UNIVERSITYOFCALIFORNIA SantaBarbara SharingSaints,Shrines,andStories:PracticingPluralisminNorthIndia PartII ADissertationsubmittedinpartialsatisfactionofthe RequirementsforthedegreeDoctorofPhilosophy inReligiousStudies by AnnaBarryBigelow Committeeincharge: ProfessorDwightF.Reynolds,DepartmentofReligiousStudies,Chair ProfessorJuanE.Campo,DepartmentofReligiousStudies ProfessorRogerFriedland,DepartmentsofReligiousStudiesandSociology ProfessorR.StephenHumphreys,DepartmentofHistory ProfessorGurinderSinghMann,DepartmentofReligiousStudies ProfessorDavidG.

tudies ProfessorDavidG.White,DepartmentofReligiousStudies March2004

 SharingSaints,Shrines,andStories:PracticingPluralisminNorthIndia Copyright2004 by AnnaBarryBigelow

Acknowledgments ImustfirstthankGurinderSinghMannwhobroughtme(initiallyagainstmywill)to

Punjab.IntendingtostudyUrduinthesummerof1999,Dr.MannconvincedmethatIcoulddo itinPunjabonhissummerstudyprogram.AlthoughskepticalthatIwouldfindanUrduteacher, ormanyMuslims,inIndianPunjab,hispassionandvisionwonmeoverandsoIwasprivileged tobetheguestofPunjabforsixweeksthatsummerandtoreturnforsixteenmonthsin20002001.PunjabisacomplicatedandwonderfulplaceLandofFiveRivers,homelandofthe Sikhs,breadbasketofSouthAsia,gatewaytothesubcontinent.Theseepithetsonlyscratchthe surfaceofthemanyidentitiesandstoriesthatanimatethelandscape.Havinghadtheprivilege andtheopportunitytospendaconsiderabletimeinapartofIndiathatisnotoftenvisitedby touristsdomesticorforeignIhaveaparticularresponsibilitytoconveysomethingofthe placetothosewhoareinterestedinPunjab,minorityreligiouscommunities,Muslimlifeand inter-religiousrelationsinIndia,andthequalityofsharedsacredspace.Forthosewhofallinto anyofthesecategories,Ihopethisworkwillbeofvalueandinterest.Iwritefrommyown experienceandbegtheforgivenessofthosewhomaydisagreeorobjecttoanythingportrayedin thesepages.Ialsowritewiththeenormousweightofimpossibledebtsofgratitudetothemany, manypeoplewhosustainedmefromJuly2000totheendofNovember2001.Thereareno wordssufficient,andIsuspectthatinmanycasesmyeffortstothankthesegenerouspeople wouldresultintheoft-repeateddismissal,"tsk,noformality!" Someformalityisduehowevertothemanypeopleandinstitutionsthatsupportedmy

research.MyworkcommencedwithajuniorresearchfellowshipfromtheAmericanInstituteof IndianStudiesandenormousgratitudegoestoFrederickAsher,CatherineAsher,Elise

Auerbach,andDr.PradeepMehendirattafortheirshepherdingmeintheearlydaysand throughoutmyresearchinIndia.IwasalsosupportedbyaInternationalDissertationResearch FellowshipfromtheSocialScienceResearchCouncil.IwouldliketothankEricHerschberg, RonaldKassimir,AnnaLawson,andNicoleStahlmannfortheirsupport,especiallyinthe intensivefellowsconferenceinNewOrleansinFebruary2002.FromtheUniversityof CaliforniaIreceivedaKlineInternationalStudiesgrantfromtheUniversityofCaliforniaand writingfellowshipsfromtheInterdisciplinaryHumanitiesCenterandtheGraduateDivisionat UC,SantaBarbara.TheReligiousStudiesDepartmentatUCSBwasalsosupportiveofmy researchandworkincountlessways,personalandfinancial.InthisregardIthankCatherineL. Albanese,JuanCampo,MagdaCampo,RogerFriedland,RichardHecht,R.StephenHumphreys, VictoriaKline,Min-yingLan,CharlesLi,WadeClarkRoof,andJennySheffield.Aspecial thankstoSallyLombrozointheReligiousStudiesDepartmentwhosetirelesspatienceis gratefullyacknowledged. InIndiaIwouldalsoliketothanktheofficesandstaffpeopleatthePunjabState

ArchivesatPatiala,theArchaeologicalSurveyofIndiaOffice,Chandigarh,theNational Archives,Delhi,theOrientalandIndiaOfficeCollectionattheBritishLibrary,thePunjabi University,PunjabUniversity,andGuruNanakDevUniversityLibraries,andTheTribune newspaper,Chandigarh.InparticularIthankDr.MuhammadRizwanal-Haque,Secretary, CentralWaqfBoardforhisassistanceandsupportinfacilitatingmyresearch,andhisfamily's hospitality.RoopinderSinghandhisofficeatTheTribunewereinvaluableandunfailinglykind. IthankDr.J.S.AhluwalliawhosponsoredmyresearchvisathroughPunjabiUniversity,Patiala. AtPunjabiUniversityIespeciallythankDr.DarshanSinghwhosesupportandscholarshipas wellasfriendshipIwillalwaystreasureandDr.ShivaniSharmaandAkhilSharmawhose

friendshipandsupportwereinvaluable.InChandigarhIthankespeciallyDr.InduBangaofthe DepartmentofHistory,PanjabUniversity,andDr.J.S.Grewal,emeritusoftheDepartmentof History,andaboveallDr.MohammadKhalidofthePoliticalScienceDepartment,Panjab University.Dr.Khalidandhisfamily,Daisy,Nikhat,andKabir,weresogenerouswiththeir timeandtheirhome.IwillneverforgetbeingwiththemonSeptember11,2001andthe incrediblekindnesstheyshowedme.IalsothanktheDepartmentofLinguisticsatPunjabi University,Dr.RitaBrara,DelhiUniversity,InderjitSinghSandhu,DirectorofCulturalAffairs, Archaeology,MuseumsandArchives,Punjab,Dr.BalwantSinghDhillonatGuruNanakDev University,VijayPuliampet,andmanyotherswhosehelpwasimportanttome. AverygreatthankyouandgreateraffectiongotoGurmeetRaiandhermany

