~ l ;-' I I'"

. FINAL DRAFT
PUERTO RICAN AMERICANS IN CHICAGO
Chicago Commission on Httman Relations
Mayor's Committee on New Residents
June 1960
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Industrial Relations Library
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E R H A T A
Final Draft : Puerto Rican Americans in Chicago
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fr. bottom
rel3vant
chec.k-'Ll:PS
Arizona
post--war
simpl_illcation;

it feasible
second world v1ar operations
Puerto Rican Midwest Office
Cook County Department of Public Aid
at non-dues paying
semicolons and period following references
listen
cushion the
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A.rr,erican Way of
semicolon and period, respectively, following
second and third
negligent here
were
footnote 1- (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1937),
p.705
County Department of Public Aid
competent (6 per cent);
well-dressed (S per cent);
business cent);
families (4 per cent).
curious that 2S per cent
eliminate -
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on new Residents''
eliminate - "on new Residents
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Chart regarding Needs of Puerto Rican Newcomers
should follow page 127

(1)
eliminate - existing .iuvenile delinquency
table on page 146 should follow page 144;
map is not included in this draft copy
eliminate - which received some inpetus with the onset
of warm weather.
Copy No22
- NOT FOR PUBLICATION OR QUOTATION, EXCEPT \:1!HEN AUTHORIZED -
0 s
/ PUEHTO RICAN AMERICANS IN CHICAGO
//
A Study of a Representative Group of
103 Households of Puerto Rican Migrants
on Chicago
1
s Northwest Side - and their
Adjustment to Big-City Living.
. ~
\ 11AYOR' S COMMITTEE ON NEW RES IllENTS - CHICAGO COID!ISSION ON HUMAN RELATIONS
Chi9ago, Illinois JU.'"le 1960
This is a final draft.
It is complete, except for a number of
charts, figures and statistical tables.
The questiolmaires used in interviewing
may also be included in the printed copy.
Finally, some artwork, including pictures
of the sample area as well as of publica-
tions distributed by the Mayor's Corrmittee
on New Residents, could be made available.
TABLE OF OONTENTS
Preface. . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i
Surn111ary of Findings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
I. The Puerto Rican at Home- The Island
II. Higration to the Mainland............ 8
III. The Puerto Rican Comes to Chicago
A. Early Development of Migration and Residential
Concentrations ..... ........ $..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . 16
B. General Characteristics and Problems 18
1. Demographic Data 18
2. Economic Adjustment... 23
3. Housing Adjustment 32
4. Social Adjustment 38
a. Language and 41
b. Family and Religion 47
c. Law and Authority . 51
d. Participation and
Political Activities........... 58
e. Financial Management 65
f. Medical Care :tnd Sanitation 72
IV. The Chicago Resident Reacts to his Puerto Rican Neighbor 79
1. Factual Knowledge of Continental
Americans Concerning their Puerto Rican
Neighbors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
2. bnpressions, Attitudes and Feelings of
Old Chicago Residents Regarding their
Puerto Rican 84
3. Social Distance between the Two Groups. 94
V. The City Responds to the Puer.to Rican
Newcomer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
VI. Conclusions and Recommendations....................... 117
APPENDIX A gy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
APPENDIX B Area of Sample. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
. . . . . . l 50
PREFACE
This report deals with the migration of Puerto Rican Americans to the main-
land and more specifically with their adjustment to "the way of lifett of the big
industrial urban colossus that is Chicago. It is the second in a series of
adjustment studies spynsored by the Mayor
1
s Commit tee bn New Residents which
since its inception in 1957 has been most instrumental in helping the newcomer
adjust to life in this city.
In this effort, the Committee found early that in order to understand the
motivation of newcomers or migrants of any ethnic group, it was essential to
realize the economic significance of widespread internal migration which has
largely replaced im.Tiligration f:::-om overseas. People have moved with and without
jobs, from areas of economic contraction to areas of economic grovvth- from the
South to the North, from the Midv,rest to the vvest, from unproductive coal mines and
farms to tre industrial cities. It is reported that, i...'1 each recent year, sorrB
5,000,000 persons have roved across at least one state boundary. The newcomers
are mainly native whites and Negroes, American Indians and Puerto Ricans i.11 addi-
tion to persons of various other ethnic backgrounds ..
Puerto Rican migration to the continental United States has fluctuated ever
since the first decade of the tv.rentieth century as a function of the demand for
labor in the United States and the improvement of living conditions on the island.
Since the end of the Second World War, migration to the mainland has greatly
increased, partly as a consequence of post-war social and economic conditions and
partly as a reflection of the greater self-confidence of Puerto Ricans as American
vlar-veterans whose aspirations and a'llbitions could not be satisfied any longer by
the limited opportunities on the island. In this movement, we must differentiate
between those who left the island permanently, confident of better opportunities
I
in the continental United States, and those who periodically leave the island only
temporarily) for seasonal work on the mainlando This latter group consists mainly
of agricultural workers and is rather well organized; the former, of urban
industrial workers who are striking out on their own and in this respect are
reminiscent of the early American pioneers. Yet, while they are
11
airlifted
11
from
their Carribean island into the United States and are a "magic carpet" version of
the slower interstate migration in progress, they are almost as dissimilar and as
alien to American culture as the last century
1
s immigrants from southern and
central Europe.
In proper perspective, the Puerto Rican in-migration is only an insignificant
part of the total internal migration now taking place 1vi thin the continental
United S t a t e s ~ But it becomes more important, when it is realized that this
migrant group largely concentrates in a few cities and metropolitan areas and
thereby compounds the difficulties caused by an accumulation of metropolitan
problems inherited from the past. In this sense the present Puerto Rican
migration, while relatively small in numbers, poses real problems of adjustment
for city government, for the older residents and for the migrants themselves.
As a migration study, this report endeavors to show who these migrants are,
where they came from and why they left their original homes; what type of area
they settle in, once they have arrived in the big mainland city; the problems
they face in terms of an economic and social adjustment to a society of which
they are natural citizens but to whose language, customs and mores they are
strangers. In particular, this study seeks to emphasize how this paradox of
citizenship and "alienness," aggravated by the factor of color, may tend to lead
t o disorganization rather than to adjustment and assimilation.
As in tne case of other migrants or ne1vcomers without resources, the slum
has often been their port of entry to the big city. It is easy, especially for
II
the younger migrant - and this is primarily a m.i.gration of the young - to become
adapt ed to slu.cn living and slu.rn val1.1es after being expo sed to the temptation of easy
money, easy morals and disregard for lawo But whHe it is at best difficult for the
average to escape the deleterious effer.ts of such an environment, it is
doubly difficult for those of colored skin and 3.lien culture. vJhere poor enviro:!.1-
ment is compounded by racial discrimination and cultural difference.:J the barriers
against social acceptance or even tolerance in our ind'J. strial communiti es are high"
Conversely, whenever a large group of newcomers move into a highly organized
urban community they inadvertently create a good deal of distress for the people
who are already thereo The re.3idential neighborhood is the mai ... '1 focus of this
experience, although it is by mo means limited to it. Economic and social
prolil ems are the main factors in this process Which tends to force change and to
upset the routine of a community, This, in turn, may and often does create
prejudice or r e-enforce it and moreover invariably leads to antagonism, hostility
and discrimination against the newcomer,
In view of these facts experienced over and over by practitioners in the
field of intergroup relations and other social service agencies, we supplemented
our Puerto Rican sample with a group of intervievs obtained from native mainland
Americans residing and/or working in the same neighborhood. By pro bing into the
reaction of the old residents toward their new neighbors we hoped to find out how
much they actually knew about the newcomers and how this was related to their
attitudes. In short, by separating facts from feelings and preconceived notions,
we thought we might find a basis upon which a constructive program could be
developed which might soften the shock of migration and facilitate adjustment for
both newcomers and residents. This could be of some value at a time vmen an
ever-rising :residential mobility is becoming an American national characteristic.
We are aware of the limitations of this study. Some are related to the
III
fact that the data were obtained during the spring of 1958, a period of economic
recession; others.J to the size of budget and staff, and these account for a
relatively small statistical sGJnple. However, it is mt necessary to study all
the people o.f a group in order to obtain an accvrate and reliable description of
thei.r attitudes, feelings and behavior, as long as the sample is representative
and statistically meaningful., Horeover, we also reetlize that statistics cannot
always capture the full impact of a complex humaE situationn
Some aspects involved in the adjustment process coQld not be treated as com-
prehensively as would have been desirable while others had to be completely
jgnored. Thus, the section on
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medical care and sanitation
11
co
1
il.d not be treated
as fully as we should have liked to &"ld a chapter on
11
education and the impact on
the schools" '\.'Tas omitted entirely_, because of the paucity of data or their
unavailability to the writer, In view of the proximity of the decennial federal
census which for the first time will include specific data on residents of Puerto
Rican birth or parentage in Chicago, we have not deemed it useful to make our own
special survey regarding a current Puerto Rican population estimate for the cityo
On balance, we hope to make some contribution, however small, with regard
to the more effective management of in-migration to metropolitan communitieso
For this reason we have, wherever possible, utilized data compiled in other
similar areas for purposes of comparison with and analysis of our own findings.
If our recommendations add anything to the existing knowledge in the field of
migration, they might also pro vide rome useful in sights for the more constructive
and successful handling of intergroup relations; for the Puerto Rican group faces
not only the problem of the migrant, but also that of race and alien culture.
This stuqy could not have been completed without the cooperation of many
individuals, institutions and agencies, both public and private. We are
especially appreciative of the assistance given us by the Cook County Welfare
' the Chicago Police Department, the Chicago Housing Authority, the
Corr:nunity Board_, the Department of City Planning, the Land Clearance
C)m:nission; t!le

Reference Library, the Ameri%nization Divioion of the

E')ITd of Education_, and various agencies of the Catholic Archdiocese of Chic2.go,
by the staff of the Cas a Central Evangelica (Chicago City Mis sionaTy Society)_,
and by He:::Rrso Ant h ony Vega and Salvador E. Ferreras, the forrrer jJY'esent
directors; respecti7Gly__, of the Nidwest Office of the Higration Division (Labor
Department) of the Cornmonwealth of Puerto Rico and staff.
We are very much indebted to r1rs. Margaret s. Hadden.;; the of the
Depe.rtment of H.igration Servir- es of the Chicago Commission on Htu'J1F.n Relations,
Nho provided the material for Ch,::,pter V which is not a part of the o'ojective
study, but serves as a sUli!ID2.ry of the activities and services rendered to the
Puerto Rican newcomers by public an.d some private agencies of this city during
the last three years.
Thanks are due also to our field- and office-staff Ferrer,
a Puerto Rican-born, bilingual graduate student, who translated the interview
schedule into Spanish and conducted the interviews of the Puerto Rican sample;
to various other members of the Commission staff who helped with the interviewing
of the non-Puerto Rican neighbors' sample; and finally to Mr. Frank Cherry, who
supervised the coding and assisted in the processing of the statistical data.
A number of individuals involved in social science research and/or some
aspects of the problem of Puerto Rican in-migration kindly consented to read the
manuscript, and we wish to thank them for their valuable comments and criticisms.
The writer takes the responsibility for the overall conduct of the research
and the final report.
Chicago, Illinois
June 1960
v
Bert P. Schloss, Ph.D.
Director of Soci8l Research
I. Summary of Findin&! and Recommendations
1, Pue:;::.o Ricans began settling in Chicago in large numbers after World
War IL The males were largely RR'- contract-workers who took up industrial employ-
ment in Chicago after termination of their The females came here on a
contractual basis as domestics. Those among the foregoing who permanently stayed
in Chicago settled in certain neighborhoods (core areas) of the city which in
time assumed certain characteristics of their culture.
2. In the four census tracts around Milwaukee Avenue, our sample area, the
average Puerto Rican newcomer was found to have the following characteristics:
Average length of residence was from 1 to 6 years; place of origin was rural
Puerto Rico (64 per cent) although some came from towns and cities there, or had
lived in cities on the mainland before settling here; the great najority
male (80 per cent) and white (99 per cent) with a median age of almost 30 years.
The greater number ( 80 per cent) were married, 5 per cent of these unions were
consensual marriages. Of the balance, 10 per cent were single, 3 per cent
widowed and 6 per cent separated, deserted or divorced.
3. Housing available to the migrants in our sample was poor. No one owned
his own home. Our
11
typical
11
Puerto Rican family had an apartment of 2. 4 rooms
with a household of slightly over 3. 76 persons. Hedian rent per month was
$68.67, but 7 per cent were paying less than $34.00 and 9 per cent were paying
more than $91.00 per month.
Thirty-eight (38) per cent of the families in our sample had relatives
living with them. Thirteen (13) per cent lived in dilapidated dwelling units,
but the migrants are reluctant to complain to the authorities because of f ear of
losing their shelter and because of language Some considered moving
into public housing units. At time of interviewing, 300 families of the Puerto
Rican population of Chicago were occupying public housing.
1
railroad
VI
4. The average male in our sample had completed 8.2, the average female 7.1
years of education; 3 per cent of the males and 5 per cent of the females had had
no formal schooling, but no outright illiteracy was encountered, although a few
individuals demonstrated ftL."lctional illiteracy in both English and Spanish.
5. The great ma.jority were working at time of emigration from the island.
Six (6) per cent had procured Employment in Chicago before leaving the island,
mostly through the influence of relatives already settled here. Once here,
48 per cent found employment by their own efforts; at first, no one used public
or private employment agencies; but newspaper advertisements were closely watched.
Host employment was obtained in occupations defined b3r the u.s. Bureau
of the Census as "operatives and kindred,
11
or "private household and s8rvice.
11
A few opened their own small businesses, The incidence of union membership was
high (over 44 per cent). Last median annual i..11come reported by our sample for
fuerto Rico was $780, the equivalent figure reported for Chicago for 1957 was
$3,828. Hajor obstacles to obtaining employment in Chicago were found to be lack
of facility with the English language, the slow rate of social and cultural .
mobility and - where present - a darker skin complexion.
6. In the adjustment to the industrial urban environment, adequate communi-
cation skills are most important. Our sample rated itself as to facility vdth the
English language: five (5) per cent of the sample thought that they read, spoke
and wrote English v-rell, 68 per cent felt that they were able to read, write and
speak it a little and 5 per cent could not speak it, 19 per cent could not read
it and 52 per cent could not write it, at all.
As to frequenqy of using the English language, it was demonstrated that
in 21 out of 103 Puerto Rican households, English is never spoken at home.
Generally, the males are more aggressive in using English than the females, The
migrant's use of the mass media was shown to be considerable: 89 per cent owned
VII
a radio, 62 per cent a television set and 71 per cent were reading newspapers or
magazines, either English or Spanish, or both. In spite of this participation,
our sample had not absorbed a great deal of American mass culture from these media.
Our respondents had not learned about public facilities (clinics, legal aid,
public welfare, English classes, etc.) through the media but by word of moutho
This seems to bear out the fact that the Puerto Rican migrant is less receptive
toward sources of communication originating outside his own group.
7. Of the sample, between 80 and 85 per cent were nominal Catholics, about
12 per cent Protestant and 3 to 4 per cent believed in Spiritualism. However,
many of those who call themselves Catholics could not be called practicing
Catholics, as is borne out among other things by their church attendance. Thus,
81 per cent of our group never attended religious services since coming to Chicago,
10 per cent go to church every Sunday, 4 per cent go once or twice a month and
2 per cent go once a year. Only 1 per cent belonged to a church group.
8. Puerto Ricans seems to bring with them concepts of law and law enforce-
ment which differ in many respects from those prevalent in our mainland cities.
It is perhaps because of this difference that many feel discriminated against by
our police force.
Our data show that there is no excessive juvenile or adult Puerto Rican
crime incidence for Chicago. Many of their violations are slmn-conditioned,
related to their cultural background (statutory rape) or their inadequate command
of the English language (traffic violations).
9. Our Puerto Rican migrants did not feel that the native resident popula-
Gion was friendly and hospitable toward them. Twenty-six (26) per cent of our
sample felt that they were not treated as well as others, because they were
newcorrers and 33 per cent thought they were not welcome because they spoke in a
foreign tongue. But it was also demonstrated that our migrants had negative
VIII
feelings toward some other ethnic groups in their neighborhood. Generally, their
social life revolves almost entirely around the household, the apartment building,
or
1
at most, the block in vfhich they live. It is considered harder to form and
maintain close friendships in Chicago, primarily because of the obstacles
encountered in a complex urban and industrial environment, such as the fast er
pace of living, time spent away from home at work, or travelling.
They are poor joiners; 96 per cent of our sample had no affiliation what-
soever, 1 per cent belonged to a church club and 2 per cent held membership in the
Puerto Rican post of the American Legion. Specifically, in their neighborhoods,
only 5 per cent participated in PTA or other com'llunity activities. Reasons given
for the relative reluctance to join non-Puerto Rican organizations were primarily
the language L'1adequacy and discriminatory attitudes of the older residents.
Their own organizations are small in terms of members and weak in leadership; in
fact, there seems to be a relative paucity of positive membership in this migrant
group. No overall unified Puerto Rican organization exists in Chicago in which
all clubs and groups are represented.
10. Political participation is equally poor, although the migrants are
politically sensitive and alert. There are some real obstacles for them in the
voting process itself - ballots are too long and there are too many issues - also
they feel uncomfortable in a polling place to which they have not oo en explicitly
invited.
11. On a comparative basis, our respondents
1
inclination to buy on credit is
not any more inhibited or excessive than it is with a comparable native socio-
economic group. They encounter difficulties more frequently because of their
language inadequacy W1 ich often prevents them from properly understanding the
terms of a sales contract and perhaps they lack some urban sophistication in
koowing "What to do and where to go when irregularities are suspected. Also their
IX
swing habits do m t usually take into a ero unt sufficiently unexpected loss of worl<;
illness, or extended economic recession.
12. Eighteen per cent of our sample were receiving some kind of public
assistance at time of interviewing; most cases were in the
11
aid-to-dependent
children" category. Major causes which had led our migrants to reek public
assistance were: (1) dependent children, (2) large families and inadequat e
incomes and (3) illne s s , or sorre kind of disability. It must be mentioned that
our interviewing was carr ied out during a period of serious economic r ecession.
Over 65 per cent of our group were familiar with public or private age ncies in
theassistance field, although 50 per cent claimed never to have been to any such
1.gency. There was a strong tendency in the sample to straighten out difficulties
.dthin trn family, b efore consulting an outside agency.
13. Our migrant oomes to the relatively harsh climate of Chicago ill-prepared
~ t e r m s of clothing and diet. However, he seems to have considerable capacity
for physical adaptation. When sickness strikes a family, no immediate recourse
is had to professional or institutional care where an adult is conc erned, although
this is not true in the case of a child. Generally, private medical care is pre-
ferred .to public facilities, but 60 per cent have been to free clinics or mobile
units. Some, moreover, put their trust in faith-healers.
There is little concern with preventive care, as is borne out by the
rel atively low figures for inoculations and periodic examinations for
11
well
11
children. In 47 per cent of our sample, nobody in the household had be en
illoculat ed against polyomyelitis; in 28 per cent, only the children had been given
fhots. Altogethe r, only 33 per cent received polio shots and 5 per cent flu
shots.
The ' sample wa s well informed as to sanitary requirements in the city.
Ninety-six (96) per cent claimed they kne w how to dispose of their garbage and
X
81 per cent said that they needed now, or had needed in the past, the services of
an exterminator. Moreover, it was demonstrated that the migrants are reluctant
to use insecticide powder for fear that the children might pick it up and get
sick.
14. In trying to ascertain how the Chicago resident reacts to his Puerto
Rican neighbor, we attempted to establish how much factual knowledge the former
had about the latter. It was found that the old residents had an exaggerated
view of the number of migrants living on their block or in their neighborhood.
However, they were aware of the fact that these newcomers were United States
citizens and that in this city they enjoyed the protection of the law with respect
to discrimination in employment. There was far less definite knowledge as to
their race or color.
15. Questions testing the attitudes and feelings of old Chicago residents
toward their Puerto Rican neighbors demonstrated a considerable amount of
psychological or social distance existing between the two groups. However, it
was also shown that the mwcoiiBrs had negative feelings about some ethnic groups
which they met in the neighborhood or work situation. It was found that discrimi-
natory feelings were more intense when directed against the group than when
-
projected against individuals as in intermarriage. Presence, degree and intensity
of this pattern of prejudice did not seem to differ essentially from those found
in previous irmnigrations, although this newcomer group had been exposed to the
11
American way of lif e
11
for over half a century.
16. To improve the shortcomings in the adjustment process of this migrant
group as demonstrated in this study, two alternative courses of remedial action
are suggested:
I.
a) that the Corrmonwealth Government, perhaps with some financial support
from the United States Government, intensify the teaching of English as well as
XI
the training in technical skills in Puerto Rican public schools;
b) that special courses be offered to prospective emigrants regarding
various aspects of living in a large industrial mainland city.
II.
If recommendation I should prove unfeasible, then the City
might consider on added responsibilities with respect to assisting these
newcomers with their education, technical training and orientation needs.
Thus, a program could be developed which would:
a) set up a comnittee or modify existing facilities which would offer
periodically a series of orientation meetings, especially geared to the Spanish-
/
speaking newcomers as they arrive in the city. Such a corrnnittee should have as
active members representatives of public and private agencies, particularly in
ths fields of housing, public health, law enforcement, legal aid,
education, etc.
b) develop a familiarization course on Puerto Rican cultural habits v.rith
emphasis on differences from equivalent mainland patterns, to be offered
periodically by qualified individuals to agency personnel directly involved in
serving the Puerto Rican comnunity in Chicago.
c) stimulate public agencies, especially concerned, to establish a pool
of trained personnel v,;ho, in addition to their other functional qualifications
also speak Spanish fluently.
d) review current methods used in t eachin g English to the Puerto Rican
migrants with special consideration given to the possibility of utilizing
bilingual teachers and using, at least initially, both Spanish and English as
media of instruction.
e) establish a central housing office for these newcoJmrs with a bilingual
staff, ced in housing matters and in effective contact with existing
housing agencies. This could be a permanent stationary office or a mobile one,
spending limited periods of time in relevent neighborhoods each month,
XII
suitable combination of the two.
f) set up an arrangement under auspices of the public health authorities
vhich it would be possible to have recent in-migrants receive free physical
chest X-ray, and make referrals for treatment in case of a
f i n d ~ g . It is also suggested that a method of record-keeping be devised
would guarantee ~ more effective follow-up procedure regarding polio- and
inoculations. These techniques could incidentally assist in compiling
cql health data on this or other migrant groups. Appointment of a bilingual
-'"
0
"'
1
"" Rican physician as a consultant to the Board of Health might perhaps also
considered.
XIII
I. THE PUERTO P.ICAN AT HOME - THE ISLAND
The trip of the Puerto Rican from his native home on the island to his final
settlement in one of the big cities of continental United States passes, like
every trip, through two important stages: his departure from the island and his
arrival at his destination in continental United States. But traveling this
geographic distance i ~ the least part of the migrant's journey. To find even
minimal comfort in the mainland city he must cross an enormous cultural and rocial
distance, to a world that presents more rontrasts than similarities to the world
1
he !mew.
Thus, the departure from his island home is important not only in terms of
v1hat he leaves behind, but it is even rrore meaningful because of what he will take
vith him. This is the invisible baggage - the cultural inheritance of four cen-
~ u r i e s of Spanish occur;a tion and the recent impact of five decades of American
influence. Let us try to disassemble this invisible "burden" by looking at the
\iorld he leaves behind and by following him on his migratory adventure from the
sunny Carribean to the shores of Lake Michigan.
A. Background
Late in the year 1493, on his second trip to the new world, Christopher
Columbus discovered the West Indian island then called
11
Borinquen" and planted the
Spanish flag on its soil.
Puerto Rico is the easternrro st island of the West Indies group and with
Cuba, Santo Domingo and Jamaica, forms the Greater Antilles. It is bounded on the
north by the Atlantic Ocean and by the Carribean Sea on the south. Its air distance
is about 2,330 air miles southeast of Chicag> or ab::>ut seven hours' flying time,
500 miles north of the South American continent. Alrrost rectangular in shape,
island is about 105 miles long and 35 miles wide, not counting the islands of
See C. W. Mills, c. Senior, R. K. Goldsen, The Puerto Rican Journey, New York's
Newest Migrants, (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1950), p. 91.
2
Vieques, Culebra and Mona.
The indigenous population, of India.'1 origin, was eventually absorbed by
the Spanish occupants and by the Negro population imported from Africa. In tune
with the colonial policy of the time, . the island was badly exploited receiving
little for its labors ''except the European diseases which helped kill off its
original population." When the United States - in 1898 -- took poss ession of
Puerto Rico, it found a poverty-stricken, undernourished, mostly illiterate popu-
1
lace. Apparently the new masters did very little with their newly acquired
possession, except forcing the English language upon the tongues of an unwilling
poople, In 1917, Puerto Ricans were made United States citizens, a measure which
,:as to have far-reaching significance for them.
It permitted them to fight and die for their new "fatherland." It also
::1de them eligible to settle anywhere on the mainland with rights and privileges
equal to those of the native American population. In 1948, they were permitted to
elect their own governor, and in July 1952 President Truman signed a Congressional
resolution approving the new Puerto Rican Constitution, raising Puerto Rico to the
~ ~ t u s of a free commonwealth associated with the United States. This constitution,
which was also confirmed by popular vote in Puerto Rico, is modeled after the
United States Constitution and follows it closely in providing for executive,
legislative, and judicial branches of government, including a system of checks and
balances. Under this basic law Puerto Rico has most of the powers and responsibil-
ities of a state of the union. There are some exceptions: Puerto Rica...11 residents
are not subject to federal taxation and do not have voting r epresentation in the
United States Congress nor the right to vote for the President and Vice President
11
Eighty-three (83) per cent of the people were illiterate; 92 per cent of the
children were not in school; the island's death rate ranged between 25 and 35
per thousand; sanitary and health facilities were virtually absent.
11
See
Mills, Senior, Goldsen, op. cit., p. 4.
3
1
of the United States.
As of 1950, Puerto Rico's population was 2,205,398; an estimate of the
of the Census in 1957 was 2,287,000, The island has one of the world's most
populated agricultural economies - 662 persons per square mile which is
about twelve times than that of the United States. The migration to the
mainland is attributable in large part to this population pressure.
Puerto Rico has an almost ideal climate with a mean temperatur e in surmner of
78.9 and 73.4 Fahrenheit in winter, The soil is fertile aYld cultivated, although
there is need for more irrigation in the south. Until recently, agriculture vTas
the most important source of income and employment; sugar cane was the main crop.
O':,her agricultural products were tobacco, coffee, coconuts, fruits and vegetables.
!.<J a result of the intensive effort
2
initiated under the tenure of the last United
Si?-tes Governor, Rexford G. Tugwell, in the 1940
1
s, and carried on very successfull;i
the first Puerto Rican Governor Luis :Hunoz Harin, income from manufacturing bega:
to exceed that from agriculture in 1956. This program has established some 500 :w:m
factories ani has led to the output of textiles, clothing, chemicals, plast1cs,
electric and electronic The gross output for 1957 was $1,236,700,000 an
:ncrease of 331 per cent over 191.{). Gains in excess of 300 per cent were also
shown for net income, income from manufacturing, total wages and salaries and
bmking assets, Per capita income for 1957 was $468, a gain of 275 per cent over
1940.
l
In 1957, the island govermnent had licensed almost 130,000 motor vehicles,
As to the actual power of the Puerto Rican government relative to the Goverment
of the United States as well as the basic governmental pattern in Puerto Rico,
see J, H. Steward et al., ,The People of Puerto Rico, (Urbana, ill.: The Univer-
sity of illinois Press, 1956), 83, and C. J. Friedrich, Puerto Rico:
fload to Freedom- Fuero Fundrunental, (New York: Rinehart & Company, Inc., 1959),
p:)'O'ff.

11
0peration Bootstrap, 1945-1955,
11
in T. C. Cochran, The Puerto Rican
Businessman, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1959) pp. 1.8-52;
and "Puerto Rico: The Bard of LXXI, 25, (1958), p. )Off.
4
1
23 radio stations, 4 TV stations, over 60,500 telephones and a telegraph system.
In this dynamic picture same facts stand out strikinglyo Public school education
is free and compulsory at the elementary level. In 1956, 80 per cent of the
population under 18 years of age was in school; in 1940 about 31. 5 per cent of the
population could read nor write. only about 19.5 per cent of the
people were still illiterate?
2
This was partially the result of the island's
budget which allocated proportionately four times more for educational purposes
than that of any state of the mainland.
The progress in the field of Public Health is dramatic, and the standards,
oven on a comparabl e basis with the United States, are high. Thus, during 1940-
:957, the island's annual death rate dropped from 18.4 deaths per 1,000 population
so 7.0. Infant mortality during the same period dropped from 113.4 per 1,000 live
l):_rths to 51.4. This figure is still considerably above that of the United States
:26.4 per 1,000 in 1957), the general death rate is lower (9.6 in the United Stc:.t sa
in 1957). The birth rate in the same period also decreased from 38.5 births pe:r
1,000 to 32. 6. Life expe.ctancy at birth has increased dramatically from 33 years
in 1898 to 46 years in 1940 and to 68 years in 1955. this is still slightly
below the figure for the United States (70 years in 1955), it is the most rapid
c-ate of increase lmm...-n anJ11'rhere in the world, Disease rates for major diseases
have been similarly reduced through the establishment of clinics and hospitals
throughout the island, through inmunization against preventable diseases, and con-
struction of safe water supply and sewage disposal systems)
l
Cf, The World 1Umanac and Book of Facts, 1959, (New York: New York World-
Telegram and the Sun, 1959), 201.
Ibid., p;. 260,
Cf, H. Sternau, Rico and the Puerto Ricans, (New York: The Council
of Spanish-American Organizations and the American Jewish Committee, 1958),
9ff ..
5
Ct'!l turally, the Puerto Rican presents an interesting phenomenon. A thin
layer of American culture is laid upon a strictly Spanish background and Puerto
Rico may be called the meeting-ground of two distinct cultures. This is visibly
r:locumented by the aged Spanish fortresses which once protected the harbor of San
Juan and a little distance away, the tall chimneys of modern mdustrial plants,
symbols of Puerto Rico
1
s ne1..r association with industrial America. Both Spanish and
English are taught and spoken and cock fighting and baseball are national
In short, when a Puerto Rican says good bye to his native island, "he leaves a
1
land as Spanish as avocados and as American as ice cream.
11
This is at least true
on the surface. Economically and politically the island is Some values
of Puerto Rican society are being modified by
11
the American of life.
11
Yet the
exp:;rience of American political and cultural influence has been relatively recent
and apparently not very profound; it has not really permeated language, customs
and outlook of the islanders. \'llien we tu:m to the more personal aspects of his
social existence we realize that the Puerto Rican is still organized in the
Spanish tradition. Authority in the family resides in the male, the children are
under his control, and the family group often comprises an extended clan of rela-
tives. Relatives help each other because they are
11
of the same blood,
11
and children
are almost ahrays taken care of by the family and rarely are sent to an orphanage.
Girls :tre carefully supervised in their social life until they are formally engagedo
Wcmen are expected to be submissive, to restrict their activities to the home. This
pattern varies somewhat with the socio-economic group with which an individual is
identified. Girls in lower class families usually marry young, and often are
content to live in a connnon law marriage without the benefit of civil or religious
sanction.
l
Your Fellow American Citizens from Puerto Rico, (Washington, D.C.: Office
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, n.d.), p. 9.
6
About 85 per cent of the island population are Catholic. Since the
American occupation, Protestant missionary efforts have been facilitated and have
proved quite effective. There is also a considerable group which believes in
11
spiritualism." Apart from the social aspects, it is difficult to measure what
part religion plays :tn the Puerto Rican's life. It is probably correct to say that
what religion they have, seems to be absorbed from the culture and environment.
There is relatively little formal teaching of religion. The religious mores thus
lack vitality and become even more de-emphasized after they have lived on the
mainland for so:r:oo time.
In the overall picture the islander is faced by two grave problems:
1) The continuing rapid growth of population, and 2) The concomitant growth of a
labor farce vmich is faced with a considerable year-round unemployment rate.
1
A
great number of workers are only seasonally employed; a substantial number of wome:r:
would work, if jobs were available.
Increasing mechanization in agriculture and industry since World War II
and the present ever more acute threat of automation pre sent grave problems for a
y o ~ , vigorous and adventurous generation of new Americans and are raising serious
questions regarding their future. The simplest solution out of this seemingly
hopeless economic dilerrnna appears to be flight to the mainland.
This then is the answer to the question as to why Puerto Ricans come to
Chicago or other industrial cities of the United States: tremendous population
pressure on the island -better economic opportunities on the mainland -- greater
educational possibilities -the search for greater security, but also for
adventure and new frontiers. For the Puerto Rican, the causes of migration are of
two kinds: a push and a pull. A push - in the increasingly crushing realization
1
The quarterly average unemployment for 1958 was 14% of the male and 13.5% of
the female labor force. These figures refer to the civilian population 14 years
old or over. Cf. Empleo y Desempleo en Puerto Rico - Octubre 1958. Negociado
de Estadisticas del Trabajo. Informe Trimestral Num. 25, p. 8.
7
that home will soon mean only frustration, failure or unemployment; a pull - in
the lure of tempting opportunities in the urban industries of the mainland.
8
II. MIGRATION TO THE MAINLAND
For over a hundred years Puerto Ricans have been migrating to the United States
but it is only since the end of the Second World War that migration to the United
States has taken on social and economic significance for both the island and this
country. Between 1900 and 1940 the number of Puerto Ricans coming to live on the
mainland was relativel:y small; yet there were Puerto Ricans in 39 of the 48 states
by 1910. Between 1940 and 1950, the trend toward spreading out from New York City
and migrating directly to other parts of the country was firmly established, and
figures show that \\hile during this period the migration to New York increased 206
per cent, that to other states increased 443 per cent. In 1955, it was estimated
that there were from 160,000 to 175,000 Puerto Ricans in the United States outside
of New York and from 500,000 to 550,000 in New York City.l
The Puerto Rican migration is small compared either with the inmigration waves
of the past from other countries to the United or with the internal migra-
tion2 within the United States in recent years.
Total Internal Migration Within the United St ates, 1956-l95g3
Persons Hoving Their Home 1956-57 1957-58
Total number of persons 31,834,000 33,263,000
Within same county 21,566,000 22,023,000
From one county to another
within same state 5,192,000 5,656,000
From one state to another 5,076, 000 5,584,000
From Puerto Rico to
continental United 52,245 34,421
represent net out-migration from Puerto Rico.
E. Padilla, Up From Puerto Rico, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958),
p, 20f.
2
Cf.
11
1\figrant Aid Set for Puerto Rico," New York Times, 1-26..-1958.
"A Summary In Facts & Figures
11
(New York: Commonwealth of Puerto Rico,
Migration Division, Department of Labor, 1959), p. 15.
9
The migratory flow to the continent from Puerto Rico averaged about 4,000 a year
from 1908 to 1945.
11
Full employment" following World War II, plus a dramatic
increase in the use of air transport helped increase this drastically.
The net movement in the post-war years has been as follows:l
1946 . 39,911 1953 . 69,124
1947 . .

