South Africa has come a long way to taking its leadership role in Africa

through a very long walk to freedom despite many years of isolation,

economic sanctions and cold shoulders from world communities.

INTRODUCTION:

South African leaders and foreign policy makers have like an egg waiting to
be hatched been strategising their skills on how to deal with international
issues even while most of them were still on exile during apartheid era. The
1994 democratic election ushered in the African National Congress (ANC)
leadership and the questions is; are the leaders equal to the task?

This easy will look into reasons why President Thabo Mbeki advances an
African Renaissance vision in his foreign policy and vigorously support and
promote NEPAD globally. In order to do this, it is good to access the
importance of African renaissance being championed by President Mbeki of
South Africa and also look into reasons why the New Partnership for Africa
Development (NEPAD) should be embraced by African countries by making
use of different pieces of articles by different authors.

The keyword in South African foreign policy is “Walk on two legs” which is
focused on realising a broad vision where South Africa shall strive for peace,
stability, democracy and development in an African continent which is non-
sexist, prosperous and united towards a world that is just and equitable.1

AFRICAN RENAISSANCE:

The above elements are captured within the holistic vision of an African
Renaissance bringing in its wake peace, prosperity, democracy, sustainable
development, progressive leadership and good governance.2 This view was
supported by the then Foreign Affairs Minister Alfred Nzo (now late).

South Africa accepts three fundamental post-cold war realities; Firstly, the apparently untouchable
direction of the twin process of globalisation and liberation; the dominance of the market and concomitant
decrease in the sovereignty in sovereignty of states. Second, the apparent inability or unwillingness of some
leaders to act to bring an end to political oppression, human right abuses, conflicts within and among
states and corruption in all its facets. Third, the institutions of global governance, central to the
achievements of our aims must be restructured and refocused as a matter of priority.3
1
Mills, G. “Prisoner of Paradigm? Understanding SA’s Foreign Policy” in South African Yearbook of
International Affairs 2002/03, Vol. 7 Johannesburg P. 2
2
Ibid. P. 2 & Pityana, S. M. “Strategic Plan 2002-2005”, http://www.dfa.gov.za/department/straplan.htm ,
16 July 2001, P. 2
3
Stremlau, J. “African Renaissance and International Relations” in Makgobe, M. W. (ed) African
Renaissance: The New Struggle, Mafube, Tafelberg, Cape Town, 1999, P. 102
1
IMPORTANCE OF AFRICAN RENAISSANCE TO SOUTH AFRICA.

Before Nzo’s comment, former President Nelson Mandela first spoke of it in

June 1994. He suggested that instead of repeating that the continent is poor
and unstable, “we must say that there is no obstacle big enough to stop us
from bringing an African Renaissance.” Yet, while Mandela initiated the
idea, it was Mbeki who developed it as a rallying cry for the benighted
continent.4 The two leaders foresaw the importance of this concept.

A country’s foreign policy is a true reflection or mirror of her domestic

policies. A better life for all in South Africa is being pursued to be a better
life for all in Africa. Thus, the importance of African Renaissance to South
Africa include; firstly, economic recovery of Africa as a result of stable
democracy and sound economic policies. Secondly, the establishment of
political democracy throughout Africa means tensions and conflicts are
eased within African continent. This creates chances for regional
cooperation in economic development.

Third, the mobilisation of the people of Africa to take their destiny into their
own hands, thus preventing the continent from being a place for the
attainments of geopolitical and strategic interests of the world’s most
powerful countries.

Lastly, the fast development of people-driven and people-centred economic

growth and development aimed at meeting basic needs is another importance
of African Renaissance.5 These points will make more meaning in the next
subheading.

Critically, it was difficult to believe that a country with rich history of

apartheid, racism and white supremacy (economically) will spearhead a
Renaissance in the rest of Africa. However, recent events to be discussed
later proved this assertion wrong.