collaboratorsandco-workersatCulturalResourcesConservationInititativeinNewDelhi, especiallySavyasaachi,RajivChandna,andPoonamThakur.AlsoYaamineyMubayiat UNESCO,Dr.RajeevDhavan,andSardarSimranjitSinghMann(MP,Sangrur)were enormouslyhelpfulandinspiringpeopletoworkwith.Dr.MuhammadRizwanulHaque, SecretaryoftheCentralWakfCouncilandtheWakfofficesinMalerkotla,Delhi,Bangalore,and Chikmaglur(especiallyMr.AllahBaksh)wereincrediblyhelpfultomeinfacilitatingvisitsto severalshrinesinPunjabandKarnataka. AttheDargahofKhwajaSahibBandeNawazGesudirazSayyidShahMuhammadul-

Hussaini,SajjidaNishinandhissonSyedShahKhusroal-Hussainiweremosthospitableand generouswiththeirassistanceduringmybriefstay.InChikmaglurGhausMuhammadShah Khadri,theSajjidaNishinoftheDargahofBabaMirHayatKalandarandBabaBudhanShah wasveryhelpful.AttheDargahofKhwajaSahibGharibNawazMuinuddinChishtithroughthe assistanceofSajjidaBegum,theofficeoftheNizamandnumerousmembersofthecaretaking

khudmfamilieshelpedmetospendanextremelyfruitfulresearchperiodinAjmer.InDelhiat theDargahofKhwajaNizamuddinAuliya,SyedAshrafAliNizamiandSyedMohammadSalmi Nizamiaidedinmyunderstandingoftheshrine.AttheDargahofBabaHajjiRattaninBathinda themutawalliwhooverseesthetombshrinefortheWakfboard,wasawonderfulguidetothe placeanditstraditions.InFaridkotIthankInderjitSinghSekhonwhoorganizesthefestivities forBabaFaridinFaridkot,HafizAhsanAli,ImamoftheBabaFaridMosque,andmost especiallyDr.SubhashParihar,BrijindraCollege,Faridkotwhonotonlyhostedmeduringmy stayintheregionbutactivelyjoinedinwithmyresearchproject,makingitadelightful collaborativeeffort. MydebtsofgratitudeinMalerkotlaaretoonumeroustomention.Countlesspeople

helpedmebytoleratingmypidginPunjabi,offeringmetea,answeringmybarrageofquestions, touringmearoundandotherkindnesses.IespeciallythankDr.MohammadHayatKhan,Satnam SinghSodhi,andMaulanaMuhammadAbdulRauf.IwouldalsoliketothankDr.Mahmud Alam,AmjadAli,AnwarAli,ShaikhAzadarHussain,Mr.ChamanlalJain,Dr.Jamil,Dr. ZeenatullahJaved,AzmatAliKhan,IkhlaqAhmadKhan,KhalidKifayatullah,Dr.Indu Malhotra,AnwarMehboob,Dr.MuhammadRafi,HafizGhulamRasul,MuhammadSaleem, ChaudhryAhmadShah,AfshaSheikh,SardarGurlovleenSinghSidhu,Dr.AnilaSultana,Bilal Tahir,MuftiUsmani,andKhalidZubaidy.Therearesomanyotherswhoshowedmekindness andhospitalityandIthankthemallthemorefortheirforgivenessinnotmentioningthemby name.MygreatestdebtinMalerkotlaistotheGhazanfarAliKhanfamilywhofedandhoused me,refusinganyremunerationandacceptedmeasamemberofthefamily.KhanSahib,Nusrat Begum,SaulatJahan,Shalu,Neelu,Bushra,Sonia,Muzammil,Zaid,andtheextendedKhanand

Jahanclanweremyadoptedfamily.IamadditionallygratefultoDr.NeelamSherwaniforher invaluablehelpwithtranslations. MyfriendsandfamilyinIndiaandtheUSAaremygreatestsupport.Foremostisthe

chairofmydissertationcommittee,ProfessorDwightF.Reynolds,a.k.a.theBigBad DissertationAdvisor,whoissotallthathewasabletoloomthreateninglyoverme,evenfrom Granada,Spaintheselasttwoyears.Hiscarefulreadings,thoroughcomments,andpatient guidancehavebeencrucial.AlsoProfessorsJuanE.Campo,RogerFriedland,R.Stephen Humphreys,GurinderSinghMann,andDavidG.Whitehavebeennotonlywonderfuladvisors andcriticsbutterrificmentorsandfriends.Fortheirgoodhumor,intellectualchallenges,and friendship,IthankKassieAbramovitz,WilliamAdler,Tariqal-Jamil,DornaandJohnBaumann, CharlesBidwell,JasonBivins,MarcyBraverman,ChipCallahan,SandraCampbell,Rajeshwar Chauhal,DavidCrawfordMaryKathleenCunningham,FlorieDowney,MarkElmore,Erica Falkenstein,DavidGilmartin,EricaHurwitz,AshishKapila,KritiKapila,LibbyKleine,John Lardas,JeffreyLidke,FarinaMir,RebeccaMullen,EllenPosman,RobRozehnal,JeffreyRuff, OmidSafi,D.NeilSchmid,ElijahSiegler,EricStaples,ErickaStewart,TonyStewart,Jim Tosney,andWendyWiseman.Allmythanksandlovetomyfamily,especiallymysisterIsabel BigelowandbrotherinlawLuisCastro,mymotherDeborahEllisBigelow,andmyfather LlewellynBarryBigelow.ThisdissertationisdedicatedtomygrandmotherDr.AliceWhiting Ellis(1905-1994),whoinspiredmetotrytobeascholarinherimage,filledwiththeloveof wisdomandthehumilityofthesearchforunderstanding.Hermemoryhasbeenapowerful presencewithmethroughoutmystudiesandIhopeshewillcontinuetoguidemeinthefuture.

