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2. The Background
When Somalia got its independence in 1960, it took a unitary state system with a
representative democratic form of government. The legislature was unicameral and composed
of deputies elected by universal direct and secret suffrage for a term of five years and
representing the whole people. Though the system was based on liberal democracy, it did not
define well the separation of power (e.g., the system did not separate the executive from the
legislative). The system was completely alien to the Somali people as it required a centralised
system of government. Ironically, Somalis led a decentralised tradition for centuries.
Soon the system degenerated into anarchy and paved the way for the military take over
which soon transformed the Somali state into a police state.
5.1.3 Boosaaso National Reconciliation Conference vs. the Cairo National Reconciliation
Conference
On January 3, 1997 in Addis Ababa 26 Somali rival factions joined to form the National
Salvation Council (NSC). Only Somaliland and Hussein Aideed-led USC/SNA faction
declined to attend the meeting. The NSC also known as Sodere Group (after the Sodere town
in Ethiopia) set an agenda, which was to culminate into a national reconciliation in Boosaaso,
NER.
Feeling honoured about hosting the Somali Reconciliation Conference, Northeastern
administrations, together with their Council of Elders (Isimo), forced SSDF internal rival
factions to bury their hatchets. And on January 20 1997, SSDF took urged steps to reunite the
organisation with single hierarchical leadership under General Mohamed Abshir Muuse.
Colonel Abdullaahi Yuusuf was appointed as the SSDF representative to the Co-
Chairmanship of the National Salvation Council.
Meanwhile, the SNC’s agenda triggered a regional political seism. Egypt, which was
suspicious of any Ethiopian involvement in any Somali peace initiative, did not feel happy
about Inter-Governmental Authority for Development’s (IGAD) sponsorship of the Somali
peace conference under the chairmanship of Ethiopia. To torpedo IGAD-sponsored Boosaaso
National Reconciliation Conference, Egypt arranged its own parallel Somali peace
conference in Cairo in 1997.
The outcome of this parallel conference was a call on the Somali factions to convene in
January 1998 in Baydhabo, a city in the southern Somalia controlled by Aideed’s USC/SNA
faction. It was Egypt’s presumption that a Somali interim government will be formed in
Baydhabo.
However, the Egypt-sponsored initiatives did not only end in failure, but also widened the
political gab between the Somali factions and, in fact, rekindled the fires of war in many parts
of Somalia.
For Northeastern community, and particularly Boosaaso administration, which had
completed a year of the preparation for the Boosaaso Somali National Reconciliation
Conference, Egypt’s political torpedo became a blow on the head and humiliation.
Within the following week NER leadership announced the Garoowe Consultation
Conference to be held in March 1998.
6. Conclusion
In December 1990 the Somali state collapsed into disarray, and since January 1991 has
lacked any kind of government authority. The undermining of traditional authority is one of
the things which impacted on the eventual collapse. Other reasons for the collapse is believed
to be: (i) the shortcomings of alien notions of government, (ii) the parliamentary system
during the decade of independence which failed to meet the high hopes of the people, (iii) the
failure of the state to live up to the ideals of pan-Somalism which was the guiding principle
of Somalia’s freedom struggle, (iv) the two decades of Scientific Socialism which spawned
Siyadism and which completely destroyed the moral fabric of the society, (v) the neo-colonial
super-power interests in the Horn which left it littered with weaponry, and (vi) the boundary
problems with neighbouring countries, which remained unresolved by the concerned parties
or by the Organisation of African Unity (Issa-Salwe, 1996: 125).
As a way out from the current nightmare, Somalis have to step on a solution based on
today’s reality. Any attempt pushing Somalis towards a formal centralised system of
government may deepen the problem.
Since the collapse of the unitary Somali state, the Somali nation has been moving towards
a radically decentralised state system. This came because of the loss of confidence of the
people in the political leadership, which has created in them fear of any form of authority
(Mohamoud, 10).
Furthermore, the memories of the dreadful fratricidal war which is still lingering on in the
minds of the Somalis, the failure of peace processes, and the myopic interest of the ambitious
faction leaders, who advocate for the centralisation of Somali state, are other reasons which
are pushing Somalis towards decentralisation.
As the facts show, the means to answer or to satisfy this requirement is to create a state
based on a federal system of government. This will give Somalis a new hope to build their
country from the rubble of the collapsed unitary Somali state.