. 24,551 1954

. 21,531
1948 . .

32,775 1955 . . . . . .

. . 45,464
1949 . . .

.

25,698 1956 . . . 52,315
1950

. . . 34,703 1957

.

37 '704
1951

.

52,899 1958 .

.

. .

27,728
1952

.

59,103 1959 .

.

. . . 29,989
(Chicago Sun-Times, 5-16-60)
The size of the Puerto Rican migration fluctuates with economic conditions in
the United States and there is a close relationship between the migration and
United States national income.
In the major depression years of 1907-08, 1920-21, and in the decade of the
1930's, more Puerto Ricans returned to the island than migrated. The 1948-1949
reduction in jobs resulted in a 22 per cent drop in migration from the island;
economic conditions in late 1953 and 1954 caused an annual drop in migration to the
continent of 68.8 per cent. Increased demand for labor began to reflect itself in
an upturn in Puerto Rican migration during the third quarter of 1955. This trend
1va.s reversed again in the fall of 1957 when the in-flow dropped 28 per cent and
in 1958 when it took another dip of 26 per cent.
1
"A Summary In Facts & Figures", op. cit., p. 15.
1
10
Puerto Rican Migration and U.S. National Income
1
!J.gration
_
... . U ... S. Natl. Income
(billions of $)
80-- 1
60
50-
40_
30-
20 -
f0d Puer to Rica.'1 Yugra tion
--- U. S. National Income
I
j'-1
/ ;
- 350 .
-310
110
,
-------------- - - ----- - -
Puerto Rican Migration To The Continental UEited Stat es
Annual Average s
1909-1930
1931-1940 . .
1,986
904
1941-1950
1951-1958

18,794
45,734
For st atistics and graph see ibid., p. 15.
11
There are two distinct streams of migration from the island to the mainland;
they differ significantly in motivation, origin, destination, and length of stay.
One fiows out in tb.e spring and back in the fall; the other flows out and settles
permanently. The first consists of farm1,rorkers; the second of city J:BOple, often
with sorre industrial work exp erie nee.
The farm workers, almost all of the m men, move back and forth from the island
with the crops and some transfer to non-farm jobs on the mainland in the off-
1
season. Many are convinced that eventually they will settle permanently on the
continent.
The others are for the most part people from the cities, often with industrial
job training and the intent on settling in one of the industrial cities of the contin-
ent, In fact, the training and experience in industrial and mechanical skills in
Puerto Rico often serves as an incentive to seek better jobs on the llE. inlando It
is therefore no surprise that larger numbers of skilled and semi-
skilled workers are migrating., Gernes quotes a study by the Bureau of Applied
Social Research (Col u..-nbia Uni ver si ty) which revealed the following findings:
(1) 18% of the migrants were skilled v.orkers as compared with 5% of the
Island's labor force.
(2) 4Cf/o of the migrants were semi-skilled as compared with 20% in the
Island's labor force.
(3) 21% of the migrants were unskilled as compared with 50% in the
Island's labor force.
No figures were given for the profe ssional, clerical, and trades' cate-
gories which might account for the balance of 21%.2
1
J.Q::Migration of Puerto Rican (Milwaukee, Wise.: Wisconsin State
Employment Service, September 1952).
2
See A. C .. Gernes, Implications of Puerto Rican Migration to the Continent
Outside New York Citx, (New York: Commonwealth of Puerto Rico Department of
Labor, Higra tion Division, 1955), pD 12. Also cf. Senior, c.,
11
Puerto Rico:
Migration to the l--1ainland,
11
Honthly Labor Review, Vol. 78, No. 12, pp. 1354ff.
12
Because of these facts some Puerto Rican industrialists and plant managers
take a critical view of the departure of skilled and trained workers from the
Island which might hurt the Puerto Rican future economic development. On the other
hand, they also realized that all these migrants are usually improving or adding to
their skills after they have settled on the mainland and become therefore a
potential source of skills for the Island to draw on in time of need. To a limited
extent this is already happening with respect to the Puerto Rican radio and tele-
vision industry which draws on Puerto Rican labor, trained and experienced in
mainland schools and plants.
Industrial migration has contributed eminently to a dispersion of the migrants
and Puerto Rican workers can be found today in industrial areas of Connecticut,
illinois, Indiana, Michigan, New ,Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin,
and in cities in Utah, Rizona, and
No recent population statistics on Puerto Ricans are available by cities and
towns. The largest numbers outside New York State are found in California,
New Jersey, Florida, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Hichigan,
and Connecticut. Of these Chicago has the biggest concentration with an
estimated range, as of 1960, of 30,000- 35,000. If we include the area around
the southern tip of Lake Michigan, the number would probably come closer to 40,000.
13
DISPERSION OF PUERTO RICAN 1'1IGRANTS TO THE UNITED STA.TESl
Increase in Rican-Born Popula-
tion Betyveen and 1950
Continental U.S. n
New York City
Outside New York City.
223u2%
204o9
355.,0
Increase 1950
and 31, 1958:
Continental U,S. . . . .
Nmv York City

Outside New York City
" . .

147o0

PUERTO RICAN J.:>9J'ULATION OF SE;[,ECTED U.S.
Los Angeles, Calif. (1956) 0 2,500
San Francisco- Oakland(l956) 3,600
Bridgeport, Conn.,

10,000
Hartford o

. .

4,500
New Haven. .

.


Waterbury.

. .

. 2,000
Washington, D.C. (1956). .

1,200
Miami, Flaa (1956).
. "
5,000
Chicago, ilL (1957) 25 ,ooo
East Chicago, Ind. (1956).

2,500
Gary (1956). .

. 0

. . 2,500
Springfield, Mass. (1956).

3,500
Detroit, Mich. (195 5). .

. 1,600
Camden, .
Jersey City (1955).

.

. .
Ne\vark. 0 . . .

.

Paterson (1957) . . .
Perth Amboy (1955). . .

Trenton (1957). .

. . . .

Bayshore, L.Ic, N.Y.
Buffalo
Rochester . . .. .
Cleveland, Ohio (1956)
Lorain (1956)
Youngstown (1957)
5,000(b)
2,500
13,000
5,000
4,000
3,000
4,000
4,000

Bethlehem, Pa. (1956)
.,
Reading (1954)
1,000
20 ,ooo
1,000
Milwaukee, Wise. (1956)

(a) Estimates for 1958 unless otherwise noted; include pers::ms of both Puerto
Rican birth and Puerto Rican parentage. Data are from various sources,
in general are not based on sufficient statistical research; and are sub-
ject to a fairly 'tride margin of error. These data cover only abou"J
one-fifth of the u.s. towns and cities known to have Puerto Rican
residents, but probably cover all of the largest corrmunities.
(b) 1956 estimate for State of New Jersey, 40,000; for northern New Jersey
part of New York City metropolitan area, 30,000o
1
"A Summary In Facts & Figures," op. cit., p. 18.
14
The Puerto Rican government itself neither promotes nor discourages
migration. But those who decide to migrate are assisted by the Island government
which collaborates closely with the United States Department of Labor. The former
has instituted a program of education and orientation which involves such a gencies
as the Puerto Rican Labor Department
1
s Employment Service and the Migntion
Division which has representatives in a nu_l!lber of mainland cities. Through the
affiliation of the Puerto Rican Employment Service with the mainland system,
prospective migrants are kept informed as to job situations on the continent. In
order to accelerate the process of adjustment to his new environment, the
migrant
1
s orientation through these agencies sometirre s begins before he l eaves
All media of comrnunic'ltion plus personal interviews in the offices of the
Puerto Rican Employment Service are used to describe situations likely to be
encountered in the continental United States and to suggest ways of coping with
them,
1
Finally, local offices of state employment services, at times, help in
interpreting the newcomers to the communities in which they settle in addition to
procuring employment for themo
Actually, the Puerto Rican newcomer encounters few problems which are
unique to him r.ts a Puerto Rican. He has to deal largely with difficulties found
by earlier immigrant or working-class groups in search of better economic oppor-
tunities, but his troubles are compounded by differences in language and cultureo
The contrast between his rural island his Spanish heritage and the
metropolis makes him, in psychological and cultural terms, a "foreigner in the
city
0
112
Thus, the Puerto Rican is not only a stranger to the land, but when he
moves into one of the big cities, as most of them do, he steps into a of
1
This includes information as to minimu'Il wage laws and fair employment practices
regulations, etc. ,
2
Mills, Senior, Goldsen, op. p. 79.
15
1
difficulties which are now comnonly metropolitan area problems. The decay
of the inner city, the flight to the suburbs, the general population growth and
the accelerated geographical and social mobility or internal migration, force the
average vvorking-class newcomer at least initially into the so-called If deteriorated
neighborhood; n or ci ty-slu.rno
1
This is largely the setting within which the Puerto Rican in Chic3.go has to
his adjustment to rrthe American way of life.
11
See A. Hawley, The Changing Shape of Metropolitan America: Deconcentration
1920, (Glencoe, IlL: The Free Press, 1956); also cf. s. S, Lyon,
(ed.); "Chicago Metropolitan Area Problems" in Governmep.ta:l Problems in the
Chica&9 Area. A Report of the Northeastern Illinois
Metropolitru1 Area Local Governmental Services Commission (Randolph Commission)o
(Chicago: 'l'he University of Chic.:lgo Press, 1957), Chapo II.
16
III. THE PUERTO RICAN CDME..S TO CHICAGO
Ptterto Ricans began settling in Chicago sl1ortly after the end of the second
1wrld They were few in numbers. Some of them were veterans who h<1.d seen
military service around Chicago and had decided to make it their home after the
war. Others ca'!le here after havir.g lived in some other city of the United States,
notably New
Two groups of workers were brought to Chicago in an organized way: about
1100 men were sent to the Middle West as track laborers by the Pennsylvania
Railroad to work at different points of their line. Some of these men \vorked for
several months at towns near Chicago Ill.) and after
termination of their contracts came to Chicago for industrial jobs. These men
incidentally qualified for benefits under the provisions of the United States
Railroad Retirement

The other group consisted of 500 women who were hired
on a contractual basis for one year to serve as domestics or as governesses in
Chicago and environs. These contracts provided for room, board and a salary of
about 50 per Plane transportation to Chicago was deducted from the pay
in weekly instalments and employers had to furnish winter clothingo This group
carne here in 1946-1947 and encountered a variety of u.>1foreseen difficulties.
Some of these girls eventually returned to the island> a number of them went to
other parts of the country, especially- New York and many of them stayed in the
city, got married and now have their own families.
2
The idea to remedy the extreme shortage of domestics in Chicago in the
immediate post war period by L'!lporting a few hundred young Puerto Rican women
1
See Gernes, .?P cit._., 11.
2
Witness account by unnamed Puerto Rican member of this group. As to general
conditions of these early migrants see also reports of the Catholic Youth
Organization on the
11
Puerto Rican Program" whic.l-J. was originally established
by his Excellency, Archbishop Sheil, in March 1947.
17
seemed to be a sound one, but for a number of reasons it did not >vo rk out. More-
over, it did accomplish two things: it brought one of the most attractive
"products" of Puerto Rican culture to Chicago and after rome of these girls becaJne
established in the city they .caused many of their relatives and friends on the
island to follow them and settle here.
Migration to the city generally followed closely the economic conditions
prevailing on the mainland and rose sharply with the out break of the Korean
and then dropped again after its termination.
1
Like many other ethnic groups, Puerto Ricans settled i:>::l CE>:L't.'3.in
neighborhoods of the city which then in time assume certain characteristics of
their cultureo. Like other i.."l-migrants they seemed to prefer areas characterized by
typically urban living arrangements, extending from the Loop along rapid transit
lines and containing occupational and social groups generally considered typically
urban., Along these lines are usually found a relatively high proportion of apa:..t-
ments in multiple dwelling units, of dwelling units rented furnished, of one or
tiroroom dwelling units, of rooming houses and of vacant dwelling unitso
R, Freedman in his study of the characteristics and distribution of in-migrants
to Chicago2 found that migrants, both native white and foreign, were not con-
centrated solely in the central areas of the city, the ro-called port of entry;
but that their location in certain areas was a function of "mental mobility," of
the possession of few household goods, and of access to transportation, This is
true of most of the Puerto Rican corea areas in Chicago which we might define as
follows: 3
.L See supra, Pe 9 o
2
R. Migration to Chicago. (Chicago: The University of
Press,. 1950)
9
pp. 129,
3 These core areas are not identical with conventional community areas but simply
define are as of Puerto Rican residential concentrations.
18
1. The near Northwest side, bounded by Chicago Avenue, North Avenue,
Damen the North Branch of the Chicago River and traversed
by Milwaukee Avenueo
2. The hToodlawn area bounded by the Midway, 65th Street, Cottage Grove
and Stony Island
3. The near No:r.:.,_tb..._Ede bounded by Grand Avenue, North Avenue, the North
Branch of the Chicago River and Dearborn
4. The near Side bounded by 26th Street, Taylor Street, Ashland
Avenue, a11d Halsted Street.
5. The Midwest delimited by Taylor Street, Kinzie Avenue, Kedzie
and Ashland Avenue So
B. General Characteristics and Problems of Puerto Ricans in Chicago
1. Demographic Data
For purposes of simplication let us assume that it -vvas feasible to
pick out a t;ypical Puerto Rican newcomer in the Hilwaukee Avenue settlement,
our sample area; we might then find a person with the following characteristics:
He has lived in Chicago from one year to six years, altho ugh a few of
his relatives and friends have been here as long as twelve years. He is married
and has children. He hai-ls from rural Puerto Rico; in fact, many of his friends
come from the hills, from places with less than 2,500 population. But some of his
friends come from to'W!1s and cities, or have lived in cities, before leaving the
island for the mainland. He usually has had contact with urban life, although it
may have been only for a short time while waiting for the plane or boat to take
him to the mainland. He is white, but many in his group have darker shades of
c::>mplexion
1
1ith 1 per cent being Negro.
2
This of course, is not surprising, if
l. This refers primarily to those individuals known in Puerto Rico as "grifo
11
and
"indio." The former is usually light complected but has kinky hair and the
latter has prominent cheek bones and his color is copper or bronze.
2
The Census counts as
11
non-white
11
Negroes, Indians, Japanese, Chinese, and other
non-white races. "In addition to full-blooded Negroes," the classification
"Negro" includes "persons of mixed white and Negro parentage and persons of
mixed Indian and Negro parentage unless the Indian blood very definitely pre-
dominates or unless the individual is accepted in the community as an Indian."
(Continued on next page)
19
we remember that the racial inheritance of the Puerto Ricans is Spanish, Negro
and Caribbean Indian. The range in skin complexion therefore takes in a spectrum
from white to black, although the large majority of the island population is white.
Our typical Puerto Rican is male. In fact, 80% of our respondents were male and
only 2()%, were female. This should not lead to hasty conclusions as to the sex
rf'.tio of this group since in our interviewing we tended to prefer heads of house-
holds which in most cases were m:1le. However, there are other indications
pointing to a greater number of males than females in the Puerto Rican population
of our city. This is in sharp contrast to the situation in New York vrhere a
p:-eponderance of women has been fairly constant in this group.
1
But our observa-
2
tion seems to be confirmed by similar findings in Philadelphia, in 1954.
The typical Puerto Rican in our sample is almost 30 years old, e.g. the
median age of the sample group is 29.9 years, which is considerably older tha.'l'l
the median age on the island but also somewhat older than demonstrated in similar
studies elsewhere in large mainland cities. This phenomenon may be the result of
a r.u:nber of factors. Voluntary migrations usually show a high incidence of young
groups with a relatively high birth rate and this is of course true of the
Puerto Rican migrants when they first come here from the island. After Puerto
P.icans have lived in mainland cities for a while they make adjustments to their
changed environment one of which concerns a limitation in family size. Another
'.r.portant factor is to be found in the fact that a great number of Chicago Puerto
:deans do not come to our city directly from their island, but have lived in other
c!.ties or areas of the mainland. As can be seen from table below, only 2/3 of
"-(conttd.) U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Po:p_ulation: 195Q. Vol. IV,
Special Reports, Part 3, Chap. D., Puerto Ricans in Continental United States.
U.S. Government Printing Office, '!JIJashington, D. c., 1953, p. 3D-5.
1
Mills, Senior, Goldsen, p. 26.
2
Siegel, Orlans, Greer, op. cit., p. 32.
20
our sample group came here directly from Puerto Rico. Itineracy and voluntary
l:iJnitation of family size could well explain the relatively higher median age .
Of our sample, the great majority of the respondents were married, i.e.
75% were legally married and 5% were living in a so-called consensual marriage.
1
The latter is a low figure as compared to conditions on the island. It re ems that
our emphasis on proper documentation and paper work makes Hliving in sinH too
difficult. Of the adult migrants, 10 per cent were single, 3 per cent widowed
and 6 per cent lived either separated, had been deserted or were divorced. A
greater number of women in our sample were divorced v..hile more men had deserted
their wives or fa.-nilies either on tm island or in another mainland city. In
fact, some of the men stated that they left the island in order to
11
get away from
their spouses.
11
The housing available to our typical Puerto Rican, individual or family,
is poor. we have already pointed out in the above why migrants in general,
and Puerto Ricans are no exceptions, tend to move into p:nts of the city which are
near-blight and low-rent housing areas. The Milwaukee Avenue area is certainly
such an area. As was to be expected, no one in our sample group at time of
bterviewing owned his own home. The median rent paid per month was $68.67, with
7 per cent paying less than $34 and 9 per cent paying more than $91.00. Their
apartments are usually small, but households are large. Thus, 70 per cent of our
interviewees shared their housing facilities with two to six others, members of
t. he im.rnedia te family or relative s. The median mnnber of per sons per household is
:;. 8 compared to an overall city median average of 2.9 (1957). We shall have more
listails on this situation in the specific section on housing.
The typical male in our sample had completed a median of 8o2 years in
l Puerto Rican equivalent of common-law marriage.
21
school while his spouse lagged some1,vhat behind with a median of 7.1 years. In
spite of the fact that 3 per cent of the men and 5 per cent of the women had had
no formal schooling, no outright illite rates were encountered in this group,
although there were several respondents who might be called functional illiterates
in both their nativ"i Spanish tongue and in their use of the English language.
This kind of illiteracy seemed to be demonstrated more by the older people and
women in our sample; also the fact that they had lived in a rural or urban area
on the island was a contributing factor.
1
It might be added, incidentally, that
the above figures indicate a higher educational level than prevails on the
idand, while they compare unfavorably with comparable data for Chicagoe
2
This
finding also contradicts the often heard statemmt originating both from Puerto
Rican and mainland sources that the migrants represent the 1 ow est, most
ooeducated and unskilled component of the island population. The facts point in
the opposite direction.
The primary rural origin of our group (64 per cent) is Closely
connected with the fact that over 22 per cent were v-rorking on farms just before
they 1 eft the island. An additional 15 per cent were employed in mining and
construction, essentially away from larger cities; 28 per cent were occupied in
activities more often found in urban areas, while 20 per cent were not working
at the time of emigration.. The median annual income reported for the last year
respondent lived on the island was $780.00, with 15 per cent reporting under
t;oo.oo and 62 per cent reporting between $500 and $ 1 , 5 0 0 ~ Only 1 per cent
In some studies it is claimed that race is a significant factor also; this
could not be demonstrated in this study, as the Negro component was too small
(1%) to show statistically meaningful deviations. The intermediate types
(mu+atto, indio and grifo) did not show significant differentiation from the
white group in this respect.
2
For Chicago the figure for median school years completed for males is 9Q7 and
for females 9.6 (1950).
22
indicated an annual income of between $2,000 and $2,500c The group of 20 per
cent 1-'l'hich was not in the labor force before leaving the island consisted of
women and those who were just old enough to go to work at the time of migration.
\ITe have already mentioned some of the reasons why Puerto Ricans leave
their beautiful island with a preference for the big mainland citieso It became
apparent, moreover, that reasons given had to be examined from at least three
points of reference, (1) conditions in Puerto Rico, (2) conditions in mainland
city, and (3) substantive content. lrfuen we asked our sample group "What things
about life on the island made you want to leave Puerto Rico?," 73 per cent
stated that there was no work, or the pay was too low, that there was no future,
or they were bored to death. But to this reason might be added what Rand called
11
a restlessness brought on by the Second World vvar.
111
According to his theory,
country people, including voluntary and forced migrants, have been piling into
big cities all over the world," . there has been a general flight away from
Nature and the primitive.
11
To this were added unsettling experiences caused by
se.:::ond ivar operations such as the island blockade by German submarines and Puerto
Rican youth seeing the world at the invitation of their adopted Uncle Sam.
Answers to our next question "What things about life in Chicago
interested you in coming to Chicago?
11
somewhat corroborated Rand's thesis. Ten
per cent of our respondents claimed that they came to Chicago because of

challenging work here, adventure." It must be pointed out in this

:ontext that some of our migrants wanted to come here so badly that they went
into debt. In fact, a pertinent question brought to light that 26 per cent of
our Puerto Rican emigrants, mainland..-bound, borrovmd money in order to purchase
an airplane ticket or just to have enough money until the first paycheck in the
1
C. Rand, The Puerto Ricans (New- York: Oxford University Press, 1958), p. 52f.
23
big continental city would materialize. Borrowing money usually indicates a
corrmitment toward the purpose for which it is used. It was therefore not
surprising to learn that most of our respondents had decided to stay here per-
milllently at the time of departure from Puerto Rico. After they had been here for
a while, 75 per cent of our sample groups said they wanted to settle here
permanently, 4 per cent were here tanporarily (visiting family, study, etc.),
7 per cent intended to return to Puerto Rico and 14 per cent did not lmow or would
not answer.
Gererally, it can be stated tmt the migration of the Puerto Ricans to
the mainland cities is an economic move and because the attractive force pulling
so many of the migrants to Chicago is the hope of decent and plentiful jobs, the
economic aspects of the migrants
1
adjustrrent are particularly significant. It is
the promise of Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, etc. that makes him l eave his
home and come here.
1
2. Economic Adjustment
Does the mainland city keep its promise and fulfill the migra11.ts
1
expectations with respect to economic opportunities, and how do our Puerto Ricans
c.djust to the labor market in a big indus trial center?
It should be emphasized here that the great majority of the migrants
working when they left the island. They were not unable to find work in
P1:;rto Rico; our typical migrant vm.s not so much in search of work as he v:as
for a better job and greater opportunities. A small nu.rnber of our
:cspondents (6 per cent), actually, lined up jobs in Chicago before leaving the
; >land, but the great majority ( 80 per cent) came here looking for work.
f,3latively fe:l of the migrants seeking employment have an;>r specific kind of work
1
This is reinforced by both for:rr.al (newspapers), but mainly, informal sources
of information (letters from friends or relatives living on the continent)
at the disposal of the prospective migrant on the island.
24
in mind, nor do they have many special skills to offer, and of course a great
number of occupational opportunities are closed to them because of their defic-
iency in using the English language. It is not surprising therefore that the
majority of our migrants obtained their first job through the influence and
assistance of relatives or Puerto Rican friends who had been in the city for some
time. Thus 53 per cent found jobs in that manner, while another 25 per cent were
referred to errployers by the Puerto Rican Labor Office in Chicago ;
1
8 per cent
found work by their own efforts and none utilized the services either of public or
private employment agencieso Not many of them knew of the existence of the
illinois State Employment Service, at first; when, later on, they learned of its
existence and function, they usually made use of the services offered. But
private employment agencies are strictly avoided. Experiences gained, especially
in New York, but also in other continental cities led the migrants to believe that
they are unreliable, prejudiced and a.'1 accessory to that type of employer who
tends to exploit members of minority groups or newly arrived immigrants. 2 Those
who found jobs by their own efforts usually located them through newspaper adver-
tisements. The strategy used in obtaining employment changes drastically after
the migrants have be en here for a while. Almost half of our sample group, 48 per
cent, then found a job through their own efforts, and 2 per cent with the help of
newspaper "ads,
11
while only 16 per cent availed themselves of the influence of
friends or relatives. Five per cent were referred to employers by the Puerto
Rican Ivlidwest Office, but again none used public or private emplo;yment agencieso
'
. ~ . . In this context it might be pointed out that the Puerto Rican 1-1idwest Office in
Chicago, in its Annual Report for 1956-1957, stated that out of 21,035 persons
who visited that office, 7,807 applicants were referred to employers and that
5,238 of these, or 67 per cent, were subsequently hired. The Report also men-
tioned that by the end of the year 1957, the Office vrill have been in contact
with 3,500 industries in Chicago and the s U b u r b s ~ (Quoted with permission of
the Puerto Rican Midwest Office; Chicago, Illinois.)
2
See also Mills, Senior, Gold sen, 2J2.!.._cit.,, p. 62.
25
The finding that it does not take the migrant long to b ecome wise to
city ways with r espect to obtaiJling work was also bo:-:-ne out by another series of
questions which inquired into their tentative course of action if they became
unemployed. To the question "What would you do if you were unemployed and could
not find a job?
11
over 50 per cent replied they would apply for work at other
factories and/or keep on looking; 22 per cent would seek the aid of the Puerto
Rican Midwest Office and/or a labor union, 6 per cent would go to the Illinois
State Employment Office, 4 per cent v.ould check newspaper ads, 13 per cent would
apply for unemploymm t compen sat:!.on and only 2 per cent would ask for support from
the County irJelfare Department. A further question which inquired into their
knowledge regarding any particular places set up for the purpose of helping
people to find jobs, showed that 90 per cent knew of these institutions and only
10 per cent alleged ignorance,
In our sample the greatest number of individuals are found in occupa-
tions defined by the Bureau of the Census as "operatives and kindred" and/or
"private household and servicee" The former refers to activities such as machine
operators, primarily in manufacturing and processing industries, including work
in radio, television, electronics and plastics industries, the latter represents
jobs such as service station attendants, waiters, bartenders, dish-washers, bus
boys, etco Prerto Ricans generally enjoy an excellent reputation with respect to
their manual and finger This has been particularly apparent in the
case of Puerto Rican girls and women who are in great demand in the textile,
clothing and related