ABSTRACT SharingSaints,Shrines,andStories:PracticingPluralisminNorthIndia by AnnaBarryBigelow MalerkotlaistheonlyMuslimmajorityregionremainingontheIndiansideofPunjab. Atthecenterofthistownisthetombofitsfounder,aSufisaintpopularlyknownasHaider Shaikh.AthistombthesimultaneouspresenceofSikhs,Hindus,andMuslimschallenges receivednotionsconcerningthedefiniteanddefinableboundariesbetweenreligions,countering theprevalentimagesofinter-religiouscommunalconflict.Inadditiontohousingthispopular shrine,Malerkotlaisdistinguishedasaplacethatresistedthebloodshedanddestructionthat devastatedPunjabduringthePartitionofIndiain1947.SincethattimethisMuslimmajority towninaSikhmajoritystateinaHindumajoritynationhassuccessfullymanageditsmultireligiouscommunity.Residentsandvisitorsalikeperceivethetombandthetownasspacesof communalpeaceandharmony,madepossiblebyseveralinterlockingfactorsthepowerofthe saintuponwhosebodythecityrests,thehistoryoftheregion,andthewillofthecommunity. Throughnarrative,ritual,andregulatorypracticestheperceptionofMalerkotlaasaplaceof peaceisactualizedintoadominantethicofharmony. Thisethicisactivelymanifestedandperpetuatedinthesharedshrinesandcivicspaceof Malerkotla,generatinganetworkofeverydaypractices.Thisethicalcodebothreflectspast

successinmanaginginternalandexternalchallengestotheharmoniousstatusquoandorganizes thecommunity'songoingstrugglestoliveuptotheideal.Drawingonarchivalandethnographic datagatheredduringsixteenmonthsinMalerkotla,Iarguethatwhileitisimpossibleatthepoint tosaythatsharedsacredsitesorsharedsacredhistoriesarethecruciallinkinthechainthat sustainsthepeace,thesheermundanityofpeacefulexchangeinMalerkotlaisperceivedby residentsandoutsideobserverstobetheresultofjustsuchpastandpresentsharing.This perceptionisnotmerelyapassivelytransmittedformofreceivedknowledge,butitisactively maintainedthroughthenarrative,ritual,andregulatorypracticesthatguideandstructuresocial, political,religious,andeconomicexchangesbetweenMuslims,Sikhs,andHindusinMalerkotla.

 SharingSaints,Shrines,andStories:PracticingPluralisminNorthIndia Introduction ChapterOne:MalerkotlaPastandPresent PartOne:NarratingPeace ChapterTwo:NarrativesofHaiderShaikhandthedargh ChapterThree:NarratingPeaceinMalerkotla PartTwo:RitualizingPeace ChapterFour:RitualPerformancesinthedarghofHaiderShaikh ChapterFive:RitualConflictsandResolutionsinMalerkotla PartThree:RegulatingPeace ChapterSix:Regulatingthedargh ChapterSeven:RegulatingMalerkotla Conclusion Appendices References

1 50 109 121 188 246 255 312 351 355 393 451 469 478

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Introduction AlthoughthesturdystonewallenclosingthegraveoftheSufisaintShaikhSadruddn Sadr-Jahan(d.1515)issaidtohavebeenbuiltinasinglenight,thegreatestmiracleobservable atthetombismuchmoremundane.PeopleofallreligiousfaithsvisitthisMuslimsaintstomb, ordargah.1HereinMalerkotla,theonlyMuslimmajorityregionremainingontheIndiansideof Punjab,thesimultaneouspresenceofSikhs,Hindus,andMuslimsatthistombchallenges receivednotionsconcerningthedefiniteanddefinableboundariesbetweenreligions,countering theprevalentimagesofinter-religiouscommunalconflict.2Thispeacefulstateofaffairs,far fromarisingovernightliketheshrineswall,haspersistedforalmostfivehundredyears.At leastsinceHaiderShaikh,asthesaintispopularlyknown,firstsettledherein1454,thisregion hasencompassedadiversepopulation,includingHindus,Sikhs,Muslims,ChristiansandJains. Membersofallthesecommunitiesattendthedargahforavarietyofpurposestoofferaprayer, makeorfulfillavow,obtainablessingfromthesaint,wardoffevil,seekrelieffrommentaland physicalsuffering,oranynumberofotherpersonalmotivations.Inadditiontohousingthis popularshrine,Malerkotlaisdistinguishedasaplacethatresistedthebloodshedanddestruction thatdevastatedPunjabduringthePartitionofIndiain1947.SincethattimethisMuslim majoritytowninaSikhmajoritystateinaHindumajoritynationhassuccessfullymanagedits multi-religiouscommunity.Forthesereasons,residentsandvisitorsalikeperceivethetomband
Dargh is from the "Persian, literally 'place of a door' usually 'royal court, palace' in Persia, but in India with the additional specialized sense 'tomb or shrine of a pr." Encyclopedia of Islam (2 nd Edition), Volume II:141b. 2 There is one other town in the Northwest of the state, Qadian, where there is a significant population of Muslims. Qadian is the spiritual center of the Ahmadiyya movement that recognizes Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (d. 1908) as a prophet of God, a claim that is vigorously disputed. For example, Ahmadis are not recognized as Muslims in Pakistan, though they self-identify as such. For more on the Ahmadiyya, see: Spencer Lavan, The Ahmadiyah Movement, (Delhi: Manohar, 1974) and Yohanan Friedmann, Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ahmadi Religious Thought and Its Medieval Background, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). For a critical analysis of the movement see Abulhasan 'Ali Nadwi, Qadianism: A Critical Study, translated by Zafar Ishaq Ansari, (Lucknow: Academy of Islamic Research and Publications, 1967) a translation of al-Qadiayani wa al-Qadiyaniyah, (1962). For a view from within the faith, see Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad, Ahmadiyyat, or the True Islam (Qadian, Punjab: Talif-o-Isha" at, 1924) or www.alislam.org.
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thetownasspacesofcommunalpeaceandharmony,madepossiblebyseveralinterlocking factorsthepowerofthesaintuponwhosebodythecityrests,thehistoryoftheregion,andthe willofthecommunity.Throughnarrative,ritual,andregulatorypracticestheperceptionof Malerkotlaasaplaceofpeaceisactualizedintoadominantethicofharmony. Thisethicisactivelymanifestedandperpetuatedinthesharedshrinesandcivicspaceof Malerkotla,generatinganetworkofeverydaypracticesthatprovidesasystemofchecksand balances.Thisethicalcodebothreflectspastsuccessinmanaginginternalandexternal challengestotheharmoniousstatusquoandorganizesthecommunity'songoingstrugglestolive uptotheideal.Iarguethatwhileitisimpossibleatthepointtosaythatsharedsacredsitesor sharedsacredhistoriesarethecruciallinkinthechainthatsustainsthepeace,thesheer mundanityofpeacefulexchangeinMalerkotlaisperceivedbyresidentsandoutsideobserversto betheresultofjustsuchpastandpresentsharing.Thisperceptionisnotmerelyapassively transmittedformofreceivedknowledge,butitisactivelymaintainedthroughthenarrative, ritual,andregulatorypracticesthatguideandstructuresocial,political,religious,andeconomic exchangesbetweenMuslims,Sikhs,andHindusinMalerkotla.HereIidentifyandexamine theseeverydaypractices,illuminatingthecomplexityandcreativityinvolvedinthepracticeof pluralism. ItisimportanttounderstandMalerkotlabecausemulti-confessionalsacredsitesarenot alwayspeacefullysharedinIndiaoranywhereelseintheworld.AsmuchasIwishthatthe simplefactofsharingsacredspacewerethesinglekeyingredientincreatingandmaintaining peacefulcommunities,itcannotbeseenassuch.Sharedsitesaredisputedanddestroyedallthe time.Placeswheresharedshrinesproliferateexperienceviolencebetweenreligionsjustas placeswithoutthemdo.However,thesesites,theirlore,andmanagementcanprovideacrucial

