsibility. Some advisors seems inclined to believe that the well being of the public school system requires reduction in staff mobility. In either case, it is important to examine mobility statistics and participant rationales for staying and leaving through survey and interview. I see that those selected for this program already highly motivated, career-oriented, contemplative people. Of course they may change and of course they could get better at anything. But it seems to me poor thinking to suppose that the quality of the program will manifest in any of the objective indicators proposed. Student testing and staff morale are functions of personal and institutional dynamics at most only slightly touched by professional development. Assurance of the validity of school indicators has not been a major concern of the districts and states creating them. The resources of our evaluation study could be consumed in discerning the integrity of the indicators. And even when they measure something important, it would be close to impossible to attribute improvement to a particular experience of a single member of the school staff. My belief is that the quality of the professional experience of this program would be best determined by observing opportunities arranged by the program staff. And seeking out the deeply considered views of participants. This program has its special circumstances, unique in staffing and places for retreats. But it could be that having a different selection of retreats, (perhaps something more oriented to the business community) or having different criteria for selection of participants or by just giving the money directly to the participants would have a better outcome. I think it inappropriate for the evaluator to recommend such alternatives or to create experiments to test these alternatives. Still, the evaluation team should keep alternatives in mind as they observe activities and debrief the participants. Were the question a policy question (Chelimsky, 2007) of how professional development should be designed in general for mid-career administrators, we might consider a randomized control group (RCT) study. Creating a number of projects with demographically diverse topics,
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participants and circumstances, we might look to field studies for evidence of gain on objective indicators or in the professional commitment manifested. But even if the criterial differences were statistically significant and substantively impressive, the grounds for designing further experiences would be little facilitated. Program staffs have hundreds of design decisions to make, many of which can be influential, but few of which are informed by experimental study. The most significant driplet of evidence would fall into an ocean of professional knowledge. It is better to gain evidence from professional experience in local conditions for understanding present quality and for discussions of what changes to make in the future. 10. What results have you seen from the training? ___ I have seen many examples of improved teaching. 80 teachers] ___ No improvement in reflective thinking is apparent to me. [Checked by 57 of 80 teachers] ___ Faculty members have set higher priority on compliance. [Checked by 44 of 80 teachers] ___ Assignment sheets are easier to read but often assigned. [Checked by 21 of 80 teachers] ___ Lessons take longer to develop; production is down. by 18 of 80 teachers] ___ Higher school morale can be attributed to the training. 80 teachers] From Lightness to Conviction. Many writers of evaluation theory, such as Dan Stufflebeam (1971) and Lee Cronbach (1980), have defined the main goal of evaluation as improvement in decision-making. I prefer to think the main goal of evaluation is improving understanding of the quality of the evaluand in its particular setting. That information may be useful for improving the evaluand itself, but aiming the evaluation at improvement risks failing to examine adequately the current operations. Evidence of how well the evaluand is working is important but it can orient too much to benefits to beneficiaries. Often the most important evidence is of the integrity of operations. The highest priority evidence of program quality, be it local or national, can often best be found by studying the working processes. Production and efficiency and goal fulfillment and cost/effectiveness should not be ignored, and what the sponsors and staff and public want to know should not be ignored, but the main attention of educational program evaluation should be on how well program personnel are carrying out their responsibilities. And thus the evidence blueprinted in the evaluation design should include and often emphasize the evidence of performance of the programs managers and practitioners. To many observers, such personalized views of program [Checked by 8 of [Checked difficult subject matter is less [Checked by 56 of
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quality are weak, unstable, diaphanous. We want so much to be confident. We face unbearable lightness. Evidence is an attribute of information, but it is also an attribute of persuasion. It contributes to understanding and conviction. So do bias, and loyalty, and fashion, and culture. Evidence runs up against sharp competitors. And because it is runs close to compassion, the evidence is unbearably light. To choose evidence that is more robust and probative is to lower the priority of human judgment. Evidence should be subordinate to judgment, crafted to user conviction. Universal standards have inspirational value but they contribute little to good programming. Good programming requires local standards, local evidence, and local action. One of David Nevos great works has been his advocacy of local school evaluation. David found educational evaluation having too high reliance on national evidence and too little engagement in local evidence seeking. Quality of evidence is a personal matter as much as a statistical matter. It should not be thought that evidence-based evaluation depends mainly on criterial measurement. Evidence-based evaluation should enable people to attain a deeper conviction of what is good and what to do. The data should be designed, processed and challenged well, but ultimately, personal conviction will lay the proper foundation for teaching, administration and national policy.
