MARRAKECH

SASHA NASH

Figure 1 - Satellite view of the Medina showing typical narrow alleys and courtyard gardens of the Riads

Introduction Marrakech in central Morocco is a walled city over a thousand years old, its Medina1 is a densely packed, almost homogenous, urban fabric and the ancient city ramparts have, until recently, limited and outward city sprawl. Since its origins in 1069 the city plan has remained fairly consistent and confined within the ramparts. In 1912, when Morocco became a protectorate of France, a new urban area was developed beyond the ramparts - Marrakech Gueliz. The traditional urban grain of the Medina is very fine, a mazy warren of narrow streets, tightly knit alleyways and derbs2 (fig. 1). The narrow streets render 93% of the Medinas 632 hectares inaccessible to motorcars3, and although scooters and motorbikes are a popular form of transport it is a city where pedestrians dominate. Riads4 are densely clustered together, each one built around its own leafy and shady courtyard garden. This type of urban organisation and vernacular architecture has created a city wide microclimate that keeps the air in the streets and buildings considerably cooler than surrounding areas, both suburban and rural. Planned by French colonialists the urban arrangement of Gueliz is in stark contrast to the Medina (fig. 2). A European radial grid system dictates the city plan its streets and boulevards are wide and open, built for motorcars rather than people and exposed to the regions baking sun (fig. 3).

1 2 3 4

Ancient walled town Narrow, cul-de-sac/dead end alleyways Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in Africa Cities p. 201 Traditional Moroccan house with an interior garden or courtyard

Figure 2 - Map of Marrakech in 1935 with the Medina on the right and Gueliz on the upper left.

What lessons can we learn from studying these two differing urban morphologies located side by side in the same metropolitan city? How does the microclimate of Gueliz compare with the Medina? Do the newly formed suburbs of Marrakech support Moroccan social culture and lifestyle?

Climate The climate in Marrakech is semi-arid with hot dry summers and mild wet winters. While this climatic pattern mirrors that of the much of the Mediterranean there is significantly less precipitation during the wet season in Marrakech. Year round there are major swings in temperature between day and night - on average the daily high is 20C warmer than the daily low.

Figure 3 - Photograph of Boulevard Mohammed Zerktouni in Gueliz taken in 1981. Kathy Dady

Formation of the City Marrakech was founded by the Almoravids5 in 1069. At the time many regional tribes were vying for the honour of hosting the Almoravid chieftains on their territory but in the end, the Almoravid leaders agreed to set up camp on neutral territory to avoid creating disharmony amongst local tribes. The determined site was an area on the plains of the River Tensift at the edge of the northern foothills of the Atlas Mountains and at the banks of a small tributary called the Wadi6 Yssyl. Strategically the exposed location on the plains not only thwarted the threat of surprise attacks but also allowed the Almoravids to occupy a central location from which they could control all small towns and settlements in the foothill valleys. The Almoravids were an alliance of several nomadic Berber tribes originating from the Sahara. Traditionally they lived in tents made from camel hair and would travel with the seasons, farming in the mountains and herding their flocks. Initially Marrakech would have existed as a military encampment - an agglomeration of campsites, different tribes, clans and families clustering together. Tents would be arranged to form an exclusive, centrally enclosed space, often covered in woollen carpets that provided a communal living and gathering space for the family (fig.4). Families from the same tribes and clans would pitch their tents in the same area, creating tribal districts - it is this type of family oriented spatial configuration that formed the underlying urban layout of the Medina.

5 6

A dynasty of several nomadic Berber tribes unified under Islam A mountain torrent

Figure 4 - Woven tapestries of a typical Berber camp

A souk7 formed at the encampment and Marrakech became a convenient place to set up camp and trade goods for tribes passing through the area. This in turn attracted more merchants and traders and the camp began to function like a small, regional trading town. The surrounding plains were blessed with natural resources, an easily accessible high water table, excellent clay and soil rich in lime. This provided ample material for the early fixed dwellings of the city. The first houses built would have been simple cob gourbis8 (fig. 5), badly made and in need of frequent maintenance.

