INTRODUCTION

The post-colonial conundrum of multiple motives and meager means has left developing
countries a slim opportunity to strive to become active participants and claimants in the
international arena. In early 1990s, Africa and Southern Africa realised the severe constraints on
the freedom of actors (governments) in developing countries during the cold-war periods.
African decision- makers were constrained by the need to consolidate power and meet socio-
economic demands at home.1 In this essay, I am going to define and explain the nature of
regionalism in Southern Africa on the first part and on the later part, a detailed account of role of
the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) in the context of the region’s integration
strategies will be highlighted and discussed alongside its merits firstly and then the demerits.
Also, I shall conclude by pointing out what need to be done to achieve the much needed
collective goal.

DEFINITION AND THE NATURE OF REGIONALISM IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

The playing field in world economic policies had already been determined before the emergence
of most developing states. The monetary economies of these states had been formed through
their incorporation as sources of primary products and markets for manufactured goods and
services, within a global structure of north-south trade, dominated and controlled by their
colonial countries.2 So, Southern Africa falls under the developing states and can be defined as
the those twenty-two African countries that falls under the south of the Equator. In 1999, it was
reported to have 280 million people and the size of the region is eleven million square kilometres
by ten million square kilometres3. However, for the purpose of this essay, the political economy
of the region will be discussed with the 14 member SADC countries* in focus.

Paramount on the agendas of the developing countries including Southern African countries is to
use a multilateral approach to promote development in the developing nations in other to address
the current asymmetries between the core (north) and periphery (south) countries. The
emergence of regional blocks such as Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
and SADC take a cue from one of the most powerful and enriched regional blocks, the European
Union (EU). However, the extent to which this gap between the North and the South is being
bridged is yet to be ascertained or determined. Regional integration has been applied in many
forms of economic co-operation between groups of neighbouring countries. This co-operation is
often characterised by contradicting political motives ranging from mere compliance within a
world of independent sovereign states, to projects for complete political and economic
integration.4
1
Christopher Clapham, “Sub-Saharan Africa”, in Clapham, C. (ed.) Foreign Policy in Developing States: A
Comparative Approach, Praeger, New York, 1977, p. 79.
2
Christopher Clapham, “The changing world of regional integration in Africa” in Clapham, C., et al, (eds.) Regional
Integration in Southern Africa: Comparative International Perspectives, SAIIA, Johannesburg, 2001, p. 60.
3
McGowan, P. “The regional sub-system of Southern Africa” in Nel, P and McGowan, P. (eds): Power, Wealth and
Global Order: An International Relations Textbook for Africa, University of Cape Town Press, Cape Town, I999, P.
267.
SADC countries: Angola, Botswana, Congo, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South
Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
4
Clapham, Op.Cit. p.59.

1
The idea behind integration is that no state should isolate itself or be an Island of its own but
rather individual states must collaborate with each other to achieve the much needed economic
balance and sustainability.

At the end of apartheid, South Africa allayed fears of members of the former members of the
defunct Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) with reassurance
that it has no intention to impose its will by force in the region or form dominance with its
greater resources and economic power. This led to the formation of the SADC in August 1992
SADCC summit meeting in Windhoek, Namibia. Its objectives were “to achieve development
and economic growth; evolve common political values, systems and institutions; promote and
defend peace and security.”5 However, the region has struggled to achieve its objectives which
due to different reasons which will be elaborated herein.

Regionalism in Southern Africa is more or less based on the dependency on the core countries of
the North due to the fact that individual states within the region has nothing much to offer. The
countries are only involved in just the production of primary products and provide markets for
manufactured goods and services to the countries of the developed world.6 This can best be
summed up as battle of survival with each state trying to outwit each other to attract foreign
loans and financial aids. They lack the ability to internally generate funds to improve on
commercial activities and industrial drive.

Again, regionalism demands countries to lose their sovereignties to an extent for the general
good of the member countries involved. However, most states in the region are mainly concerned
with the upholding of their national sovereignties and also preservation of their own powers
within their states. Economic integration schemes often raise conflicting issues relating to taxes
and migrant labour.7 Some states such as South Africa still adopt protectionist policies to protect
her infants industries (such as textile and vehicle manufacturing plants) even though the
neighbouring countries are not able to compete with Pretoria.

Similarly, all neighbouring countries in SADC except until recently Mozambique visit South
Africa with valid visas which are not supposed to be the case. South Africans in the other hand
obtain visas whenever they are going to some of these other countries. The region is suppose to
follow the example of ECOWAS and EU travel legislation which allows people from member
countries of the region to travel within the region without visa restrictions The delays and time
expended on the process of acquiring these visas could be channeled towards making business
trips and trade negotiations. South Africa claims that most of the visitors snicking illegally into
the country through its boarders are from the region. This claim is yet to be ascertained as there
are still illegal immigrants from other African countries coming in through the boarder. The
Immigration Acts of most of these countries do not encourage economic developments, neither
are foreign skills and investment attracted. Companies are in most cases mandated by laws to pay
2% or more remuneration penalties to employ foreigners even in positions where the countries
lack local skills.