Once on a job and re asombly well adjusted to the vJOrk situation, with
a modicum of acceptance by the environment, the Puerto Rican newcomer is a loyal
l
There is one plant in Chicago which produces quilts and employs exclusively
Puerto Rican women operator so In this plant is run entirely by Puerto
Ricans. Except for the owners, everybody from the super i<"ltendent to the last
messenger boy is Puerto Rican.
26
employee. Of our sample group, 16 per cent still were in the same job they
obtained when they first came to Chicago after a period of from six months to
five ;years., In the latter case, there is often an advance in occupational stand-
ing involved, although it is usually rather a promotion on the same skill level
th:m to the next hif,her s!-<:ilL.
Sometimes the dissatisfactions and l:i;'llitations encountered in work
situations on the factory level, or in other menial jobs for wages, run counter
to the Puerto Rican's sense of independence and er,:terprising ambition. He thinks
that if he had his own business he could gp as far and fast as he is able to,
Thus he opens his own small business, often a grocery store, sometimes a
restaurant, barbershop, tailorshop
9
cleaning store, an appliances repair shop or
a music shope These ventures cxe not always successful because of the capital
needed and the fierce competition prevailing in most of these lines. If they do
fail, however, they feel they can always go back into unskilled factory work an.i
therefore are not risking very m1.!ch.
Many employers as well as union sources contend that a great handicap
to Puerto Rican workers is their inadequacy in the use of the English tongue. In
our
11
communication-happy
11
era this is a significant drawback, but specifically
in any industrial operation where team work is a necessity, it is often the
factor which will bar Puerto Ricans from employment, or if hired will keep them
on the lowest level of unskilled labor. It is essential in today' s industry
that a worker is able to follow not only verbal instructions, but also read signs. ,
notes on bulletin boards or, in more advanced positions (foreman), understand a
blueprint or a diagram; or first-aid procedures; this also includes an under-
standing of American weights and measures.
Puerto Ricans in our sample who were found to be very poor joiners of
clubs or organizations, seem to be eager to belong to a labor union. Many of
I
I
I
'
27
them were quite familiar with unions on the island;
1
in fact, more than 16 per
cent were members before they c3.me to the rna inland. Once in the industrial city,
many seem to make it a poi.nt (if eligLble) to join a 1.mion. Of our respondents,
1'/ell over 50 per cent repo-.ted membership and only 23 per cent had never belonged
to a labor U...'1ion, either here or on the island, Here they are particularly well
represented in the United Automobile Workers
1
Union and in unions concerre d with
light manufacturing industries a.11d the service trades. For obvious reasons the
lator mion can be very important to the Puerto Rican newcomer. First, it may
often does protect him exploitation and unfair treatment (wages and
,vcrk conditions) by employers; second, some unions are interested in th8 eliminc:.-
of discriminatory practices and do not shy away from taking the necessary
steps to see fair employment regulations enforced.
An interesting question, both from an employer's and the Puerto Rican
newcomer's point of view, concerns the latters' willingness and ability to inte-
grate constructively into the pluralism of so many ethnic and cultural groups o
The important problem is whether they are willing and capable to get along with
others in a work situation. We asked them
11
How do you feel about working in the
same place with native white or colored continental Americans, IvJ:exicans,
Italians, Jews or other Puerto RicEs?"
Relatively few expressed outright dislike for any specific raci3.l and
ethnic group, although there are indications that some have reservations about
working with American Negroes, Hexicans and Italians. Very few say that they
dislike working with Americans or Jews and there is an expression of definite
;.reference toward working with Americans and other Puerto Ricanso It might be
10ded that the indices in both the
11
indifferent
11
and ''no answer
11
colu..lll1s are
1
Cf. N. Ritter,
11
A Solid Win In Rich New Territory,
11
XLVI,
(June 1, 1959), llfo But see also the historical presentation in D. Wakefield,
in __ The World of Spanish Harlem, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1959), p. 203ffo
28
relatively high which may confirm tl1e fact that the Puerto Rican often will not
give an outright anslfer when he feels tlu tit might antagonize or hurt the
questioner. This tendency is more pronounced with the 1vomen than the men. There
is definitely some feeling against American Negroes, whether this is based on
racial or economic or both, is difficult to determine.
In the opinions of many recent investigators, there is some degree -
probably slight but noticeable - of rolor discrimination present on the island,
1
When the Puerto Rican migrant comes to the northern industrial mainland city, and
characteristically he avoids the South, his awareness of racial differences and
0ubsequent implications becomes much stronger and he reacts at first with son:e
dc:gree of bewilderment. Moreover:; one has to qualify here that this awareness
and bewilderment may affect different types of Puerto Ricans more or less
seriously. The white Puerto Rican without Negroid or Indian features is apt to
pick up some prejudice against Negroes, vbe the r they are American or Puerto
Rican;
2
the intermediate types will orient themselves in a direction where they
feel least antagonized or discriminated against; but the dark-skinned Puerto
Rican undergoes a traumatic experience in his attempt to adjust to the American
reality of race prejudice toward the colored man,,3 He finds out quickly that he
is restricted with respect to housing, excluded from better jobs and discrimi-
nated against socially. The dark Puerto Rican finds himself competing with the
Negro on many levels, but especially so in the economic fieldo He
1
')
Cf. c. Rand, p. 46ff; Mills, Senior, Goldsen, cit., p. 7;
E. Padilla, op p., 72f Also see :tvL
11
Eace Patterns ::.nd
Pre judice in Puerto Rico ,
11
A.'Ilerican Review, XIV, 2, (April 1949) .
pp. But cf. J . et al., P c1t., p. 425.
.:__ Cf. J .. P:. FitzpatriC!J..;:, S.J., "Adjustment of Puerto Ricans to New York City:u
The of I, 1, (Winter 1959/60)" p. 50f
9
and
11
Attitudes of Puerto Ricans Toward Color,
11
Sociological Re_view, XX: 3,
(Fall 1959), 219-229.
3 Cf.
11
Adam Rips North for Race Bias,
11
Daily Defender, Chicago, 7-21-59.
29
develops unique defensive attitudes in order not to be taken for an
Negro; thus he will speak only a bare minimum of English, trying to convey the
impression that he is a foreigner rather than a fJegro. By speaking Spanish
loudly in public places, he tries to make sure that this is understood by his
environment. He will do a:-_ything to differentiate himself from the A.merican Negro
and thereby escape the latter
1
s One observer predicted that the Puerto
Ric:ms will eventually split into two comple-:.ely separate groups: those who can
p0.ss for white becoming assimilated to the white comrmmity_? and those who cannot?
who will gradually become assimilated to the Negro cormnunity.
1
However, it is a
rurious phenomenon in the Americcm culture which gives higher status to the
i'creign-born, non-English-speaking colored person than to its ovm native Amerir;an
Negro.
The result is that the dark-skinned Puerto Rican makes generally a very
poor adjustment to the English language and endeavors to improve his condition
by being different from his American counterpart. This usually means that he
will avoid anything beyond a mL1imal adjustment and remain the way he was when he
first came here.
During the period of interviewing our sample group which happened to be
at a time vmen this country experienced a rather severe although brief recession,
we noted that the darker complected migrants were more often laid off, and were
discharged before their more lighter-skinned fellow-Puerto Ricans lost their jobso
Generally, this was a difficult time for the migrants and there was increased
movement back to the island, Of our respondents, as far as we could ascertain,
went back to the In fact, most of them had been doing quite well
.:.p to the onset of the recession. The median income in Chicago for the last year
,
.L
Cf. I:J. Herbe rg, Protestant, Catholic, Jevv (Garden City, .. :
p. 56, n. 11.
Doubleday, 1955),
30
reported (1957) was $3,828 or roughly $74 per week,
1
with 18 per cent reporting
their income below $3,000 and 22 per cent giving their
1
s as $5,000 or over. In
comparing this with the last annual income in Puerto Rico which yielded a median
amount of $780.00, one can easily see that our migrants
1
expectations, at least in
this respect, had been amply fulfilled.
2
By the same token, one may say that
Chicago, in holding out a promise of economic opportunities to the prospective
;rligrant, had kept its share of the bargain.
Having improved his economic lot so strikingly, one might expect that
the migra..r1t would be inspired to have considerable vocational aspirations for him-
self and even higher ones for his children. Traditionally, immigrants to these
shores in the past, as they mastered the la..r1guage and customs of their new
environment, have been quite ambitious for their own continued progress, and
certainly have held high hopes of occupational achievement for their children.
The Puerto Rican ne1frcomer, generally, does not seem to fall into this
same pattern. 'l,o the question
11
'V-!hat kind of occupation lJrould you most like to
have?,
11
14 per cent responded that they are satisfied with vJhat they have ; 18 per
cent prefer anything that pays well; 7 per cent want to rise to a managerial
level; 30 per cent wish to be operatives or craftsmen and only 3 per cent want to
have white collar jobs. Three-fourths of the women or 15 per cent the whole
sample) want to be housewives; 7 per cent of the group did not knm-J or vrould not
answer the question. We followed up with a..r1other question asking what they were
l
2
A comparable median income figure for the city of Chicago (1956) would be
$4,702, or roughly $90 per 1freek, for all primary farrLi.lies and individuals (who
live in rented housing), as quoted in Summary of Bulletin No. 4,
Supplement to National Housing Inventory, prepared by the Res earch Division,
Department of City Planning, City of Chicago, 1957.
Of course, it should be taken into consideration that although wages in Chicago
are much higher than in Puerto Rico, there are deductions made for taxes, hos-
pitalization, social security, etc., and take-home pay is not as large as
expected. Also a larger amotmt of money must be spent here for rent, food and
clothes than on the island. In addition, there is the constant and irresistible
temptation of buying on credit v.rhich becomes a constant drain on the pocket book.
31
doing to bring about such a change. Almost half of the sample group did not
answer; 8 per cent were going to school or were in job training; 16 per cent were
saving money and waiting for
11
a breakn and 1 per cent was studying the English
language. Among those who said that they were not doing anything to bring about
a change, 11 per stated that they were vorking too hard and that there was no
free time; 8 per cent thought it was too late and that it was hopeless and 4 per
cent said t:r.a.t they had no money to join a union or save antying and that they
could not speak English well enough, anyway. Four per cent simply said that they
did not know what to do. Thus, 25 per cent were more or less actively striving to
realize their aspirations while 48 per cent did not answer or did not know what
to do and the rest did nothing to improve their situation. Considering the
behavior patterns of previous newcoiiBrs or immigrants to cities like New York or
Chicago, one cannot help but note a striking difference with respect to hopeful-
ness regarding their occupational aspirations and general optimism concerning the
prospects of their life in this country. If one probes a little more deeply into
this somewhat resigned attitude_, one finds that our migra.Tlts feel that they are
and under-trained for this industrial society; moreover, some
vaguely realize that in order to climb the economic ladder successfully they have
to acquire social and cultural mobility. In order to do this however
1
they must
resolve eonstructively the cultural conflict in which they find themselves and
which is a significant obstacle in a society that in recent times has come to
place such a high value on sameness and conformity.
Yet, though the migrants may be pessimistic about achieving whatever
aspirations they have for themselves, they do have great hopes for the successful
assimilation and rise in economic and social status of their children.. When
asked how many years they would like their children to go to school, fully 46 per
cent want them to complete high school and 38 per cent like to see them get a
\' :
....
. ' ' )
32
college degree or do graduate study. They feel that if their children could reach
these educational goals, they would be well prepared for professional and white
collar positions and be shown respect and full recognition by the American commun-
ity. The migrants themselves do not feel that they are being accepted yet in this
sense.
3. Housing
Housing is one of the most exasperating problems for the Puerto Rican
migrant to this city. There are several reasons.
First, Puerto Ricans on the island are accustomed to a sub-tropical,
ideal climate, where the phenomenon of snow is nearly unknown, and the need
for shelter or heating facilities is minimal. Horeover, the all-year around warm,
sunny weather, only sometimes interrupted by rain, lures people outdoors wh ere
they spend most of their time. In the northern United States, however, the climate
is different - 1dnters are bitterly cold and last up to six months -- and good
housing is a necessity of the first order.
Second, housing in most metropolitan areas of the United States is in a
bad way. This is certainly true of Chicago where there was practically no con-
struction during the depression in the 1930's and none during the war and post-war
periods of the 1940's, and the little there was in this decade was primarily not
for the poor, excepting perhaps public housing of which there was a minimum.
Third, housing is another area next to employment where a great deal of
discr:imination is practiced against the Puerto Rican.
Finally, migrants in big cities tend to settle
in low rent housing near rapid transportation lines and in the proximity of light
industry which combination of ccnvenience is usually found in the decaying, near-
blighted inner ci tie s.
1
2
In our profile of the sample area, we discussed in more detail the
housing conditions in that community area. In particular, we pointed out that
since 1930, there had been virtually no new residential construction, but that
there had been increasingly more conversions of single and multiple family struc-
tures. In the entire area, in the decade ending in 1950, dwelling units
1
See 17 S\lpr; p.
2
See p. l43ff.
33
mcreased two per cent. Since 1950, when the population pressure was still more
compounded by internal migration and the influx: of displaced persons from Central
Europe, conversions and subdivisions became even mere the order of the day. The
four census tracts containing our sample extend from the southeast of the area
where structures are deteriorated and plainly substandard to the northwest where
better conditions prevail.
Our typical Puerto Rican family had a'1 apartment of 2. rooms with a
household of slightly over 3.8 persons. This compares favorably with the island in
general, (5.07 persons in 1950).and is considerably higher than the most recent
comparable figure for Chicago which was 2.9 in 1957.
1
However, the respective
for our sample area (4 census tracts) was 3.10 and for the entire vJest To"rn
c0mmunity area 3.25 (both values as of 1950). The average number of persons per
r0om in the sample area was 1.60 at time of interviewing.
On the island the Puerto Rican household often includes in addition to
the primary family, relatives and the children of' relatives. This pattern of an
extended family sometimes persists in the mainland city.
2
In our group, 17 per c&:"'t
of the households consisted of the immediate conjugal unit, 33 per cent of a prima.:cy
family and 38 per cent of a primary family with relatives living with them; this
was also true of those households (11%) where the head of the household was not
married at the time of interviewing.
Because of their relatively low combined incomes these large family units
find only the most unattractive dwellings available to them. And even here, in
order to be accepted, some landlords force the prospective migrant-tenant to
some old, often decrepit furniture which is found on the premises, at
exorbitant, ridiculously high prices. Seventeen per cent of the migrants' apart-
1
This figure represents median number of persons in all households in rented hous-
ing. See Chicago Supplement to National Housing op. cit., Summary
Table 3-2, Bulletin No. 3i (January 1957). Comparable figures for Puerto Ricans
in other cities are as fo lows: .
Apartment Size Persons Eer Household
Philadelphia: 2. 7 rooms 4. 6 persons
New York: 4. 2 4. 4 persons
(*This figure seems unrealistically large!)
Source: Siegel, Orlans, Greer, op. cit., p. 26.
Mills, Senior, Goldsen, op. cit., p. 94.
2 Cf. E. Padilla, op. cit., p. 126ff.
34
ments in our sample had no hot water, .2.2 per cent had no private toilet facilities
but had to share them with from two to five other persons in addition to their om1
famHies,. The migrant usually must deal with a building manager, sometiire s only
a rent collector, who in turn reports to an absentee landlord. Often, there
exists an almost feudal relationship between the landlord or his agent
1
and the
1\:erto Rican tenant. The latter is willing to put up with almost any condition of
disrepair, because he is slow to complain, does not knov1 his rights, and if he
does know them_, generally cannot express himself effectively in the English
)_a.nguage. The landlord, moreover, is usually not inclined to invest any money in
r:::.:ntenance and the Puerto Rican tenant
1
s only other recourse is to the city
at:thorities whom he fears even more than the landlord; this is an attitude not t0o
lll!.usual for newcomers generally. He knows that an official inspection of the
building may reveal so rrany violations that he may have to look for other accom-
modations, or it may involve him in long drawn out court procedures for which he
has no taste at all. Thus, nothing is done, deterioration continues, and the
migrant
1
s living conditions sink to the slum level.2
In the evaluation of our sample group's housing conditions (exterior and
interior of apartment) by our interviewers, it was found that 13 per cent of all
1.
2
These agents are sometimes Puerto Ricans themselves who are subservient to the
interests of their landlord-employers.
For purposes of comparison, see the interesting de script ion of the Puerto
Ricans
1
housing situation in New York by Morris Eagle,
11
The Puerto Ricans in
New York City
11
in N. Glazer and D. McEntire, Studies in Housing & Minority
Qroups (Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1960), pp. 144-177.
His findings largely coincide with ours, except for a higher incidence of
conversions; he also downgrades the role of discrimination.
35
units were dilapidated;l moreover, 11 per cent refused to answer questions as to
state of repair of apartment. At the same time, it was found that furniture was
well kept in 74 per cent of the premises and that the overall neatness of rooms in
62 per cent of the cases was higho This seems to indicate that the migrant is
trying to make the bGst of a very poor and unwholesome situation
9
On the other
hand, it makes very little sense to keep the furniture highly polished and the
scrubbed, when the place is crawling with cockroaches and when at times, at
night, rats visit the premises in search of food!
2
Now, if housing conditions are so difficult and unsatisfactory one woQl.d
:XJ:ect that the average tenancy is short and the residential mobility fairly h:igh ,
!h;_s is indeed borne out by the fact that almost half of our respondents per
have moved four times within a period of four years, 18 per cent each moved
twice and three times respectively, only 3 per cent moved only once while 10 per
cent did not answer; 15 per ceht still live in their initial residence.
Because of the many unsatisfactory circumstances surroundi..--:1g the problem
of private housing for the migrant, he often tries his luck with available public
housing. If he can prove to the Chicago Housing Authority that he has lived in
ChicagJ at least one year at the time of registration for an apartment,, and that
he has a subsistence income, he qualifies for public housing accommodations.
In Chicago, public housing is not too plentiful,and in the past, for
uconomic reasons, mostly high-rise buildings were constructed for this purpose.
3
1
According to the Bureau of the Census definition, a dwelling unit is
11
dilapi-
dated11 when it is run-dm.-m, neglected, or is of inadequate original construction,
so that it does not provide adequate shelter or protection against the elements
or it endangers the safety of the occupants" 1950 Housing Census Report,
Vol. V, Part 35, Block Statistics, Chicago, illinois, 2.
2
A good example of such conditions was recently described in:
11
Ratas Matan
Nm1to,
11
(Rats Kill Baby), El Diario De Nueva York.9 June 26, 1959.
3 Cf. R. Hoare,
11
CHA Planners Are Prisoners of Towers," Chicago Sun-Times,
September 4, 1957.
36
The Puerto Rican, however, does not like the idea of living in such a building
where it :Ls difficult to supervise the children and whei?e there is no direct, easy
access to street, park or playground.
A reliable source at the Chicago Housing Authority informs us that there
are presently 18,45$ dwelling units of which 85 per cent are occupied by Negroes,
1.5 per cent by whites of which 10 per cent are Puerto Ricanso
1
The demand for
these facilities is apparently generally very high and there are long waiting
l:i.sts of applicants., Our source estimated that about 300 Puerto Rican families
ir. the City of Chicago live in public housing projects of which 53 per cent
:'Pside in the Cabrini Homes which is the project closest to our sample area,
If we accept an estirmte of 30-J5,000 Puerto Rican population for the
r.ity,
2
this would indicate that about 5 per cent reside in public housing. While
public housing may be the solution of their housing problem to some people, it is
not so for the average Puerto Rican. First, a great concern for his children.:'
their proper upbringing and associations cause him to desire a great deal of
supervision which cannot be provided for in a high-rise building unless
the children are confined much of the time. Second, since admittance to a public
housing unit and continued occupancy in it are predicated on the number of perso:.:s
'
it1 the fa'llily and the total family income, the Puerto Rican is faced v.ri. th some
problems, peculiar to his c cit ural background. His commitment to the practice of
the
11
extended family
11
household, as well as the sometires weaker stability of his
marital unions3 do not abva;rs make him the most desirable candidate for public
l It seems that for their purposes the Chicago Housing Authority considers all
Puerto Ricans in the "white category.,"
2 See p.l2.
3 Cf. Consensual marriages,

p. 20.
37
housing projects. Third, the fact th11t he has no influence on choosing his
enviror.ment, or the people he hJ.s to live with under the same roof, is a blow to
his individualism and his highly developed sense of
11
dignidad,
111
Nevertheless,
:;nny Puerto Rican migrants come to the conclusion that public housing is better
th:>n their previous q,ccornmodations and that, at least, they are not being
or abused. Also they feel that this does not need to be a permanent
8olution of their housing problem and that it is preferable to living in the slums
of the inner Gi ty.
If this seems to indicate a spirit of resignation and passivism, it
:hocld be mentioned that Puerto Ricans have taken some aqtive steps to improve
their housing conditions. The idea of establishing
11
housing-,
11
"rent-," or
11
neighborhood-clinic s" and/or "orientation centers,
112
staffed by their own people
and supported by public agencies, was first experimented with in New York and after
some initial success there, was tried in Chicago. Here, about two years ago, in a
near-north-side cornmUJlity area, a "Latin-American Committee" was founded under the
e.uspices of Puerto Rican residents of that neighborhood and with the advice and
of the Puerto Rican Midwest Office,
Initially, the concern was primarily 1t.rith complaints regarding housing
,
bd., later, other matters of corrnnon interest were added. This group with about
?Jj) members - at first non-dues paying - including some Mexicans, met twice a
2
11
Dignidad" of a person refers to the inner integrity or worth which everybody
is supposed to have originally and to guard jealously. It should not be con-
fused with dignity of sodal position or dignity of office. See J. Gillin,
11
Ethos Components in Hoder!.1 Latin American Culture," fb:'Tierican 1-.nthl'opologiE,t.,
LVII, 3, Pt. 1} (July 49L Ex-Governor R. G. Tugwoll wrote that the
Puerto Ricans have a pride which is almost an obsc;ssion and lGads frequently to
the substitution of f&'l.cy for fact, . to the covering up of weakness and
incompetence, to the protection of mediocrity &'l.d so to a general
lowering of the levels of competence. Cf. R. G. Tugwell, "Dignidad and Its
Implications] u in E. F. Mendez ( ed.), Portrait of a Society: A Book of Readingf!
on Pueito Rican Sociology. (Rio Piedras: University of Puerto Rico, 1956,
mi.rneographed).
Cf, D. Wakefield, op. cit., p. 215ff,
month in a church. A few native residents acted as contacts with public agencies
and as legal advisers. This group has been successful in correcting some housing
. .
complaints and, in general, orienting the group toward urbanization
Moreover, this way of solving or ameliorating a problem shows us two
in the of our Puerto migrant: (1) he will not permit
himself to be pushed around indefinitely, and he recognizes that the Lord helps
only those who help themselves, and (2) he is beginning to seek relief in organiz-
i'1g his group and attacking conmon problems collectively -- a reaction which was
ouite cormnon in the history of irmnigrant groups in the United States.
4. Social Ad,iustment
The problems of personal adjustment to and integration with the life of
a corrmuni ty facing internal migrants are only slightly different from those con-
fronting foreign-born immigrants. Thus, the Puerto Rican American newcomer faces
the familiar problems of immigrants: crowded slum housing, job difficulties,
lPnguage trouble, prejudice and ghetto-living, an unfamiliar and harsh
illlpersonal. urban-industrial environment, health hazards, the alienation of the
second generation, educational institutions and social agencies not yet adapted to
particular needs, etc. Most of these are problems encountered by every
,
previous immigrant group to the mtropolitan centers of the United States. But
;;:;_tuation of the Puerto Rican American differs in some significant instances from
rrevious immigrant groups: while he too has left his native country because of
poverty, lack of land, population pressure and unemployment and comes here seeking
more economic opportunity, he arrives in the United States as an American citizen
without the problems of naturalization and citizenship papers, and with a national
background of fifty years under United States influence and tutelage. Secondly,
the return to his native island is simple and relatively cheap and he maintains
strong ties with the island which he re-enforces by frequent visits.
39
Thus, citizen ship - a common problem to adjustment -- is no bar to the
Puerto Rican. He already is an American citizen and becomes a full citizen of a
city and a state after living there long enough to meet minimum residence require-
ments --like any other migrant on the mainland, But unlike most other migrants,
his opportunity for adjustment is at least initially limited by his foreign
culture and language, and his consequent lack of occupational mobility. For he is
only expected to adjust to the external requirements of his urban industrial
environment, such as observance of sanitary regulations, regular hours of work,
consistent school attendance, etc., but he must also adapt in a much more profound
and per ronal sense to the acquisitive and competitive nature of American oo ciety ;.o
to its high mobility, both economic and social, to its extraordinary extent of
personal freedom which Clashes head-on with his patriarchal highly structured
Spanish heritage.
He must also adjust to the pattern of impersonal or institutionalized
relationships which is cormnon in the American urban setting and which runs countel'
to the Puerto Rican
1
s tendency to rely on personal and individualized contacts.
Thus, the migrant is far more inclined to put his faith into something which was
communicated to him in person than to the same message presented to him in a
printed circular. The continental American conversely tends to take with a grain
of salt what people tell him, while usually accepting as facts v.rhat he learns
through impersonal sources.
Finally, although he is eager to learn, unlike other newcomers, he finds
it often hard to admit real or imagined lack of knowledge or competence. Thus,
at times, he will rather say that he understood some instructions when he really
did not, than ask questions and thereby demonstrate that he is not adequate. He
will for the same reason shy away from experiences than risk being
exposed as inexperienced, untrained or unskilled. This is apparently part of a
..
40
tendency to protect his self-esteem. Some continental Americans who have studied
Puerto Ricans both on their island and on the mainland, state this sa.'TI.e phenomenon
in different terms: the Puerto Rican is reluctant to accept anything that
challenges what he is or has been. He has a profound sense of integrity which to
him reans wholeness or completeness and the very suggestion that there should have
to be adjustment to other values is an affront and .1n sul t to the image he has of
himself
1
If our assumption is correct that the migrant feels secure in his own
culture pattern and resents change because it would expose him to disorganization,
then the problem of his assimilation is further compounded by the fact that in
continental big city life he finds no concrete homogeneous norms to which to
adjust. There is no standard to follow, nor are there social controls 1.vhich might
automatically maintain a consensus or conformity in the community. Mills et al.
called a migrant adjusted if -he would
11
function inconspicuously with psychic
contentment." In a society of homogeneous norms this is simple because the indi-
vidual is like all other people and therefore not socially visible among them.
However, in a society with no such norms, but with many different social types,
the individual can be inconspicuous only in terms of formal denominators.
2
Con-
sequently, the migrant who does not intentionally segregate himself socially and
residentially and who acquires facility in the English language; whose dress,
diet, and general living habits fall within the "limits of normal" for the
l Cf. Rev. John K .. Vincent in Seminar on
11
Adjustment of Puerto Ricans in Chicago,"
January 14, 1959. On the other hand, the United States view holds ideally
2
that the individual merits respect, because he has the right to be considered
just as good as the next person, or has the right to an equal chance or
opportunity with other individuals. Cf. J. Gillin, op. cit., p. 491; and also
R. G. Tugwell, op. cit.
Mills, Senior, Goldsen, op. cit., p. 141.
41
continental urban setting, who manages to avoid publicity and stays on the right
side of the law and does all that without personal disorganization is well on the
road to adjustment. And perhaps this is all an industrial urban community
requires of a newcomer.
In this we shall deal with some of the factors which we consider
indices of social adjustment: a. Language and Communication, ba Family
and Religion, c. Law and Authority, d. Community Participation and Political
Activities, ev Financial Management, f. Medical Care and Sanitation.
There is no question that a basic factor in the av erall adjustment of an
innnigrant, and this is true of some migrants as well, is his proficiency in the
English language.
It is fairly well agreed among competent observers that over half of the
Puerto Rican migrants come to the mainland cities without knowledge of English or
without language facility adequate enough to make their way in this new environ-
t
. . 1 l
men 1nconsp1.cuous y. Some claim that even if they do know the language well,
the migrants are reluctant to use it frequently, while others go so far as to
state that they do not see the need for learning it, or do not avail themselves of
the opportunities offered by the various pertinent public agenciesa
2
In our sample we asked our respondents to self-rate their language pro-
ficien cy, as fallows:
1. About how well do you understand the English language?
(a) do you read it,
(b) do you speak it,
(c) do you write it?
Answers were qualified in four categories - well, moderately, little and
1
Mills et al., ope cit., p. 142
Burma, op. cit., p. 181
Rand, op. cit., p. 72
2
Ibid.
42
none.
The second question referred to the frequency of using English:
2. About how often do you use English? This question was sub-
divided as to use of language in different situations and
in different personal relationships. Respondents rated
their frequency in three categories: frequently, occasionally
and never.
The responses were illuminating, not only because of the facts they
revealed, but also because the migrants rated themselves. It had been our assump--
tion that the respondents would tend to overrate their English language facility,
but we were not so sure whether this was correct after the results were in. Thus,
only five per cent of our group thought that they read, speak and write English
well - the highest index being demonstrated in speaking (9 per cent) and the
lowest in writing (1 per cent). Sixty-eight per cent felt that they trfere able to
read, write and speak a little, here again speaking showihg the highest and
writing the lowest values, respectively. The "cannot at all" category comprised
25 per cent of the sample -- 5 per cent who cannot speak it, 19 per cent who
cannot read it and 52 per cent who cannot write it at all, The fact t)1at the
migrants rated themselves so low in reading and writing seems to indicate that the
migrants had not received a satisfactor,y training in the English language at
school in Puerto Rico, although their general education was adequate - the medium
of instruction having been Spanish. This, of course, raises the long-standing
knotty educational problem, whether the medium of teach:ing in Puerto Rico should
be Engli sh or Spanish,
1
1
Cf, C. Senior, Strangers and Neighbors (New York: Anti-Defamation League of
B
1
nai B
1
rith, 1952), p. 29.
43
The response to the question regarding frequency of use of English
shows clearly the reluctance of the migrant to use it, even if he has the ability.
Thus, 51 per cent speak English frequently on the job 35 per cent
when they do their These, of course, are situations where they have
no choice, except when they work for a Spanish-speaking boss or buy in Puerto
Rican stores. Only 5 per cent and 17 per cent, respectively, converse in English
.t!:eguently with adults or children of the same household. Seven and 4 per cent
respectively, speak it frequently with friends or in public, when non-Puerto
Ricans are present. Twenty-one per cent and 11 per cent, respectively,
speak English with other adults or with children of the same household; 18 per
cent never speak it with friends and 14 per cent never use English in public
when non-Puerto Ricans are pre sent.
Thus, in twenty-one out of one hundred and three Puerto Rican households
of this Chicago English is never spoken at home. Moreover, it is a well
kno'W!l fact that foreign-born innnigrants or foreign-speaking migrants who contmue
to speak their native tongue at home to the exclusion of English, prolong
indefinitely the time when they will become proficient in English; and this, of
course, relates directly and significantly to other adjustment indices.
Some correlations were established between ability of speaking English
well or little and length of residence in Chicago, age and sex of respondents,
the co:rmnunity area of first settlement, incidence of trouble with public transpor-
tation and social distance from Chicago residents. Fluency in speaking, of
course, improves with increasing length of stay in the City and after six years
of residence there are few who only "speak English a little." The younger and
older in the age distribution of the sample seem to have more trouble with the
language, while those in their late 20
1
s and early 30's are doing better. This
coincides with the rre dian age of our migrants. . The males in our group have
44
much less difficulty expressing t hemsel ve s in English than the females. None of
the females rated themselves as speaking well and 90 per cent gave themselves
credit for speaking a little, vihile 10 per cent indicated that they did not speak
English at all. Among the males 9 per cent thought they spoke English well, 69
per cent felt they had little speaking knowledge and two per cent admitted they
could not speak it at all. Speaking ability and sex differential might be
explained on the basis of the relatively limited mobility of the Puerto Rican
woman in the American mainland city. There is a strong probability that lack of
English speaking ability is related to the fact that the migrant will first choose
his residence in a Puerto Rican core area, but this is not entirely borne out by
o\n' sample. All those who indicated that they had difficulty with transportation
1
were in tb e non- or little-speaking categories. The respondents did mt seem to
feel that they were accepted more readily by their Chicago non-Puerto Rican
neighbors if they spoke and understood English better. However, the interviewer
thought that there was a strong element of subjectivity contained in the response
to this question and it may well be that this again relates to the tendency of
finding it difficult to admit to a personal inadequacy or weakness.
2
Closely related to the migrant's measure of facility with English is
his use of the mass roodia of commu.."1ication: the newspapers, mag3.zines, movi es,
radio and television. He is somewhat conditioned to them on his native island
where programs in Spanish and English are offered on radio, television and in the
1
"Finding Your Way Around the City.
11
2
See discussion of concept of "Dignidad,
11
pp. 37, 40.
45
movies. When he co me s to the mainland, to acquire a radio set is high on the list
of his immediate wants. In our sample group, 89 per cent of the migrant s ovmed a
radio, 59 per cent had a television set, and 71 per cent were reading newspapers
or magazines.
1
Of those who read newspapers, 38 per cent read one every day, 11
per cent read one per 'Week, and 1 per cent read one per month, while 27 per cent
did not rrea.d any newspapers at all. Furthermore, of the newspaper readers, 7 per
cent read the Spanish language press, either published on the mainland or in
Puerto Rico. Some of the respondents read both the American and the Spanish press.
None subscribed to the Negro press or to church publications.
Of the 89 per cent who had a radio in their apartment, 76 per cent
preferred to listened to Spanish language programs, while 7 per cent rather listen
to American language broadcasts. Another 6 per cent showed no preference.
J..fost radio listening in our sample was in the early morning (35 per cent1
although this may pertain only to such functional programs, as weather-and news-

broadcasts. Thirty-three per cent of the sample listened to more sustained r adio
programs in the evening. Of those who ovmed a television set, almost half (45 per
cent) viewed programs at night.
About 75 per cent of our respondents went to the movies more or less
r egularly. Of these, 20 per cent preferred Spanish films and 55 per cent A;nerican
language productions, while 10 per cent vmuld indicate no prefe r ence. Twenty-two
1
These figures are comparable to those found in the New York and Philadelphia
studies, as follows:
Medium Nev-r York Chicago PhiladelEhia
(Radio
98% 89% 75%
Own: (Television ?
59% 45%
(Newspapers 84% 65% 89%
Read: (Magazines
43% 6% ?
See: Movies 63% 75%
?
46
per cent said that they never go to see a movie.
Thus, it would seem that of all the mass media of corrununication, our
migrant is exposed most thoroughly to radio (89 per cent) followed by movies (75
per cent), newspaper ( 65 per cent); and television ( 62 per cent); the influence
cf magazines ( 6 per cent) seems negligible. The latter is easily explained by the
~ 2 . c t that subscribing to magazines may be a more expensive habit as compared with
che other media.
We have gone to some length in presenting these figures because they pro-
ride important indices toward urban adjustment of the migrant in revealing:
(l) participation in the mass media of communication and therefore exposure to
American mass culture, and (2) public and private facilities in the city, important.
to a newcomer, not only in emergencies, but in every-day life.
It seems clear that on the basis of available figures our migrants do
not absorb a great deal of American mass culture from the mass media, as even in
radio where ownership arrl listening habits are most common, the overwhelming

majority (76 per cent out of 89 per cent) prefer Spanish language programs over
American language broadcasts. It was also demonstrated, and for the same reason,
that our respondents did not learn about facilities in the city (clinics, public
,
welfare, unemployment compensation, English classes, legal aid, etc.) from the
mass media, but from conversations with other migrants. Thus, the channel of
communication was by v-1ord of mouth, within the migrant group, rather than from
impersonal sources from the out side
1
One might go further and say that recepti-
vity on the part of the migrants toward sources of communication originating
1
This situation has probably been drastically changed since the time of our
interviewing, because of the sustained efforts made by the Mayor's New
Residents Corrnnittee and cooperating public and private agencies.. (See recent
reports issued by the Mayor's New Residents Connnittee and Chapter V below!)
47
outside their o1..J11 group is very low, although it increases somewhat with length of
residence. This fact limits the migrant's general informational awa reness of his
new environment and tends to retard his adjustment and assimilation.
b. .E a_gri.!y _a ,Ed_ E
Migration often has a considerable impact on the stability of the

1
s family; it sometimes leads to disorganization, especially in cases where
the supportive power of religious faith and practice has been largely diluted or
has been entirely absent.
All migration is usually accompanied by the shock of being uprooted from
a familiar culture and environment, and the difficulty of finding new roots in a
ssrange milieu; this is so, because people are attached to the in v.!flich
they have grovm up, in many ways, especially socially, culturally and in religious
respects. An awareness of this strong attachment occurs when the customary
environment is lost. Historically, three factors have helped to cushion the shock
- 1) residential isolation into a tightly-knit immigra1t community (Little Italy,
Little Bohemia, etc.); 2) harrl in hand with the above, faithful loyalty to a
church and regular attendance at services, and 3) a strong unit using, at
least initially, the native tongue as a means of commu..."lication within the