Figure 5 - A simple cob gourbi. Many of the earliest buildings in Marrakech would have been built like this using earth, clay, lime and sticks.
7 8 Market stall Small shacks

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The arrangement of gourbis would have been the same as the tents which they replaced with the tribal districts maintained. The most significant buildings in the city at this time would have been the Jami Masjid9 Mosque and the Qasr el-Hajar10.The Qasr el-Hajar was the first building to be constructed. It was built from stone by Almoravid leaders to safeguard their growing haul of gold, silver and jewels plundered as they continued to expand their empire. Although the Mosque was constructed after the Qasr el-Hajar and built of simple cob it was much more significant as it formally symbolised Marrakech as a town rather than a transient encampment. The Mosque provided the opportunity to exercise religion and was the decisive factor that saw many of the tribes abandon their nomadic life and set up permanent residencies in the new city. A natural urban axis began to form between these two buildings and created the first urban core of the city with souks lining the route. In Islam the definition of ground space is always done by the construction of a wall - the enclosure is a symbolic action of the appropriation. This is true across all scales, from gardens and homes to entire cities. It is likely at this point that the Almoravid rulers
9 10 A mosque where all males are gathered to pray communally, on the Day of Assembly - every Friday Castle of Stone

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would have begun to enclose the city behind ramparts. Speaking of Islamic Medinas in general, not specifically Marrakech Abdurhiman explains the importance of city walls: The creation of a perimeter wall around the Medina dates from the foundation of the Mosque. The two acts constituted the founding of the city: the definition of an area in contrast to the surrounding countryside, and that of an inner sanctum for the construction of the Great Mosque. This opposition between a single centre and a linear perimeter forms the basis of the Medinas primary structure: the relationship between the centre and the periphery regulates the citys internal functions and determines the positioning of the different economic and cultural agents within it.11 Gradually a whole host of industries began to form along the banks of the Wadi Yssyl consuming its water, but also polluting it. Tanneries appeared first, followed by the lime kilns of potters and adobe brick makers. Loggers, who previously operated from another town were attracted to the opportunities afforded by the growth of Marrakech and also set up their own district in this agglomeration of manufacturers. To the west, the urban centre of Marrakech continued its growth as a residential district clustered around the Mosque and central well, sheltered from the smells of the polluting industries by the dominant winds.12

11 12

Abdurahiman, S.,Climatic Design in Arab Courtyard Houses, p 4 Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech, p. 218

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To the south of the city palm groves, orchards and gardens were planted to maintain a local supply of food. By now Marrakech was home to around 120,000 inhabitants and a prosperous and wealthy city dotted with luxurious palaces

Figure 6 - A sketch map of Marrakech in 1100

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and luscious gardens - it was a bastion of Islamic civilization and an intellectual centre where the most famous scholars and philosophers of the age converged13. During the early years of the Marrakechs urbanisation the Almoravid leaders executed a city wide master plan (fig. 7), aligning the city ramparts, city gates, and building a new Jami Masjid Mosuqe based on astronomical and geometric calculations made at the time. As you can see the orientation of the Mosques qibla14 has been rotated between Figure 6 and Figure 7, this would have been due to new astronomical discoveries and methods found at the time. Construction of the ramparts was only to begin when a series of astronomical conditions where met to ensure their solidity and strength. The exact date when the ramparts where constructed is unknown, however the astronomic conditions were chronicled in ancient documents allowing modern day astronomers to calculate the exact date when construction would have begun. Using simulation methods it is possible to reconstruct the alignment of stars and planets at any place on earth, at any moment in time - hence astronomers have concluded that construction begun on the 25th June 1126, when all the chronicled astronomic conditions would have been fulfilled (fig. 8).15 As the city grew water became increasingly scarce and although there were many shallow wells, the sheer number of inhabitants
13 http://www.dar-sirr.com/Patron_Saints_of_Marrakech.html 14 axis pointing towards Mecca 15 Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech, p. 229

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Figure 7 Marrakech Masterplan circa. 1120