Bibliography Chelimsky E. 2007. Factors influencing the choice of methods in federal evaluation practice. In G. Julnes & D. Rog, editors, Informing federal policies on evaluation methodology: 113, Spring. Jossey-Bass. Cronbach, L. J. 1980. Toward reform of program evaluation. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Kundera, M. 1984. The unbearable lightness of being. Harper and Row. Lipsey, M. W. & Cordray., D. S. 2000. Evaluation methods for social intervention. Annual Review of Psychology, 51, 345-375. Nolan, J. R., et al., editors. Blacks Law Dictionary, 6th Edition, 1990, St. Paul: West Publishing Co. Scriven, M., 1994. The final synthesis. Evaluation Practice, 15, 3, 367-382. Stufflebeam, D. L. 1971. The relevance of the CIPP evaluation model for educational accountability . Journal of Research and Development in Education. Walker, R., Hoggart, L. & Hamilton, G. 2008. Random assignment and informed consent. American Journal of Evaluation. Building the evidence base for method choice in government sponsored evaluation. New Directions in Evaluation,
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ESEURI
S FII PROFESOR, O ALEGERE DE VIITOR

Alexandra Sfrlogea Liceul Teoretic Grigore Moisil din Bucureti; A ncerca s defineti ntr-o form complet i autentic ocupaia de professor, devine o preocupare care merit att interes ct reflecie. Ce nsemn s fii profesor? S fi absolvent de studii superioare, s deii cunotine psihopedagogice, s ai aptitudini de comunicare, s corespund unor nevoi personale, s reprezinte un stil de via i, poate cel mai important s reprezinte i s demonstreze valoarea tactului pedagogic. S fii profesor nseamna s dobandeti o profesie sau s ai o ocupaie, nseamn s ncepi o cariera, s parcurgi un traseu cu suiuri i coboruri, cu avantaje i dezavantaje, cu drepturi i obligaii. nseamn s nvei pe alii i s te nvei pe tine. S nvei s nu rami n urma procesului dinamic al cunoaterii trecute, prezente i viitoare n domeniul pentru care eti pregtit. Ca profesor te formezi i formezi. Nu te poti rtci n umbra minii amorite. Este o cltorie pe drumul dezvoltrii personale, o posibilitate de a-i nfrunta obstacolele, de a inventa motive, de a te elibera i canaliza creativ pe direcia obiectivelor organizaionale. S fii profesor nseamn s deii un bagaj mai sofisticat de cunotine n domeniul psihopedagogic. Faci dovada suprem de fiin superioar responsabil de tine i de alii. S fii profesor nvingi teama i cunoti performana, i rspunzi astfel unor nevoi, precum; nevoia de a ti, de a nvaa un lucru, nevoia de autonomie profesional, ca person responsabil pentru propriile decizii , nevoia de a face cunoscut propria experien i de a nvaa din experiena altora, nevoia de a te ancora n realitate, n situaiile reale. S fii profesor nsemn s ncerci. Ai ansa s resueti sau s euezi. Este un merit pe care i-l acord alii. i poi pierde dreptul de a te prezenta ca profesor dac nu ai ineles ce caui i cine eti. Nu poi deveni doar o metod, un bagaj de cunotine, un model. Te poi remarca, te poi face neles i nelege pe ceilali, poi decide i deveni att ct i propui s fii, i cnd ai succes, mai mult de att te dedici ocupaiei, de profesor. Nu este suficient s defineti ocupaia de profesor apelnd la propria experien, la observaie, la discuii cu ceilali profesori, la dicionare sau preri mai mult sau mai puin meritorii. Studenii care fac practic pedagogic pot fi apreciai ca un nucleu asupra cruia nu trebuie s pierzi ansa de a aciona. Sunt sau nu viitorii profesori. Pentru acetia s fii profesor nseamn; o mare responsabilitate, rutin, nseamn s ai rabdare, atenie, concentrare, interes, vocaie, s