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indexofthedegreeofcivilsocietalintegration,therebyprovidinganimportantwindowinto multi-religiouscommunities.Thedynamicsofexchangeonthelocallevelhavenotbeenwell explored.Someofthebestworkoninter-religiousexchangeinIndiahasfocusedontheliterary productionsofsharedreligioustraditions.3Thisworkhasdonemuchtocomplicatestereotypes ofMuslimsandHindusinparticularasbeingwhollydistinctinthought,word,anddeed.Yet muchremainstobedonetounderstandthereligiousculturethatproducestheseliteratures. Furthermore,studiesofinter-religiousconflictoversacredsitessuchasAyodhyaandJerusalem havetendedtofocusonthemacro-levelpoliticaleconomy,leavingthelocalaswellasthe culturalandreligiousdimensionsunexplored.InthisprojectIwillestablishacounterpointto work,muchofitexcellent,whichhasilluminatedtheimpactofcivilsociety,politics,and economicopportunityoninter-religiousrelations.4Buildingonthesestudies,Ishowhowshared shrinesplayapowerfulroleinsustainingpeacefulmulti-religiouscivilsocietiesbyservingas symboliccentersthroughwhichacommunity'sidealizedethicsandidentitymaybeenactedand groundedinaparticularplace. Myprimaryargumentisthatthesharingofsacredspaceandsacredhistoriesisa powerfulresourceforthemaintenanceofpeaceinpluralsocieties.Theproductionofshared places,sharedmemorialobservations,andsharedregulatorysystemsisanongoingprocess.
For a smattering of these studies, see: Simon Digby, "Encounters with Jogis in Indian Sufi Hagiography," unpublished paper, School for Oriental and African Studies, 1970 and "Medieval Sufi Tales of Jogis & Tales from the Afghan Sultanates in India," in Wonder Tales of South Asia, (New Delhi; Manohar, 2000), Richard M. Eaton, "Sufi Folk Literature and the Expansion of Indian Islam," History of Religions (Volume 14, no. 2, 1974), and Tony K. Stewart, "In Search of Equivalence: Conceiving the Muslim-Hindu Encounter through Translation Theory," History of Religions (Volume 40, no. 3, 2001). See also many of the articles in David Gilmartin and Bruce Lawrence, eds., Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia, (Gainesville; University Press of Florida, 2000). For a wonderful and readily available primary text that exemplifies the fluidity of religious identity in literary genres see, Manjhan, Madhumalati: An Indian Sufi Romance, translated by Aditya Behl and Simon Weightman, (New York; Oxford University Press, 2000). 4 One recent study of a Hindu-Muslim community in Bihar does seek to explore the discursive use of a site in constructing community identity. See Peter Gottschalk, Beyond Hindu and Muslim, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 2001). A less scholarly but more widely ranging book by Yoginder Sikand explores shared sites all over India. Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India, (New Delhi; Penguin India, 2003).
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Throughthisprocessshrinesandstoriesbecomethephysicalanddiscursivespacesconduciveto positiveinter-religiousinteraction.Inordertodemonstratethisdynamicofplaceandhistory making,Idocumenttheconstellationsofbeliefsandpracticesthatfacilitatethesimultaneous presenceofmultipleunderstandingsofthemeaningandusagesofsharedshrinesandsacred histories.Thiswillrevealthesystemsthatmakeitpossiblefordiverseinterestgroups,with divergentstories,practices,andmanagerialwaysofoperatingtobesimultaneouslypresentand investedinboththeshrineandinthecommunity. ThedargahofHaiderShaikh ThedargahofHaiderShaikhisasiteofenormousreligious,economic,andpolitical significancetotheentiretownofMalerkotla.Asthetombofthefounder,asourceofsubstantial incometothewholetown,andasitewithamulti-religiousconstituencythedargahfunctionsas thesymboliccenterofMalerkotla.Asasignifyingsiteintheproductionandperpetuationof Malerkotla'sidentityasazoneofpeace,itsritual,narrativeandregulatoryoperationsarealso importantsourcesofstrengthintheconstructionandmaintenanceofanethicofharmonyinthe communityasawhole.Itisimportanttounderstandthestrategiesthatmakethissharing possiblebecausethesecollectivesystemsareelementsthatallowavarietyofperspectivesto coexistwithoutcomingintoopenconflict.Forasharedshrinetofunctiontheremustbe mutuallysustainingandreinforcingarenasofauthority,operatinginamannerakintoadivision ofpowerthatgeneratesasystemofchecksandbalances.Thethreesignificantarenasof authorityexaminedherenarrative,ritual,andregulatoryarespheresofinter-religious exchangeinwhichauthorityisvalidatedbythemulti-religiousconstituentcommunities.The measureofeachcommunity'svalidationisobservableintheprevalenceandcurrencyof narrativeaccountsofthesaint,shrineandtown,ritualpractices,andregulatoryparticipation