Figure 8 Astrological chart for Marrakech on June 25th 1126

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producing waste water and sewage, which disposed of in absorbing wells, was making the availability of consumable groundwater extremely limited. In addition the increased need for food meant that the orchards and gardens were in need of an efficient irrigation system. It was the Almoravids who installed the first khetteras16 in Marrakech, with the various following dynasties further developing and expanding the network. [Khetteras are a system] that involves the tapping of the aquiter or water table in high ground or hillsides, and bringing the water down through man made underground channels to cultivated areas in the valleys and plains. Vertical shafts are dug to allow access to the channel [like wells], and used in the original excavation and for the maintenance of the horizontal channel. By using a horizontal channel, the water is easily brought to the areas of settlement and agriculture. The underground channels are noted for their reliability. (fig. 11)17 The khetteras were an influence the social order of the city. The point at which water first enters the city ramparts is when it is at its purest. Once inside the city and gardens (fig. 10) it was common for khetteras to become an open and accessible channel which were increasingly soiled as they penetrated deeper into the city centre. Therefore in the Medina the supply of water made it desirable for the wealthy to build their riads as close to the city

16 17

Man made underground waterways, originally developed in Iran Afshar, F. , Architectural Design, vol. 45 no. 4, Apr 1975, p. 223-224

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Figure 9 - A dried up khettera

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ramparts as possible, to ensure not only purity, but priority of water. In Marrakech the water was initially fed to the palaces and then into the food producing gardens and orchards, only surplus water was passed on into residential areas, with those at the bottom of the pecking order often receiving no water at all in times of drought (fig 9).

Figure 10 - Open khettera in a palmerie

Figure 11 - Typical khettera section

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Figure 12 - Map of Khetteras in the Medina from 1900

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Housing Looking at a satellite photo of the Medina today we see a continuous fabric of roofs punctuated by hundreds of square holes - the courtyard house. This type of house is one of the oldest known urban housing types in the world. At least three factors have contributed to its apparently unchanged popularity: first, the relatively economical use of land, as this house type does not require large building sites; second the courtyard house guarantees, even in crowded urban conditions, maximum security and privacy, which are of paramount importance where purdah is imposed by the household head; and third this house type, which frequently has a planted courtyard, is well adapted to the conditions of hot urban climates.18 All houses are formed on the same model - an open air patio or garden surrounded by internal habitation. All rooms open onto this central space with sleeping and living quarters usually located alongside the courtyard and the corner rooms reserved for kitchens, stores, stairs and toilets (fig. 13). The rooms themselves are long and narrow, their shape determined by the span of available timber roofing beams, usually between 2-3 metres. Blinded on three sides by party walls, the elevation facing the alleyways of the fourth side is usually blank and windowless which provides an intriguing contrast to the

18

Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in African Cities p. 215

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Figure 13 - A typical Riad Plan

enchanting atmosphere found within. It is this private central space which serves the house with light and ventilation and acts as a central circulation space between rooms. In Marrakech there are several variations of the courtyard house: the Riad, the Dar and the Foundouk - although they are all fairly similar. The Riad is the most desirable with an interior courtyard large enough for fountains, planted trees and gardens. The Dar (fig. 15) is very similar in terms of layout, but has a much smaller courtyard without any planted area - perhaps a small fountain

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and some potted plants. Finally a Fondouk (fig. 14) is an old merchants warehouse that has been converted into cheap habitation. They are also formed around a central courtyard bound by habitable rooms. At the beginning of the 20th century, as the trans Saharan trade route died out, many Fondouks in the Medina where converted into tenements. It is reasonable to order these dwellings into socioeconomic groups, Riads are the home of the most affluent, Dars are occupied by the middle classes and Foundouks by lower income groups and immigrants. Overcrowding, poor sanitary conditions and lack of regular maintenance are the main feature of Fondouks.19 Households are often inhabited by several generations of the family, with an average of 12 people per house in the Medina.20 Much like the Medina itself, courtyard houses have often grown organically to suit the needs of their inhabitants, expanding over time. Figure 16 shows the growth of Riad over a fourteen year period from a single room inhabited by three people to a two story house inhabited by seventeen. Houses in the Medina are vernacular and are still built using basic, local materials in the same manner as a thousand years ago: foundations of stone, walls of either earth bricks laid in lime or rammed earth. Roofs are flat and structured from a skeleton
19 20 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in African Cities p. 218 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in African Cities p. 224

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Figure 14 (above) Plan of a typical Fondouk Figure 15 (right) Plan of a typical Dar

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24

Key

Figure 16 Evolution of Riad to suit family needs.