fii flexibil, uor adaptabil, priceput, capabil s rspunzi la provocri, profesorul este cel care acord ajutorul esenial unui copil pentru a putea deveni adult, nseamn polemic sau simplu, profesorul este o persoan care contribuie la educaie. Prerea tinerilor studeni despre integrarea reformei educaionale romneti n rndul normelor i valorilor europene se rezum la ideea c sistemul de nvmnt nu este unul eficient, corespunztor cu normele i valorile europene dar este corespunztor cu interesele i nevoile prinilor, elevilor i cadrelor didactice. Aceast apreciere este justificat. Sunt proaspei absolveni de liceu, tiu ce
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nseamn s nvei i s te formezi n sistemul de nvmnt romanesc. De aceea, temerile lor referitoare la aceast ocupaie vin de la nsi formarea lor; cum e s fii in faa elevilor, s le vorbeti, s le comunici, s-i controlezi, s rspunzi ateptrilor elevilor, s nu te faci de ras. Sunt temeri care vizeaz relaiile interpersonale de comunicare i intercunoatere. Aceast scurt agonie interioar de a te regsi pe tine n relaia cu alii poate fi o dovad a maturizrii i contientizrii importanei acordate educaiei, a interesului pentru viaa colii dar i a unor neajunsuri la nivelul comunicrii aprute n relaia elev profesor. De aceea putem face aprecierea c aceste temeri se pot canaliza pozitiv ca un prim pas pentru responsabilitate n abordarea ocupaiei de profesor i un pas pentru identificarea i depirea unor blocaje n comunicare. Un concept la mod, s comunici utiliznd diferite ci, s-i pui n valoare capaciti creative de a te informa i a transmite informia. Abilitile de comunicare sunt puncte forte pentru viitorul profesor. Motivele pentru a face practic pedagogic sunt enumerate ca o bun ocazie de a dovedi c ai aptitudini de profesor, sunt exprimate ca o curiozitate de a experimenta lucruri noi i de ce nu, de a aduna puin experien, de a vedea cum este de cealalt parte a baricadei sau de a face ceva practic n facultate, plcerea de a cunoate i lucra cu copiii i adolescentii, pentru c este o experien util, necesar. Nevoia de a ncerca i aplica cunotinele pe care le nva n domeniul psihopedagogic poate s depeasc grania exprimrii itr-un simplu experiment, util sau necesar i s se direcioneze ntr-un comportament evaluabil, capabil s utilizeze corect resursele informaionale asimilate. Abilitatea de a armoniza reperele teoretice cu activitile practice proiectate sau inovate reprezint, deasemenea o calitate semnificativ pentru ocupaia de profesor. Tinerii studeni aprecieaz c poi descoperii prin aceast ocupaie provocarea, posibilitatea unei alegeri de viitor, care sunt limitele n sistemul de nvmnt i cadrul necesar s i dezvoli abiliti de comunicare i de consiliere. Aceste date, preri, atitudini nu sunt rezultatul unui studiu amplu, elaborat, integrat n norme tiinifice, sociologice. Pot fii apreciate ca un reper sau o mutare rapid n satisfacerea nevoii de a aciona asupra tinerilor studeni la nivelul att a cunoaterii de sine ct i a capacitii lor de a decide n legtur cu ocupaia de profesor. Aadar, se impune deschiderea unui spaiu n care se cere un dublu parcurs, o cltorie n paralel, pe traseul personal de contientizare i cunoatere de sine i pe traseul competenei comportamentale, practice. Este o modalitate de a fi mai ateni la nevoia celor pe care i ndrumm i la aciunea propriu zis de ndrumare. Pregtirea tinerilor pentru ocupaia de profesor, ca fiin responsabil de propria educaie i de educaia celorlali devine un act hotrtor i cuantificabil al tuturor resurselor implicate, la nivel micro i de macrosistem.