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withineachcommunity.BecausetheentiretyofMalerkotla'sdiversepopulationisinvestedin sustainingthesetraditions,thecentralityofpeacefulinter-religiousexchangetoMalerkotla's symbolicidentitybecomesapparent. ThisstudyisachallengingprojectforIamattemptingtodescribeanon-event,astateof peacefulexchangeatashrinethatissacredtoMuslims,SikhsandHindusinatownpopulatedby allthreegroups.Whereasmuchsocialscientificandpopularliteraturedepictssuchsituationsas powderkegswaitingtoignitetheprimordialtensionsbetweenreligiousgroupshistoricallyand elementallyatoddswithoneanother,therealityoflifeinIndiabeliesthistreatment.Infact, sharedsacredsiteshideinplainsightthroughoutthesubcontinent.Contrarytotheirhighprofile cousinsatAyodhya,Varanasi,andMathuraandagainstthewillofconservativeelementsineach religion,sharedshrinesenjoyvibrantandenthusiasticpatronageanddevotionfromallsectorsof society.Stillitisundeniablethatsharedsacredsiteshavebeenandcontinuetobethe flashpointsforantagonismandviolence.Thedeathtollrelatedtothemovementtoestablisha templeatAyodhyaonthesiteofanowdestroyedmosqueisabovefivethousandhumanlivesto date.5 TheAyodhyaSyndrome Since1992,thescholarshiponsharedsacredsitesinIndiahasbeendominatedbya proliferationofstudiesonreligiousviolenceandpoliticizedcommunalconflict.6OnDecember

The riots in the mid 1980's and early 1990's that accompanied L.K. Advani's pilgrimage procession exceed a thousand, approximately three thousand were killed subsequent to the demolition of the Masjid in 1992, and as recently as 2002 two thousand were killed in Gujarat in riots related to the Ramjanmabhumi movement. Ashis Nandy, Shikha Trivedy, Shail Mayaram and Achyut Yagnik, Creating a Nationality: The Ramjanmabhumi Movement and Fear of the Self, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1995). 6 Recent work by a number of scholars has begun to complicate this picture. Although studies of sacred sites have often remarked on the relationships between the principal religious community and the broader socio-religious context of the shrine, rarely do such studies highlight the nature and terms of engagement by the various groups. British colonial accounts emphasized the common religious beliefs and practices of the folk element at such sites, often to the exclusion of religious or political elite groups who are simply assumed to be above such messy thinking and practice. Although provocative as an indicator that Indian religion may be better understood locally than
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6ofthatyear,inachillingexampleofthepowerofstoriestodeterminethecourseofhistory, peopleforwhomastoryofthepastwasmorerealthanthestonesofthepresenttoredownbrick bybrickasixteenthcenturymosqueknownastheBabriMasjidinAyodhya,UttarPradesh. Accordingtoinscriptionsontheedifice,thefirstMughalEmperorBaburscommanderMirBaqi hadthemosquebuilttocommemoratehisoverlordspresencetherein1528.7Theconflictbegan itsfinalphasein1949whenavisionoftheinfantLordRamainsidethemosquewaswidely reported.8Thebuildingwascloseduntilajudgein1986orderedthegatesopenedandworship

categorically, they reify the divisions between elite and popular traditions and in spite of their view that the masses are not concerned with communitarian identities, that does not seem to stop them from classifying and categorizing the very same people in ever more elaborate censuses and ethnographies. In Punjab, Harjot Oberois book draws heavily on the British accounts to establish what he calls (following Max Weber) an enchanted universe where there was a relative lack of identificaiton with supralocal religious groups. According to Oberoi, this all changed with the British census requiring such identifications, and the rise of the Singh Sabha, the Hindu Mahasabha and Arya Samaj, and the Muslim Anjuman organizations. After the late nineteenth century, the necessity to formalize affiliation in order to claim social and political power left little room for the idealized world of the Punjabi in which such labels did not apply. Although overly dependent upon the British records, Oberois thesis is not wholly without merit and draws much needed attention to the ways in which colonialism did not simply create passive, neatly enumerable categories of Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims, but was a factor in setting off a fierce struggle and debate within and between these traditions. In other parts of India, work such as that of Juan E. Campo on the Sabrimala pilgrimage in Kerala, Daniel Gold on Sufi shrines in Gwalior, Jamal Elias on Shaikh Hamdani in Kashmir, Yoginder Sikand on shared traditions throughout the country, and Kelly Pemberton on womens roles at shrines in Rajasthan and Bihar are important contributions to the field of Sufi shrines in India. See also P. M. Currie, The Shrine and Cult of Mu`in al-Din Chishti of Ajmer (Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1989); Dominique-Sila Khan, Conversions and Shifting Identities: Ramdev Pir and the Ismailis in Rajasthan, (New Delhi; Manohar, 1997); Christian Troll, editor, Muslim Shrines in India, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1989); Kerrin Von Schwerin, Saint Worship in Indian Islam: The Legend of the Martyr Salar Masud Ghazi, in Ritual and Religion among Muslims of the subcontinent, Imtiaz Ahmad, editor, (Lahore; Vanguard, 1985); Pnina Werbner and Helene Basu, eds., Embodying Charisma: Modernity, Locality and the Performance of Emotion in Sufi Cults, (London: Routledge, 1998); Paul Younger, Velankalli Calling, in Sacred Journeys: The Anthropology of Pilgrimage, ed. Alan Morinis (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishers, 1992); and Katherine Pratt Ewing, Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psychoanalysis, and Islam, (Durham; Duke University, 1997). 7 Srivastava calls Baburs presence at Ayodhya into question, and asserts that Babur had given no orders that some pre-existing temple be demolished for the construction of a mosque. He and the findings of the Mandal Commission agree that though evidence of a temple exist, it was not a site that prior to the mid 18th century was identified as the birthplace of Ram. Sushil Srivastava, The Disputed Mosque: A Historical Inquiry (New Delhi: Vistaar Publications, 1991), D. Mandal, Ayodhya: Archaeology after Demolition, Tracts for the Times (Delhi: Orient Longman, 1993). Peter van der Veers excellent study of the rise of Ayodhya as a pilgrimage town and the dynamics between the various Hindu sects situated there provides a fascinating insight into the politics of pilgrimage. Peter van der Veer, Gods on Earth: The Management of Religious Experience and Identity in a North Indian Pilgrimage Center (London: The Athlone Press, 1988). 8 This vision is generally attributed to a Muslim constable, thereby establishing its veracity after all, why would a Muslim see a Hindu god in a mosque unless it had truly happened? However, Srivastava and others dispute this account and point out that in the less widely known version of the local Muslims, a Hindu mendicant broke into the mosque and placed a idol which was later identified as the vision of the Muslim guard. (Srivastava, The Disputed Mosque, p. 15) 16