At first sight, it appears as if the newcomer is trying to perpetuate
his existence within the context of his ethnic background and this may be true in
some cases. But further investigation revealed that these factors actually make
assimilation possible rather than impeding it, They served as temporary crutches
to the newcomer giving him emotional security in a strange community during the
period of adjustment. They pre served an orderly social pattern by maintaining
old values and traditional forms, while he gradually accepted the new experience
48
of the !'!American way of
1
They usually helped to prevent disorganization.
Thus, when the Puerto Rican family moves to the mainland they eventually
realize that they have to give up their particular form of family organization and
social relationships, their food habits, housing expectations, their cultural
and religious patternso They can delay but not prevent this process by first
moving into a Puerto Rican neighborhood, But even this shock-absorber does not
reduce the pressures that are operating ag3.inst the stability of the family, such
as the fact that the wife works and often earns more money than the husband and
the growing independence of the wife which follows, the quick adjustment of the
children to mainland life, their facility with English,2 their independence from
traditional parental authority when they begin to earn money, their adaptation to
the continental teen-age Sometiines these pressures succeed in breaking
up families, especially if they had a history of instability back on the island.
3
Often the children of the second generation who are forced to grow up "between two
'
cultures" will get into conflict with their parents, causing family disorganiza-
tion and becoming delinquents themselves.
In the above we mentioned faithful allegiance to and practice of a
religion as one of the factors instrumental in cushioning the shock of adjustment
experienced by newcomers in the past.. This historical finding was not borne out
by the study of our sample group which does not seem to be unique since similar
1
Cfo Joseph P .. Fitzpatrick, S.J., "Sociological Aspects of Migration and their
Impact on Religious Practice," in Report on the First Conference on the
Spiritual Care of Puerto Rican Migrants, San Juan, Puerto April ll-16,
1955, (New York: Office of the Coordinator of Spanish-American Catholic
Action, 19 55), p. 84f.
2
They .often have to act as spokesmen for the family before public agencies, in
school, at the doctor's, with the social v.urker, etc.
3 See rrarital status of respondents in our sample, supra, p. 20.
49
1
responses were obtained in other studies of this group There is little doubt
that r eligion is not that kind of a supportive force in the life of the Puerto
Rican The reasons for this fact may be found in the role religion plays
on the island
11
where church-going is a social affair as well as a religious rituaL
11
On the island, 85 per cent of the people are nominally Catholic vvith the
rauainder Prot estant and about 3 to 4 per cent Spiritualist" In Chicago, about
ti1e same percentage are nominally Catholic, although apparently their Catholicism
.!.3 much weaker here. In some of the Puerto Rican core areas of Chicago, the
::'igrant does not find a Catholic church v.Jh ich plays a significant role in the
s:Jcial life of his community; its purposes seem to be directed toward the more
fo2mal aspects of religiono This orientation, of course, is very common for
churches of all de':1ominations in American big c i tie so
Our questions regarding church attendance in Puerto Rico and in Chicago
appeared to bear out the Eight y-one per cent of our sample group never
attend religiou.s services of any kind; 10 per cent go to ,church every Sunday or
more often and 4 per cent go once every two weeks or once a month; two per cent go
once a year on San Juan Day, "VIJhen we asked "did you go no re frequently to
reHgious services in Puerto Rico or do you go more often here in Chicago ?
11
82
per cent responded that they go as frequently here as they did in Puerto
Nine per cent stated the y attended more often in Puerto Rico and 7 per cent said
they went more frequently in Chicago. A.rnong the latter, 3 per cent felt the need
now or had found a new interest in religion a.'1d 1 per cent "wanted to meet people."
Reasons given by the former group for attending church more often in Puerto Rico
were:
1 Cf,. Mills et al. . __ Ps 111;
Siegel, Orl&'1s, cit., p. 43
Padilla, E Po 124
50
Social pressure was stronger there (4 per cent);
had more time in Puerto Rico (2 per cent);
same langt;.age us ed in church, fc.miliar with
does not know any pr:lest here ( 2 p8r cent.);
negligent here (l per
Only l per cent of the sample belonged to a church group.
1
More "WOmen than men are
interested in partic:j.pating in church activities; also this is often motivated by
the desire to g:i.ve the children a religious education. Length of residence was
i:wersely rela tGd to frequency of church atteP-dance., Several strange yot inter-
esting observations were made regarding the religious attitudes of these migrants
,,,t ile we were interviewing them in their homes., JVIany of the respondents who had
sGil.ted their indifference toward practicing any religion or professed a ProtestaL'-
had a great variety of pictures of Catholic saints on their walls or
cupboards and seemed to have feelings of respect and veneration for them. Some
respondents appeared to be capable of having loyalties to more than one relig:i.on ..
Thus, they considered themselves basically Catholics" but participated in actl-
vities of a Protestant store--front church; many in addition attended spiritualist
seances in their own or friends
1
homes. The latter activity; in this observer's
view, might just serve as an emotional outlet for their fears and feelings of
insecurity and be only tenuously related to religious sentiments or convictions,
2
,
One observer claims that ttspiritualism seCJlls to occur primarily among sociocultt1ral
groups which are los:.ng or have recently lost their traditional way of life, .,
that it attracts maladjusted individuals - those who are attempting to maintain
th
t d t l 1 l d t t h t
11
3 e1r ra 1 1ona so c1a ro e an s a us 111 a c anglng so Cle y oc
1
2
3
But 44 per cent belonged to a labor union!
Others who have made similar observations consider them far more significant
than this wrj_ter o
Cfc Wakefield", ?J2:.o._ci _. Pc 64f;
Padilla, .'2!?.:1.. p, l24ff;
Rand, opo Po 20f,
51
There is no question that many of the religious attitudes of these migrants have
their roots in the folklore of Puerto Rico and in the course of time have become
avague reflection of a composite of historical, religious and tribal phenomena as
pl:'.rt of the is land cult urc.
In the large industrial cities of the mainland, the Puerto Rican migrants
I'i1i more or less extensive facilities organized by both the Catholic and
1
r1wc cstant churches for the purpose of ministering to their needs. It would be
d.Lfficult to say, on the basis of a study of this kind, how far the churches'
.efforts are limited to religious ministrations or how much they con tribute in addi-
.:, on to the integration of these newcomers into American life.
Attitudes toward law and authority are conditioned by a person's early
training within a specific environment or culture. In addition, there may be other
contributory factors, such as socio-economic status, value patterns, goal-
orientation, etc. The laws in the United States, in th,e mind of the Puerto Rican
migrant, are associated with the ideals of American democracy and social justice.
They are made to protect the poor from the rich, women from men, children from
their parents, always the weaker from the stronger. Yet, one must also be fearful
, 2
of the law and the authorities, because of the tremendous power they wield. Hany
of our migrants COJ::Je from small towns and rural areas in Puerto Rico where the
laws and the degree of enforcement in comparison to our continental metropolitan
practices are strikingly different" In the former, it would seem natural to any-
1
See Rt. Rev. Msgr. V. W. Cooke, "Archdiocese of Chicago" in Spiritual Care of
Puerto Rican Migrants, op. cit., pp. 111-113; and "General Considerations
Regarding the Puerto Rican Ministry," (Chicago: Chicago City Missionary Society,
n.d.); several other Protestant churches have also developed special programs
for the Puerto Rican newcomrs.
2
See also Padilla, op. cit., p. 255.
52
body that children, when thought necessary by their parents, should help at home
with the harvest or other important chores, rather than gp to school, although
the law provides otherwise; it would not occur to anyone to force everybody to
dispose of garbage or waste in the same manner or equally prorrptly, although again
there are municipal provisions to that end; authorities would rarely inquire into
the marital or family relationships, as long as these are not creating a public
dist urbane e.
These are only some of the more significant differences and it should not
be too difficult for us to understand them, for very similar conditions prevail
among our Southern mountain folk and they face like adjustments when they come to
our big cities. Both groups are ignorant of our city laws; but when they come to
know them, they often fail to understand them in the context of their own back-
ground and culture.
It is usually in one or all of the above-mentioned areas that the Puerto
Rican makes his first involuntary contact with the authorities in our cities.
Moreover, because he finds it hard to understand our b.ws, he is apt to feel that
people are unfriendly toward him, that he is being persecuted because he is a
newcomer, or a Puerto Rican, and he may begin to believe that he ~ s living in ar.
unfriendly or even hostile environment.
Thus, fifty-nine per cent of our sample felt that people treated them
differently, in general, because they are newcomers or speak Spanish; but a much
higher percentage felt that they are being dis criminated against by the Chicago
police.l On the other hand, the general public, including law enforcement author-
ities, have an exaggerated view as to the involvement of Puerto Ricans in crime
and law violations. The blowing up of the migrants' crime rate may be related to
1
See
11
Suspenden Jefe de Po1icia Atropello Boricuas Chicago,
11
El Diario De Nueva
York, March 30, 1959. Also cf. S. King,
11
Strangers In Our Midst," The Chicago
Daily News, 8-11-59.
53
the unfavorable publicity that can be generated by an article of some careless,
poorly informed newspaper reporter. The activities of "strange," foreign-speaking
migrants are always newsworthy and it is easy to see how a few crimes in which some
of these newcomers are involved may be labelled a "high cri..11e rate."
In order to get a more informed vievr as to the incidence of crimes carr.-
mitted by Puerto Ricans in Chicago, we obtained from the authorities figures as t0
the mmlber of adult offenders and types of offenses committed for the year 1958;
corre spending information v..ras obtained for juveniles for the six months' period,
July to December of 1958.
Thus, of 140 arrests of Puerto Rican juveniles roughly 14 per cent were
run-aways from home; 13 per cent were suspects; 6 per cent v.rere involved in street
fighting; 6 per cent were charged wHh bicycle thefts; almost 6 per cent were
arrested for auto thefts; an equal number were apprehended in thefts from parking
meters; 5 per cent were arrested for sex offenses, while 4 per cent were brought
to the station for burglary. Only 4 per cent were arrest for assault and 2 per
cent for assault with a deadly weapon. The remainder concerned very minor
offenses.
1
Of 3,110 arrests of adult Puerto Ricans made during the period of
,
January through December 1958, only 871, or 25 per cent, were convicted. Offens9A
of those convicted were as follows: 25 per cent for violation of road or driving
laws; 23 per cent for disorderly conduct; 8 per cent for larceny; 5 per cent for
assault; 4 per cent for aggravated assault; 4 per cent for sex offenses; 3 per
cent for drunkenness; 3 per cent for driving while intoxicated; 3 per cent for
illegal gambling; 2 per cent for auto theft; 2 per cent for parking violations;
1
See table Arrests of Puerto Rican Juveniles by Honth and T"Jpe of
Offense, June to December 1958.
i-.
54
2 per cent for vagrancy; 2 per cent for carrying a concealed weapcn; 1 per cent
for an offense against the family; o6 per cent for prostitution and vice; per
cent for receiving stolen goods; .2 per cent for violation against the narcotics
laws; .l per cent for embezzlement or fraud and .1 per cent for violation of the
liquor laws.
Of those convincted 55 per cent were married men and 41 per cent vJ"ere
single; 2 per cent each were married and single women. The age of most defendant:s
at time of conviction Has between 25 and 34 years.
As far as juvenile delinquents are ooncerned the record bears out that
theywer-e involved generally in anti-social behavior of a minor nature, such as
petty thievery, street fighting, drinking and minor sex offenses. A goodly number
of these teenagers were run-aways (14 per cent in our sample) who left home because
of an unsatisfactory family situation and with the idea of finding a group they
could identify with. Many of their activities took place while they belonged to <'

11
Here, in Chicago, we have had juvenile gang-fighting sporadically in
recent years, mostly on the "Westside.;
11
Puerto Rican boys have been involved in
such a group called the "Rebels," which has been fighting with other gangs,
especially the "Egyptian Cobras,
11
made up primarily of Negroes. The,
11
Rebels,
11
while not an active organization now, due to a high tum-over and other reasons,
seem to rely on a continuing core group. The boys wear leather jackets and sport.
duck-tail hair cuts; Puerto Rican girls apparently are not interested or not
admitted to membership, although Southern white girls are involved.
These gangs are not basically organizations, but serve
originally as a substitute for a satisfactory home environment, as a release for
unused energies, as a means of identification with a strong in-group and as some
kind of protection against discrimination, real or imagined. It is probably
typical that these gangs are so frequently organized on an ethnic or racial basis<
55
Horeover, if gang activities are channeled along constructive lines they may turn
into a positive socializing force rather than a destructive one.
1
According to the above figures, adult Puerto Ricans were convicted for
crimes such as assault, auto theft, narcotics offenses and minor violations of
city ordinances and motor-vehicle laws. Many of the minor offenses are com.-11itted
because of the newcomers
1
ignorance of the city laws and their inadequate comrna::1d
of English. Crimes such as assault and aggravated assault are usually not com-
mitted for gain but are due to a high-strung volatile disposition often identified
with Latin background, and might be classified in the category of "crimes of
passion." i\lhile there had been six arrests for rape, there were no
Puerto Ricans are relatively often accused of this offense, but it should be
remembered that the age of consent in Puerto Rico is fourteen years vrhile in
Chicago it is eighteen years of age. Also, because of their different sex mores,
premarital and common-law relationships among them account for many, if not all,
of the statutory rape charges.
The figure for violation of the narcotics law seems small and should not
obscure the fact that the drug habit among these migrants is more widespread than
is reflected in this small number of convictions. According to a
some of the centers of narcotic traffic in Chicago are located close to Puerto
Rican residential concentrations; on the Westside from Racine to Central Avenues
and Harrison to :Maypole Streets; on the North and Northwest sides, the area around
Division and Damen Avenues and LaSalle and Clark Streets, and on the Southside
around 63rd Street, on Kenwood, Dorchester and Kimbark Avenues . The narcotics
This is not wishful sociological thinking, but can be documented by records
of. settlement houses in relevant Chicago neighborhoods. Sec also the
Report, 1953-1954, issued by the Catholic Youth Organization on the
"Puerto Rican Program,
11
OPo cit.
56
involved are marijuana ("blowing pot"), cocaine ("snorting"), but mostly heroin
(
11
skin-popping
11
).. The Milwaukee Avenue area, we ':mre told by the same source,
harbors some of the more hardened and dangerous drug addicts in the city. Drug
addiction, like so many other unfortunate rranifestations, often seems to be a
fmction of living conditions, occurring primarily in crowded, physically deteri-
orated areas and among low-income, poorly educated people from unstable families ,
1
Some of the migrants may be driven into the narcotic habit because of the pains
of adjusting to a new and sometimes unfriendly environment.
11
Dope
11
knows no
distinctions of race, color, or creed and addicts have no sense of discrimination
or prejudice. Thus, the dope habit may provide an escape from an essentially
and unsatisfactory existence.
2
A large number of arrests and convictions (24 and 23 per cent respec-
tively) were in the twilight area which is covered by the term "disorderly
conduct." Like "vagrancy" it refers to a wide range of minor violations; some-
times so minor that it is meaningless; sometimes it covers up hasty and thoughtless
police action. In recent years, in Chicago, very strong sentiment has formed
newcomers, especially Puerto Ricans and southern Negroes,
3
based on the
opinion that police officers abuse innocent people by suspecting them of lm-r
,
violations, by searching them in public, with gun in hand, and causing them
1
While Chicago has its narcotics problem, the situation in New York is far more
serious and acute a Cf. M.. B. DvJorkis et al.,, The Imoact of Puerto Rican
Migration on Governmental Services in New York City (New York: New York
Press, 1957), pp. 56-57; and D. viakefield, op, cit., Chap. 4 ("Trip
to the Moon").
2
One observer called narcotics the
11
ul ti.."!late tranquilizer,
11
which calms,
soothes, relaxes and releases its user, obliterating during the period of its
effectiveness, the need for answers to any of his mental and emotional problem.
See D. Wakefield,
11
Drugs and Addicts - One Man's Fix," The Commonweal, LXXI,
6 (November 6, 1959), 182,.
3 The more
11
visible
11
in-migrants.
57
considerable On the other they are accused of doing nothing
when these migrants need aid and protection. It is apparently because of these
feelings of distrust and fear that recent Puerto Rican migrants hardly ever resort
to the police for help and assistance. l'lle asked our sa:"'llple group:
Since you have been living in Chicago, have yuu ever called a
policeman for help or for any other reason?
What happened?
The response bore out the above described feelings. Ninety-five per
cent had never called the police; three per cent had called police, two to report
a theft and one to take a child to the hospital . Those who reported the thefts
also said that nothing ever came of it.
A similar response '\\laS obtained to the question:
Since living in Chicago, have you ever gone to court for anything?
for?
Ninety per cent had never gone to court, 8 per cent had gone for com-

mitting traffic violations, one for a charge of battery and rape, and one had to
appear as a witness in a car accident.
From the above, a number of points are suggested as to the relationship
of Puerto Ricans to law violations. There is neither an excessive auvenile nor
adult Puerto Rican crime incidence; they are not involved in syndicated crime in
Chicago; they are hardly ever involved in embezzlement or fraud, extortion or
arson. Hany of their violations are slum-conditioned, or related to their
cultural background (statutory rape!), or inadequate corrnnand of the English
language (traffic violations!)o All of these causes could be modified
by the development of pertinent adjustment programs, both on the part of the
Puerto Rican and American governmental authoritieso
Finally, the often-heard statement that foreigners, immigrants or
migrants, substantially increase the crime incidence is an illusion and has been
58
disproven by a number of competent studies.
1
Any group of newcomers or aliens which finds itself in a new and
oofamiliar environment will participate in activities of the established old
resident community more readily if it perceives the latter to be friendly and
tolerant. Our Puerto Ricans apparently do not feel that the native population is
so inclined. As mentioned before, 26 per cent of our sample felt that they were
treated differently (not as well) because they were newcomers and 33 per cent
thought they were not welcome because they spoke in a foreign tongue (Spanish).
To elicit a more specific reaction, vJe asked our sample whether there were any
kind of people in their neighborhood they would rather not have living there.
Eighty-four per cent answered in the negative; 15 per cent raised some obje ctions,
of these 9 per cent were directed against Negroes, 5 per cent against Italians and
1 per cent against a "bad kind" of Puerto Ricans. A second question inquired into
their opinion of other groups in their neighborhood, e. g., were there any people
in their area who did not get along with others as well as they might? The over-
1vhelming majority (95 per cent) ansv<ered "no," while 2 per cent each point ed to
,
the Italian and the Polish groups. The question might be raised whether our
migrants are perhaps too sensitive or critical of their new environuent and
whether they are interested in cultivating friendships or extending hospitality
to others. A series of pertinent questions were asked by the interviewer:
1
Cf. President Hoover
1
s U.S. National C01mnission on Law Observance and
Enforcement: Publication No. 10 (Report on C r i r r ~ and the Foreign-Born), esp.
Part V, General Conclusion, pp. 399-416; and Publication No. 13 (Report on the
Causes of Crime, vol. II), C. R. Shaw and H. D. HcKay, Social Factors in
Juvenile Delinquency, esp. pp. 3-20, 80-94, 103-105, 266-271, (Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Governuent Printing Office, 1931); also see F. N. Thrasher, "Are
Our Cri:r.inals Foreigners?
11
in F. J. Brown and J. S. Roucek ( eds.), Our R ? ; ~
and National Minoritjes; their History, Contributions, and Present Problems,
(New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1937).
59
(1) Have you any close friends in Chicago?
( 2) Where abouts are you most likely to get together with your
friends?
(3) Where is it harder to make close friends, in Chicago or in
Puerto Rico?
Eighty-five per cent of our respondents claimed to have two or more
close friends,; 3 per cent said they had none because they had been in the city
only a short time and 2 per cent stated that they never left their house and were
not very sociable. Moreover, 10 per cent of our non-Puerto Rican neighbors r
sa11ple claimed to have a ngood friend" who is Puerto Rican.
1
One of the reasons why it seems more difficult for the migrant to fo:::m
fr-iendships with the local residents is his apparent tendency to have his social
life at Except for the young single male, the Puerto Rican newcomer does
not like to leave his home for social entertainmente Eighty-five per cent of our
respondents meet their friends at home; the next most frequent meeting place is
I
at work (68 per cent); this is followed by eating Bnd drinking places (22 per
cent), then by dance halls (17 per cent)., street corners (11 per cent), grocery
stores or supermarkets (6 per cent) and finally churches, beaches or parks (Lf per
More th3.n tvdce as many of our migrants (22 per cent) thoughi:t-it harder
to form close friendships in Chicago than in Puerto Rico (10 per cent) because:
(1) There are more opportunities to get together back home;
here, people live too far apart (18 per cent);
(2) We don
1
t speak the same language, the customs are
alien (8 per cent);
(3) People here are not interested in cultivating friendship --
only in making money (5 per cent);
(4) Puerto Ricans are more suspicious of each other here.
1
See infra p. 88o
said:
60
Those who felt that it was not as easy to make friends on the island,
(1) Continental Arericans are easy going, informal, while Puerto
Ricans are less open;
(2) Life is more competitive;
(3) There is more need to stick together in Chicago.
From the above
1
it seems evident that our migrants are fairly tolerant
of other groups in their neighborhood, but that their social life revolves almost
entirely around the household, possibly the apartment building,
1
or at most the
block in which he lives. Many have close friends, although most of these are of
their own group. It is considered harder to form and maintain close friendships
in Chicago, primarily because of the obstacles encountered in a highly differenti-
ated urban and industrial environment (faster pace of living, time spent at work,
distances, etc.).
It is sometimes said that Puerto Ricans are hard to reach and that this
is due to tre fact that they are not a highly organized group with its own
articulate The traditional tendency of the mainland American to
affiliate and associate with other groupings vdthin the larger society, already
,
observed by De Tocqueville in the 1830's, is not shared by our newcomers from the
island. Social workers, moreover, tell us that individuals or groups cannot find
their proper place in society today -- cannot "relate" - especially, in the
:arger industrial cities, unless
11
they are held in place by a connective tissue"
of clubs, unions, fraternal organizations and a variety of other groupings.
2
The response to our questions regarding membership in any group or
" This includes the public housing project.
2
Cf. C. Rand, opQ cit., p. 151.
This analysis does not take into account Puerto Rican attitudes towards labor
unions which were discussed previously.
61
organization in our sample would certainly bear out the fact that these migrants
are poor joiners. Thus, 96 per cent had no affiliations whatsoever, 1 per cent
belonged to a church club and 2 per cent belonged to a Puerto Rican post of the
American Legion.
A more specific question inquiring into their active participation in
PTA or other neighborhood activities since coming to Chicago brought a response
which indicated that 5 per cent took :r:art in PTA or any other co!Illl)_unity activities,
Ninety per cent did not particip:t te in either because respondent:
was not aware of such activities (9%);
had never been invited to participate (1%);
does not know enough English and does not
know anybody around here (3%);
has no children of school age (4%);
has no time (23%);
is not interested in that sort of thing (50%);
five per cent did not know or v..o uld not answer.
Besides the fact that Puerto Ricans might lack our organizational tradi-
tion, there are other reasons "ltbi ch create barriers to their membership in non-
Puerto Rican groups; primarily, the language handicap and discrimina tory attitudes
on the part of some continental Americans and institutions. Moreover, groups
\-.rhich are discriminated against tend to withdraw or isolate themselves in order to
protect themselves from the trauma of discrimination. Thus, while they are
reluctant to seek con tact with their non-Puerto Rican environment, they are
inadvertently reenforcing their ~ group distinctiveness. This is true, notwith-
standing the fact that there are always a few indi victuals who will sever the ties
with their own group by adopting the symbols of their environment; this usually
includes the latter's prejudicial attitudes against their own people. They eventuall;y
62
cease to identify with their ovm group and develop a strong antagonism toward it.
1
Thus, while there is no strong tendency to join other groups, Puerto
Rican migrants have formed organizations of their own as have other innnigrant
groups before them. Their purposes are manifold; some are purely social and
recreationEtl in nature, others are church-related and still others try to promote
fi'lancial security through group insurance, or mutual economic aid. In the
following list we are showing some of the Puerto Rican organizations active in
Chicago at this time:
1. Caballeros de San Juan (8 different local groups in various
parts of the city);
2. Congreso Puertorriqueno de Ayuda Mutua;
3. Puesto Boricua 1246 (American Legion);
4. Asociacion Latina-Americana de Ayuda Mutua, Inc.
5. Hermandad Puertorriquena de Obreros Diestros
6. Club Caparra
?. Casa de Puerto Rico
8. Club Penolano
9. Club de Matrimonies
10. Comite Civico Hispano
11. Club del Buen Vivir
12. Club Hijos de Patillas
13. Sociedad Civica Hispana Puertorriquena
14. Club Social Familiar
15. Maypole Social Club
16. Comite Latino-Americano de Lincoln Park
Not all of these organizations have been successful in achieving their,.objective s_,
and many clubs, not listed here, have not been in existence long enough to even
c.pproach their goals.. One observer states that "the histories of their birth,
life , and death is a history of suspicions, quarrels, feuds, struggling ambitions,
u:raged resignations, and seldom anything harmonious.
112
1
'l'his s"metimes happens in intermarriages of Puerto Rican women with continenta:..
2
Americanss Since they are losmg their Spanish names, they feel they are also
losing other group characteristics. This conclusion often turns out to be a
fallacye
See L. C. Hunt and Ne von Hoffman, "The l'1eanings of
1
Democracy': Puerto Rican
Organizations in Chicago,
11
IQ, XIII, 3, (Spring 1956), 183.
There are probably several rea sons for their ineffectiveness. First,
their membership is weak in numbers and their leadership not very efficient in
representing the interests of their group with the rest of the community. Second,
the quality and motivations of the leaders who control these organizations are
frequently suspect by their own membership. One well-informed observer speaks
nor a widespread feeling that Puerto Rican organizations are often controlled by
self-seekers with ulterior motives who seriously retard progress toward genuine
self-sufficiency and acculturation.
111
A third reason, moreover, which accounts
for the relative paucity of positive leadership is the fact that some potential
leaders are lost to their group because of their successful and rapid adjustment
to the American community and culture in the course of v.hich process they lose
their "Puerto Ricanness.
11
As a con sequence of ineffective or no leadership, plus
some divisive feelings along class and race lines, Puerto Ricans in Chicago have
not been able to form an overall unified organization of their own in which all
their other clubs and groupings would be represented; nor does there exist a
Council of Spanish-American Organizations such as was founded in New York in recent
years.
Individuals or groups who do not participate in the social life of the:i.r
,
commu..11ity, also tend to show little interest in its political activities. lr,lhile
Puerto Ricans have a strong awareness of their American citizenship status and its
implications, they do not seem to translate this awareness into political action
at election time. On the island there is an average voting participation of close
to 80 per cent, but only a fraction of Puerto Ricans on the mainland are regis-
1
Cf. C. Senior, op. cit., p. 43. See Padilla, op. cit,, p. 250ff. and 267f.f.
64
tered to vote and relatively few of these actually go to the polls.
1
In Chicago
no Puerto Rican has ever been a candidate or been elected to any public office.
We asked our sample whether they had ever voted in an election ,in
Chicago. The response was low, although not as low as expected. Twenty-six per
cent said they had voted in elections since coming to Chicago, 69 per cent said
they had never voted here, and 3 per cent had not yet satisfied the residence
2
requirement. However, when we asked them whether they were interested in
cal activity, more than half (54 per cent) of them answered in the affirmative,
while 44 per cent indicated they were not so inclined.
In the significant discrepancy between being interested and
taking action cannot be explained by the need for an English literacy test which
is not required by illinois law and which acts as a formidable roadblock in other
states. However, voting is mde more difficult for them by the fact that ballots
are too long here, and that there are too many issues, many of them too complex
to be understood by newcomers. On the there are only a few political
issues which provide the material for election C3.Inpaigns and it may be assumed
that the average citizen is intimately familiar with them and has definite know-
ledge regarding the few candidates who stand for election.
The above seems to indicate that these newcomers are politically sensi-
tive because of their background and orientation, but as in so many of their
other endeavors, they are prevented from active participation by some serious
1
Cf. D. Wakefield,
11
Politics and the Puerto Ricans,
11
Commentary, m, 3,
(March 1958), 236.
2
A New York Study showed that 61 per cent of those eligible to vote had cast
their ballot in that city in the national election of 1952. See M. Diaz et al.;
The Attitudes of Puerto Ricans in New York City to Various Aspects of their
Environment (New York: The New York School of Social Work, 1953), p. 114.
65
obstacles, some external, such as the voting process itself, or the residence
requirement and some psychological as the fear of being embarrassed at the polling
place, or the concept of an unfriendly environment which does mt explicitly
invite their participation.
Increasing length of residence of the first migrant generation and
certainly the training in mainland schools of the second, should remove these
obstacles.
The handling of one's financial affairs in the big mainlc3Ild city is
both important and difficult; :imJX>rtant because the v.el fare of the migrant
1
s
family depends on it and difficult because the income differential between Puerto
Rico and Chicago is considerable. As mentioned previously, our sample reported
a median income of $780.00 or $15.00 per week on the island, while their Chicago
median income for 1957 (the . last year reported) was $3,828, or about $74 per week