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EVENIMENTE SI NOI APARITII EDITORIALE
CONFERINTA INTERNATIONALA INCLUZIUNEA SOCIALA: O ABORDARE EUROPEANA A SCOLARIZARII ELEVILOR CU DIZABILITATI

29-30 octombrie 2008 Clermont- Ferrand, Franta Ecaterina Vrasmas Facultatea de Psihologie i tiinele Educaiei Universitatea din Bucuresti La Conference internationale sur l education qui a eu lieu a Cleirmont- Ferrand, sur la presidence Francaise, a presentee une unite d idees pedagogique et collaborative au sujet de l education pour tous et l education inclusive en Europe. Les barrieres, aussi comme les facteurs de succees, ont ete presentes dans une perspective reelle et sur la demande de trouver, dans une Europe unie, des solution locale et en meme temps des lignes generales communes pour toutes les pays. L apport de bonne practiques, innitiatives et inovation, les Reseau fondes sur la collaboration interprofessionelle, interhumaine et interstatale constitue des directions proposees par la Conference. n perioada 29-30 octombrie 2009, la Clairmont- Ferrand, Frana, n cadrul preediniei franceze a Consiliului Uniunii Europene, a fost organizat Conferina Internaional Incluziunea sociala: O abordare europeana a scolarizarii elevilor cu dizabilii. Conferina a constituit n primul rnd o ocazie pentru a se face un bilan oficial al preocuprilor de schimbare i de consolidare a schimbrilor determinate de abordarea incluziv a educaiei, la nivel european. Evenimentul a prilejuit n acelai timp, un moment de reflecie cu privire la rolul colii n contextul actual al Uniunii Europene lrgite, cu focalizare pe rspunsurile comune, dar i diferite, date de statele europene mai vechi i mai noi, legat de accesul i participarea colar a tuturor copiilor. Participanii au fost decideni i experi de la nivelurile centrale i locale n politici educaionale, cadre didactice din nvmntul universitar i preuniversitar, reprezentani ai uniunilor sindicale i ai prinilor, reprezentani UNESCO i ai altor organisme internaionale. Subiectul Conferintei europene s-a focalizat pe colarizarea copiilor cu dizabiliti, dar a fost largit n discutii la copiii cu CES (Cerinele Educative Speciale) i a dezvoltat n final ideea nevoii de a identifica schimbrile necesare, la nivel european, pentru a primii n coal TOI COPIII. Programul Conferintei a oferit ocazia unor interventii ale experilor i politicienilor educaionali din Uniunea Europeana, dar i audierea, prezentarea i discutarea unor bune practici, din statele europene, privitor la schimbarea colilor i deschiderea lor spre a rspunde ct mai adecvat
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particularitilor de dezvoltare ale elevilor. n bun msur acest eveniment a adus n prim plan i nevoia de a implica prinii, tot mai profund i n parteneriat n pregtirea colar a copiilor lor. Din toate lucrrile Conferinei s-a conturat cerina de a cunoate realitatea educaional actual, prin prisma modului n care nvmntul se adapteaz la accesul i participarea tuturor copiilor. Paii fcui n spiritul colii incluzive au fost precizai cu msur, realist, n primul rnd prin evidenierea schimbrilor pozitive. Majoritatea rilor Europei au prevzute schimbri legislative privind nevoia de educaie pentru toi copiii i precizri metodologice cu privire la formele de sprijin adecvate la nivel social general i concret n practica colilor. Acestea sunt nc insuficiente pentru a realiza clar schimbarea preconizat. Desigur c principala preocupare este identificarea provocrilor i orientarea rezolvrii acestora n spiritul unor reforme profunde curriculare n nvmnt. Provocarile sau nelinitile la care trebuie gsite rspunsuri, au fost precizate i enumerate att de reprezentanii politicienilor ct i de cei ai practicienilor i respectiv ai societii civile. Printre barierele identificate s-au precizat mentalitile i atitudinile cu privire la coal, elevi, persoane cu dizabiliti (sau n general cele cu Cerine Speciale), rolul profesorului i a sprijinului la nivelul colii. Soluiile necesare, identificate drept comune tuturor rilor, se refer la: politici clare n educaie i intervenie timpurie, abordarea curricular n educaie, schimbri n pregtirea iniial i continu a cadrelor didactice, dezvoltarea unor forme de pregtire pentru noi profesioniti n serviciile educaionale, etc. O direcie interesant i valoroas, n acest sens, care constituie o provocare pentru toat educaia european a fost definit prin educaia i intervenia timpurie. Adaptarea educaiei formale n perspectiva valorilor societii incluzive constituie o alt dimensiune direct legat de modificrile curriculei. O alt contiunu provocare, delimitnd forme i direcii diferite, la nivelul experinelor europene, a fost identificat prin pregtirea iniial i continuu a profesorilor, dar i altor profesioniti care, n mod firesc