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of timber beams which are then lined with bamboo, grass matting, a layer of mud and then finally several layers of lime mortar which require annual maintenance to remain leak free.

Figure 17 Interior side of typical roofing system

None of the materials used are particularly durable and houses needed frequent repair and renovation. In a city that is constantly being rebuilt, one notices that the layout of its streets and the breakdown of its plots remain relatively stable. One may assume

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that many houses in Marrakech are built according to the layout of the houses that preceded them. Because of the accumulation of trash in the streets, the average level of the ground in the Medina is five metres above where it was when the city was created. Some very old houses have [central courtyards] so deep that sometimes one has to go down a staircase to get to them. These burried houses are probably older than those whos [central courtyard] is at street level.21

The courtyard configuration also forms a microclimate that aids the cooling of the house. This can be broken down into three stages: During the first cycle, the cool night air descends into the courtyard and fills the surrounding rooms. Walls, floors, columns, roofs, ceilings and furniture are cooled at night and remain so until the late afternoon. The courtyard loses heat by irradiation to the sky. The second cycle usually starts around noon when the sun directly strikes the courtyard floor. Some of the cool air begins to rise and also leaks out of the surrounding rooms. This action sets up convection currents in the rooms which may afford further comfort. The courtyard now begins to act as

21

Wilbaux, Q., Marrakech - The Secret of Courtyard Houses, p. 54

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a chimney. At this hour the ambient temperature is very high outside, but the thick earth walls do not permit the external heat to penetrate to the inside of the house. The adobe walls are excellent insulators, and the time-lag for an external wall of average thickness may be as much as twelve hours. Three out of four external walls on an average are party walls; thus the house remains enclosed on all sides and is insulated from heat gain during the day. During the third cycle, the courtyard floor and the inside of the house get warmer and further convection currents are set up by the late afternoon. Most of the cool air trapped within the rooms spills out by sunset.22

The courtyards are often planted with lush gardens (fig. 18) arranged around a central fountain which also help lower the temperature - as moisture from plants or water from fountains evaporates it cools the surrounding air.

22

Abdurahiman, S.,Climatic Design in Arab Courtyard Houses, p 3

28

Figure 18- Typical Riad interior courtyard

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While the courtyard houses of the Medina are built around the concept of privacy and are insular in their design, the principle streets of Marrakech form a city wide theatre of public human encounter. This type of street life and human exchange naturally forms social bonds amongst the inhabitants.23 The very fine urban grain of the Medina is characterised by narrow winding streets that appear labyrinthine in their complexity, and together with Riads and Dars form an important part of the Medinas microclimate. The meandering streets which twist and turn have closed vistas and perform the same function as a courtyard by retaining any cool air that is deposited during the night from being swept out by the first puff of wind as would occur in a gridiron plan.24 The street pattern is hierarchical. The main thoroughfares and secondary streets are reserved for trading activities, public buildings and amenities; they constitute the main arteries of the Medina. The narrower side streets and derbs, whose essential role is to provide access to the houses, are perpendicular to the thoroughfares and secondary streets, their private aspect creates a strong contrast with the principal streets. The groups of houses hemmed in the side streets constitute blocks to which access is provided by derbs leading to the houses.25

23 24 25

Salat, S., Sustainable Arabic Urban Design at neighbourhood scale, p. 14 Fathy, H., Natural Energy & Vernacular Architecture, p. 64 Abdurahiman, S.,Climatic Design in Arab Courtyard Houses, p 8

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Figure 19 - Plan of Gueliz in 1919

