DIEGO ABAD DE SANTILLAN

The Anarchist movement in Argentina (From its beginnings to 1910)

INTRODUCTORY WORDS We began this study in a way where it should be done: for the coronation, which would be the result of various partial studies, which are missing in this country or are in their embryonic period. But however we encourage you to undertake this work in the conviction that should stimulate socialist concern for history and our gaps will be filled as far as possible by the voluntary contributions of those who have lived and performed in the periods we spend here brief. The purpose of writing a historical summary of the anarchist movement in Argentina is not now, several years ago that we cherish, well we have been unable to devote special attention. If despite all the publicity we give these lines, which declare failure in advance, we do so in order to encourage others to cooperate in order to propose: to reveal a stage of social development of Argentina, despised unfairly by the official historians that believe they exhausted their mission with the simple political history of the State. There is another reason of urgency that encourages us to hasten the release of this sketch: a feature of the anarchist movement in Argentina is the great movement of its elements. Actually stumbled upon a few old active militants, the vast majority of anarchists in Argentina is in motion only temporarily, are birds of passage "left much trace of his performance of four or five years and then removed from the struggle, that explains the glut of passive anarchists in this country and extensive knowledge of the ideas in all social environments. youth not "found in the old elements teachings source of information and examples, because they just stumble , hence often ignore the outline of the historical development of ideas and movement and therefore are exposed to distorted interpretations and hesitations that are detrimental to the cause. We believe there will be others to put their hands on a sketch like this. The historical literature of anarchism in Argentina is very poor, you can review easily. An interesting overview of the development of ideas and the salient facts of the movement from 18901900 to 1910, given to us by E. G. Gilimn in "Facts and Comments", followed by a chapter, Intimate Pages" which recounts the author's deportation during the reaction of the centenary is the most complete account we have for the period of 25 years or so referred. We have also as a contribution to the anarchist literature of Latin America until 1914, by Max Nettlau (International Contest 'La Protesta', Buenos Aires 1027. Pages. 5S3), whose consultation becomes indispensable for those who want to get an accurate picture of activity of anarchists in Latin America written propaganda. We ourselves have done a study relatively cutting on 'La Protesta', its history, its various phases and its significance-'in the anarchist movement in South America (International Contest La Protesta, ibid, p. 31-71). For the period of the First International and the beginnings of the social movement in Argentina, apart from the precious contributions of in the Supplement of Nettlau La Protesta, numbers 249, 276 (?) And 291, we quoted The precursors of socialism in Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1917, 29 p., second edition, enlarged: Pages social movement history in Argentina, 86 p., 1927), of the socialist Angel M. Gimnez.

Although written with a more propagandist than historical interest is a pamphlet of John B. Justo: Socialism Argentina (Buenos Aires, second edition 1915, 10 pages.) And E. Dickmann: History May First in Argentina, 1800-1912 (Buenos Aires, 1913, 30 p.). Is written in German in Der Arbeiterbewegung Argentinien, by Dr. Felix Weil (Leipzig 192nd), but this author knows nothing of the anarchist movement. P4 Academic studies on the labor movement, we know: The labor action, by E. July Ferrarazzo (Buenos Aires 1927. 118 p.,) And Argentina's labor organization, by J. Rodriguez Tarditi, (Buenos Aires, 1927, 40 p. G. 80). The same concept could be cited, but it is a former militant socialist conference Alfredo L. Palacios: The F.O.R.A. (Buenos Aires, 1920, 71 p. G. 80.) And finally, more intimate material of the movement such as The tyranny of frac, by Alberto Ghiraldo (Buenos Aires, 1905 (143 p.), Agreements, resolutions and declarations, conventions concluded by the FORA from 1901 to 1906 (Federal Council, Buenos Aires , 1908, 32 p.); E. Carbaln: historical Background (Buenos Aires, 1921, pp. 96.), the first anarchist congress Argentina region, its conclusions, by Antonio Kitsche (Archive libertarian, Buenos Aires 1923, 15 pp. ..) submitted to the Congress Enrique Nido (d. 1926) a brief, but interesting, of the historical development of anarchism in Argentina (published later in brochure). As will be seen, the main feature of anarchism in Argentina is its popular character, hence its history cannot be separated somewhat from the labor organizations. Has had notable personalities and activists, but nevertheless Argentina cannot present figures of international renown regarding its reference to the libertarian movement; its most salient and most attractive aspects are the mass movements. That particularity has had its virtue, but also has its drawbacks, as it has contributed more than anything to put down or away the individuality of all kinds, which a movement like the anarchist ends up losing much of its grounds of attraction. It had, of course, its virtue, because first of all have independent movement targets personal eventualities, in a country like this, where the seductions of politics and personal aggrandizement are relatively large, they could have diverted the ideas and organizations of their true channels. We ended up thanking you in advance to those who provide us with susceptible documents and news to clarify, expand or enrich the pages presented here not only as a preliminary outline of the various stages of anarchism in Argentina.

ANARCHIST MOVEMENT IN ARGENTINA

CHAPTER I THE INFLUENCE OF INTERNATIONAL IN ARGENTINA (1870-1880) Do not we want to do here an essay on the precursors of the social movement in Argentina, because their influence on socialism and anarchism have been only indirectly. Digging a little, no doubt we run into with interesting points of reference for the preparation of the May Revolution of 1810, on the influence of the managers of that national revolution, about the repercussions of Fourierism and Saint Simonism had on that part of the world and about the prevalence of liberal politics to the cause of the vulgarisation of socialist ideas that more or less brushed the writers and politicians representative of Argentina in the first half of last century.

The names of Moreno, Echeverria, Alberdi, Sarmiento and many others could be mentioned by humanitarian, socialists and advanced ideas of some like preparers of the environment in which both rooted they would have anarchist ideas. But that would require a rather separate study. The essential thing is to know that anarchism and socialism have been imported with European immigration and that until the International period did not begin to create a mass movement inspired by revolutionary social claims. Until then there were isolated representatives of all tendencies advanced European thought, but no true and proper trials of organized socialist movements. P5 However we would insert a name between the period impact of Fourierism and the saint Simonism and the organization of the propaganda of the International: we refer to Bartholomew Victory y Suarez (2 August 1833-10 May 1897). He was born in Mahon (Balearic Islands) and arrived in Argentina in 1860, with a past and experiences of social struggle. As a typographer in Spain took part in the labor organizations and collaborated in some Spanish newspapers. He joined at a young age to Freemasonry and ended his days in it, absorbed by anticlerical propaganda. We know a brochure here: Rituals for the three symbolic degrees-compounds in 1855 by Brother B. Victory y Suarez (Buenos Aires 1874 printing of "The Spanish mail, 51 p.) But not all his life in the field was restricted and formal Masonic activity. Published in 1864 in Buenos Aires an annotated translation of The communism of E . Cabet (popular Library [Second publication]: the communism of Cabet Esteban, translated and augmented with quotes and notes included in the text. Buenos Aires 1864, Bartholomew Victory Central Printing and Suarez, editor). In an endnote it says: "I am not communist, but I am a socialist, I am not fond of Cabet system much less monastic system, but I'm from another. I have manifested it in" The Craftsman "when it was under my direction .. . " "The craftsman" was published in 1863, we know nothing of its subsequent disposition. Victory y Suarez, unable for health reasons to continue plying his trade of typesetter was devoted to journalism, working from 1867 to 1873 in "The Republic", of the Bilbao brothers. He was also director of "The chronicle of progress" and ultimately the "American Masonic Magazine". In 1873 his friends published a volume of his writings under the title of Questions of public interest. Victory y Suarez in Spain knew no ideas of the International, which began to spread after he already be in Argentina, his humanitarian socialism seems influenced by reading the books of Fernando Garrido, about all of the written studies were about the working class of Europe, whose exposure of the experience of Rochdale seems to have a keen interest and influenced their social conceptions. His personal situation in journalism and in Masonry has had him away from direct involvement in the propaganda of the ideas of the International, which began in Buenos Aires around 1872, but there are documents about his involvement in the Buenos Aires Typographic Society, founded in 1857. This organization published a monthly magazine called the Annals of Typographic Society Bonaerense, where Victory y Suarez has collaborated since 1870, interesting for that this organisation enters into relations with the International, some of whose ideas and formulas are found in the Annals. The terrain was abandoned by the traditional liberals of the country, born of a revolution against Spanish rule. However proletarian revolutionary ideas were for many years exclusive heritage of the immigrant population. This population, according to official data, were the next movement: P6
Aos Inmigrantes Emigrantes

I860

6.656

1865

11.767

1870 1875 1880

39.967 42.036 42.651 25.578 20.377

They came therefore from 1870 to 1880, 35 to 40 thousand immigrants per year, with a balance of staying in the country of 25 000. That population was relatively accessible because of the disappointment he experienced in their illusions, when was not coming and revolutionary propaganda spread by Europe. Efforts to create the International in Buenos Aires were initiated by the Spanish and by the General Council of the International since 1870. At the conference in The Hague, September 1872, reported that there are ramifications of the International in Buenos Aires. Australia and New Zealand. Indeed, a letter from Buenos Aires, dated March 23, 1873, sums up the situation: '' There is currently in Buenos Aires international three sections, based on the difference of languages: French Section, Italian and Spanish sections were then fused, each section has a central committee and special interest issues are addressed by a federal council composed of a board of six members (two from each section)." That letter, signed A. Aubert as general secretary of the International in Buenos Aires, found by Max Nettlau in the archive Social Democratic of Berlin, also says: "I will not speak of the difficulties we had to overcome in the beginning. You know like us, who are unlikely to persuade those who live under the rule of error, but through hard work and perseverance, and despite the relentless attacks of the 3rd press, we were able to spread and germinate the seed, our ranks are increased insensibly selfless citizens, and now we can consider as solidly constituted "... Under the ideological aspect, especially the French section should have been more influenced by Marxist or Marxist followers. But that heterogeneous composition produced its successive decay and on reconstitution libertarian foundations. On 19 October 1872 he embarked in Lisbon, with the help of colleagues, Raimundo Wilmart, one of the instruments of Marx-Engels-Lafargue in the Hague Congress; Wilmart long time did not act because he is seen soon routed by senior university posts and forum, but has had to exert some influence on the emerging French section of the International, according to F. A. Sorge, secretary general of the Council figurehead New York, according to news received between December 1872 and February 1873, the International already had in Buenos Aires with 250 members (Briefe und Auszuege etc., Stuttgart, 1906, p. 92 ). Interestingly, the part of correspondence sent from Montevideo to the Mexican International, published by J. C. Valades (International Contest Protest, 1927, p. 83-89). From the fragments we pick something that follows illustrates the situation in Buenos Aires International. This correspondence extends from April 1872 to February 1877. Its signatories are F. C. Calcern, secretary of the Uruguayan section, Sunday Marau, President, A. Martinez and Segovia, Juan

Zavala, carpenter, Pedro Sabater mason Anduerza Esteban, Jos Vilavoa carpenter, laborer, Modesto Gomez, tailor, Colom Abbas, F. Echanove. The fragments that we want to highlight are as follows: April 7, 1872: "In this democratic republic some are inclined to agents in London, almost all have come there of Europe in recent months, fleeing. I have fear that we can do no more in this rarefied atmosphere if we have battles with the authoritarians ... Buenos Aires returned disconsolate: only among bakers have we found a favourable atmosphere to societies of aid and resistance ... "(Signed A. Juanes, later emigrated to Brazil, where it was possibly one of the founders of a section of the International, which was founded in Rio de Janeiro). May 25, 1872: "We are preparing a paper to be called The Federalist worker, to fight the authoritarians who have laid their real Buenos Aires". .. (The newspaper in question has not appeared, at least not 'have any news of it). P7 January 1, 1873: "We put on record to you and represent the section, about a group of French citizens in Buenos Aires have been a section titled Argentina of International Workers Association, which represents the spirit of the anti-democratic General Council of London! ' "As sworn faithful to the principles of the Democratic Socialist Alliance, we put to so much and we hope you will do your part for the same with other sections of the American continent," Dated July 7, 1875 was published by the 'Uruguayan section of the AIT, an extensive anti political manifesto, urging workers to organize and to have confidence in their own strength. Are some excerpts: "We know that without the worker - say - a society could not exist, without the true source of wealth, which is work, there would be nothing. We build the palaces, we weave the most precious fabrics, we us tend the flocks, us we crafted metals, lift bridges on rivers gigantic iron and stone, we divide the mountains, the seas together ... but oh pain! distrust suffice for our emancipation. What would society be without us? Tell them, ask them to lavish praise that, because it collected a wealth of brazenly cynical callers with their harvest. Tell them, ask them where the trail left the plow to their delicate hands, tell them where to put out the burning thirst that one experiences afterhours wear some stooped and suffering the burning rays of a burning sun during the harvest, say to them, ask them if they irritated the abundant eye drops of sweat mixed with hot dust penetrated them, ask them to large or medium without knowledge in the art that explode but instead owners of capital that helped produce nothing} that have deserved nothing but who have inherited supreme reason, ask them when emblazoned in a few years have expanded their wealth, how much of that is really the result of their work, I will say that all this to sound more reason there can be hidden, and is should be allowed to work without staff, capital would remain motionless, and therefore unproductive ... " As lack documentation on the details of the activity in Buenos Aires International, give some names and communalists internationalists who arrived in Buenos Aires from 1870 to 1880, some of them probably have not taken any direct involvement, but is likely to have exercised an influence on the militant workers and the press of his time. For example, in Ins lists of candidates for deportation

made by the police in 1902, Francesco Natta figure, one of the secretaries of the Italian International, but in this country has stood out very little however, though not enough little to go unnoticed by the police. Also Dr. Serafin Alvarez, a friend of Congressman Paul y Angle, a supporter of the Spanish international, arrived: Buenos Aires around 1876 and is the author of a book published in Madrid: The creed of a new religion. Bases of a social reform project in every aspect of life, religion in the family, in the property, in politics, in the administrative institutions and education. (1873). He had no involvement in the propaganda. He died In Rosario in 1925, having distanced much of his ideas of youth as seen in the compilation sociological issues, (Buenos Aires 1916). Before and even more active in the resurgence of the International in Buenos Aires, acted Pommies, French, Gratacos and Benito Prieto, Spanish, and many others. He was also in Buenos Aires a French socialist, Baux, to which dedicates Elysee Reclus in Le Travalleur Geneva (1878), his beautiful article on legal developments and anarchy. By the end of the decade from 1870 to 1880 came to South America Salvador Ingegneros and Napoleon Papini, of the Italian International: former has had to act in Montevideo during the first years of their arrival, the second died not long ago in Patagones, had been in the band of the Monte Matese, with Cafiero and Malatesta; Ingegneros belonged to the Italian Marxist faction. Are cited details of that period. P8 In 1875, during a fire, the reactionary press charges for the internationalists of Buenos Aires and the authorities, to give satisfaction, surprised a regular meeting harmless of the International, arresting 11 attendees who were imprisoned. Here are the names of the prisoners: Job Desiderio, Joseph Loumel, July Auberne, Joseph Dufour, Deschamps and Julio Ernesto Dubois, etc. Judge Hudson released them after over a month of detention. In May 1875 in Buenos Aires began publishing a French magazine, Le revolutionnaire, edited by S. Poureille, where they defend Republican ideas and internationalist. By 1874 or 1875 he founded a section of the International in Cordoba, but has not had more than a fleeting life. The struggles between Marxist and Bakunin were felt forcibly in Buenos Aires and ended around 1876 with the triumph of the last. These were a propaganda center workers, who in 1879 published a pamphlet entitled: An idea, we do not know, but which Jos Ingenieros, son of Salvador Ingegneros, says that in addition to exposing them "general principles of the International, made public its internal issues, including all dissident pact signed by the Spanish Federation, jurasiana, French and American in the conference in Saint Imier by Bakuninists against Marxists "(Almanac of 3a socialist Vanguard Par & 1899 - pgs. 24-26 ). The Marxist tendency, defeated in Buenos Aires, seems to have had some activities even in Montevideo. In 1876 there was published a booklet with the principles and general statutes of the International, local statutes and provisions of the Lausanne Congress, Brussels and Basel. On 20 September 1876

the Federation was founded regional Eastern Republic of Uruguay of the A. I. T. The Uruguayan Federation cared much more than that of Argentina to enter into relations with similar organizations in Europe and America, having been officially received at the International Congress of Vorvais (1877). The Internationale de Guillaume clan some references section of Montevideo, who wrote a letter to the Berne Congress (October 1876), at the beginning of 1877 it was announced that the masons and carpenters founded associations. In the list of subscribers to the Bulletin of the Federation jurasiana figure no one, Peter Bernard, Montevideo, for all of South America. Nettlau mentions two issues of The International, published in that city, of the 5 and May 12, 1878 respectively, according to his memory was an organ anarchist. Jos Ingenieros, in the place cited, speaks of Montevideo as a focus faithful to Marxism, saying the Federation 'Uruguayan International "got a core group of large and select individuals, including several high Uruguayan social figuration." But against that statement we anarchist labor press and numerous in that locality in the years that followed, which in any case does not testify in favor of a very deep roots of Marxism in Uruguay. Without denying that possible Marxist influence in some period, we recall here that in a letter to the Mexican International, signed by F. Echanove the l . February 1877, the Federation of Montevideo appears strongly agree with the current anti-authoritarian. This letter states that the Federation had six trades Montevideo organized, 5 sections and 2,000 permanent partners. From 1878 dates the Manifesto of the Uruguayan Federation of the International Workers Association, of which we give below the main fragments. "The social organization ultimately adopted by the General Assembly of the Federation of Montevideo, is the law of the regional Federation of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay of the International Workers Association. "This organization should be viewed from two points of view if you like mud appreciate the value they have. Firstly, under the terms of its relations with this society. Secondly the point of view of its relations with the society of the future . in this society based on individualism fierce and wild, prey and therefore the monopoly privilege and injustice, the worker, the farmer be-excellence, is mocked and exploited in their aspirations fairer. for him science, the intellectual food, is a word (vain). Yet, it is the basis of that science without work, men who are dedicated to cultivating it could not do ... Fed up would have to engage in the production to eat!, P9 "Such is the decree of economic laws that govern us. Products the worker creates four, for example, has to pay to consume five or six, is exploited as a producer by paying less than the value of their work, as a consumer , forcing him to pay more than the value of items you purchase, as an inhabitant, because even get to pay rent as ten times the value of your abode, never becomes yours ... and through this manifest wickedness, the worker lives in deficit, consistent poverty credit ... "The much needed time for rest, education and recreation, it is also removed, and still enough work six or eight hours to produce what it consumes him and his family, as a result of the exploitation to which it is subject, must work twelve to eighteen hours a day, according to the office and the city! Let it be the working poor! ... iQue coma, view, dwell and badly instructed that creates and

transforms social wealth!. .. [they hoard everything and anything that produces enjoyment! this is unfair, it is unjust. "The economic institutions of this society tend to enslave all the work to the advantage of capital. Along slave labor is, because it paid the owner is the king of the world, have all the means to be the absolute master, the powerful tyrant of modern societies. in them or hygiene, nor morality, nor solidarity, these sublime creations of justice, are practiced: for everything is subordinated to the unbridled exploitation, selfishness, this percent. This sad state of society this is the reason for the existence of the International, which shall not prevail against brute force or slander or sophistry. 'International will cease to exist only when it disappears because it brought into being. the workers want to ensure our own efforts for natural rights: to work, to life, to education, to existence. want to put a. dike claims increasingly overwhelming the capital, far from harming more loving workers different nations, we assist us, nay, we want to be brothers. A perfectly meets this sublime thought our organization, and we will succeed with resistance to monopoly capital is the supreme means available to the International Workers Association. "This is the point of view under which we must look our organization in relation to the present society. "Large and fruitful, the most momentous movement of humanity, is that the working classes are making all the earth, with its raised and pure aspirations of emancipation, of com-1) 1 eta regeneration of the whole society. Never any political party, no sect, no religion could have had or have similar mission, which are enclosed in the narrow interests of class, nationality and power, all compliant to exercise tyrannical rule over possible about the job, about freedom and about reason. should not appear frightened or indifferent to this social revolution to implement justice in human relationships try working classes. "Full of honesty, love and elevated view, despite being the most ignorant, they want the transformation or the abolition of bad institutions, the destruction of all the privileges and monopolies that even for themselves ever want to see them survive. Fervently want peace among men and the positive use of individual rights, starting with the right to own the fruits of the work done by the individual, first and fundamental of human rights, without which, being at the mercy of other his way of life and their way of life, having no freedom to hire their services cannot be guaranteed the use of their other political and social rights. "Progress is made in spite of the obstacles that oppose him and persecutions that are linked to its martyrs. Thing is realizable utopian and tyrannical it will be destroyed. Truth, justice and morality will be the basis of the human relations, because they want the proletarians of all peoples. If the company is big, too many of us we must do. No, again, be terrified, nor worthy to be indifferent to the general aspiration towards social change. Did not need? deep rivalries, usury | scams, vices and crimes quo corrode the innards of this society, the death struggle of big business and small industry, and petty ambitions of political parties vying for the leadership of that machine powerless to ensure justice what is called political and legal status, relaxation of morals, hypocrisy P10

"love interest subordinate to, feudalism subsisting, increasing prostitution, wars (even wars!) destroying annihilating the sacred family property, clearing the fields watered by the sweat of the laborer, bankruptcies of major credit card companies, the frequent failures, neglect of the great works of general utility, chasing reaction to revolution ...All in confusion horrific, fatal cause of misery and ignorance of the working people, all this, terrible travesty of social and economic slavery of the working classes, all this rot that asphyxia, determines the complete ruin, fatal and immediate of this society based 'in the exploitation of man by man! The International has to regenerate the world, the common homeland and true. Comes to establish equality of means and conditions for the development of all individuals of mankind. And to make this possible reform is needed., Social reorganization, decentralization of power from certain what is necessary for life to all (as the instruments of labor, education, 1st aid), have these means are affordable to each and every one of the individuals of both sexes. In this society, the common interests and individual interests are at the mercy of the terrible confusion richest, of the most cunning, the powerful and the influential. "It is necessary, therefore, that these interests deslinden well, and this is achieved by organizing the work so that it is the first and essential institution of society, and today is the last, so as to ensure, by the association and solidarity of all, each individual product the full enjoyment of their unlimited labor activity. collective ownership of which is individually appropriable failing monopoly and exploitation, the collective ownership of land, tools, factories, workshops machines, with the most comprehensive integrated teaching given in common, humane gender make a society of free men, intelligent, and workers alike because of this miserable unencumbered interest Ludia contrary ^ eternal cause of disaffection with the seglaridad to meet their present needs without uncertainty for the future, could be launched, unencumbered by the almost unexplored paths of science to fight with nature and wrest their precious treasures. "This is the end of the International and only when it will get to rest easy in the pantheon of past ideas, leaving the men calmly continue testing new ideas to come, because this is the natural consequence of the progress of that eternal movement of the physical and moral. This is the second point of view under which no-look our organization, embryo of the future society based on the principle of federation fruitful. "In conclusion we can say that if you practice justice upon earth u is necessary not exploit anyone or to hire labor, which must give each individual of the same human family means for the full development of their capacity. It must therefore be collectively owned media work, guaranteed for the association of all men producers, Universal center Labour Federation, which constitute the property, the fruits of labor of the individual. way, and only then, liberty, property and all other individual rights will be respected and guaranteed.

