1

Introduction

After defeats in several wars in the past, China learnt to make peaceful economic progress by
attracting as many friends as it could. With a population of roughly 1, 3 billion, this largest
developing country has acquired deepening economic integration into the various facets of the
global economy. The positive result to this wise move is its emergence as an economic and
political power with major influence in Africa it sees as the largest developing continent1.
Similarly, the post-colonial conundrum of multiple motives and meager means has left African
countries a slim chance to strive to become active participants and claimants in the international
arena2. African governments realised the severe constraints on the freedom of actors
(governments) in developing countries during the cold-war periods. African decision makers
were constrained by the need to consolidate power and meet socio-economic demands at home
setting the stage for the reshaping of economic and political relationships with China3. With the
perceived sympathy shown by China to Africa because of its some sort of colonial experience in
1800s by Western governments of France, Britain, France, US , Germany and, Portugal, Beijing
has portrayed itself as the leader of the Third World countries. It is against this background that
this essay discusses the extent to which “informed observers” see China’s engagement in Africa
as predatory on one hand and as a friend in the other hand. Numerous examples will be drawn
from so many African countries to support both sides of the argument. To understand these
opposing opinions, this writer shall first and foremost give some brief overviews of China’s
foreign policy to understand why China behaves the way it does and relate it to the Forum on
China-Africa Co-operation (FOCAC) and the Africa policy of China announced on 12 January
2006. Of note is the fact that this writer believes that the so called informed observers only report
what they want to report to suit who they represent and this writer shall give some first hand
information based on personal interaction and experience with some of those concerned on this
issue.

1
Thompson, D., “China’s Emerging Interests in Africa: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa and the United
States” in African Renaissance Journal, University of Lisbon Press, Lisbon, July/August, 2005, p. 20.
2
Clapham, C., “Sub-Saharan Africa”, in Clapham, C. (ed.) Foreign Policy in Developing States: A Comparative
Approach, Praeger, New York, I997, P. 79.
3
Loc cit.
 2

Brief overview of China’s foreign policy, FOCAC and China’s New African policy

A traditional view of China’s foreign policy shows its predictability in shaping of policies put up
by the different successive governments under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from Mao
Tse Tung to the current leader Hu Jintao. The policies of this East Asia country are usually
normative and give foes and friends alike an easy assessment and inkling of what it does and
likely to do. Just like every other country, especially the rich North, China’s foreign policy is
driven by national interest (mercantilist as it may appear in this context) to protect her strategic
interest so as to sustain her physical survival. More so, it has strived to establish itself in the
international affairs though with a totally different ideology from those offered by the West.
Thus, holds to a strict interpretation of sovereignty and professed adherence to peaceful co-
existence with other countries. Meaning, “the five principles of peaceful co-existence so as to
continue to peace, stability and common prosperity around the world”.4 China’s position in world
affairs has always been guided by these five principles and has been translated and captured into
the holistic vision of FOCAC which was launched in Beijing 2000. There is a firm commitment
on part of China to use this forum to advance its Declaration of the Program for China-Africa
Cooperation in Economic and Social Development and the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-
Addis Ababa Action Plan (2004-2006). China and Africa meet every three years under the above
mentioned umbrella to discuss multilateral co-operations and support each other in global
diplomatic arena.5

Hu’s visit to Africa recently afforded him the opportunity to reassure African governments
Beijing’s commitment to this course. Though there is contrasting interest and views from both
parties on issues of democracy and human rights but have managed to work together for the
common good of all the parties concerned.6 Discussions have focused on development assistance,
trade, economic integration and featuring long term stability, equality and mutual benefits. These
discussions formed the aims of the China’s African Policy:

4
Thompson, D., Op. Cit. p. 26.
5
Registration System for Overseas Chinese Invested Enterprises (Organizations): “China’s African Policy” in
BEIJING REVIEW, No. 10. Beijing, March 9, 2006, p. 14. 6Ibid. p. 20 and Hale, D., “China’s Economic Takeoff
Implications for Africa”, in Brenthurst Discussion Papers, Chicago, 1/2006, p. 10.
 3

First on the list are sincerity, friendship and equality, which proposes that China respects African
counties independence and offer supports in unifying the continent of Africa. Secondly, China
will offer support to African countries in their efforts to attain economic development through
mutual benefit, reciprocity and common prosperity. Mutual support and close coordination with
Africa in United Nations (UN) and other multilateral gatherings is being advocated through this
proposal, is the last but not the list. The two parties are being encouraged to learn from each other
in development efforts to find areas for improvement.7 So, China arguably believes in one good
turn deserving another. Nonetheless, the above guiding principles of China-Africa relations have
been possible and being carried out in different styles by China to suit its interest well. This
strategy of “bread and butter” is discussed in the next following two sub-headings based on the
FOCAC and the new Africa policy principles of China already enumerated.