European Influence For almost a millennia the city of Marrakech had remained confined by walls of the Medina, but after Morocco became a protectorate of France in 1912 this began to change. At the time there was a Colonial urban policy that sought to protect ancient and indigenous towns and cities from changes made by European newcomers and it was thus that the district Gueliz first appeared near the northwestern edge of the Medina. The town layout was based on a distinctively French radial street plan (fig. 19) with wide streets and boulevards which was a stark contrast to the meandering alleyways found in the Medina. (fig. 20-23) [In the Medina] under the canopied streets the Arabian Night came to life. The smells and poverty

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Figure 20 - Aerial view of the Medina

Figure 22 - Aerial view of Gueliz

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Figure 21 - Typical street of the Medina

Figure 23 - Typical street of Gueliz

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receded into the darkness of the night and in the glare of naked gas lamps and electric bulbs the fantasy of colours and cloths and beaten copper and pottery sent the head spinning. This riot of colour and noises is met in every one of the twisting intertwining souks and the maze of left and right angle bends and turns. After the Medina the European town of Marrakech-Gueliz is visually depressing. Like the old town it is mostly two stories in height, but whereas the Arab streets are narrow and winding, and appropriate to the broiling climate the streets [here] are very, very wide and help much in creating the impression of a huge sprawl.26 In 1919 Marrakech Municipal Services published a review on the new and growin city of Gueliz, which offer some interesting insights into the European attitude at that time. For reasons of a political and social order Europeans and Moroccans are required not to live side by side, to avoid daily friction and misunderstanding, we are individuals of different mentalities and manners, not to say opposite; reasons of a commercial and industrial nature with regard with the layout of the indigenous city and the narrowness of its streets; aesthetic reasons in order to leave intact the picturesque city; and last but not least for hygienic reasons.

26

Oakley, D., Housing and town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal, Dec 1954, p. 131

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Marrakech is like a big foundouk. There is a floating population of somewhere around 30,000 and conceived to be extremely badly educated. We must add that cattle, camels and donkeys wander the town loaded with fleas and ticks flying about in the wind. The method of construction underfoot, the amount of ruined buildings as the city gradually disintegrates and resolves to turn itself incessantly into dust. During the summer the slightest breeze raises opaque clouds of sand and pulverized rubbish of any kind; winter, on the other hand, produces torrential rains which turn the squares and streets into swamps and small lakes. The city has almost no slope and the old sewers date back several centuries being half filled and impossible to visit, the only method of wastewater disposal consists of multiple absorbing wells that horribly pollute the groundwater. If indeed we want to attract Europeans, and many natives are certainly not without charm, Gueliz must provide attractive and comfortable housing where the water flows at will and bath and shower facilities are possible as a result. Housing is to be more comfortable and enjoyable, indigenous houses are often cold and wet winter, although generally well protected against the scorching heat.27

27

Aimel, G.,French Morocco - Birth of a City

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Indeed the microclimate created by the urban structure of the Medina is far more favourable than that of Gueliz. A recent study of the city of Fez, which has a similar climate to Marrakech, reveals the difference in temperature between the Medina and a modern European development similar to Gueliz. Two streets, typical of their urban morphologies, were analysed (fig. 24), a narrow alley in the Medina and wider road in the European town, and their ambient temperatures thematically compared with that of surrounding rural areas.
Figure 24 - Cross sections of analysed streets

Results (fig. 25) clearly show the morphology of the Medina provides a far more stable environment for habitation. On the hottest day of the year ambient street temperatures are 10C cooler than in the European town, and 8C cooler than the surrounding countryside. The main reason for this cool island effect in the Medina is related to the height and width of the of the streets. During the day they remain mostly shaded minimising solar gain and

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Figure 25 - Analysis results

Medina European Rural

Hotest day of the summer

Medina European Rural

Coldest day of the winter

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staying cool. Additionally during the day warm air above the roofs is unable to reach street level because the main airflow skims over the deep and narrow alleys - the warm air is more buoyant than the cool air in the alleys and cannot descend.28 The relatively cool nights (in comparison to day time temperatures) in Marrakech allow roof tops to cool down efficiently during the night through radiative cooling after which the cool air packets may descend into the alleyways below, refreshing them for the day ahead.