"Cheer, child of work, and you, honest men, men of good faith of the other classes, and contribute estrechmonos hands all the early realization of the work proposed to carry out the largest International Workers Association ". We quote this passage, but the section relating to the future, we do not know, according to the brochure of Dr. Gimenez. Does not it transpires essentially Marxist tendency, which either proves to be a legend of the influence of Marxism in recent years of the Uruguayan International or it looked

counterbalanced by anarchist influence and hence the tone social criticism has transcribed the manifesto with which Marxists and anarchists could show then agree. They cite the following newspapers in Buenos Aires: The Shirtless, beginning January 6, 1879 ("was anarchist, but I found quite early in its conception of ideas", Nettlau). In October of that year would have seen the light La Vanguardia, under the wording of Eduardo Camano, internationalist. The International held some years in Montevideo and Buenos Aires, in 1881 founded Montevideo some internationalists in Santiago and Valparaiso two sections, which did not have a very prosperous life. P11 Groups of Buenos Aires who had never actually set to the formal accession commitments to the International, were wasting character of sections of this in the first years of the decade from 1880 to 1890, the Uruguayan Federation disappeared as such in 1884. If it is out of question that the dissidences faithful Marxism and of Bakuninism were alive repercussion in the International Buenos Aires and Montevideo, no documentation yet reappeared echo that may have had on these countries the European discussion between collectivist and communist anarchists, though is likely to have been very intense. CHAPTER II THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ANARCHIST COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA (1880-1890) The principal food of the revolutionary movement and anarchism in Argentina, came especially of the immigration, with which entered the country many internationalists persecuted in Europe and who knew exploit the hardness of the struggle for life in the working masses. Hence, broke the continuity of groups, organizations, of the activity of individuals, but not propaganda, dissemination of ideas by word and writing. Some facts about the migratory movement will not rest: In 1881, 47,484 immigrants entered, migrated 20,377: in 1883 and 3243 came out 8510, in 1885 they entered 108 722 and left 14 444, 120 842 entered in 1887 and 13,630 emigrated, immigrated 260 909 in 1889 and migrated 40 649; in 1890, when a severe economic crisis of unemployment began, which followed in 1891, 110,594 people entered the country and 80,219 left. It is seen from these figures, the importance of the immigration movement in general and can be deduced from them which would account also for the revolutionary movement. The influx of immigrants created critical situations in the labour market, a growing labour unrest and therefore are susceptible to the organization and struggle. Among the many European revolutionaries who came to this country has to mention Hector Mattei, who came in 1880 and was not a newcomer goes on proletarian struggles. Born in Livorno (Italy) in 1851 and died in Buenos Aires on June 8, 1915. From a young age he joined the Republicans, rather having not been satisfied in that movement he evolved into the current of the antiauthoritarian International, then at its height in the Latin countries of Europe. Among the many European

revolutionaries who came to this country has to mention Hector Mattei, who came in 1880 and was not a newcomer goes on proletarian struggles. Born in Livorno (Italy) in 1851 and died in Buenos Aires on June 8, 1915. From a young age, joined the Republicans, rather Having been satisfied that movement evolved into of the current International antiauthoritarian, then at its height in the Latin countries of Europe. He joined the great Association after 1870 (as a replica to a socialist attack, had started business in the International., 1878, therefore, to 17 years) and was true to libertarian ideas to death. From Italy and emigrated to France in Marseille was secretary of a propaganda group, after running some dangers in Marseille because of their ideas, came to Argentina, Buenos Aires and took as bookkeeper. But therefore not ceased in the propaganda. He was always at the center of the movement, and there was no major initiative in that had no active participation. Spiritual son of the Italian International guided by Cafiero and Malatesta, must have tilted from early for anarchist communism. Mattei himself draws this picture of the anarchist movement in Argentina in the years 1884-1887: "... In the month of June 1884the workers Marino Garbaccio, Baker (who died in 1885), Michael Fazzi cabinetmaker, Washington Marzoratti, engraver and 14 other colleagues were an anarchist communist circle, declaring the Association section International Workers, to discuss the "social question" in public meetings and propaganda circle through the free distribution of newspapers the Questione Sociale, who published in Florence Errico Malatesta and other companions II Paria, who published some colleagues in Ancona, and The Rvolte of Paris p12 "The propaganda of Communism and anarchy was more intense when after two or three months of arrival in Buenos Aires (in February 1885) of Comrade Malatesta, was established with great enthusiasm Circle Social Studies, located on the street Bm. Mitre 1375, in which he and other comrades gave the first public lectures communist anarchists, then published in Italian the Questione Sociale. in subsequent years were formed other circles and clubs "libertarian communists" and some other "social studies" . in 1887 he published a new anarchist communist weekly, the Socialist, body workers. "Errico Malatesta cooperated with other anarchist comrades in 1887 to the final organization of the cosmopolitan society of resistance bakery workers with lectures at meetings of these ..." (Protest, September 10, 1909). Nobody better indicated that Mattei, who lived and worked at the forefront of that period, to discuss the decade from 1860 to 1890. The Socialist referred to was written by himself. If by the Italians, in addition to those mentioned Mattei as founders of the group in 1884, is known by some other names such as Francesco Natta, of the Spanish assets of that time can only cite two militants: Feliciano King and Francisco Morales, who cooperated with Malatesta during his stay in Argentina, but for one reason or another already do not reappear at the time of the pursued, at least as active militants. Max Nettlau mentions the following newspapers of Montevideo and Buenos Aires in the decade to which we refer, for example: The Social Revolution (Montevideo, 1882), the

workers' struggle (Buenos Aires, March 2 to September 28, 1884, 21 numbers), Federation of Workers (Montevideo, from September 5, 1885, the number 13 is 21 November). In February 1885 Buenos Aires became a propagandist still young, but one of the oldest already the libertarian movement: Errico Malatesta, with a rich past and rebel propagandist behind. If not already known for his performance in Spain, was perfected soon in Spanish and has deployed a fruitful activity in propaganda, obscuring his-work efforts authoritarian socialists trying to create a level playing field. Indeed, in 1882 (?) Was founded in Buenos Aires a group Vorwaerts by German socialists, quite moderate indeed, his program was that of the Social Democrats. Published a German language newspaper and did some testing ideas to attract members from other countries, but failed for a few years, just about 1890 when socialist legalitarios begin to emerge, including the prime movers of the current socialist party. Malatesta helped to slow its advent. Little is known, however, of the details of the work of Malatesta in Argentina, when he arrived was associated with P. Natta and others and put a mechanical little shop in Buenos Aires to make a living in an independent manner, then he is seen making a trip to Patagonia in search of gold mines that did not appear, it is also a complicated wanted "affaire "making counterfeit money, but, he said in a process in which the thing came out in Italy, the mixture of his name in this issue was due to an accident purely coincidental; sensationally broke the thing is, as is done always, but. Malatesta was not prosecuted, which shows the inconsistency of the prosecution. Something that we suggest, as a hypothesis, is that Malatesta did not intend to do in Argentina a durable scope that had fixed thought in Europe and was keen to bring this country to install resources in Europe a printing and to strengthen and regularize their propaganda. That made with print mounted in Nice and then moved to London. In Buenos Aires published a propaganda newspaper, The Questione Sociale, from 1885, do not know how many years it lasted, but it is certain that no longer existed in 1885, when it appeared the Socialist, Hector Mattei. Malatesta remained in Argentina until 1889. P13 Here insert an old explanation of the origins of the first company founded resistance in Argentina, which is the baker. In Protest, May 24, 1908, we found little article with the title "The initiators of the labor movement" (signed Juan Emprivets, ex-baker). In it are the following paragraphs clarifying earlier claims of a partner: "... I can say that anarchists were the ones who initiated the economic agitation and Argentina were the first societies of resistance. In the years 1886 and successive they were the bakery workers, mechanical workers, carpenters, laborers, workers shoemakers, workers zingueros, footwear etc cutters. and if some of these companies were dissolved was to be part of these elements if ste nationalist ideas and more outdated. "... I can say that anarchists were the ones who initiated the economic agitation and Argentina were the first societies of resistance. Them successive years 1886 and they were the bakery workers, mechanical workers, carpenters, laborers, workers shoemakers, workers zingueros, footwear etc

cutters. and if some of these companies were dissolved was to be part of these elements if ste nationalist ideas and more outdated. "But I must rectify ... (on the statement of bakery workers society of Buenos Aires was organized by Malatesta), was initiated by the late Francisco Momo and craft baker, born in Livorno (Italy) - I put the place of his birth to not be confused with other socialist Momo, he gave details about the sad condition of our bakery workers of Buenos Aires, the anarchist Hector Mattei, bookkeeper, with that data, he wrote several articles in the weekly anarchist communist the Socialist, he then published in this city. a consequence of these articles addressed "to the bakery workers", which circulated in the guild, the late Francisco Momo with fellow bakers, the guild convened a general assembly, which at the end formed left placement Society cosmopolitan Buenos Aires bakery workers. "In subsequent meetings of the organizing committee also attended Mattei, who noted that there should be a mutual aid society and placement, as some wanted to impose, but a society of resistance and placement, explaining its purpose defenders interests workers. And that was approved almost unanimously by the bakers present. "The friend Errico Malatesta, electrical mechanic, wrote the program, bases and purposes of the cosmopolitan society of resistance and placement of bakery workers of Buenos Aires, on behalf of his friend Hector Mattei which, with Rafael Torrents - the latter baker worker then -, had been commissioned by the general meeting held on November 3, 1887, to write "the program and regulations." therefore, Errico Malatesta was one of the collaborators with the organization of that society, and not a founder , which some mistakenly published, as were anarchists and Zechariah Ravassa Francisco Morales, both workers shoemakers, and Hector Mattei, because in the months of November and December 1887 the four appropriate lectured at general meetings of the guild baker, causing their economic strike first "... In a note read on Momo who died in Gracia (Barcelona) in 1893, approximately victim of a bomb explosion which concluded to prepare. Important to know these details, because the organization of bakers opened the gap to overall labor organization and anarchists were in that aspect of the fight a primary activity. The secretary of the bakers primer_ was Mattei same (from 1887-1896). That organization still stands and has had great influence on the anarchist movement in the country, both by their example, by their struggles, as the number of militants who came out of her womb, from 'Rafael Torrents. Francisco Berri, A. Hucha, Troitino, until Lopez Arango in recent years. We have referred to internationalist French, Italian and Spanish. We also know, as' testifies Vorwaerts foundation of society, not the German Social Democrats were scarce. But even without more details, we will tell you there was a Dutch group in those years and some Belgian internationalist, as Emile Piette, well known. Piette had a library that served as a meeting place for the revolutionary elements in Buenos Aires, however, as we are assured by some of his friends, he had a special performance in the movement of the country because laboriously mastered Spanish. In 1887 and 1888, possibly until the departure of Malatesta, existed in Buenos Aires an "international socialist Circle" located in Coffee Grutli, Bartolom Mitre street and Cerrito between Cangallo. The high of that location was the favorite place for labor unions. A Marxist socialist that

period, Augusto Kuehn writes about (New Times, Buenos Aires, May 1916, page 20): "The international socialist circle, despite its name, was not a socialist group. Dominated the Italian and French anarchists. P14 Among the first was E. Malatesta. Nevertheless, this robust intellectuality, and of a few others partner more, contributed in no small degree to the awakening of the indifferent, with regular conferences organized by the circle. " According to this source, after the departure of Malatesta, began the "disengagement of anarchism, with. Their" continuous separation and consolidation of groups. "The following observationof the same Kuehn is somewhat symptomatic: "As always retained (the anarchists) was in close union making relentless war on the fledgling socialist organization. This war between us we impress that varied individual temperaments. While Risso, for example, peaceful and dullest, is turbulence despaired many others, particularly E. Jimnez, feisty spirit, sharpened teeth for biting divide right and left, and his arguments do not put out a manual courtesies "... May be explained in part the limited controversy between communist and collectivist anarchists because of the intensity of the struggle between anarchists and Marxists, culminating "in true" oratorical epics at the time of Pietro Gori. The period around 1890 marked the birth of socialism Argentine, whose first congress, the charter, was held in 1896, but to reach it had to go through a period of preparation, which is summarized as follows: The center sent Vorwaerts International Socialist Congress in Paris, 1880, a delegate, Alejo Peyret, professor of trends rather than socialist republican. At that congress was adopted where 1st international celebration of May 1, the anniversary of the martyrs of Chicago, as a day of the proletariat. Marxist socialists of Buenos Aires, to carry out this resolution, international workers formed a committee, which convened on May 1, 1890 to workers. They met in the Spanish Prado in number over two thousand, passing, as is done in such opportunities, a proposition submitted to them by the organizers in the sense of creating a labor federation, founded a newspaper and sent to parliament a petition for the enactment of laws protecting the working class. The three things were put into practice, as discussed below. From 1890 to date legalitario socialism in this country has not had a real transformation or in the ideological or tactician. Born requests by public authorities and that has more or less done. Studying Enrique Julio Ferrarazzo, already quoted, "The labor action" is a good demonstration of what we hold. The members of the committee responsible for the completion of the May 1, 1890 in Argentina were Jose Winiger, editor of the weekly "Vorwrts", . Nohke, Schulze, Augusto and Jaskel Kuehn, all German Social Democrats. To conclude these brief notes on a very little known yet, we cite the publication in Montevideo The Voice of Worker (from 1 December 1889 to 16 February 1890, 10 issues) was there also an organ Italian, "II socialist "from the August 18, 1889. In Buenos Aires appeared in the same year unique

numbers Italians commemorating September 20 and November 11. All these publications were anarchists and reflected in part the animation left by Malatesta among Italian revolutionary workers.

P 15 CHAPTER III The time of "the persecuted" (1890-1896) Although it is difficult to define, there are highly visible differences between the time of repercussion of the International (1870-1880) and the time that characterizes, in the following decade, the first trials of systematic propaganda of anarchist communism, as there are between the period of 1880 -90 and the time we want to christen 'The Persecuted', the most important organ of the time and unique in its psychology and forms of inspired propaganda. It is quite possible that these characteristics are the result of the atmosphere created by the increasing numerical strength, which, for example, at the end of the decade 1890-1900 were looking for ways to do propaganda and agitation more appropriate than those suggested by "The Persecuted '1. A purpose of this time, there is a description of J. Reguera, son of Manuel Reguera, an old militant of social struggles begun in of Andalusia and editor of The Rebel, an individualist organ of long duration. J. Reguera, in an article entitled: "From" The Persecuted "to" La Protesta" (21 to 23 February 1909, La Protesta), describes the extreme exploitation to which immigrant workers were subjected in 1880-90, long hours of work, terrible moral and material conditions of life. And this medium mentioned that they used to meet some friends and get to know each other (which proves that there was at least some period of time without major activities): Three Spanish living in Almagro called a meeting by 'The Producer' of Barcelona: as a result of that call six companions met, of those six, almost all were collectivist anarchists (according Reguera). This was the core of the group "The Disinherited" (Los desheredados). "Us sum (transcribe from that source) the first works of this handful of fighters wax enthusiastic. Initiation of continuous and simultaneous conferences in three or four places far between; publications uninterrupted manifestos. brave and provocative, combat and action. "The conferences were happening in bulk between the two or three speakers who had ... It was not unusual to announce, for example, a conference at 2 pm in Almagro, another at three Corrales, third at four in Barracas, and a fourth in the centre at night. For this two speakers and sometimes one, gave accurate and timely compliance with the program. The most outstanding speaker at that time was comrade Rafael Roca ". . . (Reguera tells us that Roca had learned from Bakunin communist ideas; firstly Bakunin was not a communist, then its known that Roca was a Blanquist in Paris). He continues: "Great loss was for propaganda Roca's untimely death which occurred when newly beginning their conflicts. He was the one who wrote the sheet explaining anarchist communism that led to the birth of The Persecuted. His one manifesto suffered a vicious persecution by the police and they confiscated a fair amount of copies. Therefore it was entitled The Persecuted our first campaigner ... then also published two issues of La Miseria, newspaper written by former

compaeros who now thrive in the manger of apostasy .. . The group "the disinherited" dealing with the making of The Persecuted (later it was produced by the group "Expropriation"). We must say something more of the manifesto written by Rafael Roca and which is referred to in the transcript above as the origin of the name of the first long-term anarchist newspaper in Argentina. In June 1889, a fellow well known at that time, San Jose Victoriano, left in the bookshop of E. Piette a package of Rocas manifesto, without realizing that the police had followed him. The authorities seized the manifesto and hatched a trial against Piette, Hector Mattei and San Jose, which purged the enormous crime of complicity in the publication of the manifesto with eleven months behind bars. Piette died in 1895, the successor to its bookshop was Sadier, an old comrade, friend of Jean Grave. The persecuted appeared on the May 18 of 1890 until the end of 1896; in total there are more than a hundred of numbers that, despite some irregularities and to the practice of the spontaneity that is based, as there was an abundance of militants, of elements that are able to handle the pen and to expose the ideas verbally, P16 and in addition quite a few popular sympathies, not ceased to appear due to the absence of opportunities to sustain it, but because of internal differences between the nuclei formed around it. Among the most active comrades of that period, we already know Mattei, Rafael Roca, the remarkable speaker 'so early disappeared, Victoriano San Jose, Emile Piette, internationalist Belgian, we can even mention Ragazzini the well-known painter decorator , an eccentric, but ardent propagator of anarchist communism, (died on November 20, 1906), to Orsini Bertani, lost after the Uruguayan batllismo, editor of the works of Barrett and others in Montevideo, the soul of The Persecuted for several years; to the Regueras, father and son; Pierre Quiroule writer who still lives and has worked for more than twenty years in our press, to V. Denambride, J. Raoux (who had been deported from Brazil and inuri tuberculosis in Crdoba in 1894), Juan Vila, Lacour. Espinosa, Serantoni Fortunato, G. Inglan Lafarga and many others. The outgoing nature of the movement of this period is the aggressiveness, enthusiasm, proselytizing fever, which left no shrinking from any sacrifice. There were yet modest propagandists, but valuable and generally respected and loved, like doctors Creaghe in Lujan, Arana, in Rosario, etc. Initiatives multiplied, also starting at the time the disclosure of our literature in pamphlets and books. In December 1893 were deported to Uruguay, six compaeros; the carpenter, F. Denambride, the cigar maker, Sanchez (author of the song Milonga Anarchist, which is still sung in revolutionary environments), Ragazzini, the cabinetmaker Simonet, the shoemaker Emilio Dietrich and another, the baker Garcia. There were not yet the Law of Residence (1902) and Law of Social Defense I1910), but the system of deportations of anarchists was overzealous, however, in practice. In January 1894 there was also a deportation of three anarchists. Among them was Emilio Zuccarini, who had not yet been lost in nationalism.

What happened then, as also happened during the emergency laws, is that the exiles returned to the country when they pleased, without asking anyone's permission. So did everyone just mentioned. A word before moving forward on the development and attitude Marxist socialism then. With a few labour organizations, the commission appointed to celebrate on 1 May 1890 was a labour federation of Argentina,-June 29 of that year. The strongest guilds that were involved were carpenters and shoemakers, in which the anarchist influence was felt quite soon and end the first attempt of the Socialists in the area of union organization. On 12 December 1890 came the first issue of a weekly The Worker, edited by G. A. Lallemant, expositor of Marxist ideology. Which asserted that the triumph of the bourgeoisie of around 1890, the effective date of the birth of the party called Unin Cvica Radical (Radical Civic Union, later Radicals), was in itself a great social progress, as bourgeois society had within it the seeds of future development of the socialist society. The president of the labour federation was G. Nohke and the secretary C. Mauli, who was secretary, in turn, of the carpenters. The increased activity of the Federation is in their petitions to parliament and the president. Meanwhile, The Worker, in what was more distinguished in slander and disfigurement of anarchism and anarchists. In an editorial of the number 4, the January 17, 1891, we read about any man with half a brain can hold the "absurdity" of the anarchic theories. "No way - he says - can the Socialists and Anarchists march in line, because the consistent anarchist, in its fundamental theory, cannot support any organization, no regulation." This Marxist paper was followed by another. The Socialist, "organ of the Workers Party," from March 11, 1893. The Worker, where pontificated against anarchism Marxists in the name of the Workers' Federation, from number 88 was ripped from the hands of these, as the labour federation had fallen under the influence of the anarchists. But The Socialist continued the honest tradition P17 of its predecessor in the few numbers published. On April 9, in its number five, says on anarchism that "although it holds only a handful of members, the noise sticks, thanks to the protection that covertly pays the bourgeois press and the police, on the pretext of having always a pretext for proceeding against the proletarian class... Continues: "The anarchists are a group composed of two kinds of people: crazy and ignorant who refuse to study and investigate the truth of things and to act as the diet sound reason, and police officers in disguise, taking advantage the madness of these unfortunates to cause disturbances and brutal facts "... Such is the language with which the socialist fraternal pant for injuries to the defeats were convicted as a result of the activity of anarchists. Anarchists have always been in this country nearly all workers or were closely linked to the workers, in that contrasted with the Socialists, almost detached most of the proletariat, economically affluent people, doctors, well packed bourgeois, etc.. Naturally, manners were different. For example, his courtesy in petitions to the rulers was proverbial. In one of them made sure "the President that if the calls continued to be made, would become the" Savior of the country, in the "Argentine Washington and would be history more than Saint Martin." And the requests asking God ended all that retained for many years "Mr. President." anarchists did not agree

with that and struggled to educate the proletariat fighting methods and manners not begging. Hence the fight was inevitable, but not because of the anarchists, surely. To continue the work of The Worker and of The Socialist (the latter not came more than six issues), appeared, on April 7, 1894, La Vanguardia "scientific socialist" newspaper under the wording of Dr. John B. Justo, who had left, shortly before, the party ranks of the Radical Civic Union. Dr. Justo associated other intellectuals and professionals who took the German socialism from the hands of the Vorwaerts society and tried to make it more demagogic, but why not more revolutionary. Among these, some have been in place, as Dr. ngel Gimnez, others were lost in journalism, as Robert J. Payr, others sat in the chair of fascism, as Leopoldo Lugones, or became independent of party discipline, following his own path, as Jos Ingenieros. The founding congress of the Socialist Party was held on 28 and 29 June 1896, Dr. Just having given a statement of principles that remained intact for many years. More than a socialist party since its foundation is a democratic party, reform, and such has been its historic role. The slanders and distortions of Marxist socialists did not stop the development and diffusion of anarchism in Argentina. They fought on several fronts: in the theoretical propaganda, in the dissemination of libertarian literature, in the labor movement, in libertarian schools assays (eg, Molina and Vedia, J. Creaghe, etc.) exposure in an anarchist sociology (Arana) and covered the range of three language groups: the Spanish, the most important, Italian, fairly large, and French. On this latter group, comrade Sadier has told us in the Piette bookshop that he continued, were received from 100 to 120 copies of Le Rvolte (Geneva-Paris) and Pere Peinard (Paris), the newspaper of Emile Pouget. We know one elementary French organ of that period, La Libert, published in Buenos Aires in two seasons under the writing of Pierre Quiroule. The first number is the first time January 23, 1893, came regularly on Mondays until April 17 of the same year, then took a break and came back on March 18, 1894 and went until 9 September that year. A total of two times, 39 numbers. In the editorial of the first issue I read this statement, very characteristic: "We do not program, the hour of discussing has passed. "When the capital, strength and courage specific of the bourgeoisie, planting everywhere the ruin, and when the dynamite, here and there (it was in the time of the heroic anarchism, of the bombers of Paris, the fall of Sadi Carnot, of the bloody repressions in Andalusia, the bombers of Barcelona, etc.), gives evidence of this, by the symphony of social tremors, the program, ie the war plan, should be made. P 18 "Hostilities are open, we are in battle. "Our agenda is simple: "Workers of the world, whatever language we speak, whatever our race and colour, march to the conquest of welbeing for all! "No more oppressors nor oppressed!