5
SADC (1995) ‘Declaration Treaty and Protocol’, Gaborone.
6
Ibid. p.60.
7
Ibid. p. 60.

2
Besides, the cumbersome routes of these foreigners to obtain work permits have resulted in most
job applicants loosing out of the available jobs.8

Furthermore, there are some ideological differences among member countries in the region with
relation to political issues. Some tend to take the path of socialism as against capitalist strategies
of economic development. Countries like Angola and Tanzania in the past adopted socialist
economic policies and from time to time defend their stands during trade negotiations. Others
argue that South Africa and her African Renaissance approach have some hidden agendas. These
disparities in ideologies and also to a great degree colonial countries influences on these
countries have impacted negatively on member countries to fully liberalise their respective
economies.9

Regional institutions tend to have one thing going for them which include intra-regional free
trade. Southern African Custom Union (SACU) is ensuring free movement of the factors of
production (excluding labour). Paradoxically, Pretoria has dominated trade in the region with
80% of regional supplies to her favour between 1995-2000. This is contained in recent report by
SADC Chambers of Commerce and Industry (ASCCI). Some are quick to point out that the
current situation could result in reluctance in the part of certain governments to lower trade
barriers as some might fear their local industries would not survive competition from South
African firms.10

THE INTEGRATION STRATEGIES EMPLOYED BY THE SADC REGION SO FAR

HAS ITS MERITS AND DEMERITS

The aftermath of the cold war further marginalised Africa politically and economically at the
world stage. France, Great Britain, the US, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund
increasingly took the stance that Africa’s political and economic decay was homemade. The
strategies propounded to solve these problems were “good governance” and Structural
Adjustment Programmes.11 Despite the problems in liberalising the economy of the region, the
SADC has moved towards open, integrated and liberal market system by internationalising the
factors of production and consumption. With six countries of the 14 member countries of SADC
classified under the United Nation’s (UN) least developed and particularly disadvantaged to the
vagaries and dichotomies in international trade, The region realises that it has to put more efforts
in other to challenge effectively the unusual “decline in commodity prices, limitations on market
access conditions in product lines of export interest to SADC countries, and the negative impact
of these on their balance of payments.”12 Through multilateral trading system, member countries
are promoting liberalisation through various mechanisms.
8
George Van Niekerk, “Labour Matters: Changes to Immigration Act will be good for business” in Sunday Times
Business Times, Johannesburg, 26 September 2004, p. 4.
9
Clapham, Op. Cit. p. 61.
10
Richard Gibb, “The state of regional integration: The Intra- and Inter-regional Dimensions” in Clapham, C., et al,
(eds.)Regional Integration in Southern Africa: Comparative International Perspective, SAIIA, Johannesburg,
2001.p.71 &79. and Moyiga Nduru, “Business in Africa tough” in News 24.com, 3 October, 2004.
11
Roger Pfister, “South Africa’s Recent Foreign Policy Towards Africa: Issue and Literature” in Center for
International Studies, Zurich, 29 August 2000, p. 5.
12
Garth le Pere, “Doha, South Africa and the SADC Subregion” in South African Yearbook of International Affairs,
2002/03, Vol. 7. Johannesburg, p. 206

3
Firstly, they have participated in ensuring that the trade agreements made in Uruguay Round are
implemented through the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Following the failure of the WTO
ministerial meeting in Seattle in 1999, the SADC members participated in trade negotiations in
Doha and Cancun respectively to deliberate on Uruguay Round agreements. It could be recalled
that the Uruguay Round was conducted under the auspices of the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (GATT). The common goals of these SADC member countries include:

reducing a range of protective and support measures to inefficient ‘grandfather’ industries and
sectors in the economies of the developed countries and thereby follow a relocation of
production and investment to developing countries which possess comparative advantages in
13
these areas.

The trade negotiations is still going on at different for and at any given opportunity to improve
on prices of exports to the developed countries as well as make them to cut the subsidies
countries like US and those from EU are offering their respective local farmers.