NEPAD

Just like the African Renaissance, which became possible because Africans
have entered into a new partnership with the rest of the world on the basis of
what Africa has determined is correct route to its own development.
4
Barber, J.: Mandela’s World: The International Dimension of South Africa’s Political Revolution 1990-
99, David Phillip, Cape Town, 2004, P. 124
5
Ibid. P.102
2
Thus, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is an
instrument to advance people-centred development in Africa, based on
democratic value and principles. It is the focal point and overall strategic
framework for the engagement of development initiatives and programmes
in Africa.

Before the formation of NEPAD, several efforts have been made to put
Africa in limelight. Subsequently, African leaders have agreed on the need
for an African Peer Review Mechanism to ensure that together we are able
to reflect on the manner in which one of us works, in accordance with the
agreements that are important for development in our countries. For the first
time in the history of Organisation African Unity (OAU) the OAU 25th
Summit in Algeria in July 1999 voted for democracy, a resolution was
passed that will isolate any government that comes into power by force of
arms. This was an affirmative of 1991 Harare Commonwealth Declaration
against undemocratic government. It was also a parting gift for former South
African President Nelson Mandela who had canvassed the idea at the
Organisation’s Summit in Burkina Faso in 1998.6

The immediate apprehension of NEPAD is that it is a merger of Millennium

African Recovery Plan (MAP) proposed by President Mbeki (South Africa),
Obasanjo (Nigeria) and Bouteflika (Algeria) and the OMEGA Plan proposed
by President Wade of Senegal. At the OAU Summit held in Lusaka in July
2001,the merged programme was approved as the new African Initiative
(NAI) and endorsed in the same month in Genoa by the leaders of G-8. Its
policy framework was agreed by the Heads of State Implementation
Committee at Abuja in October 2001. The name NEPAD was adopted at the
meeting.7 It is important to note that President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt and
the other four Presidents mentioned earlier are the members of the
implementation committee, being headed by Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria.

ELEMENTS OF NEPAD.

Essentially, NEPAD’s strategic framework consists of five main elements.

The insistence on African Ownership, responsibility, and leadership and the

building of capacity to play this role. Africa has woken from its slumber and
realise that she has to put her house in order on its own before crying for
help.
6
Akpata-Ohohe, B. “Actions … Louder Than Words” in Africa Today, Vol. 5, No. 8, August 1999, P. 37
7
Ohiorheman, J. “NEPAD and …Underdevelopment” in New Agenda, 3 rd Quarter, 2002, P. 9
3
This is only way it cannot be deduced to “Western Puppet”.8

Second is the focus on developing a new partnership with the industrialised

countries and multi-lateral organisations on the basis of mutual
commitments and obligations. With detailed programme of action and
projects linked to specific time frames for implementation and funding
which is agreed upon, NEPAD hopes to maintain the myriad of existing
Africa-oriented international initiatives such as Poverty Reduction Strategy
Papers (PRSP) and the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act. It expects,
however, to rationalise these to ensure that real benefits to Africa flow from
there.9

The commitment to an enabling economic environment by ensuring macro-

economic stability and maintaining transparency and accountability in
institutional support mechanisms for the market is the third element. The
economic environment for business to be done on a clean slate without
bribes and hanky-panky is very encouraging. This includes copyright laws or
intellectual property laws.10

Fourthly, the commitment to nurturing an enabling socio-political

environment by minimising conflict and promoting democracy and human
rights is another element.11 Some of the realities on NEPAD’s initiative are
evident in “Liberian solution” which is an indication that Africans are now
resolved to take charge as their own policeman. Thus, Charles Taylor (the
former President) was forced to step down from power and go to exile in
Nigeria. This move was initiated by the leaders of West African States and
gained momentum in the African union (AU) via Presidents Olusegun
Obasanjo of Nigeria and Thabo Mbeki of South Africa.12

Finally, sub-regional and continental economic integration is being

promoted. It is not the first development plan for Africa, however, is new in
the same that for the first time, African leaders have taken initiative and have
themselves conceptualised the programme for the reconstructions of the
continent.13
8
Ibid. P. 9
9
IOC. Cit and Ohiorheman, J. , Op. Cit. P. 3
10-11
Ibid. P. 9
12
Karioki, J. “Liberia reveals Africa’s New Resolve” in Sunday Times, Johannesburg 17 Aug. 2003, P.17
13
Ibid. P. 9

4
WILL NEPAD SURVIVE?

A tough negotiation over NEPAD, which promises democracy and good

governance in return for billions of dollars in Western investments, aid and
debt relief, making it brutally clear that unless the continent’s leaders do
more to halt corruption, respect human rights and act against dictators in
their midst, instead of pretending too concerned with members’ sovereignty,
they cannot expect any aid, investment or political partnership with the rich
developed world of the G-8.