No more rich nor poor, no more freemen and slaves! No more workers who die of work and hunger, and busting idle laziness and indigestion! "Forward! We dream the charge for freedom!" * "How? "Do what you want! Destroy until no more than a society in which, as Diderot wanted, there will be neither king nor magistrate, neither priest nor laws, nor yours or mine, or movable property or landed property, or services or virtues. "Forward for the freedom of all!" Despite the extremism of that language, then in vogue, La Libert reflects the Kropotkinian trend exhibited in La Rvolte and claimed a current more theoretical than that of The Persecuted, which was rather of battle and had no sense of organization and cohesion. It was a well written newspaper and today we walk your pages with a keen interest and a certain admiration for the optimism with which social problems faced then. Through its drafting notes warn the group linkages with European partners, as Max Nettlau, to Elysee Reclus collaboration had been asked, but this he excused for the excess of his work in France, in return we see transcribed "To my brother the campesino" and also a part of "Wealth and Poverty", the known pamphlets of Reclus. Also of Kropotkin are found some transcripts. It is with the group editor of that newspaper with which was associated mainly Auguste Vaillant in his stay in Argentina. To La Libert followed some number of other organ in French, Le Cyclone, as from November 12, 1895. The Italian movement, which is often confused with the Spanish-speaking, was quite large and active, at least judging by their press. In 1893 appeared in Buenos Aires some numbers of Lavoriamo, and in 1893-94 La Riscossa saw the light. There was also a magazine published by F. Serantoni, La Questione Sociale, the title of the newspaper Malatesta, since 1894 just 1896?; 24 numbers or more. A long-term newspaper was Venti Settembre, from November 10, 1895, has a second time in Montevideo, the number 218 is the January 11, 1903, has passed the 250 numbers, Circulated also pamphlets published in San Paulo (Brazil), in West Hoboken and Paterson (USA), in London and other centers of Italian propaganda. But that did not prevent Italian propaganda printed the closest cooperation in advertising and working with the Spanish organization. For example, on March 18, 1893 was held a commemorative event for La Liberte, in a local the groups of The Persecuted and Lavoriamo organized simultaneously another, with large attendance. After Buenos Aires, the most important centers of Italian propaganda were Rosario and Bahia Blanca. Spanish propaganda, we say that The Persecuted came to pull up to 6,000 copies and brochures increasingly followed, shared quickly. Of how we tithe, a collection of one hundred pages, 10,000 copies were printed, and the circle of readers had widened enough to publish in 1895 The Conquest of Bread, of Peter Kropotkin, a translation of Juan Vila, Catalan or Valencian carpenter very active, who left the country in 1900 to attend the international conference in Paris and from which has not been further word. Apart from the Persecuted One and two issues of La Miseria published in Buenos Aires The Voice of Women, from 8 January 1896 to March 1897, as well as Social Revolution, written by Inglan Lafarga (19 or 20 numbers from January 189?), as ephemeral publications Neither God nor Master, Individual Expansion, etc. In Lujan, Dr. Creaghe published The Oppressed (since 1894),

P19 was released in Rosario free initiative (1895-1896), in La Plata came The Anarchy (1895-97), in Chivilcoy, La Force of Reason (1896 ) and many others. Also appearing in September 1894 in Buenos Aires, the first organ trade union of the anarchists, the Bakery Worker, who through their various eras and transformations, yet still appears. The union journalism oriented anarchists deserve a special chapter, because it was expressed as combined efforts of Argentine anarchism. The details of this literature, and the profusion of pamphlets, can be followed on the excellent work presented by Max Nettlau for the International Competition of La Protesta The organization began working systematically around 1890, although the anarchists had already begun in 1887. here, according to Dr. Justo, the factors that facilitated the emergence of a working class differentiated: "The final conquest of the desert, the expansion of the railroads, the rise of agriculture, the growth of urban centers, the rapid growth of Cities, the progress of education and the appearance common in industry and trade corporations, created in this country-conditions the development of a modern working class "(" the Argentine Socialism, "p. 23, 2nd . edition). Rather, in layman's terms, as copy of La Libert (first number): "If a new region struggles to find the same life and the same vices of social organization that afflict the old and decrepit European societies, what would have to wonder why do germinate and propagate among the masses, the principles of libertarian doctrines? ". The economic situation, especially in 1890-92, was quite critical for workers. Aforementioned study of J. E. Ferrarazzo, transcribe this passage for the year 1892: "Salaries were low. A carpenter from Buenos Aires won 3 pesos a day, or 30 cents per hour, the price of bread was 35 cents a pound, the ratio was 30:35 or 1: 0.8. in Philadelphia the ratio was 1:5.5. means that the carpenter of Philadelphia could buy, with the same labor, seven times more than his counterpart in Buenos Aires, livelihoods. "The supervala, indicating the degree of exploitation of workers in the field of white joinery and piecework, was 125 percent and 470 percent for the joinery. Rarely in Europe went from 100 per percent and the United "States of 150 percent. "The degree of exploitation of human labor power in the breeding of sheep in the province of Buenos Aires was superior to that in any other part of the world, with the exception of 'work in some rich mines. Shepherd's work in society in the province of Buenos Aires from 1500 produced a supervala percent, the work schedule was 16 hours per day, of which one produced the salary and the remaining fifteen supervala produced for the pattern. Moreover, the "standard of life "of the agricultural proletariat was almost equal to that of Algeria was Arabic, the Egyptian fellah or black in Brazil. "The unemployed workers in the city of Buenos Aires were about 15,000, the total of unemployed workers in Argentina was 50,000, besides laborers working there a few months of the year, such as those working to lift crops "(p. 40-41)

These data are taken from a report of the Committee of the Workers' Federation federal Argentina foreign minister, Stanislaus S. Zeballos. No wonder that these conditions raised continuing conflicts between capital and labour and therefore a proletarian life of struggle, propaganda and organization. Carpenters, had major strikes, one in 1896 for ten hours. In January 1893 coachmen Ins and overseers of trams Rosario went on strike demanding the reduction of working in February of that year there is an almost peasant insurrection in Humboldt, Santa Fe, in the same year was in Buenos Aires strike pro hairdressers shorter hours and better working conditions, emerging triumphant. P20 In March of that year Plasterers in Buenos Aires, after a four-month strike, get a raise and a reduction of hours, in July 1894 there bakers strike in Buenos Aires in August there bricklayers strike against long day and a raise, etc., etc. In 1895, went on strike nineteen guilds Buenos Aires since early 1896 in the same city there were 30 trade unions, lie here the list: bakers, bricklayers, plasterers, mechanics, painters, carpenters, tinsmiths, tailors, fideeros, cigar, carriage builders, masons, galponistas, stevedores, foremen and coachmen, saddlers, blacksmiths, tanners, zingueros, mosaicists, bricklayers, carpenters, jewelers, watchmakers, sandal, etc., (V. La Vanguardia Almanac for 1899, . 17) For the multiple connections between Montevideo and Buenos Aires, it is impossible to go unnoticed movement of the other bank of the Plata. You have to judge it was not without some push by various newspapers and pamphlets that came out those years in Montevideo. The right to life (September 1893-1897; October new series 1898-1900) is one of the anarchist communist propaganda organs, then the longest-running, one was The Light (1895-96), more ephemeral; another Socialist II (1896) in Italian. Painters and organized tobacco published in late 1896 a union periodiqueo as had begun to do in Buenos Aires called Lapdea free, there appears to have had a lot of life. Chapter end page 20 CHAPTER IV TRANSITION PERIOD No longer are the days of purely foreign groups, influenced by the respective countries of origin, social democratamente the Germans, the Spanish and Italian libertarian, as in the years of influence of the old International, nor we are in the period of the efforts selfless, but "connection, from 1880 to 1890, and in the years brilliant heroic anarchist in France, Spain and elsewhere, attacks season individual, because insurrectionary propaganda against tyrants. Firstly times were changing and secondly, the same spread of ideas imposed the obligation to move to a more robust and systematic propaganda to make a work more positive than purely critical that distinguished The Persecuted. A group of workers, including G. Lafarga And M. Reguera, made from early 1890 the trial to give the light a propaganda sheet in the sense claimed by far, was the social revolution, which was published in Buenos Aires until April 1897 that was the precursor of newspaper La Protesta Humana, which is

still published under the name La Protesta. Somewhat matched that effort with Dr. Creaghe in Lujan, where he published The Oppressed from 1894, according to Liem said already, and we link those in other locations. Anarchism in Argentina began to become an important social force and needed to be at the "height of the needs. Outbreaks multiplied propaganda, no longer was alone Buenos Aires, Rosario had emerged, La Plata, Baha Blanca, Chivilcoy. etc. The group editor Expropriation of Buenos Aires, was added another: The Anarchists. If in 1895 he published The Conquest of Bread, Kropotkin, the following year he published The future society of Grave. Furthermore each newspaper used to deliver leaflets to disseminate ideas and criticism. A historic day in anarchism in Argentina mark the foundation of human Protest on June 13, 1897, the circumstances have made that kind of leaf a cornerstone of the whole movement. It was created by a group of militant workers of various trades: carpenters, bakers and others. Its first director was Inglan Lafarga, a cabinetmaker Catalan, and its first administrator was Francisco Berri, then the first treasurer of the Labor Federation Argentina, militant trained in the guild of bakers. P.21 A good coincidence for The Human Protest was the arrival in Buenos Aires at the time of Jos Prat, perhaps as a result of the process of Montjuich for the bomb of Cambios Nuevos street. Prat was very little time in Argentina, in March 1898 he returned to Barcelona, but at the time he was here, he made a body of interesting new newspaper, with articles and translations from French. From this period date many of his translations of brochures and even books as socialist anarchist Psychology Agustn Mamn, published in 1898 in Buenos Aires. Other contributors to the early years of 'La Protesta Humana' are Mariano Cortes ("Altair"), to whom we owe very good contributions, and Eduardo G. Gilimnthat was initiated then, after a brief stint in socialism. It was not all smooth sailing, at first 'La Protesta Humana' went fortnightly, then ranged crappy weekly and biweekly several years. An animator of the anarchist movement at that time and later, although on a rather local field was Dr. Emilio Z. Arana, of Rosario, who produced some pamphlets of clear and convincing sociological exposition for example The society, its present, its past, its future (26 p. 1896), Women and the family (87 pages, 1897) , The ancient and modern slavery (43 p., 1898), Medicine and the proletariat (1899). These booklets were originally lectures, published by the anarchist communist propaganda group "Science and Progress" of Rosario and have seen more than one edition, which proves that they were read. Today it would be worth picking up the book and republish it again for modern readers because of its historical value is added the fact of not having been overtaken truths exposed there for thirty years. Dr. Arana was never of an anarchist party, but was a man deeply convinced of the goodness of anarchist communism and remained true to these principles until his deaths, he has also been described as a good man who has made the most fond memories from those who knew him. He also published a magazine, New Humanity, we do not know. And worked in social science (18961899) and in the early days of La Protesta Humana,

It is worth mentioning here the Federation libertarian socialist-anarchist groups of Buenos Aires. It was formed in opposition to the individualistic tendencies and the antiorganizadoras who wanted not to attend the International Congress of 1900 in Paris. Its mission statement was drafted by Pietro Gori, was approved with some minor amendments Lafarga Inglan. It was on behalf of the Federation that Gori made a lecture tour of the country conquistndole numerous adhesions. The Federation counted as clusters constituent groups: Desertores, Polinicela Mattei, Agitador, Los dispersos, Ne dio ne padrone, Luz y Progreso. The statement of principles to transcribe in full, and expressing the desire to give the regional anarchism an organic body, subsequently crystallized in Argentina Labor Federation, says: "Socialist-anarchist groups of Buenos Aires, convinced that coordinate efforts for the triumph of common ideals does not mean giving initiatives that individuals and groups can perform in isolation, but instead, this coordination of efforts integrates the main principle, high solidarity in the struggle for life and providing each and every mode of overcoming obstacles to the smooth and harmonious action, declaring constituted in libertarian Federation, under the following principles and considering: I. - That economic injustice, which allows a class to live in leisure exploiting the hardships of workers, resulted those condemned to absolute social inferiority, as are the producers of all wealth - is but the consequence of capitalism, modern form of property, and may not disappear but for the triumph of socialism anarchic, ie to claim the entire society against all forms of private property in the hands of a privileged few, and the takeover by workers of all sources of wealth: land, machinery, tools, means of exchange, communication and organizing, under the base of the cooperation of all social forces, with the appropriate forms and thanks to the free agreement, production and mode of benefit properly from it.

P22

II.

III.

II. - That economic injustice - that form the central power is another form of the oppression of man by man, natural ally of economic plunder, creating a privileged class, will not disappear without the abolition of authoritarian entity, tutelador, depressive initiative and social freedom: the State, replaced by the free and spontaneous federation of associations of production and consumption, can only in anarchy, that is, loosely organized society, based on harmonized interests without government coercion, find the full development of individual faculties and his freedom. III. - That matrimonial lie - being most of the time, in the conditions of modern society, a form of legitimizing commercial contract loveless union and, by virtue of being legal, hampering the bond formed by single bonds of love , determining crimes of hypocrisy and violence - to uxoricide adultery, infanticide - not disappear but with full equality of interests between the sexes, with the abolition of class inequality and the legal fiction; restoring to love, free impediments, interests and prejudices, exclusive sovereignty in sexual union, which purified and seated on the base indissoluble affection, the family of the future emerge.

IV.

V.

IV.-That patriotic lie, exaggerating the natural affection for the native country in a kind of quixotic fanatical, blinds the minds of the workers to the point of preventing them understand the unity of the human family malgrado indissoluble antagonism of interests and races preventing them from understanding that the social question is cosmopolitan ~ ~ not disappear but when the proletarians of all countries over issues of nationality, claim for every living being, liberty and fraternity him of all lands. V. That religious lie that ignorance about the crowds fosters servility and patient resignation, supporting the iniquities of earthly honor in hopes of celestial glory, and in the eternal struggle between science and superstition, tyranny founded of various religions aimed at monopolizing the soul to rule over the body-but not disappear when science teacher triumphant man, light over darkness by widespread instruction in all beings, man can, with a free conscience, replace religion of death in grave proclaiming the purpose of human life, healthy and holy religion of life.

Alliance treaty: By propaganda and the triumph "of these principles, the groups adhering to the Federation libertarian, agree: 1.-Full autonomy of individuals and groups in all federal initiatives that collective action can be harmful, useless or retarding. 2. -Agreement to a simple majority of the representatives of the groups in all matters of general interest, no binding commitment for constituting the minority groups. 3.-No deliberation may be declared under the collective name of the Federation if not unanimously accepted. 4.-The general assembly of the representatives of the groups, will take place at least once a month and when necessary repute. 5.-The federal government is directly and collectively under the control of the whole federation, with absolute exclusion of all charges paid. 6.-There will be six managers renewed when it sees fit assembly, performing the following charges: two for management, two for correspondence and two for propaganda, 7.-The fees levied administrators groups with those attending the Federation quo costs deemed necessary. 8.-correspondence managers possess the registration of the Federation, maintain correspondence with members and groups allied with those of the country and abroad. 9.-propaganda managers attend to the social needs of the library, trying everything that deliberates Federation for the dissemination of its principles, P23 10.-Such fees can be periodic or renewable Following an initiative. 11.-Each federated group, and even each individual freely acceded, shall cover in proportion of their numerical strength and economic, not a monthly fee of less than 45 cents, provided that special conditions do not hinder them at all.

12.-It is understood that all formulas sobredichas, be revoked and modifiable by simple deliberative assembly with the power to the minority to stick to this agreement or manifest in accordance to their own initiative when not possible harmony and agreement, on the basis of spontaneity and mutual concessions. Unanimously approved at a general meeting of groups, the night of December 26, 1898." This project, which was generally well received, has earned sour comments of cut individualist antiorganizador, on the part of 'O Awakening" in Rio de Janeiro which respond in a reasoned article by Inglan Lafarga in" The Human Protest ", 12 February 1899. In this transition period are other manifestations of propaganda, for example in the literature, with Alberto Ghiraldo, Florencio Sanchez, Felix Basterra and many others. Ghiraldo published the weekly art and criticism The Sun, where he concentrated leftist thinking, as we would say today, andpredominantly libertarian thought that magazine lived until the early months of 1903. The first phase of Florencio Sanchez anarchist propaganda, back in 1897, comes to purpose this fragment of the book Florencio Sanchez, his life and work, (Buenos Aires, 1920), by Robert F. Giusti: "Apparently the new ideology of Sanchez dated from the time of the dictatorship of Cuestas (in Uruguay). Upon his return to the revolution (of Aparicio Saravia) and after his brief trip to Buenos Aires, he joined the International Centre of Social Studies (Montevideo), a group of anarchist character which he had marked activity, to the extent that more than once he was forced to go on the run to seek refuge in other people's houses, in order to evade the police pursuit. At the centre Sanchez gave funny and original social criticism conferences, in dialogue form. He was also part of the picture filodramtico which had been formed in its midst and was an actor in several performances given in Castilian and Italian. There he premiered his first stage work, a scene entitled Thieves! A sketch, they say, of what would later be Canillita. This picture was represented with motive of a kind of theatrical competition opened by the Centre, which also involved the playwright Edmund Bianchi, with a piece entitled Nobility of slave, and Eulogio T. Payr, with another called Desquite." (pp. 33-34). Also began with enthusiasm in recent years of the last century Pascual Guaglianone, Santiago Locascio, Alfredo C. Lopez, Julio Camba ... Some remained in the movement, others reneged on the ideas, but the fact is that in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century anarchism in Argentina counted on a team of brilliant speakers, writers, organizers and men generally respected for their moral integrity, for their honest and good natured character. The Socialists, meanwhile, were also quite substantial forces, as Ingenieros, Justo, Repetto, Dickmann, Patroni, etc. and shocks, especially oratorios, were the order of the day tatty two streams. In this clash between socialists and anarchists, we do not overlook some influence, indirectly or by contrast, of the former over the latter. Indeed, while among anarchists had come to form two current, one favourable to the organization and other anti-organisationalist, the Socialists were always concordant in planting their actual labour organization and this encouraged anarchists not to let them snatch a field of action so fruitful. Says about Gilimn (Facts and Comments, page 25.):

"An important factor in the decisive victory of the organizers, meets mention socialists, whose active labour organizng was a ponderous stimulant for anarchists who were going into town to join the workers' societies founded by their adversaries, P24 which could make it come a time when the propaganda of anarchism could not make with probabilities of success by being suggestible and catechized the workers for socialist propagandists. The action of the individualistic antiorganizadores was not yet zero. They failed, indeed, to impose their view, but obliged with its tenacious campaign the organizers to keep within labor unions, strongly marked, affiliation and anarchist tendency. Because that was precisely the main argument antiorganitiadores: that within societies of resistance nullified the anarchists were losing their capacity as such and ignore concluded by all that had the ideal atingencia to worry only of union struggles ., questions concerning the times and wages of workers." An extremely valuable aid to the anarchist movement came with Pietro Gori, who was in Argentina from June 1898 to January 1902. The ground was prepared, certainly, but seldom has had a militant in so few years the opportunity to make a work like that Gori was in Argentina with his brilliant performance. He is hard to beat, as the most seasoned in social struggles, with a legendary past of the perfect gentleman, with a vast sociological culture, Gori left a shining trail of his performance. This judgment of Gilimn may be subscribed without hesitation by all "In no small part dbese the rise of anarchism this poet, sociologist, lawyer, orator unrivaled and loving man, well, without pose, which was called Peter Gori. "His verb attracted to the studious youth did overcome the tendency anarchist to the socialist. Without it, it is possible that the Socialist Party had grown along the phalanges anarchic, despite having socialism against several important factors. Gori gave a tremendous boost to anarchism in Argentina, whose territory crossed in all directions, giving lectures and attracted sympathy for his character as much as talent." (Facts and Comments, p. 48). Given the nature of the masses in this country, their propensity to be influenced by emotional factors, their relative consciousness and its old hostility to politics, Gori was the man who took to enter the stage to which tended to end past century and culminating in the unforgettable days of May 1910, Centennial of Independence Argentina. Gori's work can be summarized in three statements: He was an animator of progressive thinking in all areas, raised the hue of anarchist propaganda and consistently boosted labor organization. In November 1898 in Buenos Aires came out the first issue of Modern Criminology, a journal that pooled around him better educated young people and students. There was also Jos Ingenieros, which later transformed the title of the publication in Archives of Criminology, Psychiatry and Legal Medicine (January 1902-1903), which was followed by the Archives of Psychiatry and Criminology. Also in this vein was Gori an initiator in Argentina.

In the labor movement is among the founders of the Labor Federation, May 1901 whose constituent congress attended as delegate rail workers of Rosario, his intervention in the railway strike of White Bay has been memorable and has earned all sorts of slanders by part of the capitalist press. His field trips around the country were true triumphal marches, from all walks of life came to hear him and yet pride and courage with which he expressed his anarchist convictions, all considered it an honor to shake his hand. But his effort was superhuman, lungs began to resent and by medical prescription he had to restrict his activity oratory returned to Italy, sick, but not with the desire to rest, because the magazine E Pensiero and constant collaboration in the anarchist press show that only death, which occurred early in 1911, forcing him to rest. On January 12, 1902 said goodbye in the Teatro Victoria of "America that thinks and works", was an apotheosis of enthusiasm and warmth. Just today, when we talk everyday the old, even with opponents of anarchism, P25 it checks the deep impression left in the hearts of the masses and all those liberals, by Gori., Never have felt about him but praise and poignant expressions of enthusiasm. The enumeration of the conferences of Gori would be almost impossible, and some have been included in his collected works (edition Spezia). Propaganda is written at that time widely used. Newspapers multiply, Spanish and Italian, and also increase the nuances. Among the anarchist communist organs supporters of the labor organization must be appointed primarily to 'La Protesta Humana' and Avvenire (which Hector Mattei and N. Consorti, after Felice Vezzani, were the main animators), who survived with some numbers to the residency laws of November 1902 between individualists and antiorganizadores organs the best known are 'The Rebel' of M. Reguera, and Nuova Civilta (under the wording of O. Bertani, Scopetani Romulo Ovidi, etc.), The first appeared in late 1898 and disappeared as a result of the aforementioned law of residence and deportation of its editors, having published close to one. hundred numbers (the No. 77 is the November 11, 1901, the No. 91 of November 23, 1902), the second was another victim of the raid in November-December 1902. Of the journals, mentioned above Social Science, which is the first serious anarchist magazine., Excellent collection of selected reading material, which predominated. Certainly translations; lasted until late 1899. Argentina was also the best market for Spanish and Italian publications, the first were received in bulk La Revista Blanca, Land and Freedom, Free Idea, The General Strike, of Madrid and Barcelona. Dr Creaghe had suspended The Oppressed in 1897, instead devoting all his help to sustain other organs whose views coincided, like La Protesta Humana, for example. The literature is becoming daily more numerous; Buenos Aires sees appearing many leaflets and books as Barcelona, some of the issues could then reprinted with profit. For example the popular the sociology of conferences A. Paraire Pellicer, (1900), many materials gathered in the calendars of Questione Sociale (1895-1902), etc.. Local production is not large, because the glut of translations made it somewhat unnecessary, but nevertheless had its own field: that of poetry and literature.