This, of course, does not tell the whole story, as living expenses in Chicago are
far higher than in Puerto Rico. In addition, it must be considered that the
above figure is a gross income and that because of deductions, such as tax, sociel
security and hospitalization, the take-home pay is much less. Yet, for the fir::t
time in his life, our typical migrant has what he considers a lot of money in h i ~
pocket. Generally, it seems axiomatic that with higher income, e conomic needs
also increase. More commodities can be bought in the big city, such as furniturG,
cars, appliances, jewelry and clothes, and they can be purchased on credit.
Sometimes our Puerto Rican newcomer has bot1ght so many things on the
installment plan that after he has made his weekly payments there is not enough
money left from his wages to take care of rent, food, and other necessities)
1
See Ho Schaudt, "The Tragedy of \N'illiam Rodriguez,
11
The Chicago Daily News,
2-8-1960.
j
66
In our sample, the habits of handling money seem to be those often
encountered in lower socio-economic groups; money is easily spent rather than
saved. Little thought is given to the possibility of unexpected lay-offs,
strikes, illness, or extended economic recessions. To have things, such as nice
furniture, a new radio or television set, second-hand car or a fine watch becomes
important to them on the mainland, as it reflects prosperity and seems to confirm
the economic progress that was anticipated as the inevitable consequence of
migration.
Four questions were directed to our sample in order to ascertain more
definitive facts as to their habits of saving and spending money:
(1) Do you have any bank, savings or checking accounts?
(2) What kind of insurance do you have for yourself?
(3) Which of the following things- furniture, TV, radio,
washing machine, car or refrigerator - have you
bought, new or used, in cash or on credit, since
coming to Chicago?
(4) Did you ever have any trouble keeping up the payments
on these articles you bought on credit?
Eighty-six per cent of our respondents kept no bank-, savings-, or checking
accounts; 4 per cent answered in the affirmative, but were not specific as to what
kind of accounts they kept; 4 per cent said they had a savings-account; 2 per
cent claimed to have a bank account and 1 per cent a checking account; 3 per cent
refused to answer.
While it may perhaps be too much to expect of a newcomer to have any
money in the bank, it would be less surprising to find that he carried some kind
of insurance. Indeed, 44 per cent of the sample carried some insurance, to wit:
life insurance (6 per cent);
accident and health (11 per cent);
automobile insurance ( 5 per cent);
fire insurance (2 per cent);
hospitalization insurance (20 per cent).
67
Those who had no insurance gave the following reasons:
cannot afford it (50 per cent);
no need for it- no beneficiary (3 per cent);
has not worked long enough
to be eligible on job (1 per cent).
There was no answer from 2 per cent of the respondents.
Insurance., of course, involves some qualifying factors, such as length
of employment, ownership of a car and insurability in general. Horeover., for
ne1..rcomers, the above figures were probably not excessively low, although the number
carrying automobile insurance as compared to automobile ownership points up a
serious and meaningful discrepancy.
The answers to questions pertaining to their spending habits revealed a
great deal of information. Owning things, as mentioned before, becomes important
to our migrants, not only because they increase comfort and decrease the workload,
but also because in this culture they are symbols of success which help to bring
about social a cc epta nee.
Thus, 86 per cent in our sample bought furniture, new (38 per cent) or
used (48 per cent), 38 per cent paid in cash and 52 per cent bought on credit;
only 14 per cent bought no furniture at all. Thirty-six per cent of our respon-
dents bought a washing-machine, 19 per cent bought a new one and 17 per cent a
used one. Sixteen per cent of these were cash-transactions while 20 per cent were
on the installment plan. New refrigerators \<Tere purchased by 8 per cent, used
ones by 72 per cent; sixty per cent of these purchases were on a cash-basis and
20 per cent on credit. While items such as fu mit ure, washing-machine and
refrigerator might be considered necessities in the contemporary American big
city, it must be noted that 14 per cent, 64 per cent and 20 per cent respectively,
of our sample did not purchase the above articles.
The next three items - automobile, radio, television sets - cannot be
considered as much articles of necessity as the above, although in our age
transportation and communication have become important enough to the average
68
individual not to be considered as a luxury. Thus, forty-five per cent bought a
used car, although nobody purchased a new one, and 55 per cent withstood the
temptation to buy a car altogether. But 85 per cent acquired radio sets, 63 per
cent of these were new, and 21. per cent were bought on credit. Television also
enjoyed a high popularity among our respondents; 59 per cent purch3. sed sots of whicr.
40 per cent were new and 45 per cent were obtained on the installment plan.
Fifteen and 38 per cent, respectively, did not buy a radio or a television set;
although it should be added that some Puerto Rican migrants bring a radio set with
them from the island. Sales resistance was highest toward purchasing a washing-
machine or an automobile, the two m:>st expensive items. In the case of the
washing-machine, this is not too meaningful, as in our sample some apartment build-
ings rent the use of this appliance to their tenants at a small fee.
On a comparative basis, our respondents' inclincation to buy on credit is
not any more inhibited or excessive than it is with a native comparable socio-
economic group. There is a difference apparently, when it corres to attitudes
toward job security involving seasonal lay-offs or loss of job, etc. Our migrants
are less prepared for the fluctuating labor-narket conditions, especially on the
unskilled level, where most of them operate. When they lose their employment they
expect to find some other w::>r k promptly. Often this does not happen and, of
course, there is no money to make payments on their credit purchases. They are
surprised when stores repossess their merchandise, or banks a.YJ.d loan companies
foreclose on items for v..nich some payments already have been made. Verbal
assurances that they are honorable people and that they will pay as soon as they
are again employed, are not accepted. Nor is there much awareness on the part of
our migrants of the interest or carrying charges that accrue over a period of time,.
In our sample, 74 per cent of the respondents who had bought items on
credit had l:lad no trouble keeping up their payments. Fifteen per cent claimed to
69
to have never bought anything on credit and 6 per cent refused to answer. Thus,
only six p e r cent admitted to having encount er ed difficulties and for the follo1-ring
reasons:
(1)
(2)
( 3)
(4)
was laid off (2 per cent);
lost car, becaus e did not understa nd the contract agre e-
ment (1 per cent);
lost car, no more specific explanation (2 per cent);
lost t elevision set, no more spe cific explanation (1 per cent).
This is a very low incidence of delinquency and if we consider th a t 6 per cent .
refused to give :information and 15 per cent claimed neve r to ha ve bought anything
on time, we can asswre that the r eliability index in the se answers may not ha ve
teen ve ry high. Another important f a ctor in this cont ext, howeve r, is tli. e fact
that over 48 per c ent of our sample have been here longer than three years.
Increasing length of r e sidence , more over, with its concomitant grea t er competence
in the English language, its high er familiarity 1<Vith the business customs of the
community and a great e r appreciation of one's own financial capacity is inversely
related to pitfalls following credit buying.
Moreove r, we directed our curiosity into the situation which arises when
our migrant is out of work and out of funds . We asked him what he would do j_f he
or his family n eeded money to pay for various necessities. Fifty-five per cent
,
said they would apply for public aid; 21 per cent would prefer to borrow money
from fri ends or r elatives; another 23 per cent would contact diffe rent institutions
(Catholic Charities, American Red Cross, Puerto Rican Mid1.'1est Office , Credit Union,
etc.); only 4 per cent did not know -v.rhere to go for financial help.
The high number of r e spondents who would ask for public assistance raises
the question as to whether Puerto Ricans t end to reach for public support before
exploring other possibilities. If t he accusation--more often heard in New York
than in Chicago--that Puerto Ricans come here to go on relief is true, the n it
would have to be assmne.d that the migrants know all about how to qualify for
public aid before they actually come to the mainland . However, when we asked them
70
whether they had learned how to obtain public relief funds here, while they were
still in Puerto Rico, or after they arrived in Chicago, 84 per cent stated that
they had found out only after having 1 ived in big mainland cities, such as Chicago,
New York or Clevelandu Seven per cent lmew about it before leaving the Island
and 9 per cent had never heard about Chicago relief procedures. A subsequent ques-
tion probing into their present knowledge of resident requirements shol-lS that 62
per cent knew hvw long a person had to be in Chicago before he qualified to receive
public assistance, while 15 per cent claimed to have no infor:mation on the subject,
Finally, we asked our respondents v.rhether they had ever been on relief
in Chicago or Puerto Rico, and how long. Here again, the figures were surpris-
ingly lol-J. Six per cent admitted to having been or being on Chicago relief rolls,
while 86 per cent asserted that they had never received public funds. Only 1 per
cent had been on relief in Puerto Rico; nobody had received public assistance in
both the Island and the mainland city. Of the 6 per cent on relief, 2 per cent
stated that they had been receiving public funds for over 1 year, 3 per cent from
9 months to 1 year and 4 per cent from 3 to 9 months.
However, this being a rather delicate question, we wanted to make certain
that the reliability of the answers was adequate. He therefore checkeq with the
proper welfare authorities and requested a count on public assistance case s in our
sample area.
1
The agency report cited 6 general assistance cases with an average
monthly grant of $144.67, the lowest being $66.12 and the highest $226.75. 1tfuile the
nuinber of cases coincided with the information obtained in our interviews, it also
pointed out that some of these famili e s were getting additional grants in other
categories of public assis-t..mce, such as old-age, dis ability and aid-to-dependent
children; some cases were cited which received only aid-to-dependent children
1
Information was requested as to number of cases, category of assistance, length
of time on relief, composition of family, occupation of head of household and
amount of grants made. No names or addre sses of recipients were requested or
obtained.
71
These latter facts had not been revealed by our respondents at the time
when the sample was interviewed. If these additional cases are taken into consider-
ation, the total will then show 18 welfare recipients with an average grant of
$156.18 per month. This would mean that in our sample of 103 Puerto Rican
newcomers 18 per instead of 6 per cent had been receiving some form of public
assista11ce. In over half (55 per cent) of these cases the assistance given was
the aid-to-dependent children category, which is not surprising considering the
relative youth of our sample (29.9 years) and the characteristically high fertility
with the resulting large families. Frequently, these families are without a father
and breadwinner but consist of a wife, deserted, divorced or widowed with a brood
of small children.
1
The major causes which had led our migrants to seek public assistance,
then were (1) dependent children, (2) large families and inadequate incomes, and
(3) illness or some kind of disability; however the relatively high incidence of
I
public assistance cases in the sample may also have been influenced by the fact
that our inte rvie;.ring was carried out during the first half of 19 58, a period of
serious economic recession.
2
Yet, the incidence of 18 per cent welfare cases
hardly bears out the often heard allegation that
11
the majority of the 'Puerto RicaCJ.
newcomers are on relief. u
3
In order to ascertain hovl well informed our respondents were as to the
availability of public agencies in the general assistance field and how much they
tended to rely on such agency help, we asked them two more relevant questions:
1
Cf. marital status of sample, p.2o.
2 See also chapter on Economic Adjustment, p. 29.
3 No overall figures on public assistance cases by ethnic groups are available in
Chicago. In New York, ltvelfare Commissioner Henry McCarthy estimated in May 1957
that "about 11 per cent of the city's Puerto Ricans may be on relief
11
(New
York Times, June 2, 1957). Wells commenting on the situation in Philadelphia
stated that Puerto Ricans are not a disproportionate v.relfare burden. Cf. H.
Wells, Puerto Rican Community in Philadelphia, (Philadelphia, 1958), p. 14.
(l)
( 2)
72
What would you do if you want ed help for some problem in
your family?
Do you know of any place to go for help with such
problems?
. 1
Are you familiar with the Community Referral Serv1ce?
The answers we r e enlightening although not quit e conclusive. Fifteen per c ent
claim:;d not to know of any such agencie s; 35 per cent would take their probl ems to
a pertinent public agency and 30 per cent would go to the County Department of Publ ic:
another 15 per cent w:>uld try to solve their problems within the immediat e
family. Whil e these answers were referring to intentions or future actions rathe r
than past experience, half of our r e sponients (50 per cent) told us that they ha d
neve r be en to a public or private agency. But it was quit e disappointing
to find that 98 per cent of the sample was not aware of the existence of the
Community Ref erral Service and that nobody in the sample had ev er used it. The
fact that 65 per cent stated that they v.ould take their proble ms to a public agency
or to the Department of Public Aid specifically, cert '3. inl;y mitigates against the
assumption that for personal reasons, such as embarrassment, shyness, poor language
facility, etc., they would f eel inclined not to seek h elp from a public or private
organization. Moreover, a much better reason might b e found in the existence of
inadequate communication between these agencies and the migrants who were
evidently ignorant of the availability of ITkLnY such facilities or how and where to
contact the m.
2
Like every other for e ign group before him, the Puerto Rican faces health
and sanitary problems when he s ettle s in Chicago. They may be somewhat aggravated
1
2
Thi.s que stion had be en chosen because awareness and use of this service would
l ead to other community resources best suited to handle the migrant's problems.
See footnote, p. 46, Social Adjustment, whicb is also relevant here,
73
in his case because he comes from a sub-tropical cli..'Tlate, where he had been
accustomed to a definite food pattern, to certain sanitary habits and an equally
firmly established custom of wearing light-weight clothing all-year-round. How-
ever, unlike such other groups, e. g., because of his American citizenship, he is
not subject to f e d e r ~ l immigration requirements which call for a rigorous physical
examination of e v e ~ potential immigrant with possible subsequent exclusion from
admission to the United States if certain health sta.ndards are not met.
While it would not be conclusive to say that housing, sanitary and
dietary standards are greatly inferior on the island, they are certainly quite
different from those prevailing on the mainland.
1
In the big city, overcrov<ded
and unsanitary living conditions, such as insect and/or rodent infestation,
inadequate methods of garbage disposal often lead to additional health problemsc
Also the sudden drastic change of climate enhances the susceptibility to disease
and this is particularly significant in people vho have to live, at least
I
initially, and sometimes for a long time, at a very low socio-economic level.
Spe cifically, a pre-disposition to tuberculosis has been found among Puerto Ricans
2
wherever they have migrated in larger numbers. Secondly, Puerto Rican newcomers
sometimes have been found to be carriers of certain tropical (parasitic) diseaseoo
Moreover, v.hen they develop these diseases and receive competent medical care
promptly, there is quick and positive response. Thirdly, female migrants often
develop health difficulties because of the relatively high rate of child bearing
l
2
Senior states that
11
the migrants often come from areas marked by high tubercu-
losis, veneral disease, illiteracy, illegiti..'Tlacy, birth, death, and other rates
characteristic of poverty and ignorance.
11
See C. Senior,
11
The Moving Target,
Migrants: People-Not Problems,
11
Transactions of the National Tuberculosis
Association (Atlantic City, New Jersey, 1954), p. 372.
Cf. B. B. Berle, 80 Puerto Rican Families in New York City, Health and Disease
Studied in Context, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), p. 148ff.
74
and a subsequent anxiety often revolving around the complex problem of hi rth
1
controlo Fourth, the children of migrants have been found to be prone to
respiratory diseases and poor dental hygiene. Finally, a growing rate of eiiDtional
m3.ladjustment and disturbances, developing as a reaction to the stress and strain
2
accompanying the adj\.l.stment effort to an alien culture, has be en notedo This
appears to be especially true in the case of the migrants' children and the darke!'
complected adults who are faced with a cultural conflict and increased adjustment
difficulties.
While the above observations, based on relevant statistics, have been
made in Puerto Rican settlements of other retropolitan areas,3 over a period of
tme, unfortunately no such specific data are available in Chicago, at this time.
In our study we therefore limited ourselves to questions which were to
shed some light on the awareness of the migrants regarding community resources in
the field of health and sanitation, and their past record in using them. Two
series of questions were asked, one cone erning the adults and another the children.
I
Regarding the adults' health record and knowledge of city sanitation
laws, we asked the following:
(1)
( 2)
(3)
Have you ever been seriously ill or needed medical care since
coming to Chicagp?
Have you been to any of the following professionals and/or
institutions?4
What would you do if you (your wife) became pregnant and
needed care? Do you know of any agency where such service
is offered?
1 Cf. J. M. Stycos and R. Hill, "The Prospects of Birth Control in Puerto Rico,
11
in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, CCLXXXV,
(January 1953), p. 140ff; also see
11
Puerto Rico Acts on Birth Control,
11
The New
York Times, November 1, 1959.
2
Dworkis et al., op. cite, p. 40f, 50f; Padilla, Oo cit., p. 279ff; and Berle,
op. cit., p. 157ff, 202.
3 Siegel et al . , op. cit., p. 63ff. and Dworkis et al., op. cit., Chap. VI.
4 The questioonaire listed ten different types of professions and/or occupations
connected with health care.
75
(4) Are you familiar with city regulations regarding garbage
disposal?
(5) Since you have lived did you ever, or do you now
require the services of an exterminator?
Apparently, our sample was a relatively healthy group. Nobody had been seriously
ill, but everybody who had had an illness, did consult some practitioner in the
health field although they could not all be called professionals. Seven per ce:o.t
had not needed any medical care. Of those who had needed medical advice, 85 per
cent consulted a general practitioner, 20 per cent a gynecologist, 4 per cent a
public health nurse, l per cent a midwife, 48 per cent a dentist and/or an eye
doctor (optometrist or ophthalmologist), 36 per cent asked the advice of a druggist
or pharmacist; nobody felt the need for a psychiatrist$ but 17 per cent consulted
with a faith healer.
1
Well over half of the sample (60 per cent) used the services
of a free clinic or a mobile
The question regarding medical care in case of pregnancy was a more
I
sensitive one, however only 9 per cent refused to answer while 2 per cent did not
know, but said somebody in the family would know what to do and vhere to go. Of
the others, 71 per cent wou.ld see a doctor, 3 per cent vrould go to a clinic, 3 per
cent more specifically would go to Cook County Hospital and l per cent , to
2
Children's Memorial Twenty per cent of the respondents had no spouse
l
Recently, the case of a 21-year old Puerto Jtican girl - in Chicago 3 months -
who had a psychotic episode, was brought 'to' our attention. She happened to livs
'dth her sister who had a large family with several small children. The girl
had been sick for several days, lost contact with reality and became a potential
danger to herself and to the small children, yet her sister refused to take her
to a physician. Instead, she consulted a faithhealer who of course could not
help her. Only through the persuasive intervention of some friends of the
family did they eventually consent to have a regular physician examine her. Her
admission to the Cook County Mental Health Clinic was immediately arranged by
the examining doctor.
2 Of these 20 per cent, 10 per cent vvere single males who had never been married,
1 per cent represented a case where the spouse was living on the island, 3 per
cent were widowed and 6 per cent separated, divorced or deserted.
76
at the time of interviewing.
The answers to the above two questions show a relatively high index of
awareness as to medical resources in the community as well as the resolve to use
them in time of personal need. This is certainly borne out by the fact that 60 per
cent have been to a free clinic or a mobile unit and that at least 6 per cent in
the second question would again avail themselves of such a The 6 per
cent who refused to answer this question were to be found among those v.omen in the
sanple who i<Tere not married at the time of questioning (separated, divorced or
deserted) and for whom it would not have been
11
correct
11
to ans1rrer this question.
Concerning their knowledge as to sanitary requirements in this city,
our sample seemed to be equally well informed. Only 4 per cent did not answer the
question regarding their familiarity with city regulations pertaining to garbage
disposal, while 96 per cent claimed they knew when and how to take care of their
garbage. Eighty-one per cent of our respondents said that they needed now, or had
I
needed in the past, the services of an exterminator; 17 per cent stated they did
not need such a service. Upon closer pro bing it developed that in some instance s
they had been given insecticide powder for the treatment of the cockroach problem
9
but had been reluctant to use it for fear that the children in the hous-ehold migl it
pick it up and get sick. The landlords and other continental neighbors, moreover_.
po:inted this out to the interviewer as an example of the lack of the migrants'
cleanliness c>.nd ignorance of city sanitation ordinances.
Regarding the newcomers
1
con cern with the health of their children,
several questions were asked, as follows:
(1) Were your children born at home or in the hospital?
(2) Are any of the children under six years of age in this
household ever seen by a cbctor or nurse 'lrhen they are
not sick, and if so, how often?
(3) Have you and your children been inoculated against polio,
flu, or other diseases here in
77
Thirty-eight per cent of the children were born in a hospital and 22 per cent were
delivered at home, 4 per cent had had some of their children at home and some in
a hospitaL Thirty per cent had had no children since coming to Chicago and 6 per
cent did not answer the question.,
Forty-four per cent of the respondents -with children under 6 years of
2ge did not take them for physical exa:rni_'1ations when they were wellQ Six per cer..c
did so; of these, 4 per cent were seen once a :roonth, 1 per cent once evertJ 6
and l per cent did not elaborate as to how often. Forty-nine per cent of the
sample did not have children in this age range. This is probably not an excep-
tional record for a group at this socio-economic level.
The inoculation figures were even less encouraging considering the
sustained city-wide effort that had been undertaken, specifically, in the fight
against In 47 per cent of the sample, nobody in the household had
been inoculated; in 17 per cent., both children and adults had received shots; in
28 per cent, only the children \<Jere inoculated. Altogether> 33 per cent received

..
polio shots and 5 per cent flu shots; 3 per cent did not answero It must be noted
that our question included inoculations against "other dis eases" in addition to
polio and flu and allowance should be made that some respondents might have thoue,:---.
of inoculations that had been administered their children other than these
In summary, we might say that our migrant comes to the harsh climate of
Chicago ill-prepared in terms of clothing and diet; his susceptibility to some
diseases, under these circumstances, plus the pressures inherent in the adjustment
process, may sometiine s l ead to disabling illness" A great majority of these new-
comers, however, show a considerable capacity for physical adaptation. When
sickness strikes a family, no immediate recourse is taken to professional or
institutional care where an adult is concerned, although this is not true in the
case of a child. Moreover, when professional care is sought, private medical care
seems preferable to them as compared to public facilities. There appears to be a
78
belief among them that if you pay a physician (or any professional) he will do a
better job for you and you do not have to wait so long for the service. Yet, it
is app:trent from our data that a growing nu1nber do use public facilities, such as
mobile units and free clinics. Major objections to clinic visits referred to the
long waiting that one loses too much time from work and that often none
of the doctors or nurses understand Spanish.
Generally, there seems little concern with preventive care as is borne
out in the relatively low figures for inoculations and periodic examinations for
II II
well children. It is interesting to note that nobody in the sample group had
consulted a psychiatrist although 17 per cent had been to see a faith healer. This
high incidence may be traced to the migrants' belief that certain health
are caused by supernatural forces and can therefore only be treated by non-material,
11
spiritual" rethods.
1
Findings relating to the familiarity with city customs and regulations
regarding garbage disposal and rodent control showed a high index of adjustment to
the sanitary habits practiced by their continental neighbors, at least in these
two respects.
1
See also section on Family and Religion,
79
IV. THE CHICAGO RESIDENT TO HIS PUERTO RICAN NEIGHBOR
Wnile the essential purpose of this stucty was to provide more detailed
infonnation on the Puerto Rican r1evvcomer to Chicago
3
his island background, his
migration to and his subsequent problems in our IID tropolitan city) it was thought
that such a picture would r:>ot be complete, unless tie also obtai:-ed some knowledge
tegarding the feelings and attitudes-in short the reaction--of the old Chicago
residents whose row neighbors they had become. This opinion is confirmed by a
number of previous studies of i.mrl'..igr&1t s which have ernpha sized the importance of
attitude direction and behavior of the host population to :L'Tlliligrant adjustment.
1
Thus, we intervievred fifty no:1-Puerto Rican neighbors in the community area;
47 of these were white and three were Negro. The majority of these long-time
Chicago residents lived in this mighborhood, except for 25 per cent of the
respondents who were selected because of their frequent business or professional
. 2
contacts with the Puerto Ricans of this area. Moreover, every respondent of t:1is
supplementary sample had to qualify on two counts: (l) he (she) had to be a
native-born citizen of the United States, and (2) he (she) had to be 21 years of
age.
The essential elements of information to be obtained from this sample were
,
organized in three broad, dis tinct, yet rel. a ted categories:
1
(1) factual knowledge of continental Americans concerning Puerto
Rican neighbors;
(2) impressions, attitudes and feelings the mainland American has of
and toward these new neighbors, and
Cf. H. Infield, "The Aged in the Process of Ethnic Assimilation,
11
Sociometry,
III, 4, (October 1940), 352--365; also A. Richardson
3
"The Assii1l.ilation of British
Immigrants in Australia,
11
Hum1 Re.Lat ions, X, 2, (1957), 157-166, and R. Taft,

Shared Frame of Reference Concept Applied to the Assimilation of
Immigrants,
11
Humcg1 Relations, VI, 1, (1953)
1
45-55., Also see what has become a
classic in this field: 0. Handlin, The Uprooted (Boston: Little-Brown,
2
For details regarding this sample see Methodology, Appendix A.
80
(3) social existing between the two groups.
l. FactuiJl K.novdedge of Continental Americans
Concerning their Puerto Rican
We were interested here in establishing how much the Chicagoan actually
knew about his newcomer-neighbor
1
s political, racial, cultural and social back-
ground and status; what he had observed regarding their general way of life, their
their housing, their work and recreational habits, their social life,
etc.
Over one-third of the respondents in this supplementary sample (hence-
forth called neighbors' sample) (34%) had lived in Chicago all their life; 24 per
cent had resided here between 30 and 49 years and 28 per cent had been here more
than 10 but less than 30 years. Only 4 per cent md had a Chicago residence of
less than 10 years while 10 per cent did not say. This established the majority
of tre se respondents as old-time Chicago residents.
Next we were interested in testing the awareness of these people with
rrepect to the presence of Puerto Rican newcomers in their block. We had made
certain that the 38 respondents who lived in the area (75% of supplementary sample)
had Pm rto Ricans living in the same block. We asked these residents:
How many Puerto Ricans do you think now live in this block?
,
Surprisingly, 24 p'er cent either did not know or would not answer; 22 per
cent said that there were none in their block and 10 per cent thought there were
some without being more specific. Forty-four per cent offered numerical estimates
ranging between one and over one hundred. Most of these guesses were grossly
inaccurate; either the newcomer had not been noticed at all, or the presence of
four or five families had been exaggerated to a figure of 80 or 100 persons. The
22 per cent who had said that there were
11
none
11
in their block included those
respondents who only worked, but did not live in the sample area. Their shop,
store or institution (post-office, police-station, school, church, etc.) actually
81
was not located in a residential area, although people living in the neighborhood
110uld come to them as customers or clients, etce
One might question why the results of this awareness test were relativel;y
inadequate, when, in fact, the opportunities for observation were very favorable.
There seem to be several factors responsible for this situation which we find
present again and again in questions of this type. First, there is the general
fact that most people are noor observers; second, there is a slight possibility
that the Puerto Rican as a newcorer is rot as
11
visible
11
in this area, as other
migrants, such as Negroes or Indians would be; conversely, be cause IIE.ny people are
sensitive about who moves into their neigtlborhood, they are emotional and fearful
alx>ut these observations and tend to distort and exaggerate facts in order to
prove a point. On the other hand, there are those few observers who accept the
fact of population change in Chicago neighborhoods and pay little attention to the
new people who are moving in. Finally, competent observation is somewhat handi-
capped by the fact that there is a relatively high residential mobility among
Puerto Rican newcomers, especially, in the first few years following migration.
The next two questions cone erned the old residents' kmwledge regarding
citizenship status and color of the newcomers. These two inquiries ru;e not
entirely on the same level, as the former permits a
11
yes
11
or
11
no
11
answer, while
the latter leaves some leeway to opinion in view of the spectrum-type range of
skin-complexion of the Puerto Rican newcomer. This was indeed borne out by the
respondents
1
answers.
Of the neighbors' sample, 86 per cent knew that these migrants were
United States citizens;
1
8 per cent stated that they were not United States
citizens and 6 per cent cla:imed ignorance as to the facts.
1
Although most of the respondents did not know tbe legal basis of this fact
nor when Puerto Ricans became American citizens.
82
A wide range of answers was obtained to the question:
11
Would you say that Puerto Ricans are white or colored?
11
Twelve per cent, each, stated that Puerto Ricans are white or that they
are colored, while 22 per cent said that some are white and some are colored;
another 24 per cent 1;-hought they are mixed. Other equally definitive statements
declared that they are Spanish (10 per cent),
11
just
11
Puerto Rican (10 per cent),
Negroes ( 2 per cent), or
11
just
11
people ( 2 per cent) Six per cent did not know
or would not answer.
These answers reflect indeed mt only the impressions of very casual
observers, but also demonstrate the multitude of variations in the skin-color
1
of the migrants which range from fair to black and/or copper. But almost one-
half (46 per cent) of the respondents came close to an accurate estimate by
saying that they are "mixed" or "some are 'White and some are colored,
11
not
counting the equivocal 10 per cent who said that they are "just" Puerto Rican
indicating the opinion that Puerto Ricans have their own distinctive and U..'l'lique
skin complexion. Inasmuch as we had only 1 very dark-complected Puerto Rican in
our migrant-sample (constituting 1 per cent of the sample) who might be designated
as a Negro, the 2 per cent response of our non-Puerto Rican group who -thought that
the newcomers were Negroes is somev.J'hat unrealistic and may contain an emotional
element in addition to low reliability as objective observers. It is difficult to
say whether feelings of racial superiority are involved in the large group of
those respondents who felt that the migrants were mixed or both white and colored;
sometimes such feelings were expressed by white respondents based on the fact
that the migrants were thought to be a mh.-ture of different races.
2
There is
l
See Chap.III; also see E. Padilla, op. cit., p. 72 for a more detailed
exposition.
2 Feelings of this kind are reflected in the rre anings often attached to such
words as "mixed breed," "half-breed,
11 11
mulatto,
11
"mestizo,
11
etc.
83
certainly an observable sensitivity noticeable among Negro respondents in the
and the Puerto Rican migrants. These feelings involve both
racial and economic factors and are sometimes probably to a lesser extent present
even between fair-complected and colored Puerto Ricans after they have lived in
the mainland city for sometime
1
The next question, testing the knowledge of the neighbors' sample, was
concerned '"'ith the legal basis for fair employment practices in business and
industry in Chicago. We asked this group:
When hiring a person in Chicago, do you know whether it is against
the law to discriminate against him for race, color or creed?
2
Surprisingly, almost two-thirds (62 per cent) knew of the existence of such a
fair employment practices ordinance; in other words, were aware of the fact that
the Puerto Rican newcomer had as much legal right to employment in Chicago as the
old native resident. Only 4 per cent said that there was no such law, While 28
per cent did not know and 6 per cent would not answer.
In summary, we may say that our neighbors' sample showed little aware-
ness of the presence of our newcomers on their ovm residential blocks; their
estimates were poor or grossly exaggerated, Conversely, a large majority of the
group knew that Puerto Rica.ns were United States citizens, and that in Chicago
they enjoyed the protection of the law in case they were discriminated against
when seeking employment. The answers to the color question showed a wide distri-
bution of opinions and made soroowhat more complex the task of analysis and
interpretation. Moreover, almost one-half of the sample indicated their belief
that Puerto Ricans could be white or colored and that there was a wide range of
variations in skin complexion.
1
See also Chap. III, Economic
2
This question was based on the Chicago Fair Employment Practices Ordinance;
see Municipal Code- Chapter 198.7 A, esp., 1 and 4.
84
On the basis of the above we may conclude that our neighbors' sample
demonstrated more factual knowle dge concerning two important aspects of the Puerto
Ricans' life in Chicago - United States citizenship and protection under the
City's Fair Employment Practices Ordinance - than was generally expected.
However, when the responses were based on personal observation, as in estimating
the number of Puerto Rican tenants in their residential blocks or their color
complexion, the reliability of their statements decreased considerably.-
2. Impressions , Attitudes and Feelings of Old Chicago
Residents Regarding their Puerto Rican Neighbors
In this section we are endeavoring to analyze the responses of our non-
Puerto Rican neighbors' s a-rnple to two groups of questions concerning:
(l) impressions they received on the basis of their daily
observations of the newcomers within their neighbor..:.
hood, and
(2) feelings that were gern rated and attitudes that v.rere
formed as a reaction to the above impressions.
'
It must be admitted at this point that it was not possible to separate
all the questions :into the above two groups; some of them overlap. While most of
the answers may be primarily the result of observations, some also contain
substantial emotional elements.
Thus, the first question v.hi ch inquired whether the respondent thought
that the Puerto Rican newcomers :in his neighborhood were in any way "differmt"
from other people living in the area, asked clearly for answers in terms of
observable facts, such as dress, diet, physical appearance, behavior, language
spoken, etc., but it also involved an emotional reaction regarding the respondents'
approval or disapproval of the observed "differences.
11
Over three-quarters of this sample (78 per cent) thought that their
migrant neighbors were "different"; 16 per cent felt that they were not "differenti'
Six per cent did not ans v.rer, although nobody replied
11
don
1
t know."
85
1.rJhen pressed to be more detailed as to specific
11
differences
11
(In what
ways do you think they are different?) some interesting reactions were noted. The
item most frequently mentioned was "living conditions
11
(24 per cent), followed by
"behavior" (12 per cent),
11
dress
11
( 8 per cent),
11
cleanliness
11
regarding person and
home (8 per cent),
11
language
11
(6 per cent), "shyness or clannishness
11
(6 per cent)J
11
diet
11
(4 per cent),
11
aggressiveness and noisiness
11
(4 per cent), in this
sequence. But 34 per cent in this specific question (as against 16 per cent in
the pre ceding general question), said they did not think Puerto Ricans were
11
differen t,
11
and 18 per cent did not answer or claimed ignorance. Thus, at least
one-third and, at most over one-half (52 per cent) felt that the migrants are
not
11
different,
11
or could rot specify the
11
differences
11
or would not answer.
It is interesting to compare these responses with those given by the
Puerto Rican sample when asked:
11
Do you feel that people treat you differently, because you are
a newcomer? '
Although it is realized that this question is not entirely comparable
with the preceding one, it is not illogical to assume that people who are
perceived to be alien or different, are also reacted to or treated diffE?rently.
Accordingly, sixty-one per cent of our Puerto Rican respondents felt that they
were treated differently, vbich figure is fairly close to the 78 per cent of their
neighbors who perceived them to be
11
different
11
from the other people in their
neighborhood.
The
11
difference
11
most frequently pointed out was
11
living conditions
11
and referred to their housing, the number of people who lived in their homes and
specifically, the newcomers r
11
way of life.
11 11
Behavior,
11
next most frequently
mentioned, was cone erned with morality and hone sty, or the lack of it.
11
Dress and
cleanliness
11
were mentioned more often than language.
11
Shyness and clannishness
11
were more often observed than
11
aggressiveness and noisiness" or differences as to
86
food preferences. The discrepancy in responses as to observed "differences"
between the general question and when pressed for specific detailed answers can
probably be explained by the fact that some neighbors' responses were more
emotionally conditioned than based on factual observation. Generally, it was not
quite clear whether the various "differences" noticed by the rei@1.bors also had a
further implication of inferiority or i.nadequacy. It was somewhat surprising to
note that "language," one of the most noticeable "differences,
11
was not mentioned
more often, as we have def:initely established a considerable lack of English
language facility in our Puerto Rican sample.
1
Horeover, there is no question
that a Puerto Rican who uses the Spanish rather than the English language in public
places is conspicuous as a member of a different language group simply because he
does not speak English where it is expected. On the other hand, it should be
remernb ered that oUI:" sample area is located in a sanewhat cosmopolitan neighborhood
that may be considered a traditional port of entry for immigrants sine e the turn
of the century
2
and the sound of a foreign tongue therefore may not i.mpress the
old resident of that area as a conspicuous "difference."
3
The neighbors were asked three more series of questions regarding:
(1) the migrants' living conditions and social behavior,
(2) the neighbors' feeling toward the migrants; and
(3) the impact of these migrants on the neighborhood as
perceived by the neighbors.
,.
In the first series our questions were directed toward the neighbors'
observations regarding the migrants' homes, their children's behavior, their \'lork
and recreational habits.
1
See Chap. III, section 4(a).
2
Cf. "Area of Sample," Appendix B.
3 In the Philadelphia study this "difference" is mentioned most often, while the
New York study indicated that language difference becorres very significant when
the migrant gets into trouble vrith the authorities. Cf. Siegel, Orlans, Greer,
op. cit., p. 52f and Hills et al., op. cit., p. 142f.
, .. 87
Almost half of this neighbors' sample (48 per cent) thought that the
newcomers' homes were as clean as other hoiiBs in the neighborhood; 6 per cent felt
that they were cleaner while 18 per cent said they were less clean; but over one-
fourth (26 per cent) of the sample claimed that they had never been to a Puerto
Rican home and therefore could not tell. It is interesting to recall at this
point that to the question of
11
hmJ' Puerto Ricans differ from other people in this
neighborhood,
11
a total of 8 per cent criticized the newcomers' standard of cleanli-
ness as to horre or person. Two-thirds of the neighbors (66 per cent) stated that
these homes were more crmJded than others in the area. Twelve per cent thought
that they were just as crowded as others and 2 per cent claimed they were less
crowded. Again a high percentage (18 per cent) said they did not lmow and the
remainder ( 2 per cent) v-ould not say anything.
Actually, the average density per room, as determined in the section on
1
housing, shows a figure of 1.60 which bears out the neighbors
1
observation that
these homes are relatively more crowded.
Ten per cent of the neighbors' sample thought that the migrants v-ork
less hard than other people, 'While another 10 per cent felt that they work harder,
but half of the sample stated that the newcomers v.ork just as hard as other people
in the neighborhood. Again, a high percentage (28 per cent) of the neighbors said
that they had had no pertinent evidence on which to base a sound judgment.
The neighbors observed a large variety of recreational acti vi ties on the
part of the newcomers, although the mme number (28 per cent) as above claimed
ignorance, vlhile another 14 per cent did not answer. The balance of 58 per cent
of the answers were distributed as follows:
1
See Chap.III, ) ..
88
{Puerto Rican newcomers in this neighborhood, in their spare time-)
go visiting or socialize - 16 per cent;
go to the movies- 10 per cent;
hang around street corners - 10 per cent;
go to church - 6 per cent;
drink, gamble, dance or engage in sex activities- 6 per cent;
have hobbies, especially music - 2 per cent;
read - 2 per cent;
engage in sports activities - 2 per cent;
listen to radio or watch television- 2 per cent;
take on extra jobs - 2 per cent.
It seems that rome of these responses may be based on assumption, rather
than facts, although some are borne out by a similar question asked of the
migrants' sample. It is certainly confirmed that the two major recreational
activities of these migrants are "visiting friends or relatives in each others'
homes" and "going to the movies,
11
in this sequence.
In a subsequent question the neighbors were asked "VIhether the migrants
they knew associated mostly with other Puerto Ricans or with continental Americans.
According to the observations of over two-thirds (6S per cent), Puerto Rican
newcomers visited mostly with other Puerto Ricans; 16 per cent thought that they
had some friends in both groups; nobody said that they had mostly continental
Chicago friends and 14 per cent did not know. When this question was followed up
,
by a more direct one, asking the neighbors whether they had any good friends 1-.ho
were Puerto Ricans , and if so, if they lived in this neighbor hood, 22 per cent of
the respon:ients indicated that they had and that 10 per cent of these lived in
their neighlx>rhood. Moreover, the words "good friends" were not any rrore closely
defined, vhen the question was posed, yet it is meaningful to consider the fact
that 22 per cent of theneighbors had had contacts with Puerto Rican nev.rcomers
within or without their residential neighborhoods, which went beyond the mere
"hello" stage.
The social habits of adults are often reflected in the behavioral
pattern of their childrm. We therefore thought it useful to include a question
89
which compared the behavior of the newcomers' children with that of the neighbor-
hood's children, at large. It "Was realized, of course, that not all of the
neighbors' sample had had the opportunity to observe the neighborhood children at
play, and the "don
1
t know" a.'1d
11
no answer" categories were therefore relatively
high ( 20 and 10 per cent, respectively); yet the other re spans es were still
inte resting.
More than two-thirds ( 68 per cent) thought that Puerto Rican children
behave as well as other childrEn; only 2 per cent felt that their behavior was
below average, but nobody said that their oonduct was above average. In order to
fully appreciate these ans i'Ters one cught to kmw more precisely what the averc_ge
person - in this case the old Chicago resident who shares his neighborhood with
Puerto Rican newcomers - ooans by the behavior pattern of a child. An informal
follow-up on this point with most of the respondents bears out that they evaluated
the behavior of the children in terms of two criteria: (1) the respect they paid