Conclusion Since the creation of Gueliz many new areas have been urbanised around Medina (fig. 26) . The plan of these new areas is generally based on an wide, auto centric, grid system - an extremely limited approach in terms of climatic urban design. Like many cities in the developing world Marrakech has experienced a surge in population over the last century and urban sprawl is having huge implications on energy consumption and social integration. During the 1950s French housing developers complained: One of the major problems facing the house designers is that the Moslem seems unable to cook unless he lights an open fire on the ground. Those who have been forced by events to live in multistorey dwellings have lit fires on the balconies and

28

Johansson, E., Building & Environment 41, p. 1333

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Figure 26 - Growth of Marrakech since 1069 Almoravids 1069-1147 Almohads 1147-1269

Merinids + Sadians 1269-1669

Alawites 1669-1912

French Protectorate 1912-1956

Independence 1956-

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cooked on them, ignoring the kitchen equipment provided. It is mathematically impossible to house all the immigrant families at the present density of one-storey development.29 Given that the buildings within the Medina are of vernacular technology they were designed to provide a maximum level of comfort in a world without fossil fuels, they provide examples of complete urban complexes based on zero energy bioclimatic urban morphologies.30 It is estimated that their will be 100 million new inhabitants living in cities in hot and arid regions like Marrakech by 2030, therefore it is vital that issues such as urban sprawl, consumption of energy, consumption of water are confronted with renewed vigour. The social fabric of society in Marrakech is woven in the fine urban grain of the Medinas streets. The construction of car centric suburbs renders the public arena of the streets empty, and soulless by comparison. The suburbs are uncomfortable in the heat and inhabitants remain indoors in air conditioned bubbles whenever possible only venturing outside to scuttle into their air conditioned cars that transport them from one air conditioned bubble to another. The ancient ways of society are forcibly being eroded in these new developments. If we compare the Medinas centre, the pulsating square of Djemaa el Fna to the central square in Gueliz, Place du 16 Novembre, it is simply depressing. (fig. 27 & 38)
29 30 Oakley, D., Housing & town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal, Dec 1954, p. 127-137 Salat, S., Sustainable Arabic Urban Design at neighborhood scale, p. 14

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Figure 27 - Djemaa el Fna

Figure 28 - Place du 16 Novembre

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It is difficult situation that policy makers in these areas must address boldly and head on. The fundamental issue is how to integrate design scaled for the motorcar and design scaled for human beings. The social and climatic advantages of narrow street system is clear, but cars are a reality of modern society and it is probably unrealistic to imagine a city built without any accessibility for motorcars. Perhaps an urban block should be scaled in such a manner that allows further breakdown of many smaller human scaled urban blocks to exist within, but of course this creates the problem of connectivity between blocks. However, one such scheme has been built in suburban Marrakech, taking a wealth of inspiration from the social and climatic function of the Medina. The Anbar Housing Project is a large urban block 560 social apartments, a mosque and a public garden. While at first the sheer scale of the urban block looks slightly galling (fig. 29), upon closer inspection it is possible to see that the apartments are assembled around a network of narrow, alleyways and courtyards inspired by the Medina (fig 30 & 31). A standard apartment has three rooms, and much like a traditional riad the central space is used to connect the different rooms. In the ground floor apartments the kitchen is connected to a traditional open air loggia - traditionally a place to sit and relax in the evenings.

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Figure 29 - Aerial view

Figure 30 - Alleys revealed

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Figure 20 - An interior alleyway of the Anbar Block

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Architect Elie Mouyal says of the project: The configuration and arrangement depend on the court and covered alleys have created a special microclimate for the huge site. Courtyards serve as a reservoir of cool-fresh air; just as dominated in the city plan [of the Medina]. Performing the same function, narrow winding alleys retain any cool air that may be deposited during the night from being swept away by the first puff of wind. The layout characteristics is meant to encourage residents to walk, increase sociability, foster a distinctive community identity and maintain strong connective links to the surroundings and city centre.31 This pioneering modern housing project is clearly taking a step in the required direction, but it is now up to planners to propose and enforce citywide plans that offer a far more holistic approach to urbanism.