No wonder, therefore, that the intense anarchist life of Argentina radiated for neighbouring countries, first Montevideo, Chile, Paraguay, Peru, Brazil. It is said that a basis of organizing a union of masons in Asuncion (Paraguay) were written by P. Gori during his stay in Argentina. Although Buenos Aires was the main center of activity, many propagandists were scattered the interior of the country; in Rosario had several active groups and labor organizations strong enough, in Santa Fe distinguished elements like J. M. Piedrabuena Gonzalez Lujan, Ragazzini, earlier this century. Corresponds to the late nineteenth century and early this century we read in the evocation Protest (May 1, 1918: From the heroic times, by JM Acha). Remember there are fellow Chivilcoy and Rosario. In the first, Martin Marculeta, "Basque tenacious, courageous, without arrogance, loyal and generous as their race. With him and others that I will not forget, we gave the bourgeoisie and wild Chivilcoy estulta more of a disappointment , who has forgiven us, sending us to jail first for a while and then he and Seguela, into exile, first victims of the Residence Act. Este, Edmundo Seguela, well worth a few lines apart from the way in which truly prodigious Ideas acted on their moral character. Within sullen he was, soon became communicative and spiritual prose of illiterate non-negligible. HE was very emotional speaker. Their harangues pictorial sense, deeply moved him to his listeners and he could not finish them without large tears will border his cheeks... Pedro Carbonell, typographer, an obstacle course activity, a prolific pen and trimmed. With he founded The voice of the slave.
(number 10 is P26

of the July 10, 1902) and at that time began the unhappy mortal present writer to concoct items'' ... In the same source makes some references to San Nicolas de los Arroyos and some militants of that locality, like Dileo and Petrecca. In every town in the country could be drawn a picture of life anarchist, of more or less obscure men who sacrificed themselves for the dissemination of ideas and the revolutionary press. Suffice to say that no one at the time to which we refer, but much later still, until about 1910, the revolutionary camp, propaganda and the labor organization, and especially the fight belonged to the anarchists, who made failure of all attempts of the Socialists and the party remained very restricted limits and made it look rather its electoral base in the middle class into the proletariat. We have indicated the organizing action of the Socialists like a driver of continued effort and concentration anarchist unions, another factor, as we said, was Pietro Gori. There were other reasons and challenging, especially the economic situation and especially the proletariat. P27 CHAPTER V RESIDENCY LAW Pietro Gori had returned to Italy in January 1902. But the seed sown by him, and cast into the groove by many planters previous known or anonymous, had paid off. There was an abundance of large size speakers, first Pascual Guaglianone, plus R. Ovidi, Oreste Ristori, Virginia Bolten, Spartaco Zeo, Orsini

Bertani, A. Montesano, etc., Of writers like E. G. Gilimn, Mariano Cortes (one of the few writings collected in pamphlet: Fundamentals and language anarchist doctrine, Buenos Aires, 1900, characterized his thought and style), Basterra, Alfredo O. LopezSantiago Locascio (who already in 1899 had published a pamphlet: Social Traits), writers such as Ghiraldo, Florencio Snchez, Julio Camba (who earned his living by giving private lessons and was closely linked to La Protesta Humana), organizers like Francisco Ros, men of character and fervor as Creaghe, Mattei, etc., etc. and a mass that flowed enthusiastic labor organizations. Result of this confluence of factors was the great impetus given by the labor organization of resistance. Unions multiplied, prevailing in most anarchist militants. According to a list published in the first issue of The Labor Organization (August 1901) in Buenos Aires had 22 resistance organizations in La Plata 2, bakers and bricklayers, St. Nicholas was a bakers' union and a Center Workers in Belgrano was an organization of builders, there were 10 guilds in Rosario, Santa Fe 1, 2 Cordoba, Tucuman 1, Tandil 1, Banfield 1, Chivilcoy 1. In total, the guilds of that list is far from complete, were 47, the more numerous the bakers and bricklayers in the "anarchists who had influence all but irresistible. The position of Hector Mattei in the bakers was occupied from 1897 by Adrian Troitio, that after some eventful journeys seem to have abdicated his ideas of youth. The bricklayers of Buenos Airea published from 1898 or 1899 an organ itself, The Bricklayer Worker (the number 37 is the October 7, 1900), which becomes the second member of the anarchist unionism, the first being that of the bakers. From 25 to 26 May 1901 in Buenos Aires was a conference which was attended by union workers fifty delegates on behalf of just over thirty unions in the capital and the interior. Also present were the Socialists, led by Adrian Patroni. Among the delegates were anarchists Gori (rail-Rosario), Francisco Ros, Mattei, Inglan Lafarga, Garfargnini, Adrian Troitio, Vidal, Francisco Berri, Basalo, Pedro Lopez and many others. Although numerically dominated the anarchists, here is the text of the previous declaration adopted by the conference: "Whereas the union labor congress met at this time include resistance societies, or rather of workers' collectives organized for the economic struggle of the present, and considering that within these fit all political and social tendencies, the congress declares that no commitments of any kind with the Socialist Party, or the anarchist, nor with any political party, and that the organization, development and scope, is completely autonomous and independent. "So the organization agrees that this congress is purely and exclusively of struggle and resistance." Then be resolved Guild Workers Federation Argentina. Here is the text of other decisions: "Congress hopes to erase the system of exploitation known as truck system. It declares itself in favor of reducing working hours, equal wages for workers of both sexes, and the abolition of the boxes of relief in industrial establishments "Considering that the general strike proves to be the ultimate basis of the economic struggle between capital and labor, Congress affirms the need P28

to propagate between workers the idea that general abstention 'work is the challenge to the prevailing bourgeois, when the opportunity to promote show likely to succeed... Is voted also a motion in favor of the system of free schools under the patronage of the Federation and one in favor of an agitation against high rents or for deletion. The Administrative Committee is composed of Dante and Luis Magrassi Garfagnini as secretaries, Hector Mattei, an accountant; Francisco Berri, as treasurer. The newspaper's editorial and management is in the hands of Francisco Cuneo, Jos R. Basalo and Pedro Barsanti. Besides appointing a commission of propaganda, in entering Pedro Lpez, Juan Ciminaghi, Jose Costas and Adrian Patroni. With very few exceptions, all be anarchists. The body of the Federation is 'labor organization', the first edition dates from August 1901. We have, therefore, a broad base of proletarian organization, which gave its approval anarchists, in the desire to collaborate in the field of trade unions politically neutral with all opponents of capitalism. It's not their fault if the unit was broken and if starting the following year, at the initiative of the socialist minority begins systematic excision went on to create the doctrine of unionization as ideological trends. In September 1901 was founded the organization of port workers. The soul of this movement was Francisco Ros, arrived in the country in 1897, with inconveniences to enter because of his revolutionary credentials. De Ros was not heard from again after his deportation in November 1902, but his work has been fruitful in the years of its activity. Organized port workers reached 3,000 in the date of its first anniversary, September 1902. However, the importance of that union organizing was not only in its numerical strength, but the impetus for organizing other related unions, like charioteers, one of the cornerstones of the anarchist labor movement for nearly twenty years in Buenos Aires. The port workers had another brilliant period later in the times of Esteban Carballo and Almada (1904-8) and even warned anarchist influence in that area of work activity Jos Damonte and others. The June 29, 1902 was also founded Society of carpenters workers of Buenos Aires, as a result of a reaction against socialist dominance among woodworkers. Among its founders were Inglan Lafarga, Jesus Nez, Barrera, Demetrio Spleen, Angel Mazza, Juan Sagastume, also belonged to this guild Gabriel Biagiotti, Francisco Corney and others. Both the carpenters as car drivers and port workers} under the influence of the anarchists, joined soon after its founding to the Workers Trade Union Federation Argentina. In the Federation there had been a split in the meantime. The Socialists, in view of the inability were found to dictate to the anarchists the line to follow, separated at the Second Congress of the F, O. G. A., held from 19 to 21 April 1902. At this conference, which took place in the hall of Vorwaerts society, attended by 16 delegates representing 47 unions. The credential of the socialist Adrian Patroni was rejected; intended to represent an organization of bakers of Crdoba. In view of this rejection, the minority withdrew noisily. Here the situation in which was the labor movement, as the guilds who withdrew and those who stayed in the Congress; They retreated:

Cabinetmakers, 250 members, charioteers, 700; marmoleros, 280. Accompanying these guilds the Socialists autonomous: Builders of carriages and wagons, 200 members, Saddlers, 50; Capilleros 25; Horneros (in training) Painters, 50; Bronceros, 150; sideboards boots (society protested the removal of their delegates), 50 partners. All these were of Buenos Aires. From inside made common cause with the socialist market workers P29 Central de fruits South to Barracks and society Peyrano field workers. They were at the conference, and therefore in the Federation: Mechanical and annexes, 400 members; Boilermakers, 20 members; Port Stevedores, 3200 partners; Bakers (three sections) 1200, Graphic Arts, 200; Carpenters transport facilities turkey cattle, 200; tinsmiths and gas, 60; mosaicists, 60; Carpenters Ribera del Riachuelo, 20O, Masons, 350; forgers. 60, Shoemakers, 150. These Buenos Aires. The interior of the country were the bakers of Bahia Blanca, Cordoba, San Juan, St. Pe, Bell, Mendoza) Center campaign workers, shoemakers and cigar Rosario, tailors, shoemakers and longshore silver and others.

In total retreated of the congress unions with 1780 members; were in changing organizations with 7630 members. The situation index that gives us that Congress is only approximate, because car drivers who left returned to the Federation. The minority Socialist, which had its propaganda organ in the organization, the first issue is dated September 1901, created a new labor federation, the General Union of Workers, Workers Federation heritage Argentina founded by socialists in 1890 and then break their control. The Socialist Party has always strived to have a union appendix available and actually, s, despite the General Workers Union and the Regional Labor Confederation, he has not succeeded. Just in recent years brought together more corporate guilds and reformists in a power alien to every anarchist influence, the Labor Confederation Argentina. The second congress of the Federation continued working in session with 46 delegates representing 31 unions. Is resolved perform the May Day demonstration on their own, if for some reason had adhered companies that could not meet the resolution, would not attend nor the rally socialist. They fight employment agencies, approving the installation of job boards, were motions against night work in bakeries, for eight hours, towards the founding of a newspaper (for which appointed a commission composed by Inglan Lafarga, Hermida and Ciminaghi) reaffirms support the boycott campaign is resolved in favor of the reduction of rents, creating free schools, advocating hygiene workshops, organizing farm workers, etc.. The Administrative Commission is made up of Dante Garfagnini, Ros, Passerini, Basalo, Orom, Castelao, Bernasconi, Magrassi, Jauin, Ripoll and Mattei. We read in the book of Felix B, Basterra Twilight of the gauchos, "In 1902, according to data collected by the Labor Federation Argentina and published in its monthly organ, evacuees

production reached 200,000, of both sexes and all the republic, not including here the 79,427 who migrated to the land of origin or to better and more hospitable regions. "Only in this way can be explained as the Demographic Yearbook goes to prove that in Buenos Aires with 800 thousand inhabitants, consume less staples in Buenos Aires same with 70 thousand souls" (p. 19, second edition, 1903). The labor market situation, as is clear from the transcript, was critical, but the proletariat, instead of feeling down, willing to adapt to all oppression, going through a moment of enthusiasm. The example of the great strike of Barcelona, one of the classic examples of the general strike had impacted heavily on the ranks, working in Argentina (read articles such Ricardo Mella in La Protesta Humana: After the strike, 23 June 1902 the defeat of the bourgeoisie, July 19). They lived a period of struggle, intense propaganda) of written and oral presentation of the revolutionary ideas of labor organization, testing and experimentation. The rebel press multiplies; Basterra publishes the weekly P30 The story of Uncle (as of June 1902, 6 issues or more), James Locascio New era gives birth; Pascual Guaglianone writes New Life (published by the International Center Montevideo) . A. Montesano naturist publishes a libertarian, Renewal (July), etc. Public disputes with the Socialists were the order of the day. To quote a few: on 1 June 1902 my oratorical tournament is held for and against socialism legalitario in the Boca Socialist Center, participating in the Henry Dickmann on the one hand and on the other Guaglianone and Basterra. A continuation of the tournament in the Iris theater could not be carried out for not attending the Marxist opponent. On July 12, was to take place in La Plata a dispute between Henry Dickmann and Guaglianone; the speaker socialist did not show up. On September 21 at the theater Doria beat socialism Orsini Bertani, Oreste Ristori, Basterra and Guaglianone against Repettoj Pereseguitti, Patroni and other socialist parliamentarians. In the same theater was the 28th of the same month a new battle speech, in which she starred by Dino Italian socialist deputy Roudani. On premises was held on October 16 and another tournament between Repetto and the anarchists. P31 As a summary of the meetings should be noted more wins for anarchy than for Marxism, not only by the quality of the speakers, but by force of argument. And in the shadow of this vast propaganda, bloomed all initiatives, reorganized the labor unions, they held great struggles against capitalism and groped sludge paths to the future. It is also worth saying something of a stream outlined prior to the unforgettable date of November 1902: cooperativism encouraged by labour unions of anarchist orientation. They were about all production cooperatives and were fought by the anarchist press as ineffective and dangerous. They reproduced articles of Ricardo Mella (The cooperative before school social, Social Science, No. 8, December 11., 1897, La Protesta Humana, 1, 8, 15 and 21 November 1902), of Kropotkin, etc.. La Protesta Humana same gives its opinion hostile to cooperativism on August 30, 1902. Is it right? Did it become wrong? A priori judgments are easy, but not entirely convincing.

The most famous cooperative was the "Germinal" of the tobacco workers. Once underway and free of debt it was proposed they spend 10 per cent of the dividends of their product to libertarian schools, 30 per cent for guilds who want independence in the same mode as the cigar-workers and with identical purposes, 10 per cent for the victims of capitalism and 10 per cent for the workers press. It lasted several years. In June 1902 a group of ten compaeros formed a cooperative bakery Germinal; stamped in their statutes banning the admittance of salaried workers into its bosom, everyone who worked on it should be considered as partners with equal rights. In October of the same year in Boca installed another bakery cooperative with the name "El Porvenir"; the port workers give 500 pesos. Of the profits was proposed distribute the 20 percent for the libertarian schools 15 percent for victims of capitalism, 15 percent for regular workers, 40 percent for reserve fund and 10 percent for repayment of principal invested. The bakers of Bahia Blanca imitated the example, creating a new cooperative guild in October 1902. Also the shoemakers of Buenos Aires had installed a cooperative producing footwear. That stream of socialism experimental ardently preached in Germany Gustav Landauer, has almost completely lost. Right now we can only mention a brickmakers commune in Rosario and some agricultural colony. But witnessing, at least in the field of theory, an early resurrection of that stream. Even remember that between late July and early August 1902 in Buenos Aires there was a general strike of bakers claiming some improvements. The cooperative "Germinal', during the the conflict, delivered a kilo of bread daily to each striker. The conflict, biased, followed by a period of five weeks, having installed meanwhile another new cooperative of the guild. The conflict, biased, followed by a period of five weeks, having installed another new cooperative meanwhile of the guild. It failed with regard to the claims requested, but it had the police in check all this time. There was also a group "Tierra y Libertad" which proposed to found an anarchist colony in certain provisions. The events of November 1902 have made all these attempts failed. And finally mention the grandiose project of House of People in Buenos Aires. In March 1902 circulated a manifesto signed by A. Bernasconi, A. Cheryl M. Rivas, J. Pablovicht, F. B. Basterra, Inglan Lafarga and A. Montesano invited to a meeting for the 30th of the same month, for the purpose of discussing the organization of a House of People. The meeting has had to be affirmative, because on May 18 were constituted the basis for such Casa del Pueblo its program and statutes. It is resolved,
according to the great manifesto announcing its constitution, which is work purely of labour, without adherence to any party and with exclusion of all politics; a place for meeting, training, recreation and education of the workers, etc. They proposed its founders install a caf, a Labour Exchange (Bolsa de Trabajo), an information office, a print shop, a free popular university, mixed libertarian school, a restaurant, library, etc. There was also the purpose of making The Work (from June 1902), a daily newspaper with offices in the same Casa del Pueblo, the venue was at Charcas Street 1109-49, being a spacious land whose acquisition was offered in good condition. P32 La Protesta Humana supported the initiative, but was contrary to the administration, management, construction, etc., All powers were in the hands of a single person (June 7). That was right, "were gradually producing dislikes, infighting, divisions and the project was frustrated." Then came the reaction and everything was watered down. To that disinterest also contributed the characteristic of

the anarchist movement in Argentina, hostile to works of solidity and rootedness, in part because of the ephemeral activity and its militants.

We have perhaps been the only ones to renew the idea of the founding of 'houses of the people to have anarchist organizations, and we have repeatedly reminded the initiative in 1902, which could have a strong influence on the future of the libertarian and social movements in Argentina. Suffice it to say that currently with the pretext of staying true to the tradition antipropietaria, with the who has broken the newspaper La Protesta, who has never hesitated to purchase and have the printing machines in the best conditions, the anarchists of Buenos Aires only pay more of 3500 pesos of rentals per month, or more than 40 thousand dollars a year for local unions, groups, libraries, etc. Continuing the description of the movement to reach the great strikes of November 1902. Rosario Dockers were at the beginning of January 1902 a strike that in its complications gave margin for a general strike. In that conflict was evidenced well instinctive distrust of the workers before all politics. Dr. Justo, as the union representatives meetings were held in a socialist local, tried to intervene, the strike committee unanimously rejected such intervention and moved to the local shoemakers to have more independence. The strike failed, and the Socialists said then that it was the fault of the anarchists, because of which they challenged those controversies were not made public by the absence of the Socialists. On August 3 of that year, an event held in Rosario propaganda to inaugurate a new local Rosarina Local Labor Federation, consisting of twelve guilds: bakers, tailors, shoemakers, and Annexes, carpenters, metalworkers, cigar and cigarette foil Federation of workers, plasterers, etc fideeros. In early September the painters were reorganized, the union was dissolved in 1896 (named secretary and treasurer Juan Pedro Molina Abella). P32 In Buenos Aires we see constituted in January a cosmopolitan society of Coachmen and Annexes, as a result of a split in the Union of Coachmen, begins with some 300 members, in late March this guild makes a general strike against the books of honesty and good conduct who wanted to introduce. It was organized in September to the Labour Federation the unions of felt hatters, the sandal makers and newspaper vendors. The masons working for the establishment of a national federation of the branch, the cigar workers launch the initiative of the foundation of the Local Bonaerense Federation of the Federacin Obrera Argentina. In La Plata was a congress of masons as a result of the initiative to which we have referred. The port workers encouraged the same thought. The more or less noisy strikes followed one another in almost all trades. The propaganda against unemployment intensifies, socialists and anarchists performing together at public events, in which the latter claimed a reduction of the working day. The boilermakers and mechanics of the Boca obtained, in February 1902, the 9 hour day. To that period of great activity corresponds the famous trial by the facts of the bakery "Princess" of Buenos Aires. On July 21 two bakers are killed who worked in a boycotted bakery. The next day Francisco Bern, secretary of the guild and editor of the new organ of the union El Obrero (19011902), and five bakers are arrested. All were released in July 1903, after a year of enormous efforts by the bourgeoisie to secure the conviction of the accused and continuous agitation of the proletariat to boot these prisoners from the clutches of justice.

As a result of the strike of bakers, already mentioned, there were rumours that in the local the Labour Federation, Victoria Street 2171, there was a arsenal of bombs. In that location were the secretariats of 18 unions, including the cigar workers, tobacco cooperative, printing, smelters dressers boots, sandal, masons and annexes, bakers, mechanics and annexes, painters, delivery of bread shoemakers, tinsmiths - etc. The judge Navarro ordered the raid. Nothing was found. But to
deal with the ridiculous it was circulated a version of that in the local raided there had been found instruments of death, red with blood. In response to this provocation, 528 members of the Federation of Labour published a brave manifesto accusing the judge Navarro of being a liar and also organized a protest rally at Constitution Square and a street demonstration, where 20,000 workers attended.

To avoid repeating unnecessarily, we transcribe then the summary we had done at another time of the events that gave the pretext to enact the law of residence: "The threat of a general strike of the workers of the port of Buenos Aires in early November 1902, sowed concerns somewhat excessive even though the organization was strong and had numerous sections in inland ports and with the federation of the guild of wheeled ... "La Nacion" said the Nov. 7: ... "Everything does expect the dock strike to have a favorable solution. Not about wage increases, but decreased weights in bags and bundles, which is very fair and what many exporters agree. The difficulty lies solely in the granting of a reasonable time that reform can take place. Guilds interested in this cannot and should appear intransigent, because everyone should avoid right now work stoppage and equitably resolve the matter. For our part we ask the good will of all that such a solution is obtained as soon as possible." - That soft tone is not usually noted in the bourgeois press. The looming conflict of the port acquired more importance by the dock strike of Campana, where bloody events took place, and of the workers of the Zarate paper mill. Already in the first half of November there is talk of a law permitting the expulsion of undesirable aliens, being commented various comments on the purposes that he had been made in parliament by Senator Senator Miguel Can a few years ago. Another major event that took place in Buenos Aires a few days after the events of Campana and without having definitively clarified the port situation, P33 offered the excuse so long desired. The 19th November produced the strike of the peons of the Central Market of Fruit of Barracas al Sud, demanding higher wages, reduced hours and work with federated staff. That strike, by its ramifications and by the importance of the services paralyzed, increased the anxiety of the capitalist classes. The strikers were inspired by great enthusiasm and great faith in victory the testing of perform the work with staff not federated fails, the prisons and persecutions intimidate workers. While socialists adopt an aloof attitude, the Labor Federation Argentina resolved the 21st to support the movement. The government sends troops of line to Barracas, employers and workers are shown intransigent. "La Nacion" writes on November 21, to discuss the situation and making the balance of opposing forces: "The thought of the general strike works its way among the groups that want and that respond to the tendencies of the Federacion Obrera, of an advanced socialism and which differs from the other in that it accepts the economic struggle and rejects politics. The workers groupings with socialist tendencies, meanwhile, do not follow the flow of the Federacion Obrera because they proclaim the political struggle and combat the general strike as detrimental to the cause of the proletariat".

A committee made up of Carlos Lix Klett, president of the Chamber of Commerce. Enrique Crotto. Jos Poggio and Francisco de Souza Martnez visit 21st to the Minister of the Interior, Joaqun V. Gonzalez, for to interpose his influence in order that it becomes law the bill against foreigners. This is how capitalism has to solve labor conflicts. But the revolutionary proletariat of Argentina was prepared to immediately respond to these provocations with the general strike. The same day that come to the office of Minister of the Interior members of the Commission appointed resolve the charioteers enter the movement in solidarity with the peons of the Central Fruit Market; the local Federation Rosario informed the Working Federation Argentina available to respond to the proposed decree of residency law with the general strike. Some bourgeois newspapers decry the government for provocative measures that are available to take. "La Nacion" says, "You have lived the anarchists and agitators most fearsome and retreated without finding their means for declamations". In Capital are concentrated 5000 enlisted men, plus military schools, engineering companies, Marine Force battalions of fire, police and also not to mention that in one night, could reach more than 2,000 troops reinforcements from Rosario and Bahia Blanca. Buenos Aires is one aspect of camp. That does not prevent the occurrence of acts of sabotage by strikers. President Roca sent on 22 November a draft bill of residence, to the Senate urgently. The Senate meets in special session at six in the evening, at eight already approved the bill. At 9.30 hours met the House of Representatives, raising the session at 11.30, after passing Cane Bill. On the same night is sanctioned by the executive and is effective. Here it is: "Section 1.0.-The P. E, may order leaving the territory of Argentina any foreigner, for crimes or common crimes. Section 2.0. - The P. E. may order the removal of all foreigner whose conduct would jeopardize national security or disturb public order. Section 3.0 - The P. E. may prevent from entering the territory of the republic to all foreigners whose background authorize inclusion among those mentioned in the two preceding articles. Section 4.0. - The foreigner who has been ordered against expulsion, will have three days to leave the country, allowing the P. E., as a public safety measure, ordering his arrest until the time of embarkation." This law put in the hands of the police the fate of all those who had somehow intervened in revolutionary propaganda. For many years they have tried to kill the labour movement in the country through the implementation of this law. But despite all the many deportations, anarchist ideas were not removed from Argentina. P34 On November 24, President Roca declared a state of siege, alarms in official circles outweigh the actual dangers. The workers premises are raided and closed, the press suspended, hundreds of revolutionary workers are arrested, a large number lies with immediate deportation. Almost all companions known a little are deported, those who were not had to get to safety, withdrawing temporarily from propaganda.

In these provocations were addressed through the general strike, but the panic sown by repressions and cowardly attitude of the Socialists. They made from 28 of November comenzase to decrease unemployment and be written off (International Competition of La Protesta, p. 42-43). Here's a list, incomplete, deportees: Dante Garfagnini and Ripoll are arrested when leaving the premises of the Labor Federation and in circumstances where they had just made the issue of the labor organization, which was confiscated. Both were deported. Felix B. Basterra and Oreste Ristori, shipped to their countries of origin, manage to lose in Montevideo (Ristori returned in June 1903 he was arrested again and after several days of rigorous confinement is embarked on the "Citta di Torino", getting away again in Montevideo on July 6). Ramon Palau, baker, is deported to Spain with his wife and five children, also Antonio Navarro with his family, Jose Lopez Margarida, Teodoro Lupano, Juan B. Calvo Gonzalez, Juan Casademont, and Manuel and Jos Reguera, Adrian Troitio, A. Montesano, O. Bertani, R. Ovidi. Serantoni Fortunato, the old internationalist Italian sociological bookstore owner located in Corrientes 2041, was also deported, the police seized printed Bookseller Inventory worth approx thousand pesos. In the fury of persecution were expelled from the country even Argentines as Pedro Gallo, Juan Callus and Antonio Campos, of which later they had many inconveniences to return. Legal interventions prevented some deportations, but not always. It was unsuccessful, for example, the defense of James Locascio by Dr. Del Valle Iberlucea (v. Residence Act. Brief presented to the courts' defense of Santiago Locascio, Buenos Aires). Others had to be in hiding for a long time unless, including Inglan Lafarga, who has since backed away from the propaganda, (died October 25, 1929). The police lists of candidates for deportation are very extensive. They contain almost all known companions, some who were already retired from any activity, as Francesco Natta, La Plata, or purely nationalist militants in fields such as Emilio Zuccarini, director of L'Italiano, who had to pay again for his past fame as an anarchist. Some of the deportees had a real ordeal. Troitio is rescued by the anarchists of Argentina, Mattei being one of the organizers of a subscription for to return from Spain to Argentina, with the aid arrived in Montevideo in April 1904 after some time in Spanish prisons; Ramon Palau returned to Montevideo in March 1903. Many of the deportees from the time of fury police returned to Argentina evading surveillance. During the general strike, the magazine El Sol published Ghiraldo, pulled out a daily supplement urging resistance to the defense of freedom and life. Ghiraldo, Florencio Sanchez and some other such supplements filled with real passion to fight and with a clear understanding of the social and political setback. No way could we better close this chapter with some fragments of the editorial of El Sol (No. 161, 10. December 1902), signed by Ghiraldo and titled "Leftover cowardice environment": "Yesterday the
government was afraid. And it was in a panic that dictated brutal laws, laws that protect him to carry out acts of repression and punishment. Within hours, in minutes, did bring together a Congress lackey habits and is clear, the laws were, and peace reigned in the commercial emporium.