their parents or elders, and (2) the runount and intensity of noise they were
producing. This may indeed be the only way by Which a casual observer can arrive
at the above judgment.
Noise was found to be a very important factor in the minds 6f the
neighbors regarding their feelings about the newcomers. A pertinent question we
asked the former, whether the Puerto Ricans they !mew in their made
more noise, less noise or as much noise as the other residents, confirmed our
assQmption that the newcomers were considered noisy. Almost half of the neighbors'
sample (48 per cent) felt that they were noisier than other residents as against
32 per cent who thought they were just as noisy; only 2 per cent said that they
were less noisy. Nearly one-fifth of this group (18 per cent) claimed not to know
or did not ans11er. The neighbors who felt that the newcomers were noisier,
mentioned the following noise-producing activities and in this sequence:
90
(1) having parties - 20 per cent
(2) loud conversation .... lh per cent
(3) fighting - 12 per cent
(4) honking horn of auto - 10 per cent
(5) dancing - 8 per cent
( 6) drinking - 6 per cent
(7) noisier) but non-specific - 4 per cent
(8) singing - 2 per cent
In view of all these observations made by the neighbors and affecting to
some extent their own lives in this neighborhood, we assurned with good reason that
some emotional reactions must have be en generated toward the newcomers vvhich could
be tested more overtly. Avoiding challenging them in a personal and direct vmy,
we did not ask them:
"do you or do you not like Puerto Ricans who live in your
neighborhood, rr
but rather
"what do you like or dislike about the Puerto Ricans you
know, who liv.e around here?"
This was asked in tW) separate but successive questions.. A series of two more
questions was asked much later in the interview which should help clarify this
issue:
11
Do Puerto Ricans you know :in this neighborhood generally
get along well, don
1
t get along, are indifferent toward
other people around here?
11
and
"Do you think that the neighborhood has changed in any
way since Puerto Ricans moved in?"
The distribution of answers to these questions was interesting and
meaningful. About half of the responses to the first two questions ( "like
11
and
11
dislike
11
) were negative. Forty per cent said they
11
do not like anything about the
Puerto Ricans" and 48 per cent stated they
11
do not dislike" anything about them.
The respondents who reacted in this fashion were observed at interview-time to be
tense or upset and their answers came fast and were clearly errotionally condi-
tioned.
91
The same pattern seemed to be reflected in the 15-20 per cent of the sample l-vho
said they "do not lmow," or gave "no answer.," Those who reflected for a while
before giving a specific answer had the following comments indicating positive or
negative qualities:
(The Puerto Ricans who live around here:-)
(1) are friendly, kind, courteous, polite (28 per cent);
(2) they are vivacious and happy ( 8 per cent);
(3) they adjust easily to big city life (8 per cent);
(4) they are cooperative, smart and IX'etty (8 per cent);
(5) they are reliable and competent;
(6) they are clean and well-dressed;
(?) they are industrious good workers and mind their own business;
(8) they take good care of their families,
Negative:
(1) young males are too aggressive, make passes at girls (10 per cent);
(2) they are unreliable (4 per cent);
(3) they contribute to deterioration of our neighborhood (4,. per cent);
(4) they are clannish (4 per cent);
(5) they have poor habits - too noisy, h311g around street corners,
don't dispose of their garbage properly (4 per cent);
(6) they drink too much and carry switchblades (2 per cent each);
(?) they pretend not to understand ~ ~ g l i s h and are dishonest ( 2 per
cent each);
(8) they cause overcrowd:L"lg of buildings (2 per cent).
~ l l i i l e there was admittedly a very strong emotional element involved in
these answers, we also observed that al:rrost half of the respondents (40 and 48 per
cent, respectively) did not indicate any "likes" or''dislikes" and about one-fifth
(20 and 16 per cent, respectively) claimed ignorance or refused to answer. But in
92
spite of these numerous abstentions, we also noted that the percentages of those who
mentioned a positive quality were higher - in fact, someti;rnes twice as high as
those with negative co;rnments.
Moreover, 36 per cent of the neighbors' sample criticized the newcomers
for one reason or another and the attitudes of these respondents were again
demonstrated when we inquired how the newcomers were generally getting along v.'ith
other people in the neighborhood. Altogether 32 per cent thought that they either
did not get along well (6 per cent), or were indifferent (12 per cent), or pre-
tended not to kro w (10 p8r cent), or would not answer (4 per cent). It is
interesting to recall at this time that vve had also asked this question of our
Puerto Rican sample and that 4 per cent of the respondents felt that the Poles and
Italians in their neighborhood don't get along as well with others as they might.
These two nationalities, however, represent the numerically strongest ethnic groups
in the sample area.
1
Another question, more specifically directed against the
people the newcomers would rather not have living in th.eir nei@lborhood, brought
out the fact that the Puerto Rican migrants had definite reservations concerning
American Negroes, Italians and a "bad kind
11
of Puerto Ricans. This was also borne
out in the response to a question inquiring into their feelings about working with
individuals of diverse racial or ethnic backgrounds in the same place. Here
reservations were again expressed toward the Negroes and Italians, with some
mention of the
2
Although we are analyzing in this chapter the feelings and attitudes of
the Chicago neighbors toward the Puerto newcomers, it is useful to remember
that the latter, as shown above, also have rather definite feelings about some
1
2
Diaz et in their New York study concluded that, as a group, Puerto Ricans
do not harbor pr-ejudices toward any particular ethnic group, but instead
reflect the composition and frictions of the districts in which they reside.
See Diaz, Finch and Gangware, cit., Po 152.
Cf. Chap. III, Economic Adjustment, p. 27.
93
racial or nationality groups that they come in contact with either in their
neighborhood or in the work situation. It is very difficult to determine whether
tlB se feelings were spontaneous - likes or dislikes "at first sight,
11
-- or
whether they gradually developed over a period of ti.'!le as a reaction to the treat-
ment they received from these groups. Another factor worth mentioning in this
context is the extent of contact or personal interaction between the newcomers and
the old residents on which most of these observations and subsequently arising
feelings are predicated. Even the 22 per cent of the continental neighbors who
claimed to have Puerto Ricans as "good friends" did not define the character and
extent of these relationships. Conversely, the Puerto Ricans often mistake the
casual informality of the mainland American for an expression of friendship and
good will.
We eXJE cted much from the ne ighborsJ responses to the last question in
this s erie s:
Do you think that the neighborhood has changE;d in any way since
Puerto Ricans moved in?
~ f u i l e almost two-thirds of the s&'!lple (62 per cent) felt that the
neighborhood had changed for the worse,
1
over one-third disagreed, stating that
the neighborhood either had not deteriorated (24 per cent), or that'it had
improved (12 per cent), with 2 per cent abstaining. Those who thought that the
newcomers had caused deterioration in the neighborhood documented their statements
as follows:
1
(1) Insurance companies won't underwrite policies; business
volume dropped (12 per cent);
(2) Property deteriorated for lack of maintenance; property
values decreased (10 per cent);
This figure is close to the 64 per cent of white respondents found in the
Philadelphia study; See Siegel et al., op. cit., p. 58.
94
(3) Older residents moved out of area (8 per cent);
(4) Negroes are moving in -- whites are moving out (8 per cent);
( 5) Neighborhood has be come more transient (4 per cent);
( 6) People are afraid to go out at night ( 4 per cent);
(7) Puerto Ricans are on street
1
til late at night ( 2 per cent);
( 8) They give wild parties until late at night (2 per cent);
(9) Yes, there has been a change, but no specific answer (12 per
cent)e
With a little reflection, one realizes that these answers are statements
typical for many big city community areas experiencing population change. The
reaction is usually more pronounced and the complaints more articulate when the
new group nnving in is more "visible" i.e., if it is non-white, or, as in the
case of Puerto Rican, represents an alien culture and speaks a foreign language.
It is felt, therefore, that this response is far from being conclusive in terrrB
of a typical reaction of continental Americans or old Chicago residents concerning
the impact of Puerto Rican migrants on a res:idential neighborhood in Chicago. On
the other hand, the feelings and attitudes formed on the part of the old residents
are very real and meaningful to the migrants, because it may and often does give
them psychological complexes reflecting an unfriendly environment in which they
,
are largely rejected. From an objective or scientific point of view, however, the
above is vague and indefinite and therefore not very useful in terms of practical
steps that might be taken in a community with the purpose of creating more
benevolent and constructive attitudes toward newcomers.
3. Social Distance Between the Two Groups
So far, there is no completely satisfactory scientific method of
measl.li'ing feelings, attitudes, degrees of prejudice or rejection between different
ethnic groups. Social scientists have approached this problem by designing
techniques which prinarily measure negative attitudes with varying degrees of
95
accuracy. Thus, Bogardus, a social psychologist developed a
11
social distance"
scalel and Star constructed a tension scale;
2
the former attempted to measure the
social distance and the latter the tension or friction existing bet"l.veen members
of different ethnic, racial, religious and social groups in a community.
Moreover, precise measurement of social phenomena is not always necessary
for social research to be meaningful and significant. Hany occurrences can be
quite reliably observed in terms of simple classification schemes; it is important
to define the categories to be observed in a reliable and precise way so as to
assist in the solution of the problem. We might, therefore, ask our neighbors'
sample "Should Puerto Rican newcomers be permitted to live in our neighborhoods?
Join our clubs? Work in whatever employment they choose?' Etc., etc.
Bogardus' social distance scale is composed of a number of such items
which indicate the relative degree to which a person is willing to accept members
of other racial or nationai.ity groups as associates in various social activities
and situations. Social distance among persons and groups is then usually inferred
informally by observing their day-to-day beha vier toward each other.
Thus, we asked our non-Puerto Rican neighbors' sample the following
five questions:
l
2
(Do you think that native Chicagoans, you knmv, would:)
(1) Intermarry 1dth Puerto Ricans?
(2) Willingly accept Puerto Ricans as neighbors?
E. S. Bogardus,.
11
A Social Distance Scale," Sociology and Social Research,XVIJ;J,
(January-February, 1933), pp. 265-271. This method was later refined by
Thurstone. See L. L. Thurstone, The Measurement of Attitude, (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1939).
s. A. Star, Interracial Tension in Two Areas of Chicago. An exploratory
approach to the measurement of interracial tension. (Unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1950).
96
(3) Willingly ad.mit Puerto Ricans to their social clubs'?'
(4) Like to exclude Puerto Ricans from emplo;yment in their
occupations?
( 5) Like to exclude Puerto Ricans from >vorking and
settling in tbi s country?
While it was expected that the percentages in the
11
no
11
colunm of the
first three questions would be far higher than those in the "yes" colunm, it was
surprising to see that the differential could get as small as it did in the
inquiry regarding intermarriage (2 per cent). The "don't lmow
11
colunm also shows
relatively higp percentages, indicating that the respondents found these questions
uncomfortable and were reluctant to commit themselves or go on record with a
statement that they felt might be embarrassing to others, although complete
anonymity was of course assured.
The most negative response was demonstrated in the ans1-ver to the ques-
tion regarding admittance to social clubs. Here, none of the neighbors (0 per
cent) thought that Puerto Ricans "WOuld be welcome to the' privately organized
social clubs of native Chicagoans, while over half (56 per cent) felt that the
newcomers would definitely not be admitted. Almost one-half of the respondents
however did not answer this question, either because they claimed not.-to know
(28 per cent) or simply refused (16 per cent). But 12 per cent of this sample
thougpt the migrants would be "willingly accepted" as neighbors on their streets,
with 44 per cent dissenting and another 44 per cent not answering. Moreover, to
the following more drastic queries regarding outright exclusion of the newcomers
from employment in this city or even from the country, responses were more
tempered. Sixty-two ( 62) per cent thougpt that native Chicagoans would not want
to see them excluded from working in th eir occupations and 66 per cent felt they
would not be banned from settling in this country; but 14 per cent and 20 per
cent respectively, thought that these same Chicagoans would like to see them
Social Distance
between
Non-Puerto Rican old Chicago Residents in Sample Area and Puerto Rican Newcomers
-
Do you think tha t native Chicagoans, you know
would:
-
(1) Intermarry with Puerto Ricans?
-
( 2) \rJillingly a ccept Puerto Ricans as neighbors?
----
(3) Willingly a' dmit them to their social clubs?
(4) Like to exc
ment in the
( 5) Like to exc
and settlin
lude Puerto Ricans from employ-
ir occupations'?
lude Puerto Ricans from working
g in this countty?
Non-Puerto Rican Chicago Neighbors in
SamEle A r e a ~
Yes No Don
1
t Know No answer
28% 30% 36% 6%
12% 44% 28% 16%
O% 56% 28% 16%
14% 6Z/o 22% 2%
20% 66% 12% 2%
97
excluded from their occupations and prohibited from entering this country
altogether. It was quite curious that 20 per cent of the same sample would think
that Chicagoans would intermarry with the newcomers while only 30 per cent
disagreed; 42 per cent did not answer this question, either because they "didn't
know" ( 36 per cent), or would not say ( 6 per cent).
There is an apparent quality of improbability and even contradiction
involved, when we consider that only 12 per cent of the neighbors thought that
the Puerto Ricans would be acceptable in as impersonal a relationship as street-
neighbors while none would be admissible into their social clubs, but 28 per cent
felt that they would be admitted into an intimate relationship, such as marriage.
An explanation of this somewhat puzzling and seemingly contradictory reaction
might perhaps be found in the fact that a marriage is a very personal relationship
in which basically the consent of only two personally involved individmls is
required whereas a group necessitates the consent of many different persons with
varying attitudes toward an impersonal yet significant such as social club
membership. This assumption is undoubtedly borne out by the many intermarriages
which are contracted between individuals of divergent racial and ethnic groups in
American society - groups that are otherwise socially quite In addition,
it should be considered that factors such as prestige, social status, national
ancestry, etc. may be important in a community where groups try to live up to
certain elite symbols while in a personal relationship these symbols are rela-
tively unimportant.
1
In summary, we may say that our test questions have demonstrated a
It must not be for gotten that many of the accepted values of the American
c1.l]_ture (the democratic ideal, the ideal of marriage being based on romantic
love, the more recent enlightened teachings about race and race relations, and
the attitude of the major religious denominations toward race) result in
reducing the social distance between racial and ethnic groups, at the same time
providing ethical rationalizations for intermarriage. See J. Golden,
"Facilitating Factors in Negro-White Intermarriage,
11
The Phylon Quarterly, XX,
3, (Fall 1959), 279ff.
98
considerable amount of social distance existing between old Chicago residents and
Puerto Rican newcomers. Attitudes of bias and antagonism are directed primarily
against the Puerto Ricans by the host group in their residential neighborhood,
although they are not entirely absent in the newcomers. Discriminatory feelings
of the continental "neighbors" are more intense when directed against the group
(as rn igh bors on same street, or membership in their social clubs) than when
projected against individuals (intermarriage). Presence, degree and intensity of
this pattern of prejudice does not seem to differ essentially from those found in
previous immigrations, although this newcomer group has been exposed to in the
"American way of life
11
for over half a century and, in fact, has fought under the
American flag in three wars and has enjoyed United States citizenship for almost
two generations.
99
V. THE CITY GOVERNMENT RESPONDS
TO THE PUERTO RICAN NEVJCONER
William Rodriguez, 24ii the father of four small children, killed himself on
Saturday, February 6, 1960, by eating rat poison.
He came to the continental United States 10 years ago and had a regular job
in a mail order house.
But "easy credit" left him debt-ridden and hounded by creditors. William
Rodriguez bought furniture, a TV set, a handsome clock, an electric fan -all the
things he wanted and thought he needed on credit . Then a salesman "left" a
package with his wife for the neighbors next door. The salesman asked her to sign
a receipt for the package. He spoke Spanish, so "she trusted him." There were no
neighbors next door; the package was a quilt valued at $34; the receipt was
another contract.
It was the one too many burdens William Rodriguez couldn't handle.
His death aroused industry, merchants, trade associataons, churches,
neighborhood associations to a very real awareness of the Illinois credit laws
which permit "confessions of judgment" and "wage assignments.
11
All too often the
trusting people who come to Chicago, new to the implacable demands of urban
creditors but tempted by their wares, fall into these traps and are frequently
exploited.
The Hayor' s Cormnittee on New Residents has created three subcommittees to
keep the issue of "easy credit" and its fatal concomitant alive until the next
session of the General Assembly in 1961: l - to draft new legislation having
the consumer's interests in mind; 2 -to educate the consumer into the possibili-
ties of exploitation, the need to read a completely filled out contract, and the
danger of buying beyond his means; and 3 - to encourage industry to protect its
employees against inflated charges and fees with the help of the Municipal Court
100
of Chicago.
This course of action was ra t,her typical for the Mayor
1
s Commit tee on New
Residents in its effort to help in the adjustment of newcomers to the city.
The Ifuyor
1
s Committee on New Residents (henceforth the Mayor's Committee),
the first public agency of its kind in the country, was proposed in August 1956
and made a department of the Chicago Commission on Human Relations in January 1957.
This step was based on the recognition of the adjustment problems caused by the
migration to Chicago of Southern Whites and Negroes, of American Indians and
Puerto P..icans, in their search for greater eoonomic opportunitieso The basic
purpose of the agency was the improvement of the adjustment process both for the
newcomers and the older residents. This was to be achieved by the following
methods and activities:
1. Stimulating public and private agencies to a full awareness of the needs
of these newest arrivals in the city;

2. Demonstrating whatever practical, if untraditional, methods can be
developed for reaching and working with these residents at the nearest
neighborhood level;
3. Developing and distributing factual data (l) about the new residents,
arrl ( 2) providing information helpful to them;
4. Creating a sympathetic understanding on the part of the old residents
for the difficulties of the newcomers.
Administratively, the Mayor's Committee became the advisory body to the new
"Department of Migration Services" in the Chicago Commission on Human Relations
where it oould draw upon the experiences of other departments, such as Civil
Rights, Community Education, Employment and Social Research, which last
department prepared this study.
In the following three years the Department has grown from two professional
101
workers with an annual bu:l.get of $25,000 to five professional w::>rkers, one full-
time and one half-time clerical persons, a budget of $50,000, and a branch
office, The West Side Center is housed in the Cook County Department of Public
Aid offices at 1951 West M3.dison Street where it now serves Spanish speaking new
residents6 Another branch office - on the southside - has just been opened,
Guided by the members of the Mayor
1
s Committee, the department first sought
out the agencies already working among became a resource to adapt programs
to their needs, and searched diligently for those means of communication which
would direct the newcomer to the services and resources available to him from the
public and private agencies.
The first in the field to assist the Puerto Rican ne1.vcomers was the Higration
Division of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Department of Labor, Midwest Office,
(henceforth called the "Puerto Rican Midwest Office") established in Chicago in
1950. It has as its major pur!X)se helping the Puerto Rican get a job by
encouraging employers to hire him. Ln. practice, the staff has also be en extremely
helpful to other agencies interpreting cultural patterns, suggesting means of
reaching families, adding its support and encouragment to programs urging further
education, health services, and use of voting rights.
The second rna jor instrument of adjustment to be established in Chicago was
the "Cardinal's Committee for the Spanish Speaking" created in 1955, and seeking
out the Puerto Ricans through the Councils of the Knights of St .. John (Caballeros
de San Juan). There are now eight Councils in the Chicago area. It is notable
that they not only multiply as population grows, but also follow the -westward
movement of the Puerto Rican residential concentrations. The Caballeros do not
require that members be practicing Catholics. Under the direction of the
Cardinal's Committee, Father Leo T. Mahon extended its services to the Hexicans
subsequent to the demise of the Council of Chicago. The
:,. . .
102
Mexicans' problems are similar to, but by no means identical with those of the
Puerto Ricans who are (1) citizens, and (2) newer to the city than the 1-1exicans
many of whom have been here for three generations, still speaking Sranish and
retaining some of their natioNal customs and traditions.
Since 1956 the Chicago City Missiomry Society has maintained a Puerto Rican
outpost, the pasa Central Evangelica, at 1671 West Ogden Avenue under the direc-
tion of the Rev. John K. Vincent who has provided Christian fellowship as well as
referral to social agencies for the Puerto Ricans.
In June 1957 the Hayor
1
s Committee inventoried public and private agencies
working with newcorrers. Sixty-eight of these rEported Puerto Ricans among their
constituencies, and most of these are still operating.
Among the agency problems, especially with Puerto Ricans, language was listed
as the greatest single difficulty; half of the agencies had to rely upon volunteer
interpreters. They also reported the need for
omore adequate housing, employment oppottunitie s, including
vocational guidance, job placement and screening; more clinics
to accept patients; education in planned :p:tr enthood; more
teacher-nurses to find the children in the schools; recreation
,.
d d
. t 1
facilities; legal aid; added staff for oor-to- oor v ~ s ~ mg.
They recommended that the Mayor
1
s Committee on New Residents assume a role of
public agency leadership, and suggested that this could be done in diverse ways,
among them:
1
1. Conduct confere nces city and community-wide on the cultural ba ck-
grounds of the new r e sidents, their needs, their movements into specific
neighborhoods, in order that the city and neighborhood agencie s may
Mayor
1
s Committee on New Residents Six Month Reoort, (January-June 1957),
September 1957, Appendix A.
103
understand directly what is happening and how they can be most helpful;
2. Conduct pilot and limited studies of many kinds, i.e., ascertain
the health and medical needs of new residents, and determine where more
clinical and nursing services are needed;
3. Stimulate industry and business to create job opportunities, and job
training;
4. Encourage the hiring of interpreters in many languages in public and
private agencies;
5. Support creation of a public service agency (not relief) for emer-
gency help.
1
The agencies also had discovered that too rnw resident is highly rrobile - on
the West Side today, the South Side or the North Side tomorrow (this is probably
less true of the Puerto Rican and Mexican in-migrant than any other). One agency
added:
1
The approach must be comprehensive ani all-embracing. New residents
in our community have come for the purpose of bettering themselves. It
is our observation that they have been faced with many barriers. They
have met with discrimination, limited employment opportunities, s ~ b
standard housing, double shift schools, and hostility from their
neighl:ors If the City could think in terms of a network of Bureaus
or Centers to do a job of interpretation and referral to newcomers, to
discover and train leaders, and to help relate them to existing organi-
zations, the j::>b of assimilation w:>uld soon become automatic. The
Bureaus, through their staffs, might docu.ment where the newcomers are,
~ h o they are, what their family structure is (i.e., it is important to
know whether a family is of matriarchal or patriarchal structure in
~ -
104
helping to use resources). This kind of information could then be
shared with the public and private agencies and would, hopefully,
assist them in developing more flexible services.
1
These five recommendations have been carried out by the Committee, either
specifically as follows, or by unremitting education and encouragement.
In October 1957, four weekly workshops were held by the Welfare Council of
Metropolitan Chicago at the request of the Mayor's Committee. One of these dealt
with the Puerto Ric3.n problem and the discussion was led by Joseph Monserrat,
Director, New York Office, Migration Division, Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, who
spoke on "Cultural Values and the Puerto Rican."
These workshops were designed for the executives in public and private
agencies; Selected Papers
2
were printed for general use by agency staffs, schools,
PTA's, and other interested individuals and organizations ..
The Department of Migration Services' staff has been continually available to
participate or assist in programming conferences, both lar}Se and snall, which had
as their aim a better understanding of the cultural values of the Puerto Rican as
well as the problems he faces in the large city.
Since its inception, the Mayor's Committee on New Residents has bepn
determined to work intimately in the neigp borhoods where the newcomer lives.
Lacking funds for its own centers until fiscal 1960, it has concentrated on
cooperative efforts with existing agencies. However, it did become }X)ssible in
November 1957 to obtain rent-free quarters in v.hat is now the Cook County
DepartmEnt of Public Aid, and use this as a base for work Ll'l an area '"hich
was then described as ttthe forgotten rnilen: Kinzie Street
1
2
Ibid.
Selected Papers, Institute on Cultural Patterns of Newcomers (Chicago: Welfare
Council of Metropolitan Chicago with Cooperation of Chicago Commission on
Human Relations and the Mayor's Committee on New Residents, 1957).
105
south to the Congress Expressway, Ashland Avenue west to Western Avenue. A lawyer
and a secretary, both s pec.Lking Spanish as well as English, used this as head-
quarters in what has nov; become almost exclusively a referral agency for Puerto
Ricans.
In the year 1959 alor:.e, rrore than 1,000 persons came to the \-Jest Side Center
from all parts of the cit;y- for interpreting and referral. At least 70% to 80% of
their questions related to the Department of Public Aid which, like many other
agencies, still does not r1ve as many Spanish-speaking caseworkers and supervisors
as the growing Spanish poJ ulation demands.
The remainder of the:r questions (in the order of number of requests) covered:
Legal pr ob. .em s Health
Employment Housing
Unemployme1 _t Compensation Social Security
Domestic Relations Income Tax
While the professional staff person at the West Side Center has necessarily
changed over the past two and one-half years (Spanish-speaking workers being in
great demand throughout the country), the Administrative Assistant-Interpreter has
been able to maintain continuity of service. Together the staff has provided
,.
many extra functions of interpreting in addition to the referral of drop-in
clients. Among them:
1. Encouraged individuals and organiz::ttions to make fullest use of the
resources provided by the Spanish worker in the Community Referral
Service.
2. Provided ngo-with
11
interpreting for clients in clinics, courts,
schools, and other places lacking Spanish-speaking workers.
3. Served three days for each of the past two years at the Health Fair
of the Mid-West Community explaining the need for physical
106
tests and interpreting results.
4. Participated with the Mid-West Community Council in the organization
of Spanish businessmen on the West Side.
5. Translated materials on Salk Vaccine inoculation programs, the TB
X-ray mobile unit, cancer prevention, and Parents' Consent Cards -
Padre o Encargado: Atencion - for the schools, as well as simple state-
ments on school regulations: covering
11
absent and tardy excuses,
11
class
hours, vacation periods, pre-school health examinations, birth certifi-
cates, etc.
6. Translated nonpartisan information on flyers and films for the
Citizen Information Service - League of Women Voters, on the need for
qualified citizens to register before elections, and the mechanics of
using a voting machine.
7. Translated a simple text on how to use a dial telephone, and prepared
materials for the "Amigo Service" provided by the, Illinois Bell Telephone
Company during the Pan-American Olympic Games in 1959.
The West Side Center staff of the Mayor's Committee has also:
Devised workshops on cultural traits, customs, work habits, and tropical
diseases for the Interagency Supervisor,v Nurses, the Nurses of the Infant Welfare
Society of Chicago, and the Teacher-Nurses in the Chicago Board of Education.
A workshop for auditors of the Internal Revenue Service was arranged at their
request to demonstrate that the per capita income :in Puerto Rico or L'1 Mexico
does not require payment of a full $600 for each dependent "back home." It is now
permissible to present evidence of having sent $300 back for each dependent in
order to take the appropriate deduction.
In addition, the sta.ff has participated fully in the development of the
Puerto Rican Community Workers Organization which first met in February 1959 and
107
thereafter once a month and which has become a device for pooling resources and
suggestions on problem areas their clients.
The Administrative Assistant-Interpreter in the West Side Center has taken
the Leadership Training course given by the Girl Scouts of Chicago in the hope
of developing participation by Spanish-speaking girls and their mothers.
They have actively participated in the leadership training programs develope(
by the Knights of St. John, the National Conference of Christians and Jews, as
well as programs planned by teachers, PTA
1
s, churches, and other organizations.
During the planning period of the Mayor's Committee in 1956, a sub-
committee was created to develop a directory of available public and private
service with emphasis on the services most needed by the new residents.
The Directory for New Neighbors, designed for use by agency referral person-
nel, was translated into an intercultural Spanish for the Committee by the
Hispanic Foundation of the Library of Congress and, as Directorio De Chicago
Para Nuevos Vecinos, has been reprinted three times and distributed
throughout the city.
A summary of the DirectoEY was translated by the West Side Center staff for
r
the use of individuals and Orientacion Al Recien Llegado (Information for the
Newcomer) has had an even broader distribution.
A third edition of the Directory, relying more upon cartoons than text, is
now in preparation by the Woman's Advertising Club of Chicago and the Mayor's
Committee. This will be produced in English with the hope that publication will
inspire industry to provide funds for a Spanish text.
The Chicago Board of Education works with the Puerto Ricans at many levels
both unusual mobility among moving from school to
school district and the fact that many adults lack the necessary preliminary
108
education for satisfactory vocational training.
Orientation classes are held in many elementary schools and one high-school
where, with special teachers, children spend several hours a day learning to read
and write English in addition to the regular classes for their age and achieve-
ment levels. In such schools many routine forms are available in Spanish to
assist the parents; and there is constant effort to encourage the mothers to
attend the classes during school hours to learn English, join the
Parent-Teacher Association, etc.
The nAmericanization and Urbanization" classes of the Board of Education are
offered at various hours of the morning, afternoon and evening in schools,
churches, libraries, and settlement houses to reach the adults for training in
the English language.
Recognizing that the Puerto Ricans as well as other new residents are often
unskilled, but young and receptive to further training, the Hayor' s Committee
accepted as its first major responsibility the urgenrt need to encourage
'
registration in the vocational evening classes available in five schools through-
out the city.
By August 1957, the Hayor
1
s Committee had translated an announcement of these
classes into Spanish; found Spanish-speaking counselors from the Commonwealth
Office to '"ork in the schools on registration nights; and developed means of
advertising both the need for and the availability of the classes to the Spanish
community. In these efforts the "Cardinal's Committee for the Spanish Speaking" has
provided the cooperation of the "Spanish" parishes; in public service and paid
announcements provided by the Puerto Rican Hidwest Office, the disk jockeys on
the Spanish radio programs have frequently announced the kinds of opportunities
available to trained and skilled workers; the press and the community organiza-
tions have been extremely helpful.
109
It is important to recognize that most of the trades require two or four
years of high school and certainly a working knm-1ledge of English - it is not
enough to recognize a DANGER sign; it is n01-1 necessary to read dials and operating
instructions. Thus, the role of the Spanish-speaking registrar is really one of
counseling to direct the potential student into the 8th grade certificate class
for those who have not finished elementary school, into evening high school
classes, or to the Americanization class for those who must start with the
language.
Enrollment of the Puerto Ricans has been noticeable in certain of these
schools, but it is a slow and sometimes discouraging process.
The Mayor
1
s Committee has a small number of retired teachers who have been
experimenting with methods of teaching new residents who are willing to come to
the settlement houses and community centers.
One such class provided a relatively captive audience among the bus-boys
in the Sherman Hotel. From October 1957 to June 1958 two teachers alternated
holding daily classes, Monday through Friday from 3:15 to 4:30p.m., the off-
hours between luncheon and dinner.
During this period 28 young men enrolled in the class - Greek- and Spanish-
speaking. The average class size, depending upon employment conditions and
"days off
11
, ranged from three to eight in one of two sections: Elements of
English which was taught three days a week, and Conversational English, a
remedial course, two days a week.
Two wire recordings were rrade of 28 students in the late winter; one after
some preliminary class IDrk and one with no preparation. These same tests were
repeated ten weeks later, revealing that two of the students who had been most
faithful in their atten:lance had shown phenomenal improvement.
This was reported to the hotel management, which was extremely helpful in
. - . .
110
provj ding
11
classroom" space, walled off from one of the dining rooms.
Clas sroom teachers, principals, and other school personnel have been given
additional in-service graduate-level classes in the late afternoon under the
direction of Dr, Annabell C. Prescott, formerly Director of the Human Rel ations
Committee, prior to her retirement in 1959.
The Teacher-Nurses receive special i..YJ.struction on tropical diseases, com.rnonly
found in Puerto Ricans who have lived on the Island, and in family attitudes
toward health care and preventive programs.
Following the poliomyelitis epidemic of 1956, the Chicago Board of Health
found that the 1,111 were mostly i..YJ. the crowded inner-city areas where most
new residents first live. The swiftness with which the epidemic spread from the
Near North Side to the West Side and then to the South Side made it evident to the
above agency that many of these 1-V"ere recent migrant families, largely from rural
areas, 1-r.i th little natural or acquired immunity. Puerto Ricans were affected by
this epidemic as well as other new residents.
Therefore, for the past three years (1957, 1958, 1959), the Board of Health
and the Mayor's Committee have worked intensively to saturate these areas 1r1ith
Salk inoculation clinics. Existing clinics of the Board of Health and- the Infant
Welfare Society provided the pattern which the Committee followed. To these were
added additional clinics in churches, community centers, ward offices, and any
other places where strangers might feel especially free to come.
Thousands of announcements of the time and place of the clinics, as well as
the urgent need for inoculation, have been prepared by the Board of Health for
the Mayor's Committee; community leaders, clergy, schools, PTA's, and organiza-
tions have helped organize these clinics with the assistance of the Aldermen,
Committeemen, Ward Superintendents, and Precinct Captains. The Board of Health
also provides care, well-baby clinics, and inoculations at limited times
111
throughout the city.
Here, as in the vocatio! al school registration, the disk jockeys on the
Spanish radio programs have ,een an invaluable resource for communication in terms
the Puerto Rican has and accepts.
During 1957 the Mayor t 3 Committee made two studies to determine the empl.<2x-
ment problems of the new rer:idents, the Puerto Ricans among them.
The first of these was conducted by volunteers under the direction of the
Mayor
1
s Committee and the illinois State Labor Department in the Out-of-State
Office of the Unemployment Compensation Division during July and August, 1957.
Persons who had been in the city less than one year were directed to this
office for unemployment compcmsation due to them from states of previous r esidence.
This point of contact was used to determine their job skills and educational back-
ground, while directing them to Referral Service for other assistance,
if required.
During 20 working days, 360 persons filled out a pertinent anonymous
questionnaire; and an analysis showed that 101 considered their greatest need
11
work,
11
frequently described as
11
anything." Only 21 per cent or 76, had been in
Chicago less than one year; and of these 29, or 38 per cent, had been'" in the city
less than one month. Of the total group or 11 per cent, came from Puerto Rico
showing an average school attendance of 7.6 years. Referral Service
received requests for assistance from 47 or 13 per cent of the group; 19 or 40 per
cent of these had been in the city less than one year; and 10 of these were from
Puerto Rico.
A more scientific study was by the Illinois State Employment Service
during November and December of 1957 "l.t the request of the Mayor's Committee,
acting upon a suggestion from the Employment Committee of the Chicago Commission
on Human Relations. This study applied to those persons who had come to Chicago
112
after January 1, 1956, and who were now seeking employment. Coincidentally, this
study was made just at the time that the "recession of 1958
11
was first cutting
deeply into the labor market. There is no breakdown for the Puerto Ricans who,
historically, mulct not have be en corning here iri very large numbers immediately
preceding an -economic setback and/or would have returned to the Island to wait it
out.
This study con eluded that:
thus it would seem that while there is a large proportion
of unskilled among the new resident applicants, there are also a sub-
stantial proportion of workers with some skills, many of whom are
young and have a basic education, which would indicate that further
training is possible.
1
The Service Office of the Illinois State Employment Service (ISES) requested
help from the Mayor's Committee in the Spring of 1959. From 1,000 to 1,500 women
came to this office every month, new to the city, unfamiliar with its home
appliances and the housewives' expectations, and lacking local references. This
ISES office manager wanted a training program, quick, free, and acceptable to
Chicago employers, which would provide an i:m.'!lediate cash income.
The Extension Division of the Board of Education subsequently developed a
course, "Vocational Training in the Home I'1aking Arts", which meets for eight
evenings from 6:45 to 9:45 over a two-l'i"eek period in two of the public evening
schools. vJomen are referred to it after screening by the ISES office, and upon
satisfactory completion of a demonstration and lecture course are given a
"Certificate of Achievement" which is accepted tn lieu o.f local references. The
ISES counselor can then place these "graduates" in day-work where the women
1
Illinois State Employment Service, f.r:1-i<'llinary Report of a Study of the Skills
and Characteristics of Ne1'i" Residents who arr:i!ved in Chica o after
January 1, 1956, (Chicago, April 14, 1958
11.3
determine for themselves how many days they can be away from home and at which
hours. More than 200 have already found employment by this means.
For the Puerto Rican women Who live within the immediate area of one of these
two schools, the emphasis of the counselor is not only on bringing in an income,
but learning for themselves appropriate methods of housekeeping in large congested
cities. By February 1960, none had enrolled in the course, but all qualified
women who apply to these offices for job placement are encouraged to take it.
On February 17, 1959, Richard J. Daley invited twenty-five leaders of
the Spanish-speaking community in Chicago to meet with him and a few members of
his Committee on New Residents,
The meeting was presided over by Mr. Fred K. Boehler, Consultant to the
Mayor, and the following points were discussed:
1. The upper echelon of! government agencies is keenly interes.ted in
and aware of the problems of all new residents, the Spanish-speaking
among them; but this is not evident at the precinct level.
2. The older residents of the city should be made more aware of these
problems and, hopefully, more willing to accept these new neighbors.
, .
.3. An educational program on civil rights, equal opportunity, and non-
discrimination should be carried on relentlessly - over the radio.
Evidence of the results of this meeting, and the previous years of cooperation
with indig.enous groups, is shown in the nomination of five ranking policemen to
participate in the 1959 Police Seminar in San Juan, f.R., in 1959; in the
meetings with staff of the Chicago Land CleJ.rance Commission before relocations of
Puerto Ricans were made at the LaSalle Street project; in the continuing concern
of the Department of Weights and Measures to help new residents understand budget
shopping in supermarkets, and the Department of Streets and Sanitation in distri-
buting materials directly to homes.
114
The Chicago Commission for Youth Welfare, as reconstituted in 1959, retained
its Spanish-speaking youth WJrker to help the teenagers; and the Hayor' s Office
of Information and Inquiry not only provides direct referrals, but sends the
Mayor's Office on to Health Fairs and other demonstrations of the public
and private resources available to the new residents, including the Puerto Ricans.
The Cook County Board of Election Commissioners has been most helpful in
setting up voting machines and models of the machines to assist volunteers teach
the qualified Spanish-speaking citizens how to use the machine in voting.
Materials from the Board of Election Commissioners and the Citizen's
Information Service of the League of Women Voters on the need to register before
elections have been translated by the staff of the West Side Center and
distributed thr:ough Spanish organizations. Three major movie chains have
permitted the use of 30-second film strips on election registration, as prepared
by the Citizen
1
s Information Service and provided by the Hayor
1
s Committee.
'
The Cook County Department of Public Aid as well as other public and private
agencies frequently call upon the staff of the Mayor
1
s Corrunittee to i.11terpret and
translate and accompany WJrkers on home visits, etc . It has also developed
,.
suggested menus of budget-priced foods akin to the Island diet and distributed
these to its clients in Spanish.
The Mayor's Committee distributes a large number of Spanish-language
materials such as the Department of Public Aid's menus, or the Spanish announce-
ments of the Community Referral Service: "No Adivine - No Se Preocupe - Llame"
("Don't Guess- Don't Call"), also a warning guide on credit-buying which
was developed by The Chicago Bar Association, "Cuando Usted Compra a
1
Plazos
1
!
(
11
V..lhat Can Happen When You Buy On Time
11
) which latter leaflet has been vvidely
115
MATERIALS IN ENGLISH .AND SPANISH
DISTRIBUTED BY
THE MAYOR'S COMHITTEE ON NEW RESIDENTS
(This page will show a photographic reproduction
of the various materi;:lis distributed by the
Hayer
1
s Commit tee. )
116
used, especially by the Puerto Rican Midwest Office,
1
The latter initiated the
11
Cormnittee for Fair Credit Practices in Illinois" which has worked with the
General Assembly in the 1957 and 1959 Sessions to relieve abuses in credit pur-
chases,
The Legal Aid Bureau of the United Charities of Chicago, the Public Defender's
Office, the Defense of Prisoner's Committee of the Chicago Bar and
the Lawyer Referral Service of the Chicago Bar Association have all been instru-
mental in helping Puerto Ricans in legal difficulties,
Thus, city government through the Nayor
1
s Committee on New Residents and
the Chicago Commission on Human Helations ".rith the splendid cooperation of and
support by rrany other public and private agencies has endeavored to alleviate the
problems of the Puerto Rican as well as other migrants to this community.
the situation is much improved today as compared to the time when these
agencies started operating in this field, it is felt by many that much could still
be done, or perhaps could be done more effectively.
It is with this thought in mind that, after an evaluation of the data obtained
from our sample group, we shall submit a number of suggestions and recommendations
for the consideration of the agencies concerned.
1
See p. li5for a display of some of the materials distributed by the \'Jestside
Center; of special interest is the recently published "Consumer Credit,"
(vJhat every buyer should know about time contracts, wage assigmnents and
garnishments, and the Illinois Laws on Instalment Buying), (Chicago, June 1960).
NEEDS OF PUERTO RICAN NE\-vCOMERS TO THE BIG INDUSTRIAL l'1AINLAND CITY
PRIOIUTY SPECIFIC
IMMEWI!..TE SECONDARY
I Cm1MUNICATION
between Puerto P ~ c a n newcomers
and resident community, including
positive action as to fostering
constructive patterns of accept-
ance on the part of city officials
and resident population.
(Upon Arrival:)
II
(l) OriAntation to big city living
including farriliarization with
existing pertinent public and
private agencies.
(2) Employment
(3) Housing
(4) . HGCJ.l th Care
III
.
(Subsequently arising social
problems:)
(l) Family - Child Care
(2) Public Assistance
< (3) Education, Recreation, Youth
~
Activities
(4) Consumer Problems
- - - - ~ ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - -- -- - ---- ----- -------- ------------- - ------
117
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOHMENDATIONS
TheiB are a great many people in our big cities who are perturbed about
some of the "strange" folks which migration brings into their midst; others,
more secure in themselves, do not feel that there is anything to be concerned
about. They point out that in the history of migrations to the United States,
the adjustment of newcomers has usually been a pro cess requiring three genera-
tions - that of the migrant or immigrant himself who almost never becomes
completely Americanized, that of his children who usually reject his language
and values and suffer from what is rome times called
11
second generationitis,
11
and
that of his grandchildren who are far enough removed from the old patterns, and
generally fully embrace and reflect their American environment. Puerto Ricans,
they go on to say, are no exception to this historical experience. But, if the
former view is ~ r h a p s too apprehensive, the latter overlooks the fact that our
frame of reference has radically changed.
Since the first wrld war vre have, as a nation, become rather criticaJ_ of
the cnncept of pluralism which was descriptive of the multicultural communi ties
.
that prospered in this country during the 19th century. Moreover, it is usually
forgotten that, at its high tide, pluralistic society also produced much
friction, hostility and both racial and ethnic discrimination. These difficul-
ties could be absorbed because of the unique conditions prevailing on the North-
American continent: the enormous space and seemingly limitless resources, the
relative absence of external threats, a society still oriented toward rural
ideals. Some of these conditions no longer apply. In fact, the trend that
started in 1914 has gained new impetus since the start of the cold vmr and has
been specifically demonstrated by such congressional expressions as the McCarron-
1
Walter Immigration Act of 1952 and the McCarthy Loyalty investigations, etc.
1
Cf.Mills et al., ~ cit., p. 84t with a more favorable view toward the
concept of
11
cultural pluralism.
11
118
We are 1 iving today in an age :in which te clmology is revolutionizing our
lives; before 1945, it took a rugged four days
1
boat trip to get from the island
to the East Coast; now the distance is bridged by a five hours' plane ride.
This acceleration has not only been true in the industrial, technical and
transportation fields, but the overall tempo of our existence has been quickened
so immeasurably that it has caused the administrative and governmental processes
in our cities to become more highly organized and complex. vvith the increasing
speed and growing complexity of urban living, there is more need in our
metropolitan areas for literacy, education, specialized skill and homogeneity and
less for unskilled brawn, individuality and diverse cultural background. The
metropolis is becoming a huge mechanism for interdependence, not as a matter of
choice, but as an inevitable price to be paid for technological progress. Any
disturbance of this qynamic process causes vigorous although often obscure
negative reactions in the community and frequently leads to social disorganization
of those individuals and groups most concerned. There has also taken place a
marked change in attitudes of the public toward newcomers - migrants or
immigrants - as their presence is being interpreted as adding to the social and
economic problems of the community and indirectly to the tax-burden."
The migrants coming to our big cities in the 1950's were the most natural
victims of this unfortunate situation, although they were in no way responsible
for it. Other large cities which did not receive any Puerto Rican newcomers
suffered similar social disorders which are probably symptoms of the increasing
complexity inherent in the life of contemporary American metropolitan centers.
The Puerto Rican, moreover, as far as adjustment goes - presents the
apparently paradoxical situation of being a cultural'foreigner;' although a legal
citizen. Language and culture, climate, working and living conditions, social
organization, his relationship with other ethnic groups, are radically different
119
from his own background. His major difficulties in our community are based on
these facts.
Our study of 103 Puerto Rican households and 50 non-Puerto Rican neighbors
confirmed this finding and specifically pointed up some of the significant
problems these migrants h:we, such as:
(1) a very inadequate command of the English language;
( 2) a poor orientation to the UA_merican way of life
11
;
(3) a lack of technical or industrial skills;
(4) quantitatively insufficient and qualitatively inadequate housing;
(5) a relatively high incidence of common-law marriages in a
state which does not legally recognize this type of
marital relationship;
(6) lack of participation in corrnnunity life and political activities
and comparatively little interest in structuring their own
organizations;
(7) a strong terrlency to buy on credit (like other comparable
socio-economic groups) which is made hazardous for them
by their language inadequacy and inexperience with legal
terminology and "sharp" commercial practices.
(8) a relatively high public assistance rate, most cases being
in the
11
aid to dependent children" category;
(9) a reputation for having a high crime rate which was not
borne out by our data which showed no excessive juvenile
or adult crime incidence as compared to that prevailing
among other groups in their neighborhoods.
(10) little concern with preventive medical care, particularly
regarding immunization (poliomyelitis) and periodic
examinations for "well" children. There was some
tendency to consult "faith-healers" rather than properly
trained and licensed physicians. Sanitary habits were
found to be good;
(11) considerable psychological or social distance on the part
of old Chicago residents toward the Puerto Rican newcomers;
(12) the predicament of the migrant with a dark skin color or
other negroid features, who is subject to the same
prejudice and discrimination as the native-born Negro.
This, moreover, often leads to a tendency to retain his
120
Spanish language and customs so as to appear as a Latin-
American rather than as an American Negro.
Some of these difficulties cannot be blamed on the migrant, but some others
can. It is quite evident that his greatest need is more adequate communication
in the English tongue; the ability and the desire to explain himself and the
capacity and willingness to understand and to adapt to the larger society" This
may be at best a painful process, but if he fails to make an effective adjustment
to his new life-situation, both personal and social disorganization may follow.
This disorganization may manifest itself in a variety of ways, as has been
demonstrated in the above, such as in lack of economic mobility, breakdown of
family-life, anti-social behavior, emotional instability and physical or mental
disease.
The powerful forces of American liberal democracy which were so instrumental
in motivating and energizing the great voluntary migrations of the past, are of
little use to him, because the great premium that they had to offer- American