In another related development, SADC members are in agreement to liberalisation and open
regionalism leading to SADC Free Trade Areas Protocol of 2000. This protocol encourages
increase free trade in the region, discourages protectionist policies, encourages competition
among members, and ensures comparative advantage policies.14

Furthermore, SADC Council of Ministers meeting in Malawi in August 2001 acknowledged the
fact that the region is faced with enormous challenges in economic and human development
spheres which have to be addressed. These include; high levels of malnutrition, abject poverty,
unemployment problems, and declining life expectancy. The reaffirmation for economic growth
and development was also made by the regional body in Johannesburg, South Africa during the
2002 UN World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) with strong emphasis on
development strategies for full economic integration in the region and beyond.15

The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) provides avenue for the region to
pursue better deals. The region is increasingly conforming to the objectives of NEPAD in areas
such as harmonised free trade across Africa, systems of trade, customs, taxation, financial rules
and infrastructural standardisation.16 The realisation that good governance is a key to success of
the aforementioned has encouraged member countries to move towards democratic rules. Most
of the countries are also putting their houses in order so as to conform to agreed political,
economic and corporate governance values, socio-economic development codes and standards of
the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) of NEPAD.17

13
Ibid. p. 205.
14
le Pere, Op.Cit. p. 211 and Gibb, Op.Cit. p. 72.
15
Natashia Chhiba, “The Southern African Development Community: An Overview” in South African Yearbook of
International Affairs, 2002/03, Vol. 7. Johannesburg, p. 69.
16
Ross Herbert, “The African Union and Nepad in 2002: A Pivotal Year” in South African Yearbook of
International Affairs, 2002/03, Vol. 7. Johannesburg, p. 241.
17
NEPAD, “Guidelines for Countries to Prepare for and Participate in the African Peer Review Mechanism”, in
NEPAD/APRM/Pannel3/guidelines/11-2003/Doc8.

4
The regional body is seen and behaving as an integral part of the African continent and the
World communities. It adept to strengthening mechanisms for conflict resolution in different
countries of Africa such as Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, and
Burund.The region has taken Africa and world problems as its own through preventive
diplomacy, peace enforcement, peace making, peacekeeping, and post-conflict peace building
measures.18

The Windhoek Declaration mention, “providing a framework of co-operation for…strengthening

regional solidarity, peace and security”19

Further in Africa, these strategies are also being constructed in African Union (AU), leading to
the creation of Peace and Security Council (PSC) protocol. All things being equal, PSC protocol
when ratified will ensure that military and financial contributions are made by member countries
of Africa. It has also contributed immensely towards the formation of a Pan African Parliament
(PAP).20

One other interesting development is that SADC members have agreed to adequately act on
issues of common regional concern such as HIV/AIDS. The negative impact of this pandemic is
recognised globally as one of the most profound cog to human and social development. The
region of Sub-Saharan Africa is estimated to be affected with disease by 25.3 million people.
SADC Parliamentary Forum has formed a standing committee on HIV/AIDSS to address this
human health problem and there have been summits to this effect. For instance, there was SADC
summit in South Africa in June 2001 organised by the World Economic Forum (WEF).
Subsequently, countries like South Africa, Botswana and Zimbabwe to name a few have
introduced the use of anti-retroviral drugs to people infected by this disease.21

Everything that has merits equally has demerits. Mutual vulnerability means member countries
are affected by one another’s actions. Political instability and wars have a way of spreading
across a regional block. The Zaire/DRC war threatened to destabilise the entire region of
Southern Africa with the influx of refugees into different neighbouring countries. The economies
of these countries came under pressure as a result of this leading to political tension in these
neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe, Lesotho and Angola.22

Again, the views of member countries do not always tally as there are usually stalemates and
disagreements on policies and mandates. Sometimes, they do not trust each other due to
ideological differences as discussed in the first part of this essay. Hitherto, there has been no
concrete stance or decision taken by the regional body on the Zimbabwe crisis. Different
countries support different parties to the quagmire, putting Zimbabwe into economic collapse.

18
Garthe le Pere, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerek, “Facing the New Millennium: South Africa’s Foreign Policy in a
Globalising World”, in Korwa, G. and Rok Ajulu (eds.) Globalisation and Emerging Trends in African
States’Foreign Policy-Making Process: A Comparative Perspective of Southern Africa, Ashgate, 2002, p. 157.
19
James Barber, Mandela’s World: The International Dimension of South Africa’s Political Revolution, 1990-99,
David Philip, Cape Town, 2004, p. 192
20
Herbert, Op. Cit. p.249.
21
Chhiba, Op.Cit. p.71.
22
Nel, Op.Cit, p. 282

5
Country like South Africa is threading very carefully so as not to be seen to interfere in the
internal affair of a Sovereign state rather than lead the crusade for economic sanctions to put
pressure on the Zimbabwe government for political reforms.23

Regional integration can lead to unbalance in trade and increase inequalities among countries. In
the case of SADC, instead of attracting direct foreign investment and a high volume of measure
of trade in goods and services among member countries, South Africa is the major trading
power. 63% of the region’s export and 59% of imports are accounted for by South Africa. This is
a clear case of unequal trade which makes South Africa to have most of the trade surpluses at the
detriment of other member states. In FDI, South Africa makes investments in other countries of
the region but there is no SADC investment in other SADC countries or in South Africa. For
example, South Africa’s investment in 1997 in Zambia is estimated at US$180 million
representing the largest FDI in Zambian economy that year.24 Also, regionalism suppose to
create interdependence among member countries but in this context, it has created dependency
relationships. For instance, the development of Lesotho is distorted because its economy is
structured to provide migrant labour to South African mines.25 The above assertion is not to be to
hard on South Africa and does not really represent a Marxists view but to show how things are in
the region.