In view of the above realities, African leaders whose countries are members
of NEPAD have declared the following below to ensure that it does not
become an unrealistic dream. Strengthening mechanisms for conflict
prevention, management and resolution. Conflict resolution in Sierra Leone,
Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi and other South African
Development Community (SADC) has ensured there is no spill over effects
of refugee problems and social problems.14

Promoting and protecting democracy and human rights, as well as restoring

and maintaining macro-economic stability are some of the goodies from
NEPAD if the policies will be well implemented. Also, the reduction and
elimination of unstable debt for the mobilisation of domestic capital to
increase the levels investments. This will further increase the intra-Africa
trade and improve African asses to modern technologies of various kinds15

Others are; instituting transparent legal and regulating framework for

financial markets; revitalising and extending education, technical training
and health services, with high priority to HIV/AIDS, malaria and other
communicable diseases.
Also, building the capacity of African states to set and enforce legal
framework and maintain law and order; and promoting the development of
infrastructures and its diversification into agro-industries and
manufacturing.16

Increasingly, South Africa is both seen and is behaving as an integral part of

the African continent, particularly the SADC region and NEPAD
communities in general.
14
Ohiorheman, J., Op. Cit. P. 12
15
Ibid. P. 12
16
IOC. Cit

5
Far from being marketed as little Europe, the country is treating Africa’s
problem as its own through its preventive diplomacy, peace enforcement,
peace making, peacekeeping and post-conflict peace building measures.
Preventive diplomacy refers to action undertaken in order to “prevent
disputes from arising between parties to prevent existing disputes from
escalating into conflicts and to limit the spread of the latter when they
occur”. Examples of “action” would include confidence-building measures,
fact-finding and early warning. According to Gareth Evans, Iraq’s invasion
of Kuwait would be an example of failure to use preventive diplomacy,
whilst the canning of North Korea’s nuclear activities in 1998 would be an
example of early and successful preventive diplomacy.

AMBIGUITY IN NEPAD

Before looking at some of the ambiguity in NEPAD, there is nothing to

loose in sharing some pessimisms that NEPAD may well prove to be pie on
the sky as most members of the G-8 are likely to concentrate on talks of
reviving the wobbly international economy, war against terrorism rebuilding
Iraq and how to contend nuclear threats from two remaining “axis of evil”
countries (Iran and North Korea).17

Others like President Muammar Al-Qaddafi of Libya believe that NEPAD is

another form of “Western neo-imperialism” or neo-colonialist venture.18

Ironically, President Mbeki of South Africa is championing NEPAD and its

programme but back home thousands of people are dying daily from the
scourge of HIV/AIDS. Until recently, he failed to come up with a
comprehensive plan to combat the pandemic but rather accused the CIA and
Western pharmaceutical companies of spreading the disease in order to hold
Africa in permanent bondage.19 How then does this go in line with NEPAD’s
rhetoric?

Having seen some of these pessimisms, it now gives a clear picture of some
of the complexities of NEPAD.
17
Whiteman, K. “Drowning in the Watyers of Evian in Africa Today, Vol. 9, No. 7, July 2003, P. 13
18
Herbert, R. “The African Union and NEPAD in 2002: A Pivotal Year” in South African Yearbook of
International Affairs 2002/03, Vo. 7, Johannesburg, P. 247
19
Owen, K. “Death of a Civil Servant” in Africa Today, Vol. 6, No. 12, Dec. 2000, P. 25