sunt chemai s sprijine schimbarea colii. n ultim instan, materialele prezentate, discuiile i concluziile din atelierele Conferinei au identificat problematica resurselor necesare i a clarificrile legislative care constituie nc o direcie nefinalizat pentru majoritatea statelor. Au fost organizate doua mese rotunde i patru ateliere de lucru. n ateliere s-a dezbatut problematica formrii personalului de nvmnt i a celui auxiliar din scoli, din perspectiva incluziunii colare i sociale. Concluziile acestor ateliere au evideniat nevoia unor schimbri majore att n formele ct i n coninuturile formrii iniiale i continue a tuturor celor ce servesc coala, n asa fel nct s se asigure atitudini i comportamente ct mai adecvate activitilor difereniate, personalizate, pentru toi elevii. Interesant de subliniat, modul extrem de accentuat cu care s-a precizat nevoia de a constitui forme de deschidere a colii, de identificare a locului ei n mijlocul comunitilor locale, dar i de includere ntre persoanele care ofer servicii educaionale i a altor profesioniti, n contextul promovrii parteneriatului educaional. Exemplul Legii privind educaia incluziv din 2005, n Franta a constituit o continua incitare la discutie cu gazdele, aflate (ca de altfel toti participanii), n cautarea soluilor celor mai adecvate. Interesante au fost i discuiile legate de perioada de tranzitie, sau de dup coala obligatorie, n contextul formarii pe durata intregii viei. Problemele pe care le ntmpin elevii sunt legate de
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primirea lor n piaa muncii, prevederile necesare legislativ i recomandarile din practic, ncadrarea n munca a persoanelor cu dizabilitai i nu numai. Preocuparea pentru creterea calitii educaiei n coli a fost dezvoltat n cadrul conferinei legat de urmtorii factori: 1. Implicarea familiilor n procesul educatiei incluzive, 2. Atenia focalizat pe organizarea mediului pedagogic, 3.Asigurarea real a accesibilitii, att n planul politicilor colare ct i n cel pedagogic i psihologic. O subliniere frecvent a Conferintei a fost definirea, trasarea i monitorizarea parcursului colar al tuturor elevilor. Ca dimensiune necesar a politicilor de incluziune, parcursul colar cere nu numai o continu adaptare a msurilor pedagogice, ci i dovada respectrii valorii identitii umane a fiecruia, prin asigurarea condiiilor de integrare i participare social a tuturor. Modul n care msurile pedagogice sunt tot mai mult bazate pe agumentele cercetrilor sociologice, antropologice, psihologice i politice constituie una din garaniile atingerii att a dimensiunii sociale ct i a celei individuale prin procesul educaional. De subliniat c valoarea fiecriu copil/elev, respectul demnitii i grija de a integra i asigura succesul fiecruia este o preocupare cert pentru toate statele Europei. n concluzie, exist experiene variate (firesc i necesar), provocri i discuii, dar, educatia integrata i cea incluziva (se face distincia) constituie o prioritate pentru Europa unita. Aducerea la ndeplinire a obiectivului de colarizare a tuturor copiilor constituie o mare provocare pentru toate arile. Nimeni nu deine o rezolvare deplin pentru schimbrilor necesare. Soluiile sunt locale, dar se cere o perspectiv comuna n ceea ce priveste criteriile incluziunii, evaluarea acesteia, iar experienele reuite (bunele practici) trebuie mprtite i sprijinite prin construirea unor reele de colaboare i cooperare interstatale, la nivel european. S-a subliniat faptul c nu trebuie abandonat educaia specializat dar, reforma i schimbarea acesteia, relaia de continuitate i complementaritate cu educaia general trebuie s devin o practic curent, n toate statele, ct mai curnd. Procesul actual, idenitificat n toate statele este unul de construirea a unor comunitati scolare NOI, de regandire a colii, schimbare avnd fora unei revoluii. Discuiile Conferinei au recomandat elaborarea n fiecare ar a unor strategii pentru educaia incluzv. n spiritul acestei abordri, educaia are nevoie de ct mai mult concretee, de o listare a actiunilor necesare, de monitorizare a lor i de evaluare calitativa. Acest mod de construcie pedagogic a orientarii incluzive in educaie va fi i punctul central de analiz n 2009, la Conferina Modiala a educaiei. (ROAD MAP of inclusion) Ideile pedagogice centrale, propuse ca elemente de baz n strategiile educaiei europene se refer n principal la: Parteneriatul educaional la toate nivelele, Promovarea cu precdere a personalizrii ca strategie didactica, ncurajarea i sprijinirea familiilor ca parteneri n activitile colare,
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Regndirea formrii continue pentru personalul didactic, Identificarea i definirea unor noi roluri didactice pentru profesori, Formarea unor noi tipuri de profesioniti, ca auxiliari n coal.