31

Eldeen, H., Ethical Reasoning, Architecture +, vol. 4, 2003, p. 46-47

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BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Oliver, P. ed., Shelter in Africa, Barrie & Jenkins Ltd., London, 1971 Schwerdtfeger, F. W., Traditional Housing in African Cities, John Wiley & Sons Ltd., Chichester, 1982 Listri, M & Rey, D., Marrakech: Living on the edge of the desert, IdeArte srl, Viareggio, 2005 Lichtenstein, R., On Brick Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., London 2008 Wright, G., The politics of design in French colonial urbanism, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1991 Conti, F., Architecture as environment, Cassell, London, 1979 Fathy, H., Natural energy and vernacular architecture: principles and examples with reference to hot arid climates, University of Chicago Press for the United Nations University, Chicago,1986 Messier, R. A., The Almoravids and the meanings of Jihad, Praeger, Santa Barbara, 2010 Schneier-Madanes, G. ed. & Courel, M., Water & Sustainability in Arid Regions: bridging the gap bewteen physical and social sciences, Springer, Berlin, 2009 Rudofsky, B., Architecture without architects: a short introduction to non-pedigree architecture, Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1964

Wilbaux, Q., Marrakesh: The Secret of Courtyard Houses, ACR Eddition Internationale, Paris, 1999 Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech: Formation des espaces urbains, Harmattan, Paris, 2001

JOURNALS Johansson, E., Influence of urban geometry on outdoor thermal comfort in a hot dry climate: a study in Fez, Morocco, Building and Environment, vol. 41 no 10, Oct 2006, p. 1326-1338 Eldeen, H., Ethical Reasoning, Architecture +, vol. 4, 2003, p. 46-47 Bonine, E., The sacred direction and city structure; a preliminary analysis of the Islamic cities of Morocco, Muqarnas, vol. 7, 1990, p. 50-72 Hensens, J., Moroccan architecture and town planning, Connaissance des Arts, Nov 1969, p.90-99 Ecochard, M. M., Town planning and housing in Morocco, Werk, no. 5, 1957, p. 178-186 Oakley, D., Housing and town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal, Dec 1954, p. 127-137 Unknown Author, Special issue. Morocco, devoted to town-planning and architectural problems, Architecture Francaise, no. 131-132 1952, p. 3-89

Bourgeois, V., First impressions of Moroccan town planning on occasion of 2nd Congress of the International Union of Architects, Maison, Nov 1951, p. 369-371 Beazley, E., Sun, shade and shelter near buildings: the forgotten art of planning with microclimate in mind, Landscape design, no. 197, Feb 1991, p. 46-50 Bradley-Hole, K., Marrakech masterpiece, Country Life, vol. 201 no. 13, Mar 2007, p. 70-73 Seymour, W,. A city of fluctuating fortunes: Marrakech, Country Life, vol. 162 no. 4175, July 7 1977, p. 44-45 Berardi, R., Special issue. Urban fabric, Environmental design, vol.7 no. 8, 1989, p. 5-107 Cheeba, M., Contemporary Moroccan architecture, Mimar, no. 22, Oct/Dec 1986, p13-47 Breitman, M., Special issue. Maghreb: from colonialism to a new identity, Environmental Design, no. 1, 1985, p. 6-65 Unknown Author, Almoravides, Marrakesh, Morocco, Architecture Francaise, no. 355/356, Mar/Apr 1972, p. 32-34 Zahmul, D.A. & Diasty, R., Thermal performance of a typical house in a hot semi-arid region, International journal for housing science & its applications, vol. 13 no. 2, 1989, p. 109-125

Ettoumi, F.Y., Temperature variations in a housing of the semi-arid region of Djelfa (Algeria), Building & environment, vol.38 no. 3, Mar 2003, p. 511-519 Aboul-Naga, M., Impact of city urban patterns on building energy use: Al-Ain City as a case study for hot-arid climates, Architectural science review, vol 43. no. 3, Sep 2000, p. 147-158 Afshar, F., Water supply: the Falaj or Qanat method of obtaining water in Middle Eastern countries, Architectural Design, vol. 45 no. 4, Apr 1975, p. 223-224 Lightfoot, D. R., Moroccan Khettara,

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