P35

"Then came the siege with his court of abuse and calamities; journalistic censorship then rose on the very people who were the advisors and indicators of the authorities, and they had their first act of gallantry towards that same press accomplice, forbidding any information on the strike movement not to leave the police offices. This means that press were obliged to publish lies. And the press as "the ladies" goofy, hypocrites and cowards that paints Zola in his last romance, accepted the
imposition because it said there was no other way to submit. . . "Abide" was the voice of, order, and all without exception, were delivered, that is submitted, not realizing that abuse begets abuse, and what today is bad tomorrow will be worse if you compromise. A print shop assaulted in the name of conservation of public order, when as in the case of the paves treatment of the resulting daily supplementation of El Sol, matter the erection of the machete sayonesco the arbiter of thought banning all media to provide information partieran no official source, that is false, the crime perpetrated in prisons working against the workers strike and it was not, the closure of local social and burglary, theft, the crime perpetrated in prisons working against the workers strike and it was not, the closure of local social and burglary, theft, implemented by reliable men whistle, the impudence of the two chambers, legislative they, shouting my trooper, set the pace and dictate laws in accordance with the slogan, all this fourth degree of infamy was admitted to the general complicity of high social classes, since the abuse, the barbarity exercised against poor but haughty returning workers for their rights trampled.Ah, miserable!Ah, ignorant!Ah, suicide!

"Protest! By conservation own, selfishly, because tomorrow all be measured with the same yardstick, because the abuse committed against any member of a community, and this is the most humble, in shame and disgrace TrueCase for those who tolerate , because morally hurts everyone, because for the good life of human groups solidarity is as necessary as oxygen for the individual, because there is only one justice and the pain of one is the pain of all. iProtestemos!" (We Protest) This was written in the very state of siege, for it lasted until December 31, 1912. Ghiraldo fourteen years fought against the emergency law, which was added another in 1910. And that concept is one of those that have helped spread the smear and the opinion hostile to so-called "laws disgrace", which finally were suppressed.

Chapter VI La Protesta The state of siege proclaimed on November 24 to carry out more comfortably, according to the emergency law, the growing repression of the anarchist movement, was extended until 31 December 1902. There was at this time known deportation of hundreds of compaeros, the prisons were filled chock, the general strike was shot by police terror booming, absolute master of the situation. But the movement had taken deep root in the proletariat and if it is true that the
overabundance of speakers and writers represented a very important factor, did not mean a vital factor. P36

La Protesta Humana had become something like the central organ of the movement, his comeback was a triumph for all and was conducted from January 31, 1903, with Alcides Valenzuela as director, which, by its quality of Argentinian was not deportable. The following month took over Dr. Creaghe administration, the "old Creaghe", as he was called as a memorable figure of anarchism in Argentina, whom everyone remembers with the liveliest sympathy. Anarchy was to him like a second nature, if with his medical profession he won some money, it was all to stop the funding of propaganda and died poor in the United States a few years ago at a very advanced age. It was not unknown to get to Argentina. In Sheffield, a quiet English town, published in 1891 a propaganda organ, The Sheffield Anarchist; seems that his emigration to this country shortly after has had to return the soul to the body the peaceful burghers of Sheffield. The revolutionary emigration in London has known Dr. Creaghe before his trip to Argentina, Rudolf Rocker and Max Nettlau us to have talked about it with sympathy. Once in this country was established in Lujan as a doctor, but did not consider the profession but as a way of life, its purpose was propaganda and maintained a libertarian school and published 'The Oppressed' and economically and morally encouraged an extensive propaganda criterion. On the merits intimate of his being gives us an idea his refutation of a sentence of Julio R. Barcos; "To hate is typical of great hearts" (Protest, September 9, 1905), where he exposes lofty concepts of justice and humanity. Harboured a grandiose project of a libertarian school and offered 5,000 pesos on the condition that the movement would provide 15,000 for the organization in the field of a colony that would serve the school. But the bitter struggle waged against the police to keep afloat La Protesta Humana, made him give up the immediate realization of this project. Instead proposed to acquire a printing press itself, assemble a large bookshop and a publishing house, erect a building for the newspaper itself, thus freeing the burden of rent and of bourgeois printers. So it went Creaghe his whole life dreaming of vast achievements; So it went Creaghe his whole life dreaming of vast achievements, he has wanted to, he was much respected, but the movement has not understood or followed him in his devotion and his enthusiasms. By 1912, a little disappointed, thought he saw through regeneration, the organ of Flores Magon, an open road to the embodiments in Mexico, and moved to Los Angeles, along with the editors of that sheet brave, doctrinally weak but full of life and desire for freedom and struggle. He died there in 1922, as we have said already. On the characteristics of the year 1903, we call on Gilimn, who in the book Facts and Comments (p. 40-41) says: "In 1903 the life of was hard anarchist publications. However appeared some, adopting the look and the modalities of the magazines, instead of the newspaper of combat that characterized all the papers of the previous years. "Apart from physical barriers, lack of writers, resource scarcity by panic that repression had caused, was not important for the publication of newspapers, the attitude of the police, which was not forthcoming to deport the propagandists and those in one way or another helped the propaganda, but pressured local owners and printers so they would not display anarchist newspapers. "That policing attitude is extreme mostly with La Protesta Humana, whose influence on the proletariat was known.

"The collection of that time is of great originality. "Each number is printed in different setting and it is understandable that printers' that fie lent to edit the newspaper were not of those with better material." From the title to the last line looked the more bewildering variety of typefaces. The only thing that kept the genuine Argentinian bearer was good writing. Altair was still working on it, and with him whose bright and aggressive pen gave the character of combat to the newspaper, and Florencio Sanchez, who wrote long and almost entirely only for this newspaper with all the force of his temperament of a writer of fibre. Not all the numbers came to be able to circulate. Indeed, the persecutions police against La Protesta Humana were unbearable and irritating; seizures followed one after another. One day Doctor Creaghe loaded the newspapers in a car to take them to the printer for drafting in Cayo, on the journey the police often seize them; brandished a gun he was
determined to end the provocations, and the police, seeing the attitude of the old man, dared not proceed as normal. P38

But in the town these persecutions continued and the courage of the anarchists could not but arouse sympathy and accessions increasingly numerous. From November 7, 1903, the name of La Protesta Humana is changed to La Protesta the name it retains to this day. Meanwhile, the workers' and anarchist movement had been reviving and reemerged the idea of having a journal. Dr. Creaghe purchased a printer and as of March 5, 1904 La Protesta printed out in their own workshops. As of April 1 of that year runs daily, and its history is to the history of the revolutionary movement and anarchism in the country because there was no event in the labour field that was not linked in one way or another.

Among the contributors to the time immediately following the residency law, we highlight the names of Elam Ravel, Francisco Berri (R. Osita), R. P. Pretto, Garcia Balsas, Antonio Loredo, J. Alberto Castro, Federico Gutirrez (Fag Libert) ... To form the writing of La Protesta daily had been thought about Ghiraldo, who had distinguished himself for bravery in resisting the emergency law. Having declined the invitation, was appointed Elam Ravel with Edmund T. Calcao and Perfecto B. Lopez, author of a book of this literary tone: Nervousness, (1903). This wording was ephemeral; dissent prompted his resignation. The group editor instructed another group: Edmundo Bianchi, Montevideo. J. Alberto Castro and Jos Maturana, well-known names, especially the first and last in the literature, of the wording, but this group also surfaced. Finally, as of September 1, 1904, it appeared daily in more formats, with Alberto Ghiraldo as director, accompanied by L. Rodriguez and other partners. With the weapon of the daily with interesting and capable nuclei of propagandists, Argentinian anarchism became the centre of all workers movement of social character; the gradual ascent reached the second half of May 1910, the era of anti-anarchist terror, culminating in a new emergency law and in a period of relative decline and depression.

Ghiraldo had started publishing in March 1904 a weekly libertarian literature: Martin Fierro, which became a supplement of the daily La Protesta. A political incident, when spirits were warmed by the news of the Russian insurrection of January 1905, the attempted subversion of Hiplito Irigoyen February 4, gave room for a furious persecution of anarchists. Having defied the suspension order, La Protesta was raided, the workers locals were closed, and the editor of the newspaper went to stop to a warship, the Maip, the administrator, Manuel Vazquez, with many others, was deported. Ghiraldo narrated in The tyranny of tailcoats (Chronicle of a prisoner) the events of those days. It preserved some clandestine bulletins of the daily during the state of siege declared to suppress the irigoyenista attempt, which irritated even more zeal of the persecutors. La Protesta reappeared on May 14, 1905, barely prisoners regained their freedom. In the administration of the daily entered in place of Manuel Vzquez, Francisco Vega y Vega, Argentinian, the circulation tripled in a short time, the militant enthusiasm attracted new followers, strikes multiplied and President Quintana found no other means than the state of siege, which declared October 7, 1905, to govern without the specter workers that threatened become irresistible. Consequently, it had a new closure of the La Protesta, from 8 October 1905 to 1 January 1906. Ghiraldo remained the editor, with Jos de Maturana and Julio E. Barcos tasked as companions. However a brief decline began then, there were economic difficulties, personalities arose and dislikes between militants and the editor group, Ghiraldo resigned as editor on 22 August 1900. Dr Creaghe had to put his name on the front of the newspaper to refocus and avoid a dispersion of forces. And he appointed a new editor group, composed by Edward G. Gilimn, Ernesto Ortiz (Lorenzo Mario), Mariano Forcat and F, Folgar. This language marks a new phase of the newspaper: the development of doctrine, that of the forging of a tactic and a doctrine that we would say premises, the result of their own experiences. Ghiraldo has not been and never wanted to be a theorist, he was a rebel, an opponent of authority, a temperament of literary and fighter. Instead, Gilimn had more philosophical bent and theorist, was less subversive than Ghiraldo but knew printing a more conscious and reflective movement. P 38 The life of the newspaper, which had become quite languid mid-1905, walked around with the new version and got to throw five thousand copies by the end of 1906 and throughout 1907. This year we bought a rotary format widened and began publishing an Italian section, under the editorial of Roberto D'Anjou and with the cooperation of Alberto Meschi and A. Cecarelli. From the long list of collaborators mentioned Alejandro Sux, Mario Villa, Mario Chiloteguy, Antonio Zamboni, R. Gonzlez Pacheco, Ricardo Carrene, Jose Maceira (Maximum Aracemi) which came into the editor group and was also a valuable cooperator of Gilimn. Gilimn held in writing - except for a period from December 1907 to April 1908 - until the events of May 1910, one of the deportees, R, Gonzlez Pacheco held the post of Mario Lorenzo, who resigned and died few years later in Paris, in July 1907, Gonzlez Pacheco retired in April 1908 of the for reasons of newspaper domestic troubles, in the administration or Carlos Rafael Torrents succeeded

Balsan, which had replaced Vega y Vega. The financial part resisted of both, both, but has not yet been a case of an organ anarchist that has had a brilliant financial situation, especially if, as with La Protesta, it is exposed to all the persecutions. The rent strike of September-November 1907 served to provoke another wave of expulsions, this time journal editors fell, Roberto D'Angio and Mariano Forcat (the latter retired from most of the movement and was absorbed by bourgeois journalism). The police chief of Buenos Aires, Colonel Falcon, was as extreme as no one before him, continued the anti-anarchist raids. La Protesta answered these provocations (22 October 1907): "In spite of the expulsions executed in 1902 and 1904, the trade union organization has been in progress... After 1902 La Protesta has transformed itself from weekly in to a daily publication. And now, after the various persecutions and contrasts that has supported propaganda, this newspaper has reached a development, dissemination and importance that cannot be ignored, because even though its budget may still not exceed the income of the costs it is due not to the newspaper did not prosper, but as has been reaching more importantly, its expenses have grown in proportion "... And two days later makes this warning: "you got the news that we are preparing an assault on the printing of this newspaper, perhaps in order to prohibit its publication ... In anticipation of events, we calm as always, we stand at our posts. And when the time llgale in the absence of anything else, will throw at face of the attackers, like a missile of death, a Viva la Anarqua! Viva La Protesta!" The assault did not come then, during the rent strike, but soon ensue. In 1908 again arise a resurrection of energies, combativeness, of intense propaganda work in all fields. La Protesta, not content with just a daily, put out a monthly magazine from May 1908 as a supplement, left a total of 11 numbers, until March 1909, of the large number of newspapers and magazines that appeared in Buenos Aires and the provinces during those years, we'll talk later. That second supplemental protest, the first of which was Martin Fierro, the magazine of Ghiraldo, brought together a number of original partners, is now counted a good artist, J. Speroni, the same as illustrated the Illustrated Almanac for 1909 La Protesta, another artist who worked several years in the newspaper and in related news, was "Red Soul". From the editorial changes enough the Centennial even cite the resignation, for health reasons, of Maximum Aracemi and the entry of Antonio Zamboni, who also left the movement a few years later. The Italian section of the newspaper, after the deportation of Roberto D'Anjou, began to decline and finally chose to remove it in August 1908 on the way from the first of May of the same year there was a regular feature in Yiddish, a movement that had gained ascendancy and had pretty low no organized force until 1910. An event of serious consequences was the slaughter of Lorea Plaza the first May 1909 fell there eight dead and over a hundred injured during the demonstration of anarchists. In revenge for the massacre, a rebellious young man arrived from Russia a few years earlier, Simon Radowitzky killed the police chief, at who he threw P39

a bomb on 14 November of that year. The bourgeoisie screamed with rage, organized street demonstrations, assaults on local workers, bulk arrests, deportations etc.. La Protesta was broken into the night of the fall of Falcon, their types were bound, their machines broken. It was thought that with that blind violence, anarchism shortened their sails and showed less aggressive, but this terror, as river later, had no more than a opposite effect than expected; After the wave began to decline in anti-worker and anti-anarchist savagery, La Protesta replenished with popular support and their machines comes out again, with a daily circulation of 15,000, as of January 16, 1910. Meanwhile they had delivered some clandestine newsletters. The progression of the movement took its course, composing machines were acquired and launched into a new daily the streetLa Batalla, under the direction of R. Teodoro Gonzlez Pacheco and Antilli. The anti-anarchism of the Argentine bourgeoisie would not tolerate the existence of a daily like LA Protesta, with a large circulation and great popularity, and then had to endure two, one in the morning and another in the afternoon. The Battle appeared on March 7, 1910 and printed in the workshops of the protest. One day is forced to renew the staff of a prison for having mistreated some prisoners; another day it threatens to impede the ostentatious Centenary celebrations if they did not release all prisoners of social issues, repealing the residency law November 1902. And that threat was terrible for this country that wanted to show the inundated state of prosperity to those one hundred years of independence. It was necessary to make a bold stroke and disarm garlic anarchists, had set for May 18 a general strike to assume violent proportions and spoil Centennial celebrations. La Protesta y La Batalla; arrests passed 2,000 between 13 and 14 May. So started its action infuriated nationalism, the printing press of the protest was burned, the same fate the local workers. So in an era of terror, prisons and mass deportations, of fires of libertarian printers, etc., Etc., Finish what you call the heroic period of anarchism in Argentina. As much enthusiasm that had been in the masses, imprisonment and deportation sudden a few hundred known compaeros, sowed confusion, bewilderment and despair and could not offer any effective resistance. Until May 1911 there was no possibility of La Protesta reappearing and even then only in a semi-clandestine way. As expected, not all written propaganda can be reduce to La Protesta. The series of anarchist publications is endless, all stripes had them, all temperaments, organs of groups and organs of individuals, in Buenos Aires and the provinces. We will mention some. Pascual Guaglianone had begun editing in Montevideo, before the residency law, an organ of his own, Vida Nueva (New Life) from 1 November 1903 it came out in Buenos Aires. We do not know more than 5 numbers, until January 9, 1904. This is a well written publication, with height of thought and written by a man of vast culture, somewhat unorthodox and a few years later distanced himself from the movement and apparently also the ideas of his youth and focused on a task without technical-pedagogical higher profile, which still continues. We find in New Life literary contributions of J. M. Piedrabuena, Elam Pavel, Enrique Crosa, some correspondence of Julio Camba, deported under the law of residence to Spain and others. The heterodoxy of Guaglianone whom was missing the critical sense to understand that one cannot claim collective evolution as rapid as is or may be individual evolution, led to some contentious

meetings with colleagues, starting with relatively fair criticism in the background but after all negative, as the article in the unique La Protesta Humana, November 1904, against a different thought for reforms and their significance discussed in the columns of La Protesta, just finished its complete withdrawal. L'Avvenire, the Italian organ closely linked to La Protesta Humana, was born some time after the reaction of the residency law, but difficulties were too great and by the end of 1903 failed to appear. P40 Elam Ravel published a weekly in Buenos Aires: Libre Examen (Free Exam) (first time in 1901, the third time in 1903), the libertarian critique. In Rosario, during the state of siege that followed the attempted radical February 1905, appeared four numbers of a combative and challenges sheet titled: El estado de sitio (The State of Seige). In the same city Gilimn published a weekly newspaper, El Rojo (The Red), effective from July 14, 1905, which copes with the trade unionists tendencies in the labour movement and maintains the same attitude that he held since the editing La Protesta. On May 15, 1903 appears in Tandil an anarchist newspaper, El Trabajo (The Work), in June we see El Obrero (The Worker) in Junn and around the same time Aurora Social in San Nicolas. Tandil there in 1905 In a new paper, Futuro (Future) (at least eight issues). A young police employee, Federico Gutirrez, caused by contact forced with the revolutionary workers imprisoned, converted to anarchism and began working in the anarchist press after the residency law under the pseudonym Fag Libert. He retained his post of inspector of police until July 1907 when, discovered his identity, was exonerated. The nuance of their propaganda was literary; they published the weekly Iron!, from October 1904, we do not know if it have had a long life; in 1906 and 1907 published the fortnightly Labor (April 1, no. 7 is from 1 July) and in 1908 the weekly La Mentira ( The Lie): organ of the country, religion and state, along with Gonzlez Pacheco (the first number is the May 4, 1908, last was no. 19 September 28). De Federico A. Gutierrez there is one book; Police News, (Buenos Aires 1907 reissues in The Great Works, October 1923), where narrate their memories, anecdotes, police procedures, etc. Also preserved some verses that became very popular, such as El Atentado (The Attack). Gutierrez, later of the centenary, entered into bourgeois journalism and also withdrew from the movement. From the libertarian literary publications such as The New Roads, (1906-7), germ (1906-1910) and ideas and Figures (1909-1916), Letters (1907), publications anarchists union, anti-military sheets , dedicated to the spread of free education, etc., talk elsewhere. We add here the almost bare mention of some newspapers appeared in Argentina until the Centennial, May 1910. In Buenos Aires in 1906 was born the fortnightly Fulgor (Glare), representing a trend somewhat critical of to the Protest, the weekly Rumbos Nuevos, and La Antorcha, also weekly (January 1906, under the wording of Jos Mara Prez). In 1907 a weekly comes to light, Los Nuevos Caminos. The following year we have, from the first test day June 1 under the direction of Alberto Ghiraldo, the

Buenos Aires, which was short-lived, a literary critic and libertarian. Among his collaborators included J. More and Pi, Jos de Maturana, Julio R. Boats, Antonio Monteavaro, etc. Also in 1908 appeared the fortnightly "Light and Life (June 8, the number 6 is 9 September) and The Awakening of Abel Giraldes. In number 3, Light and Life writes: "The anarchist ideal, the larger philosophical, tends to the complete human emancipation, and that is why we cannot ignore the labor movement, but, on the contrary, the more decided propagator and the most enthusiastic supporter of union societies "words that define their ideological position. In Rosario we have Nuevas Brisas (from October 1905 to 1906) and the journal Clarn (the first issue is June 1906, the number 4 is December), to be among the main contributors to this latter Enrique Garcia Thomas, J. M. Acha and Froilan Villarruel. In the same city is The Rebel (first issue of October 6, no., 6 of March 9, 1907), a newspaper without fixed appearance and had no long life. In 1908 there came an organ entitled monthly Va Libre!, Which we have not seen any numbers. In Mendoza there was an organ of long duration, New Thought (1907-8) with a resurrection after the World War of 1914-18. In Crdoba in 1907 appeared The Proletarian, from March 18 (the number 4 is May 31). In San Pedro (1907-8) Germinal, which was merged with New Campaign (1909), the literary magazine of Gonzalez Pacheco and T. Antilli. In Germinal, in addition to these, the brothers Alejandro and Pedro Maino worked assiduously, the first of which is currently provincial deputy of Buenos Aires. Pedro Maino has authored several novels and literary essays that we speak about elsewhere. P41 In Tucumn was in 1908-9 monthly an organ, published by the Centre for Social Studies, (Rumbos Nuevos) New Directions, in the same city, was born in 1909, a unique number, Germinal, the first of May. In late 1908, is also the newspaper, Neither God Nor Master. With the same title as that of Tucumn, New Directions (Rumbos Nuevos), there was a newspaper in Bahia Blanca (from July 5, 1908, do not know if it arrived at Centenario) Bahia Blanca was also the individualist newspaper L'Agitatore (1905 - 1908) and the short-lived weekly Sheet of the People (Hoja del Pueblo) (since 1908). In Paran existed La Rfaga (The Burst) (from 15 in 1908, the No. 12 is the January 22, 1910), among his top aides was Roch Naboulet. In Paran existed the burst (from 15 in 1908, the No. 12 is the January 22, 1910), among his top aides was Roch Naboulet. Chacabuco was for some years written propaganda center testifying newspapers there appeared, such as the monthly organ Earth (from the July 7, 1907), the precursor (the number 5 is the June 9, 1909), The combat (1913). In Lomas, near Buenos Aires, appeared at the beginning of 1909 some numbers of Life.

In La Plata was released in January 1909 an organ libertarian ideas (whose title comes yet a second time), its editors were Anbal Gonzlez and Femado del Intento. In the same city another paper titled Vibrations appeared in the second half of 1909. While all this press was valued like disquieting of, and stimulating spirits of rebellion, it had some periodic extremes that note of personal criticism, exalting in a negative work to some extent, such as Campana Nueva against La Protesta y of El Despertar against Campana Nueva and in defense of La Protesta. Internal discussions did frustrate many efforts and sowed the seed of discord and enmity that last still, twenty years later. In any case warned long before the Centennial a certain hostility between by presses encouraged the labour movement and the press of literary pretensions, the latter more abundant in Argentina than in any other country. With the above do not intend to give a full list of anarchist periodicals published in this country since the law of residence in 1902 at the Centennial period, in May 1910, the list could be supplemented by a series of ephemeral leaves appeared in Buenos Aires and in the provinces during those years to which we refer. And yet it would be appropriate to add a list of over 20 unique numbers occasional, in memory of Bresci, May Day, November 11, in favor of antimilitarism, in defense of a thesis, etc, etc. All this, plus the newspapers of libertarian literature anarchist union, organs, continues to the edition books and leaflets., Can give an idea of the character intense it had reached anarchist propaganda in Argentina. A word about the impact of the Argentine movement in neighbouring countries, especially in Uruguay. Deportees from Argentina, when they could, went down in Montevideo and there continued propaganda, others fled to Paraguay, doing the same. Thus we see continually arise anarchist press in Montevideo, like Combat (communist anarchist no. 4 is the December 9, 1905), where collaborating Virginia Bolten, Francisco Berri and others deported from Argentina, earlier had appeared just as El Libertario (February 5, 1905, 11 issues or more as Nettlau) En Marcha, (June 10, 1906 until mid-1908). Antonio Loredo, one of the good propagandists, published in Montevideo Workers Action (1908). And it does not end with the Uruguayan anarchist literature: in Salto came from the April 1, 1906 some numbers of Germinal, and Roberto D'Anjou, arriving from Italy in 1906, before moving to Argentina, gave birth to the Giustizia (in Italian). There was in the same locality other organs such as Forward (1909-10), El Surco (1909), The New Path (18 September 1909, a second time in 1913). In Asuncin (Paraguay), saw the light The Rebellion (1908-09), The Tribune (1909). In Santiago de Chile comes El Oprimido in 1906, La Protesta (in 1908-1912), well known title in Argentina, in Dolores station (Tarapac) existed Agitation (1905), in Antofagasta. Light and Life (1908-09).