Concluziile Conferintei au precizat ca colarizarea deschis tuturor copiilor, aa cum se dorete prin politicile educaionale mondiale actuale, constituie o provocare pentru toate rile lumii, dar este momentul ca Europa s analizeze progresele fcute i s defineasc punctul su de vedere, n mod unitar. Modul de intelegere a conceptului de Cerine Educaionale Speciale (CES) este diferit de la ara la ara, i de aceea se simte nevoia unei perspective comune, europene pentru a putea identifca initiativele i pentru a compara. O tendin comuna o formeaz preocuparea clar, prin politici i practici, pentru integrare i incluziune de calitate, n toate rile Europei. De aceea sunt necesare cercetri interstatale, evaluri calitative, pentru construirea unor comuniti care nva la nivel continental. Este tot mai clar ca n acest moment, pregtirea profesorilor este insuficienta n acest sens i ca un cuvnt de spus au att cercetarea ct i colaborarea intre persoane, profesioniti, institutii, dar i intre rile Europei Unite. Europa are nevoie de educaiei azi educatia trebuie s fie de tip INCLUZIV. INCLUZIUNEA insemana/presupune RESURSE ,POLITICI, PRACTICI,i o CULTUR comun, chiar i n aceast perioada de CRIZA. Punctul de vedere al Uniunii Europene este de sustinere, relationare i sprijin pentru ambitia de a reui. Realizarea unei educatii incluzive, de calitate, pentru toti copiii Europei constituie cea mai mare provocare care aduce cu sine i ansele unor noi colaborri, cooperri i proiecte comune. n acest context Romnia, cu experienele sale, cu istoria sa educaional, cu bunele practici identificate din proiectele derulate n direcia educaiei incluzive se gsete n faa unor noi posibiliti de colaborare i de inovare. Rmne de contruit un discurs politic i practic realist, de identificat corect direciile i resursele, i de ncurajat i diseminat continuu experinele pozitive.
CONFERINTA INTERNATIONALA Une seule monde, une seule ecole ?

Les modeles scolaires a lepreuve de la mondialisation
Franta 12-14 martie 2009. Emil Paun Facultatea de Psihologie i tiinele Educaiei Universitatea din Bucuresti
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Une seule monde, une seule ecole ? Aceasta a fost tema supusa dezbaterii in cadrul Colocviului international organizat de Revista de educatie si de catre Centrul international de studii pedagogice de la Sevres (Franta) in perioada Participantii (peste 100 din 25 de tari) profesori, cercetatori, reprezentanti ai autoritatilor scolare si ai unor organisme internationale (UNESCO, OCDE, Comisia Europeana), oameni de afaceri, ministry si fosti ministry ai educatiei etc., venind din orizonturi profesionale si stiintifice variate, au dezbatut statutul actual si viitorul scolii, atat in sedinte plenare cat si in ateliere de lucru. Temale dezbatute in ateliere au acoperit un larg evantai problematic: scoala, mostenirea sa si rezistenta la schimbare, evaluarea scolii prin standarde internationale, inegalitatile in educatie, valorile si continutul invatamantului, educatia componenta a pietei scolare, diversitatea elevilor, a profesorilor si diversificarea practicilor. Raspunsurile la intrebarea continuta in tema generala a colocviului nu au fost convergente, situanduse intre un da prudent (cartezian) si un nu care lasa deschisa usa spre un dialog viitor. Atitudinile variate, pe langa subiectivismul si experientele personale ale celor care le-au manifestat, au fost generate, in mare masura, de traditiile si culturile de provenienta ale participantilor. Un prim raspuns care s-a conturat a fost: da, o singura scoala, dar cu obiective atinse pe cai variate, adaptate culturilor si contextelor in care functioneaza. O singura scoala bazata pe valori commune si mai putin pe unificarea si standardizarea procedurilor. Un spatiu educational bazat pe convergenta valorilor si obiectivelor generale, care sa lase insa libertatea optiunilor functionale. Cu atat mai mult cu cat raspunsul la intrebarea daca ne indreptam catre o singura lume (chiar in conditiile mondializarii) a fost mai degraba sceptic. Scepticismul