citizenship - is already his birthright; for this, he never had to pay the price
of long years of sweat and toil, of accommodation to a new environment which was
the usual fare of the average immigrant. Moreover, v1hen the latter received his
citizenship papers, it also rreant that he had come a long way along t h ~ road of
adjustment to his community where he would novr find recognition and acceptance
more readily. But if the Puerto Rican migrant, for reasons of history,
circumstance or expediency cannot or will not take this road, of what nature
should his adjustment be?
The processes by which immigrants adjust to conditions in their new
environment are defined as including naturalization or the acquisition of legal
citizenship; absorption, or entry into productive economic activity; assimilation:
or integration into the social structure, under terms of reasonable socio-
economic equality; and acculturation, or the adoption of the local customs and
121
the relinquishing of such cultural characteristics as would identify the immigrants
1
as a distinct ethnic group.
Our Puerto Rican newcomer does not need to take the first step, and he usually
is not expected to take the last; the second step is eaqy and normally he is
readily absorbed into productive economic activity. But the confusion sets in when
he begins to wonder how he can assimilate to an environment which is essentially
unfriendly to
This is not a new problem for newcomers to a country ir.J'hich has been the scene
of the most extensive assimilation in modern history. l'Ullions of immigrants have
come to this country and have had to face antagonistic "old-timers" and yet
managed to become gradually identified with the larger society's values and
expectations.
2
Moreover, our ideas concerning the adjustment and assimilation of'
newcomers have matured due to increased knowledge and because of the experiences
gathered from our own history. Of the five chief views as to the nature of
inmigrant adjustment, the
11
laissez-.faire
11
of the frontier society, the "melting-
pot
11
of the post World War I cities, the
11
Americanization
11
theory which was to
eliminate the hyphenated and standardize attitudes, to the concepts of
the
11
cultural pluralism" and "cultural democracy" which were a reaction to the
former,3 the theory of "Americanization" is still the most commonly aocepted, at
least, on an action level. In fact, assimilation has almost become synonymous
with
11
Am.ericanization."
1
2
3
Cf. Otis D. Duncan and s. Lieberson, "Ethnic Segregation and Assimilation,
11
The American Journal of Sociology, LXIV, 4, (January 1959), 370.
While nevJcomer s to this country a1 ways had and still have more oppo rt unities to
succeed than in any other country, they pay a price by historically having to
suffer from the consequences of xenophobia, or the fear of strangers. This
fear creates both prejudice and animosity, but is usually overcome by the third
generation. It is a problem of the first generation American and his children
for which apparently no solution exists at this time.
For a complete exposition of these different theories, see William s. Bernard
(ed.), American Immigration Policy- a Reappraisal, (New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1950), p. 98ff; also cf. 0. Handlin, "Conceptions of Americanization,"
in Immigration as a Factor in Arrerican History, (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1959), Chap. VII, p. 146ff.
122
For our Puerto Rican newcomers, like for some others, the Americanization
Program, however, has serious weaknesses. It tries to make them conform to an
A.11glo-Protestant culture, and its emphasis on anglicization disregards the fact
that descendants of the English component in the American poptuation made up less
than one-third of the total. The program also has implications that foreign
cultures are inferior which has some impact on what was earlier in the study
alluded to as "culture conflictJ
1
of the second generation migrant.
More recently, the Americanization Program has been broadened, so as to take
into account the fact that many of these newcomers face a double adjustment:
(1) to a strange country, and (2) to life in a big, industrial city. The
curriculum therefore is stressing primarily practical aspects, such as English
language, fundamental education and u r b a n ~ a t ion which is supplemented by special
courses in nutrition, money oonagement, se'Wing and good grooming, and parent
education; in addition, the traditional program in citizenship is offered to
prepare non-citizen particip:mts for the mturalization examination and one in
advanced American language and culture.l In spite of this emphasis on the
practical side of helping 'With adjustment problems, Puerto Rican newcomers have a
relatively poor record of participation and attendance.
Yet, it may be stressed again that after all is said and done regardn1g
adjustment of newcomers to present-day American urban life, the most important
single requisite for successful assimilation or Americanization is the ability
to communicate. A common language permits the newcomer to participate symboli-
cally in the life of the predominant group and to acquire the meanings and goals
basic to social existence. Therefore, the first and most useful, although not
the only step for these migrants, toward assimilating into the new society is to
1
This information was kindly made available by the Americanization and Adult
Education Division of the Chicago Board of Education.
i .
123
learn the language.
As our study has borne out, it is precisely here w-here he generally
not because he is lacking in ability, or opportunity, but simply because he does
not have the incentive, He already is an American citizen with all the apper-
taining rights, but is a citizen hovering uneasily between the mainland and
the island. Higration to him was never the decisive break that it had been for
thE
.. tl
e uropean lmmlgran His original home is also on American soil and it is
never far away. While he has a strong sense of "connectedness" and rarely severs
his ties with the iSland decisively, he never needs to experience the total
sense of "foreignness" that overwhelmed the European newcomer who knew that his
future was linked to the United States, and who consequently went to great pains
in order to become assimilated, Assimilation, then, is a process involving
conscious efforts against many odds toward the goal of successful integration into
the social structure of the -larger community, It demands the strongest motiva-
tion; but it does not require that previous customs and,traditions, including
culture and language, be discarded, for they serve an importru1t and supportive
purpose until assimilation has been achieved, A Puerto Rican writer recently
suggested that his people should become :rrore aware of their mvn cultural tradition
,.
and values and then use them as a m:lans of preserving their separate cultural
identity, This, he believes, would result in an all-around improvement of the
status of the Puerto Ricans in their relations with the mainland Americans,
11
,,. in the cosmopolitan atmosphere of the Qunerica.r_l] city, the Puerto Rican feels
himself under the constant threat of losing his language and traditions." Being
hemmed in the two basic facts of his life, i.e., that he is politi-
cally but of Spanish blood and tradition, he feels that he is neither "gringo" nor
1
Cf, Oscar Handlin, The Newcomers, Negroe s and Puerto Ricans in a Changing
Metropolis. (Cambridge, !Iass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), pp, 108-
109.
124
11
jibaro,
11
but an undefined mixture of characteristics which are often conflicting.
1
Perhaps, part of this effort could start in Puerto Rico where the educational
system could be on a more effective bilingual basis. It seems that after a reason-
ably friendly association of over 60 years, the United States has done a rather in-
adequate job of cultural penetration of the island.
2
wnile no attempt is made here
to assign blame or find a scapegoat, it would seem germane to the idea and the
establishment of an
11
associated commonwealth
11
that both American language and culture
should be transmitted to the islander, attmcti vely and effectively, at a relatively
tender age. The bilingual and eventually bicultural atmosphere would certainly be
of great advantage to those who leave the island and would do no harm to those who
stay. It would surely help to narrow the social distance between the old resident
in a nainland city like Chicago and the newly arrived migrant; it vJould open up a
far greater choice of job opportunities and it IDuld lessen some of the continental
urban hazards, involved in
11
buying on credit,
11
driving an automobile or living in a
consensual marriage. Moreover, it would generally prepare the migrant far better
for the urbanization process vthich he must undergo as soon as he sattles in a big
industrial community.
Ho\orever, we ought to realize that neither the processes of
11
Americanization
11
nor of "urbanization
11
are going to turn the Puerto Rican American migrant into a
,.
11
carbon-copy
11
3 of the American-born and -raised city-dweller. The basic social
habits and values of the adult migrant were formed in a different culture, and
the techniques he learned to cope with his social needs arrl goals do not operate
1
2
3
Guillermo Cotto-Thorner, Tropico en Manhattan, (San Juan, P.R.: Editorial
Occidente, 1951), pp. 49, 68.
See T. Brameld, The Remaking of a Culture. Life and Education in Puerto Rico,
(New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1959), Chapter XIII, esp.: "English
Versus Spanish: Sixty-Year Debate,
1111
Criticisms and Proposals to meet the
Language Problem," and
11
A needed Language Policy,
11
pp. 242-245, 247-254 and 256-
259.
Joseph Monserrat,
11
Cultural Values and the Puerto Rican,
11
in Institute on
Cultural Patterns of Newcomers, (Chicago: Welfare Council of Metropolitan
Chicago, with the cooperation of Migration Services Committee of the Chic ago
Commission on Human Relations, The Hayer
1
s Corrrnit tee on New Residents, 19 57),
p. 69.
125
in Chicagp or any other mainland city. Unhappily, he must sometimes spend the
rest of his days on the mainland trying to adjust these techniques to his new
environment.
There is no question that the impact of Puerto Rican migration on public and
private agencies in Chicago has been of increasing importance; and if, as some
experts predict, the economy continues to expand through the next decade, we may
expect this stream of migration to keep on flowing and growing. This is true
because the continuing population pressure on the island with the concomitant un-
and under-employment will force people to move. Most of this movement, moreover,
will be directed toward the mainland of the United States where economic opportun-
ities are still the most promising and where they enjoy citizenship-status. On
the mainland, most of the newcomers \'lill continue to settle in the Northern
industrial cities where jobs in the unskilled and occupations are
most plentiful.
If the above assumptions are correct and on the basis of an evaluation of the
community resources now available to Puerto Rican newcomers,l recommendations may
,.
be in order toward improving services currently offered and supplying others in
addition that are not now available.
Moreover, it has become quite clear to this observer that, because of the
special political and contractual relationship between the Puerto Rican people
and the United States which gives the former legal citizenship without requiring
simultaneously their
11
cul tural naturalization,
11
the problems incident to their
migration to the mainland can be eased or solved only if they are tackled both at
the point of departure - the island -and in the receiving mainland community.
1
See Chapter V.
126
In view of the otherwise close collaboration between the two governments, this
should not present any major difficulties and, of course, to some extent this is
already being done.
Any major piDgrams, however, which are to be offered either here or in Puerto
Rico, would have to give prime consideration to the following three findings
demonstrated in this study: (1) lack of English language facility, (2) lack of
specific technical or industrial skills and (3) the discrepancy between their
citizenship-status and an adequate orientation toward the "American "Vlay of Life.
11
There are two alternative avenues which may lead to a general improvement of
the above-mentioned specific weaknesses: one possible way is for the Federal and
Commomvealth governments to make some more effective, mutually agreeable arrange-
ments as to more intensified English language training in Puerto Rican schools
with some emphasis placed on vocational and or technical training. Further,
special orientation courses could be offered, explaining various aspects of life
in a large industrial mainland city, either in the last year of grammar school, or
under auspices of the Labor Department's Higration Division at some later time,
specifically for people who wish to emigrate. Some such efforts rJB.ve been IPJ3.de in
1
the :rnst, but rather unsuccessfully when judged by the results on th"e mainland.
If the above approach should not prove to be feasible, then this City
government might have to consider taking on the added responsibilities involved in
these educational, technical training and orientation needs. This should be done
preferably in close coordination with the Commonwealth agency (Midwest Office)
operating in this area.
1
Recommendations would be on two levels: (1) organization and program-wise,
This is not intended as a reflection on the efficiency of the Commonwealth
government, since it is not known to this writer vJhether or not Puerto Ricans
on the island communicate their desire to emigrate to their government and,
if soD whether they can be induced to accept available orientation courses.
127
and (2) functional or improving and expanding services.
(1) A program could be designed which would provide facilities to ameliorate
a general, acute and overriding need, i.e. that of more effective communication
between the migrants and the old residents. As a part of this program, community
resources could be more actively mobilized toward assisting these newcomers in
their most immediate concerns upon arrival here, that is, in orienting them to big
city living and particularly in the areas of employment, housing and health care.
Of a lower priority, but equally necessary, are provisions to deal with subse-
quently arising social problems, such as difficulties within the family, child-
care, education, recreation, youth activities, public welfare and consumer
problems. The following outline, then, is suggested as a basis for such a program,
with priorities, as indicated. (See table, following page).
Priorities are important in such a scheme, for it must be r ealized that
people who are faced with pressing reality problems, suqh as unemployment,
inadequate or no housing, illness, etc. cannot be expected to participate in com-
munity activities, PTA, or educational courses. First things come first.
In more detail, a program of improved communication should attempt to solve
,.
three problems: (a) how to reach effectively the Puerto Rican newcomer; (b) hm'l
to induce the migrant to learn and speak the language of his nevi environment, a:nd
(c) how to foster patterns of understanding and acceptance on the part of the
11
old residents." This last need as demonstrated by this study, is of great
significance inasmuch as it will help to absorb the migrant into a '!tray of life
which will motivate him to become a stable and effective member of the community.
In order to achieve these objectives various techniques have already been tested
and experimentation should continue. 1-Je have found that direct interpersonal
communication is more effective than the impersonal approach through the various
media, and that the response to a message in Spanish is more immediate and positive
128
than to one in English. Therefore, it would be advisable to make provisions for
a pool of trained personnel who in addition to their other functional qualifica-
tions also speak Spanish fluently. Such a bilingual staff vJOuld be particularly
useful :in the schools, on the police force, in the courts, in hospitals and public
health agencies, and in agencies cone erned 11ith Employment, housing, public
assistance and recreational needs. Moreover, it would be of great benefit if suci.1
an agency staff could spend some time in Puerto Rico in order to become more
fandliar with some of the cultural determinants on the island.
1
For purpose of orienting the newcomers to big city living a committ ee might
be organized, or existing facilities so modified, as to coordinate a series of
orientation meetings periodically, so as to be of benefit to migrants as they
arrive in the city. These meetings would offer lectures, films, inspection tours,
and likewise serve as a bilingual referrcli service for the migrants. Such a
course could be tmder the of the Hayor' s Cormnittee
2
or the Puerto Rican

Midwest Office, or both. Costs might be df:Jfrayed by the City treasury with
perhaps some help from the Corrm1onwealth government.
The usefulness of such a functional committee would be strengthened by having
as active rembers representatives of public private agencies in ,the fields of
employment, housing, public health, law enforcement, legal aid and education; this
kind of committee could facilitate the solving of the most pressing initial
1
2
The Puerto Rican Commonwealth government is holding a workshop for social
workers every summer in San Juan, P.R., which is specifically geared to this
purpose. The cost for travel, board, food and tuition is moderat e and several
scholarships are available.
The Chicago Commission on Human Relations' Westside Office is already ful-
filling some of these functions, although perhaps not in a very formalized
manner, and not with enou@'l horizontal extensions to other agencies.
See Chapter V.
129
problems. For difficulties that >..ould arise later on, after the nevrcomers have
overcome the initial hurdles, referrals could be made to other agencies which
would hopefully have some personnel oriented specifically t mvard Pue rto Rican
needs. Here, we are thinking particularly of agencies concerned with providing
public assistance, English instruction, advice on business practices, and those
in the field of domestic relations.
Although these recommendations were prepared by a public agency for other
public agencies, it would be both useful and desirable to include in this plan
private groups which have been actively and constructively- engaged in helping
solve Puerto Rican newcomer problems. In fact, some of these private groups,
especially those v-fith a religious background, have been more successful in sane
respects than their counterparts in government agencies.
In addition to the above program, it is suggested that a familiarization course
on Puerto Rican cultural patterns; vJith emphasis on their divergence from analogous
mai..riland mores be developed and offered periodically by qualified individuals
to agency personnel directly involved in serving the Puerto Rican community in
Chicago. This again could be under the combined sponsorship of the Commonwealth
,
Hidwest Office and the Hayer's Committee. Such a program should entail but little
additional expense, if any, and would materially L ~ p r o v e services by the City to
these newcorre r s .
There is one possible drawback involved in both of the above proposals and
that is the fact that too much s ervice to this group might tend to give them the
impression that they will be taken care of, no mB. tt er what happens, that addi-
tional effort is unnecessary and that therefore they might never learn hov-1 to do
things for themselves. This would run count er to attitudes traditionally expected
of ne-vrcomers to this country, such as self-reliance, the desire to work hard and
to adjust to the community. However, it would be the responsibility of the initial
130
orientation to make certain that proper attitudes are cultivated,
The second part of our recommendations is concerned with the improvement and
expansion of some of the functional services presently offered. They are mainly
in four areas: the teaching of English, housing, public health and youth activi-
ties.
Teaching of Engl sh
This study has fotmd that inadequate command of the English language was the
most outstanding weakness in the adjustment of its sample group, which it
considered representative of Puerto Rican newcomers to Chicago, There is no
question that strong efforts are made by many agencies, both public and private,
to teach English to these migrants. There also seems to be little doubt that
these efforts are not very successful, Many reasons are offered by the migrants
as explanations, such as lack of time, family commitments, distance to place of
instruction, etc. Basically, three main factors stand out: lack
of sufficient :rrotivation on the part of the nev,rcomer, method of instruction, and
teaching personnel used. It appears that non-Spanish speaking English instructors'
are not very effective with Puerto Ricans.
1
This is a lesson v11hi ch we should have
learm d in Puerto Rico a long time agp. Training in the English language under
,
Americanization auspices of our public school system has been traditionally in the
English tongue, It is certainly true that this approach has been effective with
many irrrrnigrant groups ;
2
it is equally true that it is not effective with most
Puerto Ricans. Because of such cultural factors as
11
personalismo" and
11
dignidad,
11
these newcorrers cannot be sufficiently motivated with the old methods, Once these
facts are recognized, it should not be an insurmountable obstacle for the proper
l
2
~ e a c h e r s and administrators in the public school system are divided on this is-
sueo Some feel that there is evidence supporting the opposite conclusion, while
others - mostlv those who are bilingual themselves - are convinced that the
above statement. is correct, Host Puerto Ricans who have lived both on the
Island and on the mainland are partial to the latter view,
It must be realized, hm'll'ever, that other groups - non-citizens --have to pass
naturalization tests in order to become citizens, a requirement not applicable
to Puerto Ricans.
131
agencies to recruit and train bilingual teachers, preferably of Puerto Rican
Furthermore, the me di urn of instruction should not be exclusively English
2
and these classes should perhaps be limited to Puerto Ricans, or other Spanish-
speaking adults; this might result in fevmr but well-attended classe s, instead of
many poorly frequented classes. Also, it might be prudent to hold these classes
in or near Puerto Rican core areas, rather than in schools which are too distant
from their homes. Churches, libraries, com1nunity centers, or even private homes
are already sometimes being used as meeting places for this purpose. It seems
reasonable to experiment with the above proposals over a period of time, perhaps
a year or two, and then make a more definitive evaluation as to a long-range
program.
Since we are here essentially interested in the migrant himself and not his
children, we shall not concern ourselves with their activities, except when they
become significant in terms of their parents
1
adjustment.
Housing
Some real efforts will have to be made to improve the migrants' housing
situation. It appears that the critical needs here are : 1) to pool information
in one place as to available housing accommodations, city-wide and perhaps by
Puerto Rican core area; 2) to bring significant building violations to the atten-
tion of the proper authorities, after complaints to landlords have proved
and with effective protection of the complaining temnt; and 3) to provide l e gal
advice and aid in cases of exploitation or unlawful practices.
1
2
See also Wells' analysis of the situation in Philadelphia; Wells, E.! cit.,
p. 17.
A responsible staff member of the Board of Education vnth whom we discussed this
matter took very strong exception to both these suggestions -the us e of bilin-
gual teachers and the medium of instruction b eing both English and the foreign
tongue. He pointed out that this would run count er to a basic philosophy of our
public school system rega rding the t ca ching of English to foreigners as well a.s
the teaching of foreign languages to native-born, and that it would not work as
well as the methcxis being in current use.
132
It is suggested that a central housing-office for Puerto Rican newcomers be
set up, staffed by bilingual personnel who are experienced in housing matters and
who maintain proper liaison with existing housing agencies. Its function should
be that of a clearing house and a service agency. There could be both a permanent
staff and some volunteers, preferably with legal training. Administratively, this
might be a part of existing organizations, such as the Hayor' s Corrrrnittee' s \.Vest-
Side Officel or the Puerto Rican Midwest Office. Furthermore, this could be a
stationary office or it could be mobile and spend a day or two in various relevant
neighborhoods each IIDnth. In the course of time, such an office - in addition to
rendering assistance in individual cases - could accumulate a great deal of useful
info:rmation which might lead to more adequate enforcement of existing ordinances
as well as provide a factual basis for more effective legislation in the future.
Public Health Services
The grffi test problem here too is that of communicating effectively with the
Puerto Rican newcomers who need health services. As pointed out in the above,
2
a
predisposition has been noted among these migrants to tubercQlosis, as well as the
presence of parasitic diseases, poor dental hygiene and a lo'-'T respoose to applying
,.
preventive care, including relevant inoculations. A rather persistent tendency of
consulting non-professional personnel, such as faith-healers was also demonstrated.
Since Chicago has had such a good public health record in the pg.st, it should
not present major obstacles to direct some of these efforts toward recent migrant
groups. One of the more essential factors here seems to be the need of identifying
the newco:rrer as to place of origin and to direct him to a facility where he can
receive a free physical examination which would include a chest x-ray and could
positively establish or eliminate the finding of any of the conditions indicated
l
See also section on Housing, p. 32.
2
Cf. section on Medical Care and Sanitation, p. 72.
133
before. In case of a positive finding, provision for treatment at some clinic
should be made. The earlier this could be done after J:-ri.s arrival in Chicago the
more beneficial for himself and the comnunity it would be. It is evident that
this would be especially useful in the case of pre-school children.
Our statistics with regards to inoculations were pa.rticularly disturbing.
1
It vras quite clear that this group had not been adequately protected against a
potential outbreak of a poliomyelitis epidemic in Chicago.
2
\Vhether this happened
because of lack of effective communication or because there was not enough Salk
vaccine available, we do not know. Two factors, however, seem to be involved:
a) insufficient emphasis in public health announcements (in neighborhoods of high
migrant incidence) as to the importance of preventive medical care, and b) inade-
quate record-keeping. The latter refers to information relating to a person
1
s
place of birth or origin, length of residence in Chicago as well as to sufficient
information to guarantee follow-up procedures. This is not only important because
a menber of such a group may be a disease carrier and thus a potential danger to
the community, but also for purposes of compiling useful information VJh.ich
eventually will yield some empirical health data on this particular migrant groupo
No one can doubt that this is of some significance to a area like
Chicago. Indeed, other comparable cities, such as New York and Philadelphia, have
kept careful statistics as to the incidence of disease by ethnic and racial
groups.
3
1
2
3
Moreover, in view of the sizeable number of Puerto Ricans livi.ng in this
See section on Medical Care and Sanitation, p. 77.
The same finding has also meantime been made informally in some non-white areas
of the City.
Cf. Dworkis et al., op. cit., Chap. VI, "The Impact on Health and Hospital
Services," and M. N. Hall, "Health ProblEms Among the School Aged Children of
the Puerto Rican Population in Philadelphia," in Siegel, Orlans, Greer, op.cit.,
pp. 63-65. Also see Berle, op. cit.
134
city it may be useful to oonsider the employment, either part-time or full-time, or
in a consultative capacity, of a bilingual Puerto Rican physician, preferably
1
trained on the mainland, but personally well familiar with conditions on the island.
It would also be very helpful if sorre of the larger hospitals and clinics had some
Spanish-speaking medical and nursing personnel mo, among other duties, would have
the task to assist such patients in making themselves understood, in filling out
2
or drawing up docu.rnents, such as birth certificates, last wills, etc.
The need for dental care seems especially great. Some way might be found by
which dental services could .be offered in the late . afternoon or early
evening hours.
Finally, the public health authorities together with the pertinent medical
societies might do well to look into the activities of the faith-healers
who unfortunately enjoy such great prestige among these ne1Jcomers.
and Youth Activities
For reasons pointed out in the above3 we have m t dealt with the proble.'1l of
educational services, but it is diffict.il t to ignore the fact that many Puerto Rican
students here do not complete their high school education and not infrequently turn
up as serious social problems causing family disorganization or contrioUt ing to
existing juvenile delinquency.
1
2
3
Perhaps this could be arranged with the Un:i.versity of Puerto Rico, Medical
School, on an exchange basis.
The University of Illinois' hospitals in Chicago
1
s westside medical center in
1958 set up a panel of interpreters, speaking a tot.al of 26 different languages,
to aid non-English speaking patients. These are volunteer interpreters organ-
ized from among hospital personnel. It is felt by the hospital authorities that
an important need has been filled. Moreover, Mrs. Herrill, the co-ordinator of
patient-nurse relations pointed out that
11
Spanish is the language most needed in
hospitals.
11
See Joan Beck,
11
A New Aid for Patients," Chicago Daily Tribune,
June 13, 1960.
See Preface, p. IV.
135
existing juvenile delinquency.
Like their parents many Puerto Rican youngsters suffer from a language handi-
cap, only in their case it is a double-handicap, since on accolffit of their age they
were not suffici ently well trained in Spanish their nnther tongue, and have not
yet received sufficient English instruction. A number of methods and techniques are
being experimented with m some of Chicago
1
s public schools - mostly at the
elementary level -- in districts ; .. :i th a higp incidence of Spanish-speaking
pupils; the emphasis is both on greater proficiency in the English language and on
successful social integration with the Chicago-born and -raised children of their
group. Some of the concepts developed in the New York schools have also been used
here.l
N:oreover, the language handicap together with the usual difficult economic
situation of a migrant family cause the student to have little motivation to
complete his high school course and the drop-out rate as mentioned before, is
consequently higp. In addition, few schools offer an adeqUate vocational guidance,
or job referral program.
Thus after leaving school, many of these youths cannot find suit able permanent
employment and often become delinquent
2
and a burden to their families and society
at large.
This still leaves the problem of recreational facilities and the constructive
use of leisure time. It seems that there are sufficient facilities available in
this city, and the problem lies in setting up well-organized and mtegrated
recreational programs and then in reach:lng these youngsters and in obtaining their
1
In one near-northside higp school a special "orientation class" for foreign
students, mostly Spanish-speaking, has been in operation for some time, and
according to our source, quite sue cessfully. See also "Teaching Children of
Puerto Rican Background in New York City Schools," Suggested Plans and Procedures.
Divisions of Elementary Schools, Junior High Schools and Curriculum Development,
Board of Education of the City of New York, 1954.
See section c.,' Law and Authority, p. 54f.
136
participation.
It would be advantageous to have such programs developed on an :interagency
basis, perhaps under the leadership of the Chicago Commission for Youth "\I'Jelfare.
One of the main difficulties here, as in so many other proble.'11 areas of these
newcomers lies in achieving more effective communication, in "getting through" to
them and making them feel that they are wanted and accepted.
Protection of the Newcomer as a
As illustrated in the foregoing, in the Rodriguez case,
1
thereisadefinite acute
need for consumer protection agp.inst unethical business practices. This is parti-
cularly true in the case of these newcomers .
There is perhaps a legitimate need for a governmental agency which should be
solely concerned with the function of protecting the consumer and such an agency
would probably operate more efficiently on the federal level. Until this is
accomplished - and it be a lengthy process - adequate local arrangements,
such as state legislation, should be aimed In the meantime, pertinent business-
and trade-associations with the support of private groups and public bodies could
be mobilized to disseminate needed information to the public and especially to
alert the Puerto Rican newcomer to this hazard. Like other important material, this
should preferably be communicated in Spanish and by the mass media, including
Sp3.11ish-speaking disc jockeys could be used here to great adv,mtage. Horeover, agenc:ies
such as the Mayor's Com.mittee, the Puerto Rican Midwest Office, the Cardinal's
Comnittee for the Spanish-speaking, etc., >vhich are constantly in direct contact
with the nEWcomers would, of course, be in the best position to see to it that the
latter are always aware of this danger. \ihen legislation is considered, it would
perhaps be a useful measure to license all door-to-door salesmen, and in case of un-
lawful practices, revoke the license in addition to other punishment deemed
1 See Chapter V, p. 99.
2 Cf. N. Shuman,
11
Death of a Nobody Spurs Move To Reform Time Payment Laws,"
Chicago Daily News, 7-9-1960.
137
sui table by a court. In all cases of such exploitation of the consumer-newcomer,
provision should be mde for easy access to legal advice and protection. Finally,
when these unfortunate abuses occur, sufficient publicity should be given so as to
inform the community and create a climate of opinion which would hopefully act as a
deterrent on potential violators.
138
APPENDIX A
METHODOLOGY
Generally, there is a paucity of precise information on Puerto Ricans living
in United States communities, both from public and private sources, except for
New York where a detailed study was made providing a wealth of data,l and possibly
Philadelphia where less extensive surveys
2
were ~ d e more recently. Some of this
information is -within limits - probably applicable to other metropolitan areas
with similar Puerto Rican settlements. But the validity of much of the data
cannot be transferred to another locale. In addition to this gap, there is very
little statistical material available from the 1950 United States Census regarding
persons of Puerto Rican birth or parentage resident in most United States cities;
there is none for Chicago.3
But the picture is not entirely blank. Valuable material was obtained from
some of the public agencies in this city, such as the Chicago Planning Department,
the office maintained by the Department of Labor, Puerto Rican Commonwealth in
Chicago, the Chicago Community Conservation Board, the Land Clearance Commission
especially concerning the housing and demographic characteristics of ,the area
under study.
A number of methods and techniques were used to fj_ll out the many blank
spaces that prevailed in the general area of Puerto Rican adjustment, attitudes
and problems in the big city. Principally, information was collected through
1
Cf. .J.lls, Senior, Goldsen, op. cit.; also see E. Padilla, op, cit.
2
Cf. Siegel, Orlans and Greer, op. cit., and H. 11/ell s, op. cit,
3
See Correspondence (8-13-1958) with the United States Bureau of the Census.