P42 CHAPTER VII Anarchism in Literature No country where anarchism has been so influential in literature as in Argentina, except for a period in France, the brilliant period of Octavio Mirbeau, Bernard Lazare, Paul Adam and others. One can say that the vast majority of young writers from Argentina were tested, from 1900 to now about as supporters of anarchism, as collaborators of the anarchist press and some even as full-fledged members. Of them were but few in the movement; some passed to diametrically opposed camps, others simply forgot their ideas of youth and the support in the revolutionary masses to their productions, others lost all character and all creative capacity as walked away from the battles of anarchism. But the work is there, both of writers who are openly proclaimed anarchists like those who were influenced more or less by our ideas. No one will take away the Argentine theatre, for example, a seal predominant social poetry of the country is mostly unruly and generally the best of the national literature breathes a libertarian breath relatively strong, a trend that only now we see partly offset by the influence of fascism and nationalism more morbid in some writers. The first place in the literary anarchism corresponds undoubtedly, Alberto Ghiraldo, rebellious poet and fighter with a personality of his own, which layered a special form of propaganda, unmatched by any other in the country, despite all the trials. The magazines of Ghiraldo remain unique in their genre, by their popular nature, breadth of vision; by their freedom that gave expression likeminded ideas, without thereby ever losing their libertarian character. They represented a wide field of propaganda that have been closed after our efforts, despite the persistence of some elements more or less prestigious of the letters in our field. El Sol (1898-1902) is precursor of Martin Fierro (1904-05) and Ideas and Figures (1909-1916), the popular illustrated weeklies, a scathing critique of all evil, all social and political ills of doctrinal guidance at times, exponents of uneasy, subversive and discontented literature. Never forgotten among anarchists are the gestures of Ghiraldo, relatively protected in his bourgeois origin, against the police and authorities, such as the appearance of that poetry Mother Anarchy, in a period of police terror, when all spirits were oppressed by the reactionary raid. At various times of danger, is spearheading La Protesta and contributed not a little to give it a feisty character and grouped around it to some writers of worth. For nearly fifteen years he fought against laws indomitable exception and not leave resource untouched to produce its prestige and its suppression. Since 1916 is in Spain, and has recently published a novel, Burning Human (Barcelona, 1925) where he makes a kind of summary of his memories in the social struggles of Argentina and in whose character we seem to see a self-portrait. Ideas and Figures, the magazine's longest running Ghiraldo appeared on May 13, 1909, with a previous announcement the first of May, 8 pages and a poem: "The gallows bloom" out in Argentina 136 numbers (the Finally is the August 24, 1916). Was brought to light in Spain, some time, but was not affirmed there. His principal collaborators were Mas y P, Julio R. Barcos, Jos de Maturana, Julio Cruz Ghio, Juan Pedro Caln, etc., etc. It is a publication that should not be passed up by any literary

historian of Argentina. Also, in the times that Ghiraldo led the editorial of La Protesta we find as collaborators Mario Chiloteguy, Julio Molina and Vedia, Angel Falco, etcetera. The works of Ghiraldo are quite numerous, works of theatre, poetry, prose. Here are some: La Voz de Alarma (poesas, 1903), Msica prohibida, (versos 1004), Alas, (comedia 1905), Triunfos nuevos, (versos 1911), Los nuevos caminos, Carne doliente, La tirana del frac. .. (Crnica de un preso 1905), Gesta, Crnicas argentinas. His most interesting theatrical production, the noisiest, was Alma Gaucha, a drama in three acts, but this work, like The Pillar of Fire, drama in three acts, belongs P 43 to the time after the Centennial and now we propose to refer only to anarchism and its various forms and expressions up to 1910. Juan Mas y Pi wrote a volume about Ghiraldo, (Alberto Ghiraldo, Buenos Aires, 1910), it helps to know this personality; Mas y Pi tragically died in a shipwreck, but had previously been removed from the movement. We could not least mention Florencio Snchez also, the greatest of the South American playwrights, the creator of the named Theatre National, collaborator of the anarchist press, of El Sol, of La Protesta, propagandist, unrepentant bohemian (born in 1875 in Montevideo and died on November 7, 1910 in Italy). The impetus given by him to the theatre still exists and has been capable of that forms a scathing social critique and evoke feelings of justice and moral improvement in the village. We give an overview of his life, after his intervention in the uprising of Aparicio Saravia, taken to a speech of Vicente Martinez Cutio on November 14, 1910, in Buenos Aires theatre: He returned to Montevideo once the civil war had ended; embraces a modern apostolate, preaching justice against pain and launches into this land, driven by infinite vertigo. "And here begins the second stage of his ordeal. March on the way by lifting with one million feet of thorns. Crosses between storms and takes to find the middle aromatic had dreamed. him easily entangles hunger as much as anguish bites his bowels. Notwithstanding darkness, smiles, because in deep black sky sees rising the star of love. Rosario in throws darts at ruling provincial, and write another piece. honest people, who signs "Stein". The bossy arbitrariness prohibits representation at eight at night, fearing a probable Voltaire. Harass him like a beggar to manhood of the articles responds the lead traitor, do not hit the target, and between polemics and persecutions ends Canillita, climbing on stage in full agricultural empire. The audience applauds and the press is silent, enrarecindole the atmosphere. Appears a single chronicle signed by Alfredo C. Lopez... He returned to Buenos Aires; pilgrim for newspapers and magazines, with little success, generally. The drama of misery is chosen by the protagonist. Struggle without success; fate precedes it as a curse and carpet track with pebbles. You're drinking encouragement to the coulter of love. The
friends are few and are poor and he is proud, .. Florencio wants to eat ... One night decides to for the last time ram against destiny; acquires role in the national telegraph office, is enclosed in a damp

hovel write a comedy in three acts that Joaquin de Vedia delivers to the company of Jeronimo Podesta. Soria warns the treasury immediately, the comedy is tested, announced to the public the premiere of M'hijo el Dotor, anonymous and that great journalism gets in one night the final consecration. The ovacional clatter of the following representations made by Florencio Snchez man more popular and, perhaps, the most beloved young of Buenos Aires. Arises in the full light of glory a powerful wit".

The most comprehensive and detailed work on Florencio Snchez is the volume as you dedicated Roberto F. Giusti (Florencio Sanchez, his life and work, Buenos Aires 1920, pp. 119. 80). Here is a list of the plays of Sanchez: Gente honesta, sainete de costumbres rosarinas (1902), Canillita, sainete, apodo do un vendedor de diarios de Rosario y que desde entonces sirve para denominar a los vendedores de diarios en general, (1902), M'hijo el dotor, comedia dramtica, la obra que le consagr autor favorito del pblico (1903) ; Cdulas de San Juan, pieza en\los actos ( 1 9 0 4 ) ; La Gringa, comedia (1904) ; La pobre gente, comedia (1904); Barranca abajo, drama en tres actos, una de las joyas del teatro obrero (1905) ; Mano Santa, comedia (1905); En familia ( 1 9 0 5 ) ; Los muertos, drama en tres actos (1905) ; El conventillo, zarzuela (1906); El desalojo, comedia (1906) ; El pasado, comedia (1906); Los curdas, sainete (1907 ); La Tigra, comedia (1907); Moneda falsa, sainete (1907); El Cacique Pichuleo, zarzuela (1907) ; Nuestros hijos, comedia dramtica (1908) Los derechos de la salud', comedia (1907) Marta Gruni, sainete (1908); Un buen negocio, comedia (1909). That created theater school and, as we have said, has not been overcome yet. By the Argentine anarchist movement also passed, as we have noted already, Julio Camba, the famous Spanish writer, deported to Spain in late 1902. He was part of the newspaper La Protesta Humana, and participated in many other fields; P44 And in Spain, published in Madrid a newspaper of propaganda, The Rebel, but the literary triumphs led him to the position he is today. Another literary figures of anarchism in Argentina was Jose de Maturana, the sensitive poet and playwright well known. On several occasions he was part of the editing La Protesta and his name will go down in literary history Argentina by the sensitivity that has revealed by the personality that he knew created and idealism that motivated him. His book of poems, The Sources of the Road, (Buenos Aires, 1909), contains the most select of his pen. He knows quite well the poem Song of Spring "(Buenos Aires, 1912) and the play The Wheat Flower. Had also a literary magazine itself, New Roads (first issue May 1906, No. 4 March 1907), the title of a book by Alberto Ghiraldo, who bound him great friendship and admiration. Maturana also walked away in his last years of the active movement, but without giving up, was a staff decadence, of the character, which he canceled prematurely. One of his last vibrations as an anarchist was the singing to the death of Francisco Ferrer (Francisco Ferrer, the voice of the century, Buenos Aires, 1909, 10 p.) Died on June 7, 1917 in Crdoba. In his other books and pamphlets cite collection of sonnets Chromos (Buenos Aires, 1901), Lucila, poem (1902), Poems of Colour (1903), honest people, stories and dialogues (1907). Has about

twenty plays, some in collaboration, on various subjects. The best known is The workers environments is the flower of the Wheat. It also owes a piece about the Residence Act. Peter J. Calou, died young, whom the new literary generations stand and admire, was another literary anarchists, and we see it in 1905 as secretary of a propaganda group of free schools, collaborated in the libertarian press a long series of years and never stopped in the ranks from progressive bourgeois journalism and literature from the stands. Restless and insatiable spirit, ended up seeking solutions to their internal problems in theosophy. In Montevideo also formed an interesting group, with projections to Argentina: the Future magazine (July 15, 1904, about seven numbers). The magazine published a fortnightly supplement of battle. The Rebellion, ephemeral publication. We do not know who has had involvement in that group Angel Falco, the poet of the great sonorities, kinsman spiritual by verse of Santos Chocano, author, among other things, the volume of poems Life that sings (1908), but its main editors were Edmundo Bianchi (Lucretius Espindola) and Leopoldo Duran (Adolfo Anarkos), known literary names. Recalling the era of 1904-05 the occasion of a workers slaughter in Buenos Aires, the week of January 1919, writes Alfredo A. Bianchi (Forsaken!, Clarity magazine, Buenos Aires, February 5, 1920, p. 2): "I remember like it was yesterday. Was six o'clock Saturday morning that followed the Friday night they ran so much innocent blood. At first cry of diareros, pull me out of bed and went down to the street to buy the Newspapers. toured feverishly searching its pages the story of the massacres he imagined. Among the chronicle of events, I found the scene in the Congress. I read with curiosity and pity, but to reach a part of the chronicle, my eyes stopped aghast. I could not believe what I was reading. A young member, close friend, inseparable from distant university initiation, the same as was our leader and our guide in those years of rebellion of 1904 and 1905, when we went to the Faculty of Arts with the brochure of Malatesta anarchy, in the pocket and the protest and Basterra journal New Directions in hand, was the one who delivered the most jingoistic and xenophobic of all"... This transcript reveals two things: it could be very interesting chapter on the renegades of anarchy then converted in politics or journalism, factors of reaction, and for years to go back to those memories, anarchy was the spiritual bread of educated youth. Speaking of Felix B. Basterra, one of whose newspapers, New Directions, quote Alfredo A. Bianchi, (Another was The Story of the Uncle, weekly, June and July 1902, six numbers, Buenos Aires), we will say a few words. It was for four or five years, Pascual Guaglianone, one of the best forces of anarchism regional oratorical. See the fruits of his pen are not without interest, but did not persist in the movement. When he was deported in 1902, wrote a 'book, The Twilight of the gauchos (Montevideo, 1903), which soon saw two editions, and there is a brochure here: About social science. Study (Buenos Aires, La Protesta Humana, 31 p. 1901). His best literary productions are the Legends of humility (Buenos Aires, 1904). P45

In 1908, when he wrote the volume Contemporary Issues (Buenos Aires 1908. Pp. 132. 80) and was actually on the other side of the barrier. His personal situation will improve, no doubt, physically, but his spirit was exhausted in the transition to the camp of the bourgeoisie. Not exhausted with this this kind of catalog that we suspend in 1910. We can also mention James Locascio, of which we know the following pamphlets and books: Social Traits (1899), The Martyrs of Chicago (1904), Giuseppe Ciancabilla (1905), Guidelines, pages of polemic (1911), some dramatic sketches and study on Juan B. Alberdi (1916, '- 153 p.). He worked many years in La Protesta, was deported to Italy in 1902 and had some magazines until recent years that seems to have withdrawn completely from the movement. A literary anarchist magazine-length was Germ, of Buenos Aires, the first monthly and then fortnightly (the first number is the October 1, 1906, was suspended in 1909 and reappeared shortly after the Centennial, with Santiago Locascio as director). He lived until 1912. The soul of the publication was actually Alfredo Guichard, its Administrator, in writing find. Pellagatta, Alejandro Sux to Locascio, Vicente A. Salaverri, and as contributors M. R. Ziga, Pedro J. Calou, Angel Falco, Juan Mas y P, Alfredo Piuma Schmid, Francisco Sarache, Prez y Curs, Fernando del Intento, O. Fernndez Ros, Segundo Nachon, etc. Dibujan en ella J. Speroni, F. Catalano y J. S. Parodi. Alejandro Sux had a period of enthusiasm, when he made in La Protesta the "My Sunday", when he led the magazine Germ and wrote the novels of the Argentine libertarian environment: Bohemia revolutionary and Love and Freedom. Of his anarchist past is; six days in jail Mendoza (1908), and some other brochures. His performance ranges from approximately 1905 to 1911. In Paris made an attempt to breathe life into a literary magazine, Ariel, (1913), but was unsuccessful. Julio Molina y Vedia, the translator of the little that is known in Spanish by Edward Carpenter, author of a book is well thought out: Towards intense life, (Buenos Aires, 1904). We do not know if this has continued to produce literary writer, since that time, 1904, his name disappears from our press. The magazine Letters (July to October 1907, four numbers, Buenos Aires), is another expression of literary anarchism in Argentina. Their concern for the specific problems of anarchism is more pronounced than in Germ, its authors are Julio R. Barcos, Jos de Maturana and Mario Chiloteguy, the polemic against the writing of La Protesta too occupies its pages, and that was one reason, surely, of his early demise. Would have to quote yet Ricardo Carrene, the worker poet, author of From my Selva, poetry collection (Buenos Aires, 1911) and of numerous contributions to the press of ideas; Mario Villa, Alfonso Grijalvo, Leoncio Lasso de la Vega, the famous bohemian and writer of fiber (see his collection El morral, a bohemian, prose and verse, Montevideo 1913), etc., Peter Maino, author of the novel the crime of many (San Pedro, 1907), of the anarchist environment. Of Pierre Quiroule will talk between post-Centennial anarchist writers, because at that time corresponds their utopias fictional. But it would be unpardonable to omit the name of Rafael Barrett in this count. About him George R. Forteza has written a small essay (Rafael Barrett, his life and his work, Buenos Aires, 1927). As a writer and social critic he belongs to the best that has been seen in these countries. Barrett in the

republics of the Plata, and Gonzlez Prada in Peru, are the most interesting literary figures libertarian of Latin America. Death overtook him when were compiling his writings scattered in Montevideo (in the printing of Orsini Bertani, whom we know from the time of The Persecuted). Here are some titles of that collection: Paraguayan Pain (1911), Looking to live (1912), short stories. The Natural (1911). Dialogues and conversations and other writings (1918), current Morals (1911). Published in the libertarian newspaper in Paraguay, Germinal, in the last years of his life (1908-9) and one of his last vibration was his protest against the terror of the Argentine Centennial (1910). There was no anarchist party, he was a free thinker, a freelance writer. That is why he has coincided with anarchism, which makes a profession of faith in these terms, transcribed integrally (Looking to live, - My Anarchism, p. 221-24): "I have only the etymological sense:" absence of government. "We must destroy the spirit of authority and prestige of the law. That's all. "It will be the hour of free inquiry, P46 "The ignorant imagine that anarchy is disorder, and ungoverned society ever becomes chaos. Conceive no other order which the order imposed externally by terror weapons. "But if it were set in the evolution of science, for example, would see how, with decreasing the spirit of authority, extended and strengthened our knowledge. When Galileoby dropping from atop a tower objects of different intensity showed that the rate of fall was not dependent on their masses, since once they reached the ground, so conclusive witnesses refused to accept the experience, because I did not agree with what Aristotle said. Aristotle was the government scientist; his book was the law. were other legislators: St. Augustine, St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Anselm. And what is left of their domination? The memory of a hindrance. We know that the truth is based only on the facts. None wise, it illustrates, today presented his authority as an argument, none pretend impose their case by terror, simply discovers to present their experience, that all repeat and verify what he did. And this? Qu.es? The free inquiry, intellectual foundation of our prosperity. Modern science is great for being essentially lawless. And who will be the crazy that tache of disordered and chaotic? Social prosperity requires the same conditions. Anarchism, as I understand it, is reduced to free political discussion. We need cure us of the respect for the law. The law is not respectable. It is the obstacle to any real progress. It is a notion that must be abolished. Laws and constitutions that by violence govern the people are false. Are daughters of a barbaric minority who seized the brute force to satisfy their codiciay his cruelty. . Perhaps social phenomena obey laws deep. Our sociology is still in its infancy, and does not know. Undoubtedly, we should investigate them, and that if we clarify we are immensely helpful. But while we possessed, ever the erigiramos code or system of government. What for? If indeed are natural

laws, will be met by themselves, like it or not. Astronomers do not command the stars. Our only role will be witnesses. Clearly written laws are not alike, nor by lining, to the natural laws.Valiente majesty of those old scrolls that any revolution burning in the public square, throwing ashes forever! A law that requires of the gendarme, usurps the name of law. There is no such a law: it is a hateful lie. And what gendarmes! To understand how our laws are contrary to the nature of things, the genius of mankind, is enough to contemplate the colossal arms, bigger and bigger every day, the massive brute force governments to be stacked in order to endure a few more minutes pushing invisible souls. Nine-tenths of the earth's population, by written laws, are degenerate by misery. Do not lay hold of much sociology, when you think about the wonderful and creative skills of assimilating children more races "inferior" to appreciate the folly of that monstrous waste of human energy.The law kicks the wombs of mothers! We are within the law and within the Chinese foot Brodequin like baobar within the Japanese pot.We are dwarfs volunteers! What if I do not fear the "chaos" if we desembarazamos of the Brodequin, if we break the pot and planted in the ground, with the vastness ahead? What do the shapes future? The reveal reality. We are certain that they will be beautiful and noble, as free tree. That our ideal is the highest! Do not be "practical". Do not try to "improve" the law, replacing a Brodequin by another. The more inaccessible appears ideal, the better. The stars guide the mariner. Let us note at once the far end. Just point out the shortest path. And before you win. What to do? Educate and educate. It boils down to the free exam.That our children to examine the law and despise! "

CHAPTER VIII Anarchism in the labor movement The most intense expression of anarchism in Argentina, however, we have in the labor movement, in part because the anarchists have been the first P 47 founders of the anarchist union resistance societies, in part because there is a large number of militants of origin and proletarian life. In creating a labor movement itself it is the root of the vitality of regional anarchism, which no one doubts, though they may be noted some negative aspects of that performance working, especially the danger of sloughing and splits in times of personal feuds between leaders' and the propensity to restrict the field of anarchist action to purely workerist. However the benefits, the parties affirmative, positive, far outweigh the negatives and anarchism in Argentina has no reason to regret having done as it has done: putting the basis of their performance in the labor movement, not limited by it no libertarian expression in other fields. The lessons of the past teach us that the more freedom you have to they expand our ideas in all shades and land and

how much greater internal solidarity exists as a common denominator of these various expressions, more force acquires the entire movement. There in the labour union movement of Argentina are some traditional characteristics that would possibly disappear altogether if it were not for the persistent influence of anarchism. There in the union labour movement of Argentina some features traditional and that possibly not disappear altogether as long as the influence of anarchism. For example, before the Russian revolution, the question of class unity, the unique organization, was a little less than sacred taboo in almost all countries. After the Russian Revolution has lost much of its prestige by the abuse that the Bolsheviks did the idea of the "united front" to cleave more deeply the proletariat. But anarchists in Argentina mostly agreed, Ghiraldo and few others who were active in the labour movement directly, to break with the illusion of unity and to demand the right to have a oriented union sorted by one's own ideas and tactics. La Protesta cried, for example, during the separation of the socialists from Federacin Obrera Argentina, in April 1902: Beneficial spin (10 May 1902), and the idea that we have put forward over the years against the Bolshevik comedies of (10 May 1902), and the idea that we have put forward over the years facing Bolshevik the comedies of unity, is expressed in the regional libertarian press of all time. Here's a snippet of the journal Clarn of Rosario, whose chief editor was Enrique Garcia Thomas, who has made brilliant campaigns against fronts and congress of unity, until shortly before being seduced by the Russian Bolshevism: "Labor, social studies journal that appears in Buenos Aires. Their reading material is selected and varied. Disagree in their assessment of the failure of the merger workers, which gives anarchists and union intransigence. We believe that this merger was impossible and performed, its existence had been ephemeral because they unify the trends that divide the working class, it's like pulling teeth. The big mistake, in our view, is to accept unthinkingly the last congress of the Workers' Federation of the merger the idea. If the project is being proposed study well, it might have been rejected, which would have avoided many sacrifices and a new bitterness to discuss in that division before lamenting that "(No. 7, April 1907, p. 11) It is an idea that can make objections theoretically, but in practice it is the logical result of the most perfect existing mindset. misleading or false, we can say however that anarchismadvantage of its influence in the labor movement , represented in this country a force not easily windable. His was always the initiative of resisting with all energy social the legislation, that modern chain of the Social-Democratic proletariat of other countries. And although the Socialists have done in parliamentalong with the Conservatives more indomitable, everything they could to make their labor legislation projects successful, have failed so far, as we saw not long ago with the law of retirements that the government of President Alvear had to repeal under the pressure of popular protest led by anarchists. The same fate had run the national bill work of archconservative Joaqun V. Gonzlez, 1903 (see for example the project Reviews Gonzalez, Alberto J. Castro and C. Garcia Balsas, Montevideo and Buenos Aires, 63 p. 90), and in that bid advances reactionaries by social or worker the legislation and anarchist resistance, born in Falcon, the man with the newspaper project, his hatred of anarchism. Precisely the demonstration of May, 1909 in Buenos Aires, made famous by the slaughter, was the abolition platform demands of my work record system in other European countries would not have been waking so intense resistance of the proletariat. About the ideas that we call fundamental to the anarchist interpretation of the labor movement in Argentina, we have worked with E. Lpez Arango (Anarchism in the labor movement, Barcelona, 1926) by providing an outline: it is, according

P 48 to our view, overall, the doctrine that comes from the experience and tradition of workers' struggles in Argentina and the participation of anarchists in them, do not always agree on these points and theoretical and tactical view so commonly accepted in other countries, but the statement made by us in this volume in general is nothing new, but something that had claimed as many other mainstream militants during a quarter century of propaganda, experiences and struggles. Dr Creaghe was also pervaded this view of the importance of the labor movement as the basis of anarchism, is seen in the answer he gave to an article in L'Oreste Ristori Avenire, where this compaero said, Take away a Guaglianone, take away Ghiraldo, take away Altair, take away Basterra, take away four or five others who know, and know how to express what they want, what they think, where they go, etc.., and tell me, Why is that reduces the awareness (and by the
awareness I understand conviction formed by knowledge, by the notion of good and evil, with what is useful and the useless) of all the others who are anarchists don't know why." (a qu se reduce la

conciencia (y por conciencia entiendo conviccin formada por el conocimiento, por la nocin del bien y del mal, de lo til y de lo intil) de todos los otros que son anarquistas no se sabe por qu?") Dr. Creaghe responded in La Protesta Humana "Articles like that of compaero Ristori will remain unanswered. They bear within themselves the sin of emptiness and are destined not to be." In the same spirit seems inspired the polemic he held with Guaglianone and Altair on intellectual and manual workers (July 1903) regarding a resolution of the Third Congress of the Workers' Federation against the admission of intellectuals in the societies for various occupations. The loss of valuable speakers, writers and organizers because of the residency law was painful, but not fatal; shortly after the thrust of the movement had grown to equalize the situation. On May 1903, 25,000 workers attended the rally and demonstration of the anarchists, and many others had attended a protest against the judge who heard the case for the events of Deria corduroy "Princess" one of the processes loudest against anarchists (against Francisco Berri and colleagues). A few days after the siege lifted in early January 1903, workers renew their conflict Central Fruit Market. In ten days of strike won a partial victory. It was a sign that the proletariat had not been crushed or terrified. From 6 to 9 July 1903 performed the third congress of the Workers' Federation Argentina, with delegates from the capital and the provinces, in its meetings Ghiraldo takes part as a delegate of the stevedores of Villa Constitucin. It resolved to continue their work towards the establishment of a newspaper as a propaganda weapon against the Residence Act, approving a motion of the cigar makers saying that the Federation will never raise petitions to public authorities and assumed an attitude contrary to the cooperatives both of production and consumption. Here is the text of some of the resolutions adopted at the conference: "The economic organization of the proletariat can be considered as the primary step in the way of the emancipation of labor. "The worker socialism is a vast conception of which is bound to be excluded all idea encarnadora of legislative and parliamentary action today reduces, rather limited, that conception to the narrow spirit of the game."