China as a partner in progress

China’s interest in Africa grew stronger especially after the events of 9/11. America’s adoption of
“pre-emptive strike” and “regime change” where possible as evident in Iraq and Afghanistan kept
PRC worried as to the intensions and long-term objectives of Washington. Beijing embarked in
search for strategic partners.8 The country is often accused of working “against US global interest
in general”9 but she is just trying to solidify her global interest as well. Part of this ploy is to
recognise the need to court votes from Africa in multilateral organisations such as the World
Trade Organization (WTO) and UN. Africa has the largest single bloc of votes in these
multilateral settings and this is more possible to form partners because the political and economic
interest of China and Africa do not necessarily clash deeply. Also, China is working very hard to
derail if not eliminate Taiwan’s little diplomatic recognition in Africa by forming a lot of bilateral
co-operations with various African governments.

7
Ibid. p. 20.
8
Alden, C., “China-Africa Relations: The end of the Beginning” in Draper, P and le Pere, G. (eds.) Enter the Dragon,
SAIIA, Johannesburg, 2005, p. 142.
9
Shelton, G., “US Foreign Policy in East Asia: China, Taiwan and the Korean Peninsula” in South African Yearbook
of International Affairs, 2002/03, SAIIA, Johannesburg, p.348.
 4

For instance, it invited the eight African countries that recognises Taiwan to the Addis Ababa
Summit in 2003 to find a way of convincing them otherwise in the diplomatic recognition battle
between her and Taipei.10 So, this co-operation has been made possible by willingness of Africa
to learn and do business with a country widely perceived to be the next superpower. Her rise in
power clearly appeals to many looking for models of success that do not threaten established
governments. It has cultivated relationships with all the African countries through provision of
aid, technical expertise and diplomatic support in a more multi-polar post-cold war
environment.11

In drawing the attentions of African government, China has been offering unalloyed support to
African countries especially in the establishment of the Organization of African Unity
(OAU)/African Union (AU). It has also helped in the implementation of the programme of the
New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), and promoting the process of regional and
sub-regional co-operation. Despite the different political ideologies of good governance and
human rights being upheld by NEPAD initiative as against the totalitarian practices of the
Chinese authority, both have worked impressively in conflict resolution and peace keeping in
Africa through a UN supported mission. The AU’s Peace and Security Council (PSC) stipulate
direct intervention in the internal affairs of a member state and China has supported this efforts in
2005 even though it does not usually do so by sending 600 peacekeepers in Liberia and worked
with African peacekeepers in UN-sanctioned operation in that country to promote peace and
stability.12

Also, China has vetoed most decisions in the UN Security Council with its veto powers and
turned down economic sanctions against some African counties in the past such as Nigeria in
1995, Sudan in 2005 and Zimbabwe in 2005.13

10
Alden, C. Op. Cit. p. 143.
11
Loc cit.
10
Alden, C. Op. Cit. p. 148
12
Alden, C. Op. Cit. p. 137. and “The New Playing Field: China’s Rising Role” in Report by the Independent Task
Force, More than Humanitarianism: A strategic U.S. Approach Toward Africa, Council on Foreign Relations, Vol. 6,
p. 50.
 5

In another broader development, Beijing has encouraged pragmatic co-operation with Africa by
offering aid, build infrastructure and encourage economic and human development in Africa by
investing where other Western countries fear or dread.14 It has built foreign ministries in Uganda
and Djibouti for those governments and constructed sports stadiums in Mali, Djibouti and Central
African Republic for sports development in those countries. Apart from constructing Tanzam
railway linking Tanzania and Zambia, it has also built houses of parliament for Mozambique and
Gabon in Maputo and Libraville respectively putting projects China is involved with in Africa to
800. China trains about 10,000 Africans yearly free of charge with the support of African Human
Resources Development Fund contributing to the continent’s human development. Since 1963,
15,000 Chinese doctors have worked in 47 African counties and treated nearly 180 million cases.
940 Chinese doctors were still working in Africa in 2003.15