ofthedeitysimageallowed.Severalpan-Indiancampaignstoraisemomentumandmoneyfor thebuildingofatempleonthesitewereundertaken,ledbythepresentDeputyPrimeMinisterof India,LalKrishnaAdvani.In1989,Advaniledayatraorpilgrimageprocessionthroughout IndiagatheringsupportforthebuildingofaRamtempleonthesiteoftheBabriMasjid.9Inthe wakeofthismarch,disturbancesbrokeoutacrossIndia,eveninplaceshithertountouchedby communalviolence.OnDecember6,1992themosquewasdestroyedprecipitatingriotsin whichatleast3,000peoplewerekilledandthousandsmorewereinjured.Inordertorecoverthe mythicbirthplaceofRama,almostfivehundredyearsofMuslimhistorywaserased. Nearlytenyearslaterthedisputeoverthesitestillregularlymakesthefrontpagesof India'snewspapers,itremainsadivisiveandcontroversialissue,demonstratingthepervasive impactofAyodhyaonthesocialandpoliticallifeofIndia.Forexample,buildingatempleto Ramatthesitewas,until2001,oneofthepartyplatformsoftherulingBharatiyaJanataParty (BJP).10ThispartymetamorphosedfromtheJanataParty,whichbrieflyheldpowerinIndia from1977to1979.Althoughthepartysufferedelectorallossesimmediatelyafterthemosque demolition,itrosetopowerinthelate1990sbecomingtherulingpartyinthefederal governmentwiththesupportofnumerousregionalandethnicparties.Itsleaders,particularly Advaniandtwootherswhoalsosubsequentlybecomecabinetministers,MurliManoharJoshi andUmaBharati,weretheprimeinstigatorsofthemovementtodestroythemosque.InOctober of2001agroupofHindus,includingamemberofParliamentandrepresentativesoftheVishwa HinduParishad(VHP),theorganizationprincipallyresponsibleforthemovementtoliberate
For an interesting discussion of the symbolism employed by Lal Krishna Advani and the BJP on this ytr , see Richard H. Davis, "The Iconography of Rama's Chariot," in Contesting the Nation, David Ludden, editor, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania, 1996). 10 This position was removed from the BJP plank due to its increasing unpopularity. However, the move seems to have backfired as the VHP and RSS have excoriated their political wing saying that they betrayed their constituency and defrauded those who supported them. Furthermore, the VHP and RSS were able to distance themselves somewhat from the BJP and take a more radical approach.
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theRamjanmabhumifromtheMuslimoccupationoftheBabriMasjid,violatedthecourtorder keepingthesiteofflimitsandconductedapjaworshipforsixhours.Thismadeheadlines acrossIndia.11Butmorewastocome.Inconsultationwithastrologersandcoincidentwith electionsinseveralkeystates,theVHPdeclaredMarch15,2002asthedateforthe commencementofconstruction,furtherinflamingtensions.12Justpriortothatdeadline,on February28,2002,agroupofHindupilgrimsreturningtoGujaratfromthevolunteerwork campsatAyodhyawerekilledwhenthetraincarinwhichtheytraveledwassetonfireby MuslimsinaslumoutsideGodhrastation.SubsequentviolencethroughoutthestateofGujarat claimedthelivesofatleast1,000anddisplacedover100,000.Overwhelminglythevictims wereMuslim. Thespeedwithwhichthesetensionsareinflamedandthecontinuedlackofresolutionto thequestionofAyodhyaindicateadeeprooted,perhapsinsurmountable,dividebetween religiouscommunitiesfosteredandfueledbypoliticalandinstitutionalinterestgroups.13The inabilityofcompetinginterestgroupstoachieveapeacefulmeansofregulatingthedisparate visionsofHindusandMuslimsandtheirclaimtothiscontestedsitehasresultedinthedeathsof thousandsinthelastdecade,andcontributedtoablindspotinthescholarshiponsharedsacred space.Littleseriousattention,eitherinthemediaorinthescholarlyliteraturehasbeenpaidto thefactthataspartsofIndiaeruptsporadicallyintointer-religiousviolence,thereareplacesthat resistthebloodshed.14CertainlyitisabsolutelyessentialthattheeventsatAyodhyaandin