este accentuat de efectele din ce in ce mai grave ale crizei mondiale actuale, efecte care nici pe departe nu genereaza solidaritatea mondiala, ci, mai degraba, orientari etnocentrice. Protectionismul economic care se simte in conditiile actualei crize economice este pe cale sa genereze un protectionism cultural si scolar. Dezvoltarea economica actuala a fost pana in prezent o dezvoltare impotriva oamenilor a afirmat unul dintre participanti. Criza actuala este o criza a acestui tip de dezvoltare. Se impune, de aceea, sa ne orientam spre o dezvoltare pentru oameni, in care scoala sa ocupe un loc esential. Revenind la problemele scolii contemporane, sa vedem care au fost temele esentiale supuse dezbaterii. - Scoala nu mai este o solutie pentru problemele cu care se confrunta societatea ci a devenit ea insasi o problema a societatii. Dintr-o institutie mai mult sau mai putin sanatoasa, scoala a devenit un bolnav cronic. Care sunt simptomele ce caracterizeaza boala scolii actuale? Incapacitatea ei de a raspunde asteptarilor societatii in plan global si ale celor personale in plan individual. Dar despre ce asteptari discutam? Mai intai, despre asteptarile unor societati care se indreapta spre o golbalizare (mai ales economica) care ignora, totusi, realitatile locale si etnoculturale. In al doilea rand, este vorba de asteptarile celor care folosesc scoala ca mijloc de promovare socio-profesionala si care, adesea, sunt construite in perspectiva unor sperante legate de efectele posibile ale globalizarii. Au loc, de asemenea, o serie de evolutii noi in sfera politicilor privind scoala. Astfel, s-au formulat politici scolare globale, care ignora, adesea, realitatile si traditiile locale (Procesul Bologna a fost evocat ca exemplu).
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Problemele scolii sunt mondiale dar raspunsurile si solutiile trebuie sa fie, mai degraba, locale au afirmat cei mai multi dintre participanti. Reformele sistemelor de invatamant trebuie sa tina seama de evolutiile globale, dar se realizeaza in contexte nationale. De aceea, in curriculumul scolar trebuie sa fie integrate organic valorile locale cu cele globale. Cum trebuie sa reactioneze scoala fata de globalizare? Sa se adapteze pasiv sau sa fie proactiva, incercand sa modeleze societatea actuala si viitoare? Numerosi participanti au subliniat ca, din pacate, actualmente scoala este supusa unor constrangeri care o impiedica sa fie activa in raport cu societatea. Societatea actuala stabileste si impune scolii obiectivele sale pragmatice, care amputeaza puterea sa transformatoare. Putem constata cu usurinta o contradictie si o ruptura intre scoala procedurilor si a standardelor si scoala valorilor. Unul dintre obiectivele majore ale scolii este trecerea spre o scoala a competentelor. Conceptul de competenta este un concept nomad, care este inca vag si nesatisfacator definit. Problema cea mai importanta consista in faptul ca niciodata sau aproape deloc definirea competentelor nu include dimensiunea lor valorica. In acest sens, au fost aduse in discutie clasamentele PISA, considerate de foarte multi ca fiind tehnocratice, intrucat sunt orientate exclusiv asupra a ceea ce pot face elevii cu cunostintele assimilate. Dar dimensiunea valorica a competentelor formate este ignorata. Absenta dimensiunii valorice a educatiei scolare este un simptom esential al maladiei scolii, focalizata predominant pe obiective cognitive si profesionale. Au fost evaluate si alte probleme ale scolii actuale care impun solutii stringente. Democratizarea si masificarea scolii a fost o tema mult dezbatuta. In incercarea de democratizare a scolii au aparut efecte perverse. Astfel, scoala, considerata de catre sociologi ca un factor de reproducere a inegalitatilor socio-culturale, devine un factor de producere a inegalitatilor. Acceptand retorica asa zisei discriminari pozitive, s-a ajuns la fenomene de discriminare negativa, pe de o parte, fata de grupurile majoritare si, pe da alta parte, prin generarea unor atitudini negative ale gruprilor