CONCLSION

This essay has clarified the nature of regionalism in SADC enclave and the integration strategies
employed noted with its merits and demerits. The obstacles to intensifying trade within the
region have to be tackled if much progress is to be made in the regional alliance. Pan-
Africanism, regionalism and continentalism are terms usually used in Africa out of an urgency to
deal with political, economical and social crisis facing the region in particular and the continent
in general. The SADC should continue to stress developmental approach to integration and
recognise the fact that the social and human development is fundamental to the region’s
integration process. With the rising oil price and falling of export income in world trade, the
region has to use a more cut out approach to meet some other domestic challenges of respective
countries in the commission and further.

They should put into consideration this quote by a leading South African Economist, Andre
Roux:

The opening up and expansion of trade is often the first step to solid and sustainable economic
growth and development… but developing countries that rely heavily on primary commodities as
a major source of income are unlikely to share in the benefits of economic globalisation… they
therefore need to change the entire structure of their economies and focus more on the
26
production of goods and services that the world want to buy.
23
Ibid. p. 192
24
Nel, Op.Cit, p. 282
25
Graaff, J.: Introduction to Sociology: Poverty and Development, Oxford University Press, Cape Town, 2003, p. 36.
26
Andre Roux, Everyone,s Guide to the South African Economy. (7ed.), Zebra Press, Cape Town, 2002, p. 163

6
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barber, J.: Mandela’s World: The International Dimension of South Africa’s Political Revolution, 1990-
99, David Philip, Cape Town, 2004.
Chhiba, N. “The Southern African Development Community: An Overview” in South African Yearbook of
International Affairs, 2002/03, Vol. 7. Johannesburg.

Clapham, C. “Sub-Saharan Africa”, in Clapham, C. (ed.) Foreign Policy in Developing States: A

Comparative Approach, Praeger, New York, 1977.

Clapham, C. “The changing world of regional integration in Africa” in Clapham, C., et al, (eds.)
Regional Integration in Southern Africa: Comparative International Perspectives, SAIIA, Johannesburg,
2001 .

Gibb, R. “The state of regional integration: The Intra- and Inter-regional Dimensions” in Clapham, C.,
et al, (eds.)Regional Integration in Southern Africa: Comparative International Perspective, SAIIA,
Johannesburg, 2001.

Graaff, J.: Introduction to Sociology: Poverty and Development, Oxford University Press, Cape Town,
2003.

Herbert, R. “The African Union and Nepad in 2002: A Pivotal Year” in South African Yearbook of
International Affairs, 2002/03, Vol. 7. Johannesburg.

le Pere, G. “Doha, South Africa and the SADC Subregion” in South African Yearbook of International
Affairs, 2002/03, Vol. 7. Johannesburg.

le Pere, G. and van Nieuwkerek, A. “Facing the New Millennium: South Africa’s Foreign Policy in a
Globalising World”, in Korwa, G. and Rok Ajulu (eds.) Globalisation and Emerging Trends in African
States’Foreign Policy-Making Process: A Comparative Perspective of Southern Africa, Ashgate, 2002.

McGowan, P. “The regional sub-system of Southern Africa” in Nel, P and McGowan, P. (eds): Power,
Wealth and Global Order: An International Relations Textbook for Africa, University of Cape Town
Press, Cape Town, I999.

NEPAD, “Guidelines for Countries to Prepare for and Participate in the African Peer Review
Mechanism”, in NEPAD/APRM/Pannel3/guidelines/11-2003/Doc8.

Nduru, M. “Business in Africa tough” in News 24.com, 3 October, 2004.

Pfister, R. “South Africa’s Recent Foreign Policy Towards Africa: Issue and Literature” in Center for
International Studies, Zurich, 29 August 2000.

Roux, A. Everyone’s Guide to the South African Economy.(7ed.), Zebra Press, Cape Town, 2002.

SADC (1995) ‘Declaration Treaty and Protocol’, Gaborone.

van Niekerk, G. “Labour Matters: Changes to Immigration Act will be good for business” in Sunday
Times Business Times, Johannesburg, 26 September 2004.

7
8