Another asks economic equality of women and men to support and mutual independence. It also recommends the formation of libraries and the realization of all that is likely to improve the education and enlightenment of the members of the unions. In the same month held a congress of port workers, organized by the Resistance Society of Workers of the Port of Buenos Aires, which had about 5,000 members then. To that congress the dockworkers of Buenos Aires well attended, carpenter workers of installations for transportation of live cattle, " also in the capital, the workers of Barracas and Central Market Frutos of Barracas South, port workers La Plata, San Pedro longshoremen, longshoremen of the riverside of Rosario, longshoremen of V. Constitucin, of Colastin, of Puerto L Borghi, of port Paganini, of Puerto General San Martn, the port workers of Montevideo, longshoremen of the bank of Salto Oriental. Their most important decisions were relating to the organization of the workers in the industry and its relationship with all related labour organizations in the world. P49 Longshoremen, as seen, constituted those times the basis of the labor movement-oriented by anarchists. And such was its strength that the bourgeoisie and the state cannot always break their movements claimants, dedicated themselves since then their major energies to intervene with its policy of corruption, bribery, etc., to weaken the hegemony of the anarchists in the port area. For example, following a strike in December 1903 emerged an Argentine society of longshoremen, led by Dr Capurro, which aimed to destroy the ports organization of resistance. Not having been successful in their mission is renewed the attempt in August 1905 with an association of free labour protection, which would later be the National Association of Labour, his main field of operations was the port of Buenos Aires; aspired to recruit sufficient numbers of strikebreakers as to put then obstacles to the threat of conflict strikers, that instead, to be overcome by improving wages and working conditions, it they wanted to prevent with the police terror and systematic organization of strikebreakers. The first of September of 1904 took place in Rosario a congress longshoremen; reformism and the bourgeois had already made their preparations for laying actual in the port area of the country. In some parts more or less achieved asserted. Delegates from the port of Buenos Aires, Carballo Constant and Joaquin Grana, withdrew from that conference, understanding well the route they wanted to prevail, they retreated with the following delegations: Nicols Gonzalez (of San Nicols), Juan Llorca (of sailors and foguistas of Buenos Aires), Luis Valle and Jose Varela (San Pedro). Juan B. Solari (Baradero), Andres Freire (Bell), Elias Lafont (Zarate) and others. The Congress, therefore, failed. But capitalism and the state had in law of residence a valuable tool to get rid of some prominent anarchists. The appearance and disappearance of unions is a phenomenon almost characteristic of anarchist unionism; at times police action contributes to this, which expels the most outstanding components and prevents the continuation of propaganda, at other times other causes; but we note the fact. For example, after the repression of November-December 1902, shows a society of painters, The Universal, in Buenos Aires, which was no longer the same old society of painters; in 1904 it merged with the Universal and formed The Cosmopolitan Painters Union of Buenos Aires, adhered to the F.O.R. and had F. Castrillejo as secretary.

Following its trajectory until today, you would see how often was its constitution, its change of men and of names, their alternatives of vigour union and decay. And this has happened with the majority of the guilds. We see the old society of masons, one of the oldest organizations of resistance Buenos Aires, reconstituted in April 1904, as if their history newly commenced then, we see the organ of the bakers melted and reappearing independently since 1894 until today so least a dozen times. La Protesta made, in an editorial, the following characteristic of the year 1903 (January 1, 1904): "Many editions of were dropped leaflets, advertising for many hundreds. Strikes occurred almost daily with varying luck, as you can imagine. There has not been a guild, almost, that has not appealed to them... In the same editorial identifies two new phenomena: the rise of anti-military propaganda and the beginning of incorporation. In 1904 the state the organized labor movement was much more flourishing than before the residency law. P50 The Federacion Obrera Local Rosarina had 24 member unions and in Buenos Aires a force representing the organizations of the Labor Federation Argentina (FOA). What outcome were continuing deportations and prisons but to revive the zeal of the propagandist? About the fighting spirit of those times, here is a recommendation that we transcribe of La Protesta (January 9, 1904): About the fighting spirit of those times, here is a recommendation that we transcribe of protest (January 9, 1904): "No one, absolutely no one, other than a friend of the murderers; anyone that claims to be a man, no one in any way, that has humanitarian feelings, should miss the rally on Sunday 13th, at 3 pm in the Plaza Lorea, not to pay homage that the dead do not need, but that we see their faces. "the police go armed with revolver. . . you know pasting sticks... The rally was organized in protest against the bloody events have occurred in many striker conflicts in Zarate. Memorable is the first of May 1904. The column of about forty thousand demonstrators form in the Plaza Lorea and heads to Mazzini Square parading in front of the premises of La Protesta. The successful demonstration inflames the mood and enthusiasm is indescribable. Telegrams of Rosario had announced a general strike and from the interior of the country came encouraging news. When the speakers were about to speak from the pedestal of the statue of Mazzini, a shot rings out, the shot of provocation for a slaughter. The police seem to have been waiting for this signal to initiate a large gunfight against protesters. It produced panic, therefore, among the great human wave congregated; in the escape nameless outrages occurred. But around the dead and wounded were
many demonstrators in defensive attitude, willing to give their life. The public assistance ambulances collected numerous wounded, workers and policemen. A large group of protesters charged with a dead man, Juan Ocampo, and led him, revolver in hand, to the office of La Protesta. From there, wrapped in a flag was taken to the premises of the Labor Federation Argentina, without the police daring to remove the body from those hundreds of workers who accompanied him, ready for anything.

The police, with great show of force, seized the dead in the premises of the Federation, the workers did not want to be cause for a new slaughter and yielded to the summons to abandon the premises.

The procedure of the police at that time prompted a wave of protests across the country, even the socialist were associated with mourning proletariat and expressed its condemnation of the slaughter vilely provoked. The Fourth Congress of the Workers' Federation of Argentina was held July 31 to August 2, 1904 in Buenos Aires, 56 trade unions attended. It was there where it was resolved that the name of the institution was Argentina Regional Labor Federation (Federacin Obrera Regional Argentina, or FORA). The report of the General Council took this data: from 15 April 1903 to 15 July of the same year, the 42 societies attached 15,212 quotas, and in the same period of 1904, the 66 companies had a total adherents 32,893 quotas. This means a considerable increase. P51 That Congress deliberated against night work, in support of Sunday rest, in favour of the moral boycott of the watchmen in order to "make them aware and make them desert the ranks of the mercenaries who enslave them for the sake of capitalism"; regarding activity of the Federation to armed political conflict, resolves to abstain until its possible as an action itself; is combated the draft national labour law, one of the first attempts of social legislation. About this project J. Alberto Castro and Garcia Balsas wrote a pamphlet on the fundamental rejection of the anarchists. Another resolution so referred to the invasion of mechanization and reads: "Congress recognized as efficient factor of progress and human welfare the colossal development of mechanics, but recommend studying the working class and the organization of forces to arrive shortly expropriation of the means of production, which, now monopolized by capitalism, are prevailing cause of misery, but producers will be delivered to the largest subsidiary thereof and the creators of social wealth." That Congress also approved a pact of solidarity, though extensive, it is transcribed as well as the federalist structure of the organization. It says the pact of solidarity: FEDERACIN OBRERA REGIONAL ARGENTINA PACTO DE SOLIDARIDAD (FORA Pact of Solidarity) Whereas: The scientific development shop, increasingly, to save man's efforts to produce enough to satisfy their needs, that this very abundance of production evicts the workers of the workshop, mine, factory and field turning them into intermediaries, and doing with this increased unproductive employees, increasingly difficult his life; every man requires for sustenance of a number of essential items and therefore need to spend a certain amount of time to this production as proclaimed fundamental justice; that this society carries within it the seeds of its destruction in the perennial imbalance between the needs created by the process itself and the means of satisfying them, the continuing imbalance occurs rebellions strike as witness, that the discovery of a new instrument wealth and perfection of them brings misery to thousands of homes, when reason tells us that the greater ease of production should correspond to a general improvement in the lives of the people, that this contradictory phenomenon demonstrates the vicious social constitution present; that this constitution is vicious because of wars, crimes, degenerations, disturbing the broad concept of humanity have not had more modern thinkers, disturbing the broad concept of humanity have had more modern thinkers, based on observation and scientific induction of social phenomena, that this economic transformation must also be reflected in all institutions, that historical evolution is in the sense of individual liberty, it is essential for social freedom is a fact that this freedom is not lost syndicating with other producers, rather, it increases the intensity and extent that acquires the power of the individual, that man is sociable and therefore the freedom of each is not limited by the other, as the bourgeois concept, but that each complements the others; codified laws, tax, must be

converted into vivid realization of scientific laws made by the people themselves in their continuous aspiration for the better, when it is satisfied the economic transformation that destroys the class antagonisms that make today's man into wolf man and merges a people of free producers to finally the slave and the master, the aristocrat and the commoner, the bourgeois and the proletarian, the master and the slave with their differences have bloodied history, finally embrace under the single name of brothers. The Fourth Congress of the Workers' Federation Argentina declares that it should direct all their efforts on getting the complete emancipation of the proletariat, creating resistance societies, federations of related trade, local federations, consolidating it national so that, proceeding from the simple to the complex , expanding the narrow horizons that have hitherto lived the producers, giving them, more bread, more thought, more life, we can form with the exploited of all nations the great confederation of all producers of the earth, and so solidly we march, steadfast and determined to conquer the economic and social emancipation. P52 1 Organization of the working class of the republic in societies of trade. 2 Constitute with these societies workers the federations of trade and similar trades. 3 Localities form local Federations, provinces, Federations Regional Information, nations, regional federations and the world an International Federation, a Center for Foreign or Office, for each federation more or less, within these communities. 4 Similarly, in the Central Office is appointed for the effects of relationship and struggle, the bodies representing the federations of trade or similar trades at par that will be absolutely independent in their inner life and relationship, their individuals exercise any authority, and may be replaced at any time by a majority vote of the federated societies gathered by congress or federated societies will, expressed through their local federations and trade. 5 the town where there are established societies have joined the Argentina Regional Labor Federation, they each may declare free local agreement. 6 Sitting these principles, the foundation of our organization, be constituted of local federations, based on existing ones. 7 The office of the Regional Labor Federation Argentina, or Federal Council, composed of nine individuals, which will be distributed charges in the manner they see fit. Also be part of the Central Office, or Federal Council, a delegate from each Local Federation, which have the character of correspondents secretaries and vote, and must deal directly with the Federal Council, 8 All societies making up this Federation are committed to practicing each other's undivided support moral and material, making all the efforts and sacrifices that the circumstances require, in order for workers to go always victorious in the struggles leading to the bourgeoisie and the demands of the proletariat.

9 In order for solidarity to be effective in all struggles federated societies undertake, wherever possible should consult their respective Federations, to know exactly the means or resources available to companies that form. ' 10 The society is free and autonomous within the local federation, free and autonomous within the Regional Federation, freely and independently in the Federation Regional. 11 Societies, local federations, federations of trade or similar trades and federations of local, under their autonomy, will be administered in the manner and the way they see fit, and shall take and implement all agreements considered necessary to achieve the purpose they intend. 12 As each company has the right of initiative within their respective Federation, each and every one of its partners, have a moral duty to propose what they see fit, which when accepted by the respective Federation will this make it known Federal Council that this, in turn, it makes known to all societies and federations attached, and put into practice all that they accept. 13 successive Congresses will be ordinary and extraordinary. These will be held as long as the convening of the Covenanters most societies, by their respective federations, federations which will communicate its Federal Council for the material effects of the call. For the first date will be set at the session of each Congress. As for the venue, it will set the Covenanters most societies, for which they will be consulted by the Federal Council two months before the date agreed by the previous Congress, if it is ordinary. 14 The delegates will hold in Congress all representations how many will be conferred by societies of resistance, conferred in shape, but only have one vote in the case of an internal affairs of Congress. For general will have as many votes as representations. P53 15 To be admitted as a delegate to Congress, it will be necessary that the representative attesting your membership in any of the companies adhered to this agreement, and not exercising or having exercised by any political, ie those of MPs, councilors, senior employees administration, etc. 16 The agreements of the Congress are not revoked by the most of the societies Covenanters, will be met by all federated now, and which may hereafter adhere. 17 On each Congress will be determined the locality has to reside in the Federal Council, and the fee to be paid by the societies adhering for the propaganda, organization and editing of the official newspaper. 18 This solidarity pact is reformable at all times by Congress or by the vote of the majority of federated societies, but the federation pact is indissoluble while there are two companies to maintain this covenant. From the date of conclusion of the third congress in the room, there was the following strikes: shoemakers, 21 days, with about 15 thousand strikers; carpenters, 32 days, with some 4,500 strikers port workers, 57 days, with some 6,000 strikers, masons, 36 days, with some 9,000 strikers charioteers, 8 days; drivers, 20 days, with about 2,600 strikers painters, 45 days, with some 3,500 strikers mechanical, 47 days. In short, according to the report, 12 general strikes of trade and

numerous strikes partial. The shoemakers' strike in late May 1904, had repercussions, besides the capital, where it started, in Rosario, Crdoba, San Pedro and other locations. The wave of strikes continues, the vast majority under the inspiration of the anarchist unions. In November 1904 in Buenos Aires there are conflicts of clerks, carpenters, tailors, shoemakers, weavers, workers of the port. That agitation affects unions attached to Rosario. In Rosario, following the death of a baker, Pereyra, by a police officer, Mansilla, there is great indignation in the ranks of the proletariat. The police do secretly bury the dead and the workers
resolved go in demonstration to the cemetery to pay at the fallen the last tribute. On the way firefighters and police, previously drunk, In Rosario, following the death of a baker, Pereyra, by a police officer, Mansilla, there is great indignation in the ranks of the proletariat. The police do secretly bury the dead and the workers resolved to go to the cemetery to pay rally to down the last tribute. On the way firefighters and police, previously drunk, attacked the demonstration with shots from Mauser and Colt revolver and the crowd dissolved. From the pavement were removed three workers dead: Luis Carr, Jacobo Giacomelli and the child Alfredo Seren. The wounded passed fifty. This happened on November 23.

Local Workers Federation declared a general strike in protest, which lasted three days. The motion was accompanied by F.O.R.A. in Buenos Aires and in many parts of the interior. As a result of the strike, a conservative daily, El Diario, Buenos Aires, made some slanderous attacks against the Federal Council of the FORA, calling entrepreneur movement, whose members were known not work either. The Federal Council published in La Protesta and signed an open letter: Corney Francisco, wood lathe operator, working in San Juan, 3043. Bernardo Pardo, carpenter, in the workshops of F. C. Sud Victorio Becar, typographer in print "The Universal", Chile 2150. Leopoldo C. Rodriguez, a journalist in the drafting of the protest, Cordoba 359. Matthew Tedesco, shoemaker, works for the house Stafonini, Street Good Order, Barbazan Joseph, shoemaker, work, on the street Rivadavia 3479. Manuel Vazquez, cigar maker in the "Three Crowns". Alfonso Galn, cigar maker in the "Three Crowns". This was done in front of a vulgar bourgeois slander. It would be impossible to summarize in the space of a chapter labor movements in the country over the course of almost ten years of intense struggle. It would be worth do so carefully and apart, except for Spain and Italy, perhaps in no other country have participated anarchists become as actively as in Argentina in the labour movement. P 54 There was a new upsurge in the prisons, deportation, closing of local workers, etc., Following the abortive radical uprising of February 4, 1905, but in spite of being considerable figures of the new casualties activists in the movement did not stop. he first of May 1905 could not be held on the date consecrated because the state of siege. It held, however, with a great protest meeting organized by socialists and anarchists (the first act in

common after the events of the Residence Act) in Plaza Lavalle. On the way there was a police provocation that led to a new slaughter, of the shooting begun between police and demonstrators were two or three dead and Public Assistance were cured 17 wounded on both sides, not counting those made privately cure. La Protesta published the next day a vibrant extraordinary Bulletin, where we read: "Quintana has already on his conscience - if it exists - more corpses than months in office" ... And continued: "A crowd of no less than forty thousand people left the Plaza Constitucin at 3 in the afternoon, turning up the streets Lima and Cerrito. Their destination, the Plaza Lavalle. Cheerful and lively, the people expressed their freedom-loving cries, who hates tyranny and after ninety days of gag, persecution, raids, assaults and exile, could at last show their aspirations intact". The hoisting of a red flag by protesters, was the pretext for the police assault. The police chief, R. Fraga, directed operations. On September 10 broke a dock strike in Rosario, to it joined several ports, and on October 2 declared a solidarity strike the port of Buenos Aires. The railway Rosario took the favorable event go to a big move. The complexion of the conflict concerns filled to the bourgeoisie and the Chambers declared a state of emergency throughout the country, on October 7. The F.O.R.A. declared a general strike on October 9, a Monday, and in Buenos Aires the movement was maintained pretty well all week. The U. G. of Workers, Socialist, who at first had joined the stoppage only for 48 hours, compelled by force of circumstances, the movement continued according to F. O. R. A. This, during the movement, published a daily newsletter encouraging the fight and reporting on the conflict contingencies. The strike had an impact on the interior, in Rosario, Santa Fe, Mendoza, in Azul, etc. The prisons of the Police Department and the prison of November 24 were filled with workers and anarchists and not having more space was improvised in the transport "Santa Cruz" as a prison. Prisoners of the time we find the names of Atilio Biondi, Bartholomew Bossio (union, Blue), Gabriel Biagiotti, A. Garcia de la Mata, Juan Bianchi, Lorenzo Baudracco (dockers, Rosario). Francisco Lopez, Angel E. Blanco, Francisco Jaquet, Eduardo Gilimn Enrique Garcia . Gomez Muruba, J. Peralta. Some of them were deported. The F. O. R. A. fifth congress held in August 1905, with pretty good success and especially with great enthusiasm. Its resolutions speak eloquently about the mood of. One says: "The fifth congress encourages its adherents not let themselves be led prison without just cause,
reaching up to the violence practice to curb in these police abuses, and the societies to which they belong them moral and material aid.

It supports anti-militarist propaganda, reject the collective labor contracts and resolves to support the agitation movement initiated between the tenants, a movement that culminated in a grand collective protest a couple of years later.
In this congress it publicly decides to set the attitude of the F. O. R. A. before anarchist communism, which it approves and recommends, for the proletariat will not stop at the simple daily conquests.

This fifth congress had the value of that frank ideological definition, and is memorable for having made at a time of police terror, escaping from being dissolved policing strike threats by union adherents, who reached a hundred. There were local Federations in Santa Fe, Rosario, Crdoba,

P 55 Chacabuco and San Fernando, only those five federations had 53 member unions. Also at the conference rejected a proposed pact of solidarity are the General Workers Union, one of the issues debated passionately always in the ranks of Argentine anarchism. Another congress of the Federation, the sixth, was held in Rosario from 19 to 22 September 1906, he attended by more than 50 unions. They took part in the discussion as delegates, Esteban Almada, Santos Montagnoli, Joaquin Luna, Roque Aida Bonet. J. M. Acha, Rafael Torrens, Celestino Moyano, Lotito, etc. A proposal from the builders of Buenos Aires is proposed to fight for the implementation of the six-hour day, and the shoemakers proposal approving the conclusion of a "unification congress" with the U. G. T. that would invite them and the independent trade unions. Another resolution dealt with the intensification of propaganda in favor of a rent strike cut rents. The same commission issued the text of another resolution that called upon fight against increase in prices of necessary commodities for consumption. Colonel Falcon, appointed police chief of Buenos Aires, had already begun his work of fire-fighter of
the revolution Colonel Falcon, appointed police chief of Buenos Aires, had already begun his work of firefighter revolution, and what he did was fan the fire with his abuses, his arbitrariness, his inexhaustible projects against the expansion of anarchism. It was Colonel Falcon that prevented a protest meeting against the process of Ferrer and Nakens, on January 6, it was because of him that from 25 to 27 January of the same year a general strike took place which had, according to the labour press, 140,000 strikers, police said only 80,000.

This movement was made jointly by the F. O. R. A. and U.G. T. and represented a protest against the proposed implementation of the labor card, an official plot against drivers of trucks and other groups that are then distinguished by its spirit of solidarity and combative. At that time, hundreds of workers were arrested. The year 1907 was a year of strikes: the port, in April-May, the refrigerator of Valentn Alsina, in May-June; railway, in June, etc., Etc. A bloody conflict in Bahia Blanca led to a general strike on 2 and 3 August. The most important movement, however, was the rent strike in Buenos Aires, which began in the first half of September, which had its dramatic incidents, their deportation raid and prisons and mostly represented a fertile idea: the complementation the strike of the producers in the factories. A statistical bulletin of the National Department of Labour for 1907 gives these figures: In Germany went on strike during the year, 3 per thousand of the population, approximately, in England just over that figure, in France, about 4 thousand, in Canada just over 5 per thousand in Austria nearly 7 thousand, in Italy for 13 thousand, in Argentina 32 per thousand of the population. The unification congress of F.O.R.A. and U.G.T. no matches, having crashed around in the inability of both parties make abstraction of their political and social ideas and their favorite tactic. The congress was held in Buenos Aires from March 28 to the April 1, 1907. As of 1908, we are happy to provide the following statistics of the organizations of FORA, published in the Illustrated Almanac La Protesta for 1909;

F. Buenos Aires Local Workers, with 25 unions. F. Local Workers Rosario, 15 unions. F. Workers Local Santa Fe, 4 unions. F. Local Workers of Tucumn, 6 unions. F. Local Workers of La Plata, 12 unions. F. Local Workers Mendoza, 5 unions. In addition there were organizations in San Fernando, Chacabuco (two unions), Puerto Borghi, Necochea, Dolores, San Pedro, Campana, Zarate, Chivilcoy, Bolivar, Salto Argentino, Lomas de Zamora (two unions). This was about the state numerical of the FORA in 1903. In 1904 he made further progress, not only in what to the thickening of their ranks are concerned, but also in terms of influence on the whole militant proletariat of Argentina. P56 A feature of the involvement of anarchists in the labour movement in Argentina is the profusion of libertarian union journalism. Apart from the general organs of propaganda, each union of relative strength has been taken as the standard edition of a leaf itself, which is usually not more than an anarchist propaganda newspaper, under the auspices of the union who edits, as purely corporative matters are not treated but in a secondary way. The oldest of these libertarian union organs is The Bakery Worker, The oldest of these organs is the worker union libertarians Baker, founded in 1894 and still continues, through numerous suspensions and reboots. The Worker Bricklayer followed, in 1898 or 1899, exponent of a union strong enough in those days. Then came the labor organization, Organ of the FORA since August 1901. It was published with great irregularity and has been reflected more in La Protesta the life of the organization in the organ itself. Still published yet The painters of Buenos Aires issued their organ in an irregular manner also, The Painter, from the last years of the last century, but not always with libertarian orientation. Other organs are libertarian unionthe lash of Carrero, from 1903, The Graphic, exponent of anarchist tendency within the graphic guild Buenos Aires, 1901. The Dawn of Marino, from the June 23, 1904, a great libertarian publication for several years, then one of the organs of the union reformism, the hatter, hatters union of Buenos Aires, "from 1901, is still published , remaining in the first hour directives: the Carpenter and Sawyer, since 1904, organ of the carpenters libertariantendency Buenos Aires published yet (do not know exactly the time he took that title, because until 1913 was the Worker carpenter, El Obrero Sawyer also existing in 1906): later, in 1911, the Sawyer). They had the drivers own bodies (1903), the owners of one and two cars, Light, (1907), the helpers and laborers kitchen (1904-1910) cobblers (since 1904), the builders of carriages (since 1904), the galponistas (1906), the killers, the Awakening (1906), the fideeros (1907), the railroad (in several occasions). We always refer to the anarchist tendency. A good number of newspapers has been organizing the port of Buenos Aires, starting with the Reporter of the Port, weekly (since 1903), followed The Work, from February (1906), an excellent monthly magazine that drafted Esteban Almada (until his suicide for personal reasons on January 25,

1909), who published a series of supplements, no one will say that the publication detracts from pure anarchists organs. And the example of the unions of Buenos Aires was followed, when he had the chance to do so by unions and federations within the republic. Thus we have El Obrero Carbonero, Ensenada (1906), The Worker Bricklayer, Crdoba (1906), The Struggle, propaganda organ builders of carriages, of matanceros, sailors and foguistas, joined the longshoremen, the bakers and the graphics of Rosario (1906), the Struggle of Tucumn (1907), Aurora (1908), organ of the Local Federation of La Plata, etc. There are periods of proletarian ferment that is difficult to catalog all publications libertarian union, this is seen especially in the time of the Russian revolution and subversive fever post-war (1918-22). There are also many unique numbers of propaganda edited by unions remembering dates and facts, especially on May Day, November 11, etc. lie here some: The Union of the waiters of Buenos Aires, the first unique numbers from 1905 to May 1908, The Dawn of Marino, sailors and foguistas, 1 May 1906, May Day, the workers port (1906), the Hatter (1904), September 7, two unique numbers, one in 1904 and another in 1905, commemorating the second and third anniversary of the founding of the Association of Hatters of Buenos Aires, May 1, Local Workers Federation of Tucumn (1907), the Bricklayer Worker (1903), with memorandum the tenth anniversary of the founding of the Workers 'Society Masons Cosmopolitan Buenos Aires, Festivals, November 30, 1908, published by the Workers' Federation Local Bonaerense, etc. etc. P 57 CHAPTER IX Other forms of action and propaganda Not is exhausted anarchist action in Argentina nor in the edition abundant of propaganda press, nor in the organization of labor unions, the leadership of their struggles and libertarian union propaganda, or in the influence of the various branches of literature we have seen that anarchists were among the first to promote cooperatives in Argentina, who were the first to advocate free school, thus sowing a seed of educational renewal, and we have been the only propagators of antimilitarism, competing in the anticlerical propaganda, with the fiercest freethinkers. A word about anti-militarism. anarchism Being an idea militarist par excellence, we cannot speak of a specific anti-militarist movement and continuous. But rare is the time however that there was a group, newspaper or antibarrack and anti-military activity. Through resolutions of congresses. F.O.R.A. can form an idea of the scope and support of militant anarchism to antimilitarism. In the second congress of the F. O. R. A., April 1902, the decision was made: "The second labour congress, considering that militarism is contrary to the interests of humanity, hopes that will make the greatest possible publicity against the barbaric system, so that as many young recruits pass borders before endorsing hateful livery of murderer waged and legal."