In 1999, People Republic of China (PRC) donated $200,000 to combat drought in the Horn of
Africa, and also $610,000 was donated to fight drought in Darfur. On more economic
dispensation, 31 African counties debts owed to China to the tune of $1, 27 billion was cancelled
in 2003 during one of its trianual gatherings with African governments. Debt cancellation has
reached $10 billion to date from China. Interestingly, China does not mix business with politics
and do not attach political and economic conditionality criteria when offering aid or loan to
African government as in Angola and Zimbabwe cases. Both countries were given $2 billion and
$6 million respectively with the president of the later even making a trip to Beijing in 2005 to
seek for more loans.16 This similar gesture has offered African counties alternatives to scrutinise
the stringent conditionalities of International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other Western donors
when in need of economic aids and loans.17

14
Log.Cit. and Ibid. p.45.
15
Ibid. p. 42 and Wilson111, E.J., “China’s Influence in Africa: Implications for U.S. Policy” Testimony before the
Sub-committee an Africa, Human Rights and International Operations U.S. House of Representatives Washington,
D.C., Council for International Development and Conflict Management, University of Maryland, College Park, 28
July, 2005, p. 11.
16
Peta, B., “Mugabe returns from China without securing a $1-billion loan” in The Sunday Independent Business
Report, Johannesburg, 31 July, 2005, p. 1.
17
Council on Foreign Relations, Op. Cit. p. 51 and Aiden, C., Op. Cit. p.144.
 6

China has created avenue for trade relations with the continent to improve greatly. Chinese
tourists visiting Africa has increased to 1110,000 in 2005 according to statistic from the Chinese
Ministry of Public Security. Trade between China and Africa in 2005 stood at $39, 7 billion,
investment of about $1, 25 billion and has over 800 Chinese-funded companies in Africa. It
imports 28% of Africa’s oil and reversed a long decline of prices of resources from Africa such
as copper, gold, aluminum, nickel and timber thereby given African exporters economic boost.18
Since 2000, it has signed 40 trade agreements to encourage market motives. PRC is also the
major investor in copper production in war-turn Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and has
also invested $170 million in Zambia’s copper and other minerals.19

Following the withdrawal of some Western oil companies in Sudan (accused of genocide and
habouring terrorist groups) in 1995, China became the major investor in oil in that country
through the Chinese National Petroleum Corporation by buying 40% of the countries oil stake.
This move sustained the economy of Sudan and it exported oil for the very first time in 1999 with
production output of 310,000 barrels of oil per day.20

Again, in Nigeria, China is taking risk where others dare to do business especially in the volatile
Niger-Delta region not devoid of kidnapping of oil workers, bunkering and interruptions of
productions of oil by some indigenes of the host areas. It has been granted exploration rights in
Nigeria last week as a mark of recognition of its efforts.21 Aforesaid, it becomes more interesting
to see in the next sub-heading the real reasons behind China’s good investments and aid to
Africa besides US’s threat, Africa’s support and its flexing of muscles with Taiwan in Africa.

18
Council on Foreign Relations, Op. Cit. p. 42.
19
Aiden, C., Op. Cit. p.141.
20
Thompson, D., Op.Cit. p. 25.
21
Council on Foreign Relations, Op. Cit. p. 45. and Nigeria to Offer China Exploration Licenses,
http://www.rigzone.com/newws/article_pf.asp?a_id=31620, 10 May, 2006, p.1.
 7

China as an unfriendly friend (predator)

There is a conventional wisdom of “all that glitters is not gold” in Africa which often advises
people in the continent to become suspicious or get uncomfortable if someone is trying to be too
good or too friendly to you which has been neglected in this context of China’s involvements in
Africa. Through her pragmatic and yet amoral foreign policy, it has based its policy on seeking
for natural resources, in particular oil just like any other Western country and lock up it up by
becoming some sort of uncle for many of the same African rogue regimes loathed by the West.
Also, her strong economic and military power and is increasingly using “soft power” for its own
geostrategic goals.22 This communist country masquerades and covers up with a reminder to the
rest of the world about the famous 1972 historic Shanghai communiqué the then US President
Richard Nixon and Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai signed which acknowledged the
“essential difference… in the both social systems and foreign policies”23 of both countries. These
differences it claims did not lead to major disagreements and they agreed to “conduct their
relations on the principles of non-aggression against other states, non-interference in the internal
affairs of other states, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence”.24