Indian Express, Asian Age, Times of India, October 18 and 19, 2001. Although prevented from actually beginning construction due to a court injunction, the VHP forced the government to participate in a shilanyas, the ritual of placing a foundation stone, in this case a pillar carved for placement at the temple site. This is a clear acknowledgement on the part of the government of the temples right to exist and the centers support for its eventual construction. 13 There have been court cases filed on the matter since at least 1948 with no resolution in sight. 14 Ashutosh Varshney, a political scientist, has just published a study on ethnic conflict in India, comparing places where the conflict becomes violent to places where it does not. He concludes that places with substantial inter11 12

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Gujaratbeinvestigatedinthehopethatsuchresearchwillleadtojusticeforthevictimsofthe violence,reconciliationforthecommunitiesinvolved,andresolutiontothelingeringquestions ofcommunityidentity.TheGujaratriotswerehorrifyingintheirscaleandimpact,especially upontheMuslimcommunity.AlthoughtheflashpointwasanattackbyMuslimsuponHindus, thereisconsiderableandincreasingevidencethattheensuingriotsandassaultsonMuslim neighborhoods,businessesandreligioussiteswerepre-planned.15GujaratsChiefMinister, NarendraModiclaimedthattheviolencewasaresponseinkindtotheassaultonthetrainby Muslims.ThisassertionwasechoedbyPrimeMinisterVajpayeesdeclarationthatonemustask firstwhobeganthefirebeforeoneexploresthesubsequentcarnage.16Furthermore,reports aboundthatthepolicewereinstructednottoactandwereinsomecasesactingtoprotectthe largelyHindurioters.Suchevidenceofstatecomplicityatthehighestlevelsspeakstoadeeply troubledanddividednation. Nonetheless,itisimportanttonotethatevenasGujaratwasengulfedformonthsinthis horror,theviolencedidnotspread.Therewereafewscatteredincidentsinotherlocations,but
communal ties in the form of associations and organizations, rather than merely quotidian social ties, tend to be less riot-prone. This position and others will be discussed later. Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, (New Haven; Yale University Press, 2002). 15 There are widespread reports of jatths or gangs of young men in the telltale saffron colored bandanas and armbands of the Hindu right methodically moving through commercial areas with computer generated lists of businesses owned and operated by Muslims and destroying them. Carrying cell phones, water bottles, and trishl (the three pronged spear of Siva), these groups were in communication with each other and went systematically from one area to another. 16 Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in a campaign speech. Vajpayees remarks at a meeting of the Bharatiya Janata Party in Goa one week after the train burning are overwhelmingly geared towards focusing the blame on the rise of Muslim extremism the world over. He says Wherever there are such Muslims, they do not wish to live together, do not want to mix and mingle with others and instead of spreading their message peacefully, they want to spread their beliefs by terror, by fear, by threatening. The world has woken to this danger. For Vajpayee, the real question is who started the fire: What happened in Gujarat? If the conspiracy to burn alive the innocent, helpless and blameless travellers on the Sabarmati Express had not been hatched, the Gujarat tragedy could have been averted. But this did not happen. People were burnt alive. Who were those people? The government is enquiring into it. The intelligence agencies are gathering all the information. But we must not forget how the Gujarat tragedy began. The later incidents are condemnable, but who started the fire? How did the fire spread? He asserts in this speech that 99.9% of riots are begun by Muslims, which is wholly false. Not only do Muslims not start most communal riots in India, but also they are overwhelmingly the victims, suffering more deaths, injuries, loss of property than the majority community. 19

thesewerequicklyandeasilycontrolled.17InPunjab,therewasalmostnoimpact.However, becausethereareveryfewMuslimsinthestate,alleyesturnedtowardsMalerkotla,wherea significantMuslimpopulationcouldbeobserved.Policeweredeployedinlargenumbersinthe townandtheSub-DivisionalMagistrateGurlovleenSinghtookoutaflagmarch(akindof communitysolidaritydemonstration)andcalledameetingofthelocalPeaceCommittee.18Local HindusandSikhschosenottoobservethebandh,orgeneralstrike,calledbytheVHPafterthe trainburning.Duringthisperiodoftension,aswithsomanyothers,theexternalshockofthe GujaratcarnagedidnotresultinfurthertraumainMalerkotlaorinmostotherregionsofIndia. Whatisgoingrightherethatgoessohorriblywrongelsewhere? IndeeditisduetotherealityofviolentcontestationthatIundertookthisstudy.But, ratherthanaddingyetanothervoicetothecacophonyofexplanationsofinter-religiousdivision, itseemsequallyurgenttounderstandhowhighlyintegratedcommunitiesfunctionwithout violencebecomingtheirprimarymethodofmanagingstressesfrominsideoroutsidethearea. Byexploringtheinter-religiousdynamicswithinthedargahofHaiderShaikhandwithinthe communityofMalerkotlawemaybegintounderstandhowitispossibletoensurethatnothing continuetohappenatsuchplaces.Itismycontentionthatagreatdealofworkgoesintomaking nothinghappen. SharedSacredSites Malerkotla,liketherestofIndia,ishometocountlesssaint'sshrines,placeswhere Muslim,Sikh,andHinduresidentsalikeseekcomfort,assistance,contemplation,and