139
interviews, questionnaires, systematic direct observation, analysis of community
records and participant-observation.
Interviews and Questionnaires
A great number of individuals representing only themselves, or public and
private agencies familiar and/or concerned with problems of the Puerto Rican
community in Chicago were consulted in the course of the study. Among these
resource persons were representatives of the Puerto Rican Government; of federal,
state and municipal agencies; of the schools and the churches; of business and
industry, management and labor; of welfare and recreational services.
These interviews yielded interesting facts and statistics <1.nd brought out
many different points of view as to the cause of some of the mjor problems and
suggestions concerning their possible solution or IIDdification.
The interview schedule, structured essentially after the pattern of that used
in New York,
1
was expected to yield data as to the demographic characteristics, the
attitudes, opinions, problems and the major needs of the Puerto Rican population in
Chicago. Hare specifically, the interview schedule was constructed primarily for
those aspects of organized community life which seem to affect most vitally the
actu3.1 living condition of migrant individuals and families in the area; motivation
for migration, employment, housing, education and communication, family relations,
health, welfare and recreation, problems related to tensions and community organiza ...
tion. However, the interview schedule was also designed to gauge the impact these
facts and conditions were having on city services and to discover areas where
improvements are indicated.
In addition, the Chicago Commission on Human Relations 1f.ras also interested in
testing the attitudes and opinions of native-born (mainland) Americans who lived
1
See Hills, Senior, Goldsen, op. cit., p. 205ff.
;.
140
in close proximity to the Puerto Rican respondents.
Accordingly, we obtained 50 interviews, most of v-mich were from old-time
Chicago residents who lived in the same area as the Puerto Ricans who had been
interviewed. But about 25 per cent of these respondents were individuals, such as
postal employees, social case workers, policemen, teachers and businessmen who
worked in the neighborhood and were in close contact witll our migrants but did not
live in or near the sample area. They were selected on the basis of a high degree
of familiarity with different aspects of our respondents' activities and behavior.
A supplementary schedule was used with this presumably well-adjusted urban
native American continental group which was designed to provide information as to
what these Chicago neighbors actually knew about the Puerto Ricans in their
immediate neighborhood and how they really felt about tbem.
1
Some questions were
included which were to measure social distance between the two groups. While these
data yielded some interesting information they are also inherently limited inaamuch
as we do not lmow how representative the views of selected respondents are
in terms of the general native-born Chicago population. It may be said, hov.rever,
that they are meaningful as the opinions and attitudes of non-Puerto Rican
neighbors, having their ro sidence or making their living in the same area.
It is rarely necessary to study all the people of a community in order to
obtain an accurate and reliable description of the attitudes and the behavior of
its members. Usually, a sample of the population to be studied is sufficient, as
long as the sample is desigre d in such a way that it is representative of the
population group which is the object of the inquiry.
In this study of migrants' adjustment in which we were interested in studying
Puerto Ricans in Chicago, the Commission was to find that area in the
1
In order to qualify for an interviev-r in this group, respondents had to be
1) U. S. aitizcns , 2) non-Puerto Ricans :md not related or married to a
Puerto Rican, 3) 21 years of age or over and 4) residents of Chicago for at
least five years.
141
City where Puerto Ricans take up residence after first arriving in Chicago. After
making several tests in alllmown Puerto Rican core areas of the City it was found
that the
11
Milwaukee Avenue Area" appeared to be the significant port of entry at
that time. It was assumed that in getting our information from relatively recent
arrivals in the City we should be able to identif.y more readily problems of
adjustment to the urban industrial environment.
1
Our research budget provided for a sample of about 150 interviews. It >vas
not our objective to secure a population estimate of this group which would have
required special sampling procedures which were precluded by ti.l!le, money and
staff limitations.
We selected four census tracts bordering on Milwaukee Avenue which made up
the core area, or the most recent port of entry for Puerto Rican newcomers. There
was a total of 70 blocks in these 4 tracts. A Puerto Rican observer Nas sent into
the area to locate those blocks with a lovr or a high Puerto Rican population and
those with no Puerto Rican occupancy.
On the basis of this inspection, it became apparent that the number of Puerto
Ricans in this core area had been overestimated and that very few, if any, of
these newcomers could be found in blocks in the northwest, and south
sectims of the area. In view of this observation we selected 43 blocks out of
the total of 70 for our sample, the former apparently making up the core area
around Milwaukee Avenue. A maximum of 10 interviews was to be procured in each
block on a random basis; however, there vrere some lm,.,-density blocks where only
two and sometimes only one interview could be obtained. Allowance was made for an
2
overall loss of about ten per cent in the total number of interviews aimed at.
1 It was found later that this assumption was not necessarily correct inasmuch as
some Puerto Rican migrants came to Chicago after they had lived in other con-
tinental cities.
2
Respondent not at home, is too busy to be interviewed, or refuses to be inter-
viewed, etc.
. , ..
'-
. '
142
The interviev-.rs were obtamed in Spanish by a bilingual Puerto Rican graduate
student who had be en employed by the Chicago Commission on Human Relations on a
part-time basis. 1rle preferred to mte rview heads of households, male or female,
and most interviews were scheduled in the evening, so as to eliminate a bias toward
housewives and to include the working population. All respondents had to be Puerto
Rican-born and had to be 18 years of age or over. The duration of our mterviews
averaged about 45 minutes to l hour.
In addition to direct interviewing and mail mterviewi a great deal of
information was obtaired by the analysis of canmunity records, especially in the
fields of employment, law-enforcement, public assistance and education.
Participant-observation was obtained from social workers, mail carriers, and
individuals who live in the area being closely involved in Puerto Rican affarrs.
1
Mail interviews were used to some extent with the non-Puerto Rican neighbors
in the area.
143
APPENDIX B
AREA OF SAMPLE
There are five residential concentrations or core areas of Puerto Rican
settlement in Chicago: one on the near northside (N. LaSalle Street), one on the
near northwest side (Ylilwaukee Avenue), one on the south side (Woodlawn) and two
on the west side,
These areas have much in common although there are some characteristics in
which they differ, One of these is their comparative age, Since this study is
concerned with the adjustment of Puerto Rican newcomers to living in big, indus-
trial Chicago, we thought it appropriate to choose the most recent core area for
our sample, This was the area between Chicago and North Avenues ( 800 to 1600) on
the north and Noble Avenue and Hoyne Avenue (1400 to 2100) on the west. In detail,
this area consists of four census tracts, 309, 310, 311, 313; it is bisected by an
active business street and heavy traffic artery, Milwaukee Avenue, from which this
Puerto Rican core area derived its name. The sample area is located within a
larger community area lmown as community area no, 24, or West Tov..'!l, In order to
better identify the sampling area within this conventional community area, a short

1
profile of the latter may be in place,
West Town, or the near north west side lies just northwest of the Loop,
across the Chicago River; it is bourrled on the north by railroad tracks running
along Bloomingdale Avenue (1800 N.), on the east by the Chicago River, on the south
1
In addition to personal inspection of this area, three sources have been
chiefly depended upon:
(1) P, M. Hauser and E. M, Kitagawa (ed,), Local Community Fact Book
for Chicago, 1950 (Chicago: Community Inventory, of Chicago,
1953);
(2) Conununity Area 24, \!'Jest Town, Summary prepared by Area Planning
Department of the Welfare Council of Metropolitan Chicago, 1954;
( 3) The Chicago Plan Corn:-r1ission, Forty-Four Cities in the City of
Chicago (Chicago, Ill,, 1942)o
144
by Kinzie Street, and on the west by Humboldt Park and California Avenue ( 2800 ~ 1 [ . ) .
The area is surrounded by large and smll industrial plants and railroad lines.
Business streets center around the diagonal Hilwaukee Avenue and a triangular
intersection formed by Milw!lukee, Ashland and Division makes up the central retail
shopping district which ranks 26th in terms of share of customers for shopping
cerrt ers in the c:it y.
1
(See attached map and table!)
There is a strong European component in the overall appearance of this com-
munity, manifested in the names and store signs and the many churches in the area
betraying PoliSh or Italian patterns.
In 1920 West Town had 218,338 inhabitants, 44 per cent of whom were foreign-
born. The Poles were the dominant ethnic group, follmved by the Russian JeV>rs who
lived in the vicinity of Humboldt Park and the Italians who located especially in
the southeast6rn part of West Town. Between 1920 and 1930 the population in the
area declined 14 per cent. German a.11d Norwegians moved out of the community into
'
areas farther north and northV>rest. The population continued to decline in the next
two decades, although it absorbed some of the displaced persons origi.11ating in
Central and Eastern European countries who were ma.de homeless during and after
World War II. In 1950, the census counted 161,620 persons in West Town. Those
of PoliSh origin or descent continued to be the domina.11t ethnic group, while the
Italians became the second largest foreign-born group and took the place of the
Russian Jews who had largely moved out of the c.rea into communities north, north-
west and west. Generally, the rate of population decline had been higher in the
older more deteriorated neighborhoods to the east and southeast. An influx of
non-white people, primarily Negroes, into these districts started in 1930. They
1
Map and table with kind permission of the Chicago Tribune Company, excerpted
from: 1958 Shopping Center Study, (Chicago: The Chicago Tribune Company,
1958).

145
located in the older blighted areas bordering on and within the industrial belt
along the north branch of the Chicago River, and the Chicago and Northwestern
Railroad .3J.ong the southern boundary, as well as near Division Street, east of
Western Avenue. Since 1950 an increasing number of Negroes and Puerto Ricans have
been moving into the connnunity. The Census counted 2,263 Negroes in 1950, most
of whom were concentrated in the southeast section, in the path of the Northwest
Expressway. There were also 440 Orientals and American Indians residing in this
area, again primarily in the southeast section, but with a fair distribution
throughout the area.
The housing in West Tovm is old, with more than one-half of the units in
structures built before 1900. There was new construction in West Town through the
1920
1
s, mostly small apartment houses. Since 1930 there has been virtually no new
resJdential construction, but there have been conversions of single and multiple-
family structures to increase the number of dwelling units. Between 1940 and 1950
the number of dwelling units increased from 47,910 to 49,005, or 2 per cent. With
the population increase since 1950, the pressure continued for more conversions
and subdivisions to accorrunodate larger families and newcomers to the city.
Generally speaking, the eastern part of the connnunity between Hilwaukee Avenue and
the River and the section along the southern boundary contain most of the struc-
tures built before 1900; they are also the sections that show the most deteriorated
and subst'lndard housing. Those neighborhoods in West Town v-hich are in somewhat
better condition are generally located west of Damen Avenue. A high proportion of
the dwelling units (36%) are in two- or three-flat buildings with a relatively
high proportion of owner occupancy (20% in 1950); this was somewhat lower than the
average for the city, v..hich was 30 per cent in 1950. Thirty-eight per cent of
the dwelling units lacked a private bath, which ratio compared unfavorably to the
city average of 20 per cent.
146
}.ULWAUKEE-ASHLAND & DIVISION
POPULATION
Households Population
1950 211,316 1950
1955 220,690 1955
1960 225,294 1960
%
Change
1
55/
1
50 +4.4% % Change '55/
1
50
%
Change
1
60/'55 +2.1% % Change
1
60/
1
55
Average Number of !{embers Per Household - 3 .. 4
Social Class
Managerial & Professional
(Upper & Upper-Middle)
Sup ervisory, Technical &
Semi-Professional
(Lower-Middle)
Skilled & Semi-Skilled
Workers
(Upper-Lower)
Unskill ed 1rvorkers
(Lower-Lower)

23.8
50.6
19.3
Education
Under 7 Years
'
7-9 Years
10-11 Years
12 Years
1-3 Years College or ,.
Business School
Bachelor's Degree
Any Degree Over
Bachelor's Degree
689,727
752,900
766,000
+9.2%
+1.7%
4.2%
24.2
14.9
26.9
17.2
8.4
4.2
14?
The average monthly contract rents in 1950 ranged from a low of about $18.00
to a high of $47 .oo. They are generally much lower than the ci ty--vdde average
rentals.
The construction of the Northwest Expressway is having some impact on the
housing situation in the area. VJ.3Ily structures had to be razed in the path of the
prospective highway as it follows its course northward along the eastern boillldary
of the area and out of the community. Most of the displaced t enants have been
relocated within the community area. Another express1"'ay may traverse the area
later just east of Humboldt Park.
Since 1950, attempts at organizing a redevelopment plan for the area have been
made by private groups and may be realized after the land has been cleared,
presumably with federal and local funds.
Employment opportilllities in the area were very good i.11 the early years of the
decade but with the economic -recession went into a tailspin with the rest of the
cityo A slow economic recovery has been taking place in' the area which received
some impetus 1r,J'j_th the onset of warm weather. Difficulties were especially notice-
able among the younger job seekers, the Negroes, Puerto Ricans and to a lesser
extent the displaced persons from Eastern Europe, many of whom proved to be
,.
skilled workers. The number of semi-skilled and unskilled workers in the area as
established by the previous Census was unfavorable in comparison with the average
for the City.
In 1950 the educational level achieved in the area t..,ras quite low as compared
to the other community areas. This has undoubtedly been improved with the influ."'C
of displaced persons many of whom were highly educated persons with useful skills
in the trades and professions. Public schools in the area have been offering
adult education and citizenship programs, some of these especially geared to the
needs of the newcomers.
148
Considering the physical conditions in the area, especially the amount of
sub..-.standard and average housing and the absence of new construction for
residential use, there is clearly a need for conservation and redevelopment on the
basis of area-wide planning.
Secondly, since the turn of the century, West Tmm had to absorb many waves
of newcomers of different ethnic and religious backgrounds, mainly from Northern,
Central arrl Eastern Europe. By far the strongest among these groups of nev<comers
was the Polish segment. The dominance of this group in the area was so over-
whelming that it left its mark on the social structure of the community. This
became only more apparent after the Germans, Scandinavians and the Russians (mostly
Jm...rs) had moved out of the area which eventually led to a uni-lateral social group
pattern, with a multiplicity of Polish social and fraternal groups. This situation
caused the other much smaller groups to have a disproportionately small share in
'
the organization of the community. It also created within the dominant group
proprietary feelings regarding the area which c a'D.e to the surfa ce Hhen more r ecently
an increasing number of Negroes, Puerto Ricans and southern whites moved into
West Town. In addition, the strong cultural differences between the old dominant
group and the newcomers, as well as tensions among the new in-migrants generated
some resentments The last two years, especially during the period of recession,
a fierce competition for jobs was demonstrated between the Negroes and Puerto
Ricans in the area.
As in many changing neighborhoods, a major problem is that of communication,
quite common even among English-speaking groups, and ever so much more pronounced
when non-English speaking people are involved.
Summarized land use in the sample area shows heavy business zoning along
Milwaukee Avenue with zoning for light industry in the north-eastern section of
149
all four census tracts. The southern and northern boundary streets, as well as
the east-west dividing line (Ashlarrl Avenue) are likewise primarily zoned for
business. Residential zoning dominates the remainder of the area. There are two
public parks in the area and one immediately east of the southeastern boundary
line, Wicker Park, Pulaski Park and Eckart Park, respectively.
Residential housing in the four census tracts is over fifty per cent sub-
standard and/or dilapidated. Census tract 309 has the best housing in the area
with s orne in the western-most sector showing no substandard or dilapidated units.
Overcrmtfdinl exists throughout the area, especially nmr the center of the
area. The northern sector of census tract 310 shows the least overcrowding,
while considerable overcrowding is demonstrated along the nortrniest boundary
between Hoyne and Damen Avenues.
2
Population density is high in tracts 309 and 310 (52.3 to 72.3) and very
high in tracts 311 and 313 (72.4 to 164. 0)
..
,.
1
Per cent of all dvJelling units per block having more than 1. 51 persons per room.
2
Gross density of persons per acre by tract.
150
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Articles
11
Adam Rips North for Race Bias,
11
Daily Defender.
"Migrant Aid Set For Puerto Rico,
11
New York Times.
"Puerto Rico Acts on Birth Control,
11
The New York Jimes.
11
Puerto Rico: The Bard of Bootstrap," Time, LXXI, 25 (1958).
"Ratas Matan Ni;ito,
11
El Diario de Nueva York.
11
Suspenden Jefe de Policia Atropello Boricuas Chicago,
11
El Diario de Nueva York.
J. Beck, "A New Aid for Patients," Chicago Daily Tribune, June 13, 1960.
E. s. Bogardus, "A Social Distance Scale,
11
Sociology and Social Research, XVII,
3, (January-February, 1933) .
0. D. Duncan and s. Lieberson,
11
Ethnic Segregation and Assimilation,
11
The American Journal of Sociology, LXIV, 4, (January 1959).
J. P. Fitzpatrick, S.J.,
11
Adjustment of Puerto Ricans to New York City,
11
The Journal of Intergroup Relations, I, l, (Winter 1959/1960).
----=--":"'
11
Attitudes of Puerto Ricans Toward Color," American Sociological
Review, XX, 3, (Fall 1959).
J. Gillin,
11
Ethos Components in Modern Latin-American Culture,
11
American
Anthropologist, LVII, 3, Pt, l, (July 1955).
J. Golden,
11
Facilitating Factors in Negro-White Intermarriage,
11
1'J:_le Phylon
Quarterly, XX, 3, (Fall 1959).
M. Gordon,
11
Race Patterns and Prejudice in Puerto Rico,
11
;fu11erican Sociological
Review, XIV, 2, (April 1949)
L. C. Hunt and N. van Hoffman, "The Meanings of 'Democracy': Puerto Rican
Organizations in Chicago,
11
]1. , XIII, 3, (Spring l956)e
H. Infield, "The Aged in the Process of Ethnic Assimilation,
11
Sociometry, III,
4, (October 1940).
S. King, "Strangers In Our Nidst,
11
The Chicago Daily News.
R. Hoare,
11
CHA Planners Are Prisoners of Towers," Chicago Sun-Times.
A. Richardson, "The Assimilation of British Immigrants in Australia,
11
Hu.'Ilan
Relations, X, 2, (May 1957).
N. Shuman,
11
Death of a Nobody Spurs Move To Reform Time Payment Laws,"
Chicago Daily News, July 9, 1960.
151
Articles (Continued)
N. Ritter, "A Solid Win In Rich New Territory," Life, XLVI, 22, (June 21, 1959),
H. Schaudt, "The Tragedy of 1rfilliam Rodriguez," The Chicago Daily News.
J. M. Stycos and R, Hill, "The Prospects of Birth Control in Puerto Rico," in
The Annals of the American Academ;y of _Political and Social Science,
CCXXXV, (January 1953).
R. Taft, "The Shared Frame of Reference Concept Applied to the Assimilation of
Immigrants," Human Relations, VI, 1, (February 1953).
D. Wakefield,
11
Drugs and Addicts - One Man's Fix,r' The Commonweal, LXXI, 6,
(November 6, 1959).
-----' rrpolitics and the Puerto Ricans," Commentary, XXV, 3, (March 1958).
Books
B. B. Berle, 80 Puerto Rican Families in New York Cit , Health and Disease
Studied in Context, New York: Columbia University Press, 1958).
W. S. Bermrd ( ed.), American Imnigration Policy - a Reappraisal, (New York:
Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1950).,
T. Brameld, The Remaking of a Culture
1
Life and Education in Puerto Rico ,
(New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1959),
F. J. Brown and J. S. Roucek (eds,), N!1tional Minorities; their
Present Problems, (New York: Prentice-Hall,
IncQ, 1937).
T. c. Cochran, The Puerto Rican Businessman, (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1959).
G. Cotto-Thorner, Tropico en Manhattan, (San Juan, P,R.: Editorial Occidente,
1951).
M. Diaz, E .. Finch, 1. Gangware, et al., ,!he Attitu:les of Puerto Ricans in
New York City to Various Aspects of Their Environment, (New York: The
New York School of Social Work, Project No. 4317, June 1953)a
R. Freedman, Recent Migration to Chicago, (Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1950),
C. J. Friedrich, Puerto Rico: Middle Road to Freedom- Fuero Fundamental,
(New York: Rinehart & Company, Inc., 1959).
152
Books (Continued)
N. Glazer and D. McEntire, (ed.), Studies in Housing and Groups,
(Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1960).
0. Handlin, as_a Factor in American History, (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, IncD, 1959).
The Newcomers, Negroes and Puerto Ricans in a Changing Metropolis.
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959).
---------' J_he Uprooted, (Boston: Little-Brown, 1951).
P. 11. Hauser and E. M. Kitagawa ( ed. ), Local Commun.ity Fact Book for Chicago,
1950, (Chicago: Corrnnunity L11.ventory, University of Chicago, 1953).
W. Herberg, Protestant, Catholic, Jew, (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1955).
C. W. Hills, C. Senior, R. K. Goldsen, The Puerto Rican Journey, New York's
Newest Migrants, (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1950l
E. Padilla, Up From Puerto Rico, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958).
c. Rand, The Puerto Ricans, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958).
C. Senior, Strangers and Neighbors, (New York: League of B
1
nai
B' rith, 1952).
1958 Shopping Center Study, (Chicago: The Chicago Tribune Company, 1958).
A. Siegel, Harold Orlans, Loyal Greer, Puerto Ricans in A Study of
Their Demographic Characteristics, Problems and Attitudes, Philadelphia:
Commission on Human Relations, 1954).
H. Sternau, Puerto Rico and the Puerto Ricans, (New York: The Council of
Spanish-American Organizations and the American Jewish Committee, 1958).
J. H. Steward, R. A. Manners, E. R. Holf, E. Padilla Seda, S W. Mintz,
R. L. Scheele, The People of Puerto Rico, A Study in Social Anthropology,
(Urbana, Illinois: The University of Illinois Press, 1956) .
L. L. Thurstone, The Measurement of Attitude, (Chicagp: University of Chicago
Press, 1939),
R. G. Tugwell, "Dignidad and Its Implications,
11
in E. F. Mendez (ed.), Portrait
of a Society: A Book of Readings on Puerto Rican Sociology, (Rio Piedras,
P.R.: University of Puerto Rico, 1956, mimeographed).
D. Wakefield, .Island in the City, The World of Spanish Harlem, (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1959).
The \1\forld Almanac and Book of Facts, 1959, (New York: New York World-Telegram
and The Sun, 1959).
153
Public Documents
11
A Summary in Facts & Figures," (New York: Conunomvealth of Puerto Rico,
Division, Department of Labor, 1959).
"Chicago Supplement to National Housing Inventory,
11
(Chicago: Department of
City Planning, City of Chicago, 1957).
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, y Desempleo en Puerto Rico - Octubre 1958,
Informe Trimestral Num. 25, (Puerto Rico: Negociado de Estadisticas del
1958).
Conunonwealth of Puerto Rico, Labor Department, Migration Division, Midwest
Office, Annual Report, 1956-1957, (Chicago, Ill., 1958).
"Forty-Four Cities in the City of Chicago,
11
The Chicago Plan Commission,
(Chicago, Illinois, 1942).
A. C. Gernes, Im lications of Puerto Rican l1i ration to the Continent Outside
New York City, New York: Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Department of
Labor, Migration Division, 1955).
"Know Your Fellow American Citizen from Puerto Rico,
11
(Washington, D.C. : Office
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, n.d.).
Mayor's Committee on New- Residents , Report, January-June 1957,
(Chicago, September 1957)o
Municipal Code of Chicago
President Hoover's U.S. National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement,
Publications No. 10 and No. 13, (Washington, D.C.: u.s. Govermnent
Printing Office, 1931).
United States Bureau of the Census, 1950 Housing Census Renort, Vol. V, Part 35,
Block Statistics, Chicago, Illinois.
United States Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Popul:ition: 1950,
Puerto Ricans in Continental United States, (vvashington, D. C.: u.s.
Government Printing Office, 1953).
Wisconsin State Employment Service, In-Higration of Puertp Rican Workers,
0
1
Iilwaukee, Wis.: 1Nisconsin State Employment Service, September 1952).

Catholic Youth Organization, "Puerto Rican Program,
11
Annual Report, 1953-1954.
"Community Area 24, West Town," Summary prepared by Area Planning Department of
the lVelfare Council of Netropolitan Chicago, 1954.
154
Reports (Continued)
V. W. Cooke, "Archdiocese of Chicago,
11
in Report on the First Conference on the
Spiritual of Puerto Rica11 Nigrant s, San Juan., P.R. , April 11-16,
1955, (New York: Office of the Coordinator of Spanish-American Catholic
Action, 1955).
J. P. Fitzpatrick, S. J.,
11
SociologicA.l Aspects of Migration Ed their Impact on
Religious Practice," in Report on tl].e First Conference on the Spiritual
Care of Puerto Rican S:J.n Juan, P.R., April 11-16, 1955,
(New York: Office of the Coordinator of Spanis.h-American Catholic Action,
1955).
11
General Considerations Regarding The Puerto Rican 11inistry.,
11
(Chicago, Ill.:
City Missionary Society, n.d.).
L. s. Lyon, Governmental Problems in the Chicago Metropolitan Area.
A Report of the Northeastern Illinois Metropolitan Area Local Govermnental
Services CoMnission (Randolph Commission). (Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1957) e
Selected Papers, Institute on Cultural Patterns of Newcomers, (Chicago: vJelfare
Council of Metropolitan Chicago with cooperation of Chicago Commission on
Human Relations and the Mayor's Corn.rnittee on New Residents, 1957).
C. Senior,
11
The Moving Target, Migrants: People --Not Problems," Transactions
of the National Tuberculosis Association, (Atlantic City, N.J.: National
Tuberculosis Association, 1954).
H. V.Jells, The Puerto Rican Corn.rnunity in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1958).
Unpublished Manuscripts
s. A. Star, Interracial Tension in Two Areas of Chicago.
approach to the measurement of interracial tension.
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1950).
Periodicals
Chicago Daily News
Chicago Daily Tribune
Chicago Sun-Times
Daily Defender (Chicago)
El Diario de Nueva York
The New York Times
An exploratory
( Unplishe'd Ph. D.