Beijing usually manipulates the above comment to carry out its activities in different parts of the
world and often gets involved in destabilising activities and arms proliferations in the continent.
For example, it armed both Ethiopia and Eritrea during their 1998 war just to sell arms. Also, it
did use its UN veto power to block pressure on Omar Hassan al-Bashir to halt violence in Darfur
and rather armed the government to carry out the on going horrendous genocide in that country
which has now spilled over to neighbouring Chad. Chinese made weapons were recently seen
used by rebels to attack Chad capital in middle of April 2006. Now, war has continued in Darfur
after failures of the rebel factions to reach agreements in Abuja with one of the factions reported
to have the backing of the Chinese authority not to reach any compromise with the other
factions.25

22
Aiden, C., Op. Cit. p.142.
23
Sariolgham, M., “Cutting a Deal with Tehran” in Newsweek, 24 April, 2005, p. 29.and Council on Foreign
Relations, Op. Cit. p. 45.
24
Log. Cit. 25Sparks, J., “China’s New Best Friends” in Newsweek, 24 April, 2006, p. 16.
 8

It is easy to dictate that Beijing’s support for NEPAD is just a charade because of the divergent
views of China’s policy from that of NEPAD. There is little or no element of surprise with
regards to lack of financial support by China for this African initiative. Besides, PRC see
democracy campaigners as revolutionaries who want to overthrow the CCP which means she is
not the right support for upholding what NEPAD stands for. Again, a country that usually have
87,000 public-order disturbances yearly and grappling with domestic issues by putting its health
care, social security and education responsibilities in the hands of local government does not look
convincing to offer much aid to Africa.26

In another development, Beijing usually feels reluctant to send peacekeepers to Africa even when
their help were sought. The only time it did so was when Liberia renounced its diplomatic
recognition of Taiwan. It had even before that time supported rebel factions to fight the ruling
government of that country. Talk about wolf in sheep clothing.27

Many countries in Africa have become more comfortable with China’s neutral approach
especially those seen as Pariah States. Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwe president is coveted by
China for coal and platinum control which are mined with tax breaks. In return, he gets cash and
arms to prop up the government in power. Similarly, China gave $2 billion credit line to Jose dos
Santos of Angola to build schools, house and infrastructural facilities shattered by civil war. This
was done to get cheap oil and ease pressure on the government to improve on economic
transparency being canvassed by IMF and Western donors.28

China’s interest in dealing with Africa can also be said to be “motivated by parochial concerns to
seek energy and take it where it can”.29 Some informed observers describe this as energy-hungry
mercantilist foreign policy. It is important to mention that apart from oil quest, it is engaged in
massive extraction of other raw materials as pointed out in the preceding sub-heading of this
essay.

26
Danlang, H.B., “Inside the Pitchfork Rebellion” in TIME, Vol. 167, No. 11, 13 March, 2006, p. 25.
27
Log.Cit
28
Log.Cit.
29
Sparks, J., Op.Cit. p. 17.
 9

China has exacerbated and become some sort of mechanisms of underdevelopment in the region
through lack of investment proper. Investments/developments where possible are done in isolated
enclaves, just to expand their operations and export raw materials to China such as the
construction of TanZam railway line.30

Furthermore, this East Asia country has encouraged corruption, autocratic rule and abuse of
human right in African countries such as in Sudan, Zimbabwe and Nigeria. Arguably, a country
that procures organs from its prisoners and claim falsely that the prisoners gave consent to it
should not be blamed if they do not understand the meaning of corruption. It rather calls it
“Christmas gift”. Chinese officials have been accused of colluding with the ruling governments
in some African countries to loot state funds and send to bank accounts in Asia. Ironically, these
funds are in turn loaned to developing African countries with high interest repayment rates to
China. So, that is why it is easy for China to cancel some Africa’s debts buoyed initially by
Africa’s money.31

Still on corruption, wealth generated from these natural resources is distributed

disproportionately where possible among few elites in Africa and to section of the population that
supports the government while security and military tools are built and supplied by China to
quash people seen as oppositions. Patronage politics is the order of the day in some of these
countries with political posts depending on the clique one belongs to rather than power of ballots.
Nigeria and Zimbabwe fall under this category. Similarly, getting a job in public service in these
counties depends mainly on connections/contacts rather than qualifications and skills. As a result,
they have also become “rentier states” whereby it is earning income without paying taxes
according to the level of people in government one knows or how connected and not how
qualified/ hardworking.32