However, as it is explained above, the degeneration of authority is one of the principal
causes of Somalis present plights. Any practice which does not aim at facilitating the
transformation of the socio-cultural and political norm is doomed to fail.
Whatever will be called clan-state, province or regional administration in the future
depends on the constitutional framework of the future Somali state. However shaky,
Somaliland, Puntland, Awdal community authority or the implied formations of Hiiraan
administration, all enjoy a relative peace, and have local authorities or administrations elected
on consensus in their respective areas. And even some of them embarked on some
developmental projects. Awdal’s Boorame University is a good example of these projects.
Nevertheless, Somalis should join hands to help the process of building local
administrations/public institutions. Any indifference towards this process may derail the
emerging Somali administrations, and lead them towards irreconcilable mini-clan-states
antagonistic to each. If this prevails Puntland, Somaliland or Awdal’s effort will be ditched
into a state of vicious circle of violence. Subsequently, the hope for peace and reconciliation
will fall beyond reach.
Power within the Federation: Decentralising of power within the federation is essential.
Separation of Power: The separation of the three powers of government, namely legislative,
executive and judiciary of both levels, i.e canton/state and national should be clearly defined.
Independence of the judiciary is also highly recommended. This may avoid powers falling
into one hand which could lead to dictatorship.
Presidency (Executive): The issue of who will be the president of the country is a thorny
issue in the process of the reconciliation of Somalia. Shifting to regional setting and away
from who is going to be the president is a solution to current impasse of the Somali crisis.
Therefore, a way from this dilemma is to create a national executive (or national council
or collegiate) whose presidency rotates each year and becomes president of the federation.
This collegiate may be composed of elected members from the canton/state (e.g. one person
from each canton).
Assembly: Each autonomous canton/state has to have its own bi-cameral assembly.
Chambers must give both the regions and the district electorate the chance to be represented.
At the national level (federal) there should be a national assembly which is composed of two
chambers: (a) the Chamber of Elders and (b) The Chamber of the Canton/State Council. The
main purpose of the two cameral pattern is to ensure that the cantons and the lineages or clans
are properly represented in the law making "factory" of the nation. On the other hand, it can
be helpful in solving regional differences of interest. Regional interests which might object to
a central government are to some extent pacified by the knowledge that they are formally
represented at the centre. At this stage is it essential to consider the re-emergence powers of
the traditional authority, which still has an influence on the Somalis.
Public Institute Building and Rehabilitation of Authority: One of the main causes of
Somalis present dilemma is the degeneration of authority. The rehabilitation of authority can
come only with the participation of the people. The aim of this process should be to create an
environment of confidence building which can create the smooth transformation of the socio-
cultural and political norm.
Accountability: There must be a way where people are able to choose their representatives in
the government. This will give the people an opportunity to supervise and control their
representatives. It will also make their leaders accountable for their action. This practice can
also stimulate a positive political culture which can change the destructive instinct which has
affected the people in the last two decades and which caused the erosion of the foundations of
the Somali nationhood.
Rule of Law: At all levels, the government should apply the rule of law. The law should be
the official principle or order which guides the behaviour of the government.
Entrusting Four Levels: The system must entrust four levels to be represented by the people:
district, region, canton/state and elders (or traditional leaders). The district and region lay in
the canton/state level, and the later two represent the autonomous cantons/states and the
traditional leaders.
Help: Help for rehabilitation and reconstruction should be given to any area where there is
stable administration or community willing to help themselves. This helps the local
administration/community to rehabilitate the local life.
Reconciliation/Compensation Fund: One of the effects of the civil war is the expropriating
of properties such as building, farmlands, etc. Some of these properties may be ruined or their
value deteriorated over the years. Likewise, returning back these properties to their original
owners may be difficult as some of the occupiers may not have anywhere to go or may not go
back to their area because of fear of persecution. In addition, for the original owners it is a
tormenting experience as long as someone, whom he/she has never met before, occupies
his/her properties.
This problem proves to be one of the main obstacles to the peace in Somalia. However, to
solve this obstacle, there should be a Reconciliation/Compensation Fund which helps the
present occupiers of land to give up the property they are occupying or holding and set up
their own properties in different area of the country. Moreover, the Fund should give
opportunity to the original owners to get back their original property or to set up their
properties to their preferred areas if they wish to do so.
Injecting the Know-how: The Diaspora should return to their respective area and inject their
expertise and intellectual prowess to the rehabilitation/reconstruction process in the country.