- As you see, the idea of refusing to do military service as propagated now, not then known in Argentina.

In the sixth congress (Rosario, September 1906), is resolved; "The sixth congress, considering that militarization is in contrast to natural law and a sense of patriotism being located, invites the Antimilitarista Committee established in Buenos Aires to form a federation antimilitarist Argentina, will recommending to colleagues working in societies, which induce close associates to join the army to join directly Antimilitarista Committee ", an initiative that remains to be done. In libertarian poets militarist the sentiment had beautiful manifestations, here is a poetry of Jos de Maturana, chosen at random: "At the gates of the barracks" (from the book The Power of the Way): "No surrender to the yoke the militias of work that the injustice bends and egoism annihilates this century angst that the ideal paths of rebellions entrains the groaning underneath! Arise those born to serve as meat scourer tortured by barbarism hatch, as the pain of the people, when the light does not hesitate, in the furrows combat as the stallion, from below. Do not let the coward to leave their herds tribute honoring his prison barracks in the endless twilight bitterness of this infamous ... And we raise on his brow the rose of love alive to show the wealth of positive equality and do not have parental homeland when I call! " ("No se rindan ante el yugo las milicias del trabajo que la injusticia doblega y el egosmo aniquila, sobre esta angustia del siglo que al ideal encarrila por sendas de rebeliones a los que gimen debajo! Levntense los nacidos para servir de estropajo como carne torturada por la barbarie trampilla, ya que el dolor de los pueblos, cuando la luz no vacila, combate como en los surcos el semental, desde abajo. No dejemos al cobarde que abandone sus tropeles para honrar con su tributo la prisin de los cuarteles en la infinita amargura de este crepsculo infame... Y alcemos sobre su frente del amor la rosa
viva para mostrarle el tesoro de la igualdad positiva y hacer que no cuando la patria lo llame!") tenga patria

There were acts of rebellion against the military, were major campaigns against the barracks because of certain facts, but the most common manifestation of the movement in this area is constant encourage you to escape into neighbouring countries, particularly to Uruguay , of deserters and fugitives. That facility is because the active anti-militarism has had in this country Nias bright expressions. Let us recall also that the regional anarchist ultimatum May 8, 1910, it ranked as the third condition for not going to the general strike, amnesty for violators and military deserters.

From specific militarist press, the organ of more length and rooting was Luz al Soldado (from November 11, 1907, no. February 64 is 1914), Buenos Aires, a newspaper of battle that had to deal with subsequently continued persecution. There was in 1909 another anti-militarist propaganda organ, El Cuartel, also, of Buenos Aires, but it appeared few numbers. (It pulled Carlos Balsan). P58 This trend had in the drama of Ghiraldo Alberto, Soul Gaucho (Alma Gaucha), a powerful and lasting expression. The libertarian schools (after the murder of Ferrer, began to be called rationalists) existed in Argentina since the late nineteenth century. The oldest were those of Creaghe in Lujan, other

diverse in Buenos Aires, one in Santa Fe, by 1901, etc.. In the second congress of the F.O.R.A. is believed essential to the future of future generations' "the creation of a vast free education institution". In the third congress approves this resolution: "The third congress of the FORA considered urgent need of founding free schools, where, excluding any sectarian education, children are exposed to the greatest amount of knowledge, thus avoiding brain deformation and preparing broad criteria, able to discuss and compare more later all kinds of doctrines. "The motto of these schools is the freedom for education, and aesthetics instruction and manual learning should join the teaching of science, having as focus the integral development of all faculties." Pedagogical approach, despite its defective drafting, carries much of the views of the so called new school of Ferriere, Bovet, Dewey and others. In the fifth congress of the Federation recommended the unions attached dedication of a portion of its funds to the support of free schools, libraries and publishing brochures, committing F. O. R. A. to support any initiative leading to the formation of these schools. In the sixth congress will reach a resolution issued in the idea of creating a Board of Education and Instruction responsible for organizing day and evening schools, libraries and other things be necessary to raise the proletarian class intellectually giving comprehensive education. That movement has decayed long after the murder of Ferrer, whose initiative in Barcelona was that which spiritually nourished that proletarian movement of school renewal. Especially after the 191418 war weakened both the movement towards the creation of free schools for the anarchist movement, you might think that the idea has disappeared from everyday concerns. One of the modern schools of Buenos Aires, the most important, the forerunner of the school founded by Samuel Torner in 1910-11 and the League of Education Rationalist (1912), published a monthly newsletter from December 1907 to August 1908. In Mendoza was published in 1908 The Modern School, defender organ rationalist teaching (the No. 3 is from the first half of December), of the modern school of the locality. An enthusiast of the rationalist school was Esteban Almada, after the first tests already mentioned at the end of last century before the core of the Rationalist Education League. His biggest militant activity is between 1905 and 1908. He wrote many articles in favor of a social and spiritual renewal for the school, and his was the initiative of the school that had the dockers, rickshaw and other related unions in 1906, and concurred that night (according to Supplement of The work, July 15, 1906), on average 38 of the 58 students enrolled. In 1908 was founded modern schools, in addition to Mendoza, already mentioned, in Buenos Aires, Rosario and Mar del Plata. Many of these trials had an ephemeral existence, but they serve to demonstrate how anarchism in Argentina has tried to apply the ideas in all areas of daily life. Perhaps it lacked men appropriate for systematizing in the field pedagogical a continuous stream of efforts, as was done in the literature and in the labour movement.

The acts called individual, but are nevertheless more linked to what is believed to a collective mood. To an environment conducive to their implementation, in this country have filled some heroic pages. We cannot refer to the countless acts of rebellious character during strikes and the various conflicts between work on the one hand, and the state and capitalism, on the other, nor violent mass demonstrations. We would be incomplete and P59 We would be incomplete and would need a lot of space, it is rare that the conflict workers does not demand to some of its participants guiding spirit of sacrifice and acts more or less reckless and heroic. We will mention only the called bombings Terror lists which regional anarchism vindicates with its solidarity towards the perpetrators thereof. These events are all the same characteristic and about the same external form: an individual more sensitive than others, after an era of persecutions and massacres, stands on avenging the victims and sacrifices his life in an extreme gesture of reparation. We see thus attempting Salvador Planas the August 11, 1905 against President Quintana, as an act of protest against the slaughter of May 21 of that year in Buenos Aires and brutalities against antiworker and her Rosario. (Planas born in Silger Catalonia, in 1881). The revolver of made use failed, the president unharmed. In the process he defended Roberto J. Bunge, with a psychiatric argument. (V.Dr. R. J, Bunge: Justice for Salvador Planas, 24 p.). Francisco Solano Rejis attempt on Figueroa Alcorta the February 28, 1908 in protest against the Residence Act, against the repression of the strike of tenants and other abuses of the reaction. Simon Radowitzky killed November 14, 1909 the police chief of Buenos Aires, Ramon L. Falcon, a famous executioner of the proletariat in one of his exploits, the 1st May 1909, caused in the demonstration workers of the anarchists eight dead and 105 wounded, besides many other similar events that had to his credit. (Radowitzky was born on September 10, 1891 in the vicinity of Kief, Russia, of a proletarian family. He was very young, saw the scenes and participated in the first Russian revolution of 1905 that awoke in him revolutionary inclinations. Upon arrival Buenos Aires came across a Jewish anarchist movement well developed, as deduced from Vida Obrero, Israeli newspaper of 1907, and the El Obrero Libre, 1909, as well as the dissemination of the Arbeiter Fraynd of Rudolf Rocker, published in London, that environment and the great anarchist agitation that time he affirmed in the anarchist ideas that still, liberated in May 1930 after an intense campaign proletarian, is proud). To the fall of Falcon naturally followed, a period of anti-anarchist terror. La Protesta was compromised, its staff was sent to Ushuaia in the company of many other workers. But the spirits were not intimidated. Located in a state of siege, days after the attack, La Protesta issued a clandestine report applauding the young man sentenced to death, and in turn members of the federal council of the F. O. R. A. published, some clandestine organ numbers, Our Defence, we only have to view the December 8. There appears a manifesto of the F.O.R.A. with this text: "Compaeros: Meeting the delegates of the societies workers in the capital mostly attended by delegations from the neighborhood, at the Hippodrome, in view of the gravity of the situation in

which the worker is placed in this region following attack on the former police chief, Colonel Falcon,
it has agreed to do the following:

"Whereas the former police chief, Colonel Falcon, had captured antipathies and hatreds by excessive cruelty to the worker, who came to know their projects draconian tending to favor capitalist pockets at the expense of the producer who was cowardly gunned down in public roads, causing numerous deaths and injuries, and is well known for its brutal actions with the people protested against the high rents, it is logical that a man arises leaving no impunity for these crimes. "That though, say the enemies of the working class and modern ideals, was a worthy man, great servant of the country and existing institutions (class, budget), not enough incommunicado detention and prosecution for thousands of men, thus depriving their children and parents of the
daily support, having already in their hands the author of fact.

"Considering that the state of siege for two months, conceivable only by the outbreak of a revolution, was imposed by the drones of government to raze, outdoor and burning workers newspapers La Protesta and La Vanguardia, the Regional Labor Federation, drivers carts, carpenters, cobblers, tinkers, etc., etc., P60 to slap many comrades, including an elderly man (Dr. Creaghe) for the sole crime of rebellion against such injustice, against such tyranny, against such impudence. ''Considering that freedom of thought and association is severely threatened by the reaction that seeks nothing less than to suppress his body "and permanently banned (see if you dare), labor organizations, bringing this country to a barbarity unprecedented in the history of civilized peoples"... remember constitute a federal Subcouncil and declare in principle the revolutionary general strike. That is not, as seen, the language of those who let themselves be bullied. Those three encouraging, most important up to the centennial, just because it they gave the face and vindicated the reasons for their action, could run away from prison on the same day, January 6, 1911, but could not bring himself Radowitzky, fearing a trap , and escaped Rejis Planas and Solano, who were serving a sentence of sixteen and twenty years, respectively, for the assassination attempts. (See our brochure: Simon Radowitzky, the avenger and Martyr, November 1927, ed. FORA). On the bloody week of May 1909 there is a report socialist: The general strike of the week of May 1909, Buenos Aires, 1909, 118 p., With illustrations, with the inevitable party parcialismos). As a corollary to this list of bombings carried out by anarchists, we should remember the long list of crimes of the reaction. But the list would be very hard to draw, because those indicted for crimes deported social and news; those persecuted, murdered, wounded by police bullets, etc., totaling thousands. A brief summary from 1902 is no other: By the law of residence were deported in November 1902 and subsequent months, Fortunato Serantoni Italian, internationalist Sociological bookstore owner, Oreste Ristori, Arturo Montesano, Luis Magrassi, Orsini Bertani, Antonio Navarro, with his family, Jose Lopez Margarida, Teodoro Lupano, Juan B. Calvo Gonzalez, Juan Casademont Palau Ramon, Francisco Jamin, A. Scopetani,

Reguera, Ros, Virginia Bolten, Romulo Ovidi (later seems to be linked to Uruguayan batllismo)Santiago Locascio, and many others that widened considerably far beyond. We do not stop to mention the workers killed in the conflicts of labor and capital because of government intervention in favor of capitalism. But it is memorable for the events that surrounded the death of Ocampo on May 1904 in the demonstration anarchist police assault in that few other workers were killed, making it almost a hundred injured, including Antonio Marzovillo. Of the hundreds of prisoners on this occasion as on so many others before and since, there is no need to speak. In September of the same year there was a new slaughter in Rosario, which fell four or five workers killed and several dozen wounded. On the occasion of the attempted coup of the radicalismo, in February 1905, President Quintana unloaded on anarchists the most furious of his vengeance. Among the deportees that date we cite Gregorio Inglan Lafarga, Cayetano Criado, Antonio Marzovillo, Constante Carballo, Francisco Luna, Constantino Lpez, Jos Tellechea, Vicente Perducca, Cipriano Lpez, Francisco Jaquet, Benito Puente, Joaqun Hucha, Alfredo Iglesias, Jos Donato, Antonio Leoncio (one of the first casualties of May 1904), Carlos Balsan, Narciso Bartolozzi, Antonio Rey, Manuel Manrique, Aurelio Paganelli, Francisco Corney (who in September of that year he was in Montevideo processed by a series of articles recommending the proletariat in the worker using violence), Manuel Vzquez, Francisco Albigini, Dante Silva, Bautista Fueyo, Mariano Barrajon, Angel Rivas, Leopoldo Rodrguez, Antonio Loredo (who, as with some others of those named, returned clandestinely to Argentina and was deported back to Spain in February 1909), Angel S. White, Montagnoli. Another two or three killed and seventeen wounded were at the rally of May 21, 1905 in Buenos Aires. P 61 A consequence of the rent strike were deported to their respective countries Roberto D'Anjou, Mariano Forcat Ramn Antoneda Jos Paeda, Guido Monachessi, Jose Perez, Alfonso Garca de la Mata, Manuel Lourido and many others. It is well known, by the repercussions of the gesture repairer of the Radowitzky, the slaughter of the first of May, 1909 in Buenos Aires, where they lost eight dead and 105 wounded. When Falcon fell on 14 November of that year, reached by the pump from Radowitzky, the reaction knew no limits to their ends, prisoners added thousands and every element foreign more or less known for his revolutionary ideas was deported, the Argentines were sent to Ushuaia. Among the deportees were Alberto Meschi, Santos Cervoni, Francisco Poggi, Juan Bianchi (this, secretary of the FORA in 1905 was on the threshold of deportation; retired from life as an activist). Centennial reaction especially talk. As seen, by a Falcon that was wounded by the hand of an anarchist, the reaction knew no limits to their arbitrariness, their abuses and crimes.

Those who knew warships "Santa Cruz" and "Maip" turned into prisons in 1905, which were locked in the "National Guard" in 1909, and so on., Those who lived through the times of infamous police provocations Beazley , the "Manchao" by Frederick S. Foppiano, of Falcon, who proved a thousand times the attitude of the authorities in the conflict between capital and labor, who heard about the tragedies of the deportees, all encouraging feelings of justice, is very well kept up accusingly against the avengers of people. CHAPTER X THE REACTION OF THE CENTENARY Anarchism in Argentina, despite and perhaps partly because falconian repression, was a popular force increasingly demanding and awesome. The years 1909 and 1910 were years of continuous conflict, challenges proletarians to the bourgeoisie. The work was plentiful, the army of the unemployed had decreased to disappear for a while. This romantic and fighting fever, the frenzy of propaganda, and had come to create conditions of instability and concern for the ruling regime. La Protesta has a circulation of 15 to 16,000 copies, and was little, it was necessary to create more press to meet growing popular demand, and founded a new journal, La Batalla. The brutal reaction that followed the fall of Falcon and wanted to kill La Protesta, immediately resulted in the opposite: a revival of propaganda, a strengthening of the ranks of fighters. The March 27, 1910 was held in Buenos Aires monstrous anarchist demonstration, led by the two newspapers of the movement. It was a protest against the authorities of the prison of accusedin which had taken place brutal torture against the prisoners. The government was terrified by this display of force and ceded, renewing the jail staff. That repair did not calm the mood. They approached the celebrations planned to mark the anniversary of the independence of Argentina, on May 25, 1910. The anarchists wanted to show the world what was false in that freedom and prepared to submit to the government an ultimatum. "The police retaliated of the last state of siege had germinated a spirit of revenge in the popular ranks" - Gilimn writes (p. 79). We leave the floor to Gilimn: "It is on the eve of something sensational, that probably will make an epoch in the life of Argentine proletariat. There is a great strike atmosphere. The strike of the Centenary is" a done thing. Its existence is palpable everywhere... There is however no full confidence in the power of the proletariat, in its consistency, solidarity, determination and spirit of rebellion, to be admitted as a triumph over the government. It is assumed that this, by low energy
that is weak and faint that they are their men, it will react violently and will strike a mortal blow to the workers' organization and the propaganda of ideas. There is no going against the purpose of strike there in the crowd, which has emerged, one can say, in itself. P62 It seeks the least channel the aspiration of the proletariat to a minimum to make possible a triumph without struggle, and projected reclaim for the Centennial the freedom of Planas and Regis and the other prisoners for existing social issues, as well as a broad amnesty for evaders and military deserters, which in Argentina are endless, as each year only fifty per cent respond to call-up of their part according to military law. However the literary and sociological magazine Ideas and Figures has

prestigious repealing the residency law, and even if the law does little damage already and is easily circumvented, is as old campaign conducted against it, is rooted in both the anarchists , and most of the workers hate to it in loa eight years since it was issued, in which it has fought tenaciously with articles and speeches, which is everywhere enthusiastically welcomed the idea of basing the strike order to repeal this law. "(p. 81).

Indeed, the ultimatum to the government calling for the repeal of the law of residence, freedom of prisoners by social issues and amnesty for violators and military deserters.
As is clear from the accounts of Gilimn, the senior editor of La Protesta then, for the wise militant there was no doubt that the struggle was engaging, to which was rather carried by the popular current developed by the intense propaganda, would have dire consequences. The government did not have it all with them. If in La Protesta there were apprehensions writes Gilimn - a misgiving that it did not preclude carrying out the campaign in its columns with persistence, in the areas of government had fear. It parleyed with the members of Federal Council of the FORA directly or indirectly. They offered to reach a settlement and it haggled the basis of this as the merchandise is dispatched in the shops of the Turks. and actually wanted to buy time and conclude with a hoax, when the strike was impossible, when started holiday period would not like going to a stop, nor does cripple "(page 83).

The Federal Council of F. O. R. A. it probably realized the weakness of the proletariat, not trusting much in the effervescence street, and perhaps partly give thought. These hesitations, being born of a clearer understanding of the psychology of the masses, were used by the unionists, who went ahead to declare a general strike on May 18. "The declaration of a general strike undertook very little to the elements of the General Union of Workers (CORA already named, but the name change had not changed the spirit), they were very little for a strike of this kind; but the moral effect it caused among anarchists was as big as she it presented with the union as more revolutionary than the FORA, despite the revolutionary ancestry of this organization "(Quimn, id. p. 84). Remember this demagogic gesture because is not unique in the history of the labour movement in the country, and because the circumstances in which the militants were anticipated events in May 1910 have been repeated more than once and will be repeated forever, and should work in the future with solid ideas, not to get carried away by continual setbacks, by movements of ephemeral enthusiasm that leave nothing but a trail of material and moral ruin and disappointment in its wake. In a word, the incomprehension of many of the elements themselves, the popular effervescence, the sad speculation union are the three factors that led to the anarchist movement to engage in an open struggle against the established order taking advantage of the celebrations of the Centenary. On May 8, held in Buenos Aires a great rally, one of the most formidable ever seen in the big city. They passed fifty thousand protesters, it even said that the number of those gathered around the eight or ten grandstands anarchists were approaching a hundred thousand. It was decided at this meeting to start a general strike on 18, if earlier, the government would not agree to the three conditions presented. It was probably a big mistake, because to engage in the fight should have been started in the act, without giving time to the authorities to take the measures of defense that would surely take. As they did. P63 The government hand baited the resources extremes available to it. The festivities of the Centenary lavish were in danger and to avert a general strike was declared on May 14 the martial law and

began hunting the anarchists. No longer a blemish, however, for "democracy" the fact Argentina have been forced to celebrate the centenary of its independence under the rule of the state of war, making Buenos Aires into an armed camp. The police action and bands of patriots began on May 13. The first to fall, of course, were the editors of La Protesta and of The Battle and the members of the Federal Council of the F. O. R. A. (with the CORA, who paid their bluff and a time when they had failed the calculation). The prisons were filled chock and not enough; prisons were improvised for the occasion. And when it emerged that some hundreds of revolutionary militants were behind bars, organized robberies of local workers and the press of ideas, but "the mob on May 14 and subsequent days were not animated by patriotic feelings. Were action deliberate and cold, methodical plan and calculating the provident who moved and encouraged "(Gilimn page 87) The printing of the La Protesta was burned, the journal of the Socialists, La Vanguardia, also suffered extensive damage, the local workers and the libraries were devastated by hordes police and chauvinistic. He had never seen so ungrateful spectacle. Terror was imposed, dominated the situation. The prisoners amounted to two thousand or so. The strike was reduced to a minimum, but the sabotage was felt, especially in illumination, which usually did not work a single day. But soon it was realized that anarchism in Argentina had reached the end of one of its stages, which closed an important chapter of social history. To bridge the work of destroying the revolutionary movement, in late June at the Teatro Coln there explodes a bomb, whose ravages were minor. They left some concurrent slightly injured. But missing was the pretext to issue the next day a new law, the social defense law, which gave the police carte blanche to proceed with full power against workers and revolutionary propaganda. The words "so that the bombing of Coln theater had a police origin, what is known is that two of the detainees, as suspects, Juan Romanoff and S. Denucio, were released for lack of consistent evidence. Rafael Barrett has summarized this memorable period in the pamphlet Argentine Terror (Asuncion, Paraguay, 1910), an indictment against lying vibrant democratic republic could be considered up to the most reactionary government and more bestial. Naturally, the deportations of foreigners began shipping to Ushuaia and Argentines. Among the deportees was Gilimn (see his story in Facts and Comments, p. 89-109). Among those sent to Ushuaia were R. Gonzlez Pacheco, T. Antilli, Apolinario Barrera. However, the anarchist movement was not over, but the, coup had been great and henceforth come several years of efforts and enormous sacrifices to resume relations, republish the press of ideas, rebuild union cadres and restart new systematic propaganda to the light of day. In reality there almost have to start over, not only for having undone in the maln raid the organizations and institutions of anarchism, but on having established as well something like a discontinuity of men, for most exiled militants were old, they were physically unable to continue its work or withdrew from the fight. So here we interrupt the narrative, which in due course will

continue to the present day, introducing new men, new members but, unfortunately, not the same breadth of scope and spirit of anarchist initiative.