majoritare fata de cele minoritare (adesea, supraprotejate sau inadecvat protejate). Prin modalitatile de evaluare cvasistandardizata si rigida, scoala devine un loc de producere a esecului scolar si de demotivare a elevilor. Evolutiile actuale din domeniul evaluarii performantelor elevilor au generat numeroase critici in cadrul colocviului. Evolutiile sociale si economice recente au consecinte negative si asupra scolii, prin fenomenele de subfinantare cronica care se rasfrang si asupra statutului personalului didactic. Toti participantii au subliniat pozitia sociala mediocra a cadrelor didactice, identitatea lor profesionala incerta corelata cu sisteme de formare initiala lipsite, in mare masura, de o baza profesionala autentica. S-a adus in discutie si criza de autoritate a profesorilor, insotita de fenomene de violenta si agresivitate. In aceste conditii, constatam o trecere de la o viziune optimista asupra scolii (specifica anilor de crestere si bunastare economica) la o viziune pesimista. Societatile, autoritatile, parintii si elevii sunt nemultumiti si aduc critici scolii (indrepatatite sau nu). A fost criticata si demisia statului in raport cu scoala. S-a subliniat ca privatizarea sistemelor scolare nu este o solutie viabila. Rezultatele acestui
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proces, in diferite tari, au fost negative, atat in planul calitatii, cat si, mai ales, in domeniul realizarii minimale a dreptului la educatie. Vom incheia prezentarea noastra (desigur, incompleta in raport cu bogatia si diversitatea aspectelor discutate) printr-una dintre intrebarile fundamentale formulate in cadrul colocviului: sa corectam sau sa reconstruim scoala actuala? Nu voi raspunde la aceasta intrebare, lasand cititorilor dreptul de a reflecta si a formula propriile raspunsuri. APARITII EDITORIALE
GEORGETA ION (2008) Cultura organizationala universitara. O abordare etnografica. Bucuresti: Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti Lucrarea are la baz o cercetare etnografic desfurat pe parcursul a 3 ani n Departamentul de Didactic i Management al Universitii din Barcelona. In contextul universitar european, aflat in plin proces de adaptare la Declaratia de la Bolonia, lucrarea ofera o imagine asupra unui model funcional de cultur organizaional universitar. Lucrarea sustine premisa c acest proces de schimbare n care este implicat fiecare membru al comunitii academice, trebuie s fie condus de ctre responsabilii instituionali din fiecare departament sau facultate, deoarece de propria lor viziune, repsonsabilitate i capacitate de management depinde n mare parte succesul reformelor. n acelai timp cartea propune un posibil model de analiz a culturii organizaionale universitare, model ce poate sta la baza oricrui demers de analiz instituional si sugestii strategice utile oricarui leader universitar in activitatea sa de consolidare a unei culturi organizationale eficiente.
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REPERE.

Revist de tiinele Educaiei Numrul 2/2009

SABER LOCAL Y SABER GLOBAL, EN EL CONTEXTO DE LA GLOBALIZACIN

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http://www.undp.org/hdr2001/spanish/consulta: 30 de noviembre de 2003}

http://www.undp.org/hdr2001/spanish/consulta: 30 de noviembre de 2003}.

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PERSPECTIVA SOCIOLOGIEI EDUCAIEI ASUPRA COLII SAU COALA CA ORGANIZAIE

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Retroaciunea sau transformarea output-urilor n input-uri pentru activitile ulterioare din

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cum ar fi consilierea legat de probleme conexe instruirii i politicii colare.

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LES UNIVERSITS LHEURE DE LINTGRATION EUROPENNE

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Gary Stanley Becker (n.

Laureat, in 1992 al premiului Nobel in Stiinte Economice, a facut pionierat in

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European Review, 5(3), 305-321.