6
Africa has poor record of leadership and governance. With Qaddafi rejecting
the NEPAD’s initiatives, AU leaders sought to appease him by expanding
the NEPAD implementation committee to include Libya whose policies
defers from NEPAD ideals. This shows inconsistency and sort of bending
the rules to co-opt a challenge instead of sticking to their guns.20

The AU members have accepted the idea that the Organisation should take a
more active interventionist posture than the old OAU. However, the
modalities for such intervention as suggested by NEPAD’S leaders still
remain unclear. This is because of the adoption of Peace and Security
Council (PSC) protocol, which allows only nations that have the financial
and military ability to contribute to peacekeeping operations. The criteria for
the PSC membership are vague as there is no clear mechanism to justify who
is qualified or not.21

The roadmap does not deal, however, with how specific responsibilities are
assigned; how the multitude of agents will be coordinated; who the
approving agents is/are, and indeed with what specific authority NEPAD
activities are being undertaken. The question of authority is, perhaps, the
fundamental challenge of NEPAD. NEPAD emerged as a proposal of a few
African Heads of State as buttressed earlier in this essay. While it was
approved by the OAU, its status is still not clear. It has subsiding
relationship to the AU or coequal relationship to be fair. With such
ambiguity of institutional form, NEPAD can hardly become the “veritable
mechanism for the reconstruction of Africa” that its champions want it to
be.22 The ambiguity is further reflected in the fact that NEPAD is projected
simultaneously as a club (membership of which must be earned) as is on
inclusive association (membership of which derives essentially from the
AU). This means certain criteria must be met which must be determined by
the Peer Review Mechanism which does not seem to have specific criteria to
Peer Review intending members.23

A more subtle but no less worrying ambiguity lies in the fact that the
organisational structure assigns leadership of task teams to independent,
unrelated agencies and of subcommittee to countries. Some rationalisation is
clearly called for.24
20
Herbert, R.., Op. Cit. P. 248
21
Herbert, R. ; Op. Cit. P. 249
22
Ohiorheman, J., Op. Cit, P. 15
23
IOC. Cit
24
Ibid. P. 15

7
CONCLUSION:

Policies backed up with actions always see the light of the day, be it African
Renaissance or NEPAD initiatives. While the distractions of terrorism,
confusion in Iraq and US Presidential elections have diverted the attention of
the world away from Africa and NEPAD, 2004 promises to be more
difficult. NEPAD should make communication its top priority; if it is the
answer to Africa’s problem. NEPAD needs to be explained in terms of
tangible benefits that are achievable. This suggests that what Africa needs is
more coordination, which is not exactly the making of an invigorating
political movement. In other words, if its architects want the African public
to embrace it and take the crucial step of demanding that their leaders enact
it, NEPAD must move beyond the theoretical level of discourse that has
dominated it so far, and initiate practical programmes.25

It would be fundamentally wrong and a radically regressive act for NEPAD

to see to undermine the obligatory nature of the provisions of the AU
concerning political governance. To subject political governance to PRM
would make compliance with the prescriptions about democracy and human
rights contained, for instance; in the Constitutive Act, open to “horse
trading” among the member states that would have acceded to PRM.26

NEPAD’s origins lie in the welcome undertaking that Africa was ready to
confront endemic conflict and instability and to engage the world as an equal
part according to John F. E. Ohiorheman. He continues;

…it is unnecessary complex substantive and institutional form could turn out to be a fundamental
constraint. Moreover, the extra-vetted nature of its campaign age may undermine the topic of African
ownership, which is NEPAD’s responsibilities. Unless African leaders search for partnership is grounded
in the aspirations and support of their people, NEPAD will fall far short of its possibilities.27

On governance and human right abuses related issues, Zimbabwe is a

glaring example. The manner with which the crisis in that country is
resolved will mar or make the credibility of NEPAD’s leadership. Africa
must stop living in a dream but dream to live.
25
Herbert, R., Op. Cit. P. 255
26
Mbeki, T. “Critics Ill-informed about Nepad Peer Review” in ANC Today, Vol. 2, No. 45, 8 Nov. 2002
27
Ohiorheman, J.; Op. Cit. P. 17