30
Graaff, J.: Introduction to Sociology: Poverty and Development, Oxford University Press, Cape Town, 2003, p. 38
31
Gerlin, A., “China’s Grim Harvest’ in TIME, Vol. 167, No. 18, 1 May 2006, p. 12 and Ibid. p. 38
32
Skocpol, T.: Social Revolution in the Third World, Cambridge University Press, UK. 1994, p. 242.
 10

More importantly, China has neither environmental law of its own nor a signatory to Kyoto
protocol and therefore it does not care about environmental degradation in the host communities
its companies extract raw materials and oil. China often uses cheap products to construct factories
and assembly lines which sometimes collapses and leads to loss of lives across the continent. Just
last week, 200 people were killed in Lagos, Nigeria as a result of oil blast from pipe lines
imported from China and their bodies were even charred. In early 1990s, some Chinese
businessmen collaborated with some corrupt Nigeria customs officials to dump toxic waste
materials in Nigeria which later led to the outbreak of laser fever and meningitis. Reports of oil
bunkering or illegal exploration and exportation of oil by Chinese and some corrupt Nigeria
nationals are common practice.33

Lastly, Chinese businessmen use intimidating tactics in doing business all over the world.
Always attending meetings in large group to out number their counter parts and often bid lower
than usual cost in projects than their competitors with the support of its government. African
businessmen are not spared from falling victims to this underhand tactics. It is generally believed
that these Chinese businessmen even operate at a loss but do have ways of making up the loss
through methods best known to them. For example, textiles exports to United States from some
African countries have been grounded as a result of Chinese exports to US at lower prices.
China’s export to Africa is $39, 7 billion in 2005 compared to $21 billion import from Africa in
the same year thereby leaving trade deficits in the continent.34 Besides, there are emergences of
“Chinatowns” where large numbers of Chinese immigrants and temporary workers settle and do
business. Again, some imports by China from Africa on woods come from unsound logging
practices encouraged by China. This has led to deforestation of many forests in Africa and also
deprives governments of revenues.35

33
Ofoegbu, C., Champion Newspaper, Telephone discussions, Johannesburg, 12 May, 2006 and Moyela, M., “Fires
in the Delta” in Africa Today, London, August 2000, p. 10.
34
China-Africa Economic…to be Win-Win, http://www.china.org.cn/english/features/HujintaoUS/167307.htm, 5
May, 2006, p. 1.
35
Council on Foreign Relations, Op. Cit. p. 46 & 49.
 11

This blossoming Sino and Africa trade relationship is very much in favour of China and they are
not doing anything to bridge the asymmetric in this partnership. Local/infant industries in Africa
and merchant traders have been put out of business as a result of flood of cheap imports from
China. Is China really a friend of Africa? The comment below of a flabbergasted African
diplomat from Benin on treatment melted out to his native country gives a very good clue.

We‘re a socialist-Marxist state, we‘ve had 30 years of or relations with the Peoples Republic of China and yet they bypassed us to
go to Gabon. This tells me that China has no friends-only interest (International Herald Tribune, 8 September 2004).36

Conclusion

In this essay, the manners in which China has been a friend on one hand and a predator in the
other hand in Africa has been discussed with the predatory features of China more active in this
Sino-Africa relation. There should be more avenues for dialogue and improvements of the
relations for parties involved rather than forming another master-servant relationship or new form
of neo-imperialism. China should endavour to become a responsible player in the global system
and go beyond passive commitment and actively work with established powers on resolving
international economic and political problems. Pan-Africanism, regionalism and continentalism
are terms usually used in Africa out of an urgency to deal with political, economic and social
issues facing the region. However, Africa should be more careful, unified and encourage
themselves first of all before looking up externally and be shrewd in negotiations with other
external bodies/countries and not to be goaded or manipulated into the so called south-south and
G-77 co-operations. Also, with the world’s pre-occupation with the events in Iraq, Iran and North
Korea, Africa must learn to be their own saviour militarily, economically and politically by
looking inwardly rather than waiting for external helps.

36
Aiden, C., Op. Cit. p.151.
 12

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SAIIA, Johannesburg, 2005.

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2006.

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Danlang, H.B., “Inside the Pitchfork Rebellion” in TIME, Vol. 167, No. 11, 13 March, 2006.

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Graaff, J.: Introduction to Sociology: Poverty and Development, Oxford University Press, Cape Town, 2003.
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Registration System for Overseas Chinese Invested Enterprises (Organizations): “China’s African Policy” in
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 13

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