Stephen Wilkinson observes that state will and electoral proximity are two of the key factors in the occurrence and severity of ethnic violence. He is also the author of a forthcoming study that explores the reasons why other states in India did not experience violent outbreaks in the aftermath of the Godhra events. 18 The role of these ad-hoc committees will be discussed further in Chapter Seven. The situation in Malerkotla was reported as calm in the Tribune on March 16, 2002. http://www.tribuneindia.com/2002/20020316/punjab1.htm'15
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conviviality.19ThetombofHaiderShaikh,isunquestionablythelargestandmostprominent tombshrine,ordargah,intheregion.Festivalsforthesaintdrawoverahundredthousand peopletothehewnstonestructureonthetopofalowhill,surroundedbyhousesandnarrow lanes.Dueinparttothepost-PartitiondemographicsofPunjab,mostofthevisitorstothetomb areSikhsandHindus.ButthecaretakersareMuslimdescendentsofthesaint,andlocalMuslims alsoattendtheshrine.Thismulti-confessionalappealisnotnew.Nineteenth-centuryBritish accountsalsoreportanequalorgreaternumberofnon-Muslimsattheshrine. Thecriticalimportanceofnotoverlookingthesedargahsandothersharedshrineswas vividlydemonstratedintheGujaratviolenceinspring2002.Amongthemanyhorrifying aspectsofthatcrisis,oneofthemostdisturbingwastheconcomitanttargetingofdargahs. TheseplacesweredestroyedbyHindunationalistsfortworeasonsfirst,theyareemblemsof thelongtimeMuslimpresenceanddominanceintheregion.Second,andperhapsmore significantforthelongrun,dargahsarecommonlysiteswhereHindus,Muslims,Sikhs, Christians,orwhomevercometogether,jointlyworshipingandcollectivelybenefitingfromthe blessingsofthesaintlydeadandtheconvivialityofthelivinghumanswithwhomtheypray.20 Accordingtoreportsbyseveralcommissionsofinquiryinvestigatingtheviolence, approximatelytwohundredandfiftydargahsweredamagedordestroyedbyunnamed,un-

I attempted on several occasions count these shrines, at one point numbering fifty-three. However, this is by no means reliable as behind many walls, in the middle of fields, and in other less readily accessed areas there are burial sites of Muslim saints, Hindu yogis, and Sikh martyrs, all of which may receive ongoing attention and propitiation from people on a semi-regular or daily basis. Furthermore, residents have their own accountings, reflecting the places that are significant to them. 20 The destruction of darghs is not new in communal conflicts. Bayly notes an incident in 1789 in Calcutta in which a Muharram-Durga Puja clash combined with struggles over shifts in the local power structures between Hindus and Muslims resulted in violence during which a local bania (merchant) gathered "fifty or sixty armed peons and demolished all the Mahometan Durgahs they could find in the neighbourhood of Boitacannah." Bayly, C. A., "The Pre-History of 'Communalism'? Religious Conflict in India, 1700-1860," (Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 2, 1985), p. 199.
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chargedrioters.21Insomecasesidolswereplacedintheshrines.Especiallypopularwasthe imageofHullaiyaHanuman,riotousHanuman,theasceticmonkeygodandstrongarmofthe archetypalgod-kingRama,thedisputesoverwhosebirthplaceatAyodhyawasdiscussedabove. Inonecase,thedargahofaseventeenth-centuryUrdupoetknownasWalGujaratiwasrazed andpavedoverinamatterofdays,erasingfromthesacredlandscapetheshrineanditspotential todrawcommunitiestogether.22Theseeventsdemonstratethehighlycomplicatednatureofsuch shrinesinIndia,theirsymbolicvalueassitesofcommunalexchange,andtheimportanceof understandingtheirroleinthepromotionandperpetuationofacivilmulti-religioussocietyinan environmentwherethepoliticsofreligiousdivisionareacommoncurrency. Ratherthanfocusingsolelyonthemacrolevelexchangesbetweenideologues, entrepreneurs,andpoliticiansatsacredcenters,itisimportanttoalsoconsidertheroleof everydayinteractionsanduseofthesharedcivicandsacredspace.AsRogerFriedlandand RichardHechthaveargued,disputesoversacredspacearealsonecessarilystrugglesoverthe choreographyofdailylife.23Anexaminationofeffectiveinteractivechoreographyatshared sites,therefore,willilluminatemodes,systems,andstrategiesofexchangethatsubstantively contributetotheproductionandperpetuationofpeace.Theritual,narrative,andregulatory

The number was two hundred and sixty-seven according to Human Rights Watch, ""We Have No Orders to Save You": State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat," Human Rights Watch 14, no. 3(C) (2002). See also, "Crimes Against Humanity," report by Communalism Combat, www.sabrang.com. The report "Gujarat Carnage 2002: A Report to the Nation by an Independent Fact-finding Team," Outlook India, (April 11, 2002) details at least 240 darghs destroyed, twenty in Ahmedabad alone. Blue ribbon panels have issued reports from the People's Union for Civil Liberties, the People's Union for Democratic Rights, and the Indian National Human Rights Commission. 22 "The famous Urdu Poet Wali Gujarati's dargh was also razed to the ground at Shahibaug in Ahmedabad. While a hanuman [a Hindu god] shrine was built over its debris initially, all that was removed overnight and the plot was [paved] and merged with the adjoining road. No authority claimed any knowledge about the entire episode. It is worth noting here that the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation, which is responsible for the maintenance of all these structures, and for the building of roads, is run by the Congress [party] with a near two-thirds majority." Human Rights Watch Human, "'We Have No Orders to Save You': State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat," Human Rights Watch 14, no. 3(C) (2002). 23 Roger Friedland and Richard Hecht, The Bodies of Nations: A Comparative Study of Religious Violence in Jerusalem and Ayodhya, History of Religions 38, no. 2 (1998).
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arenasofexchangebetweenactorsaresituatedandgroundedinsharedsacredsites.Thequality oftheseinteractionsarekeycontributingfactorsingeneratingconflictorcooperationatsuch places,andinevitablyimpactthecommunitiesinwhicheachshrineissituated. Firstwemustunderstandsacredplaces,broadlyconstrued,andsharedsacredplacesin particular.Thehistoryofreligionstendstoapproachthesacreddrawingonthetheoriesofeither EmileDurkheimorMirceaEliade,identifyingsacredplacesaseithersociallyconstructedor divinelydetermined.However,theseperspectivesarenotnecessarilymutuallyexclusive:each viewiscapableofencompassingelementsoftheother.Onewayinwhichtheoverlydetermined debatebetweenconstructivismandessentialismiscircumventedhasbeenintheintroductionof morefluidnotionsoftherelationsbetweentemporalandspiritualpower.RogerFriedlandand RichardHechtchallengethetendencytointerpretsacredspaceastheimprintofheavenonearth, asemiotic,spatializedcipherforadivinereality.Simultaneouslytheycritiquethesocial scientificreversalofthisformulationinwhichearthimprintsheaven,projectingtheterrestrial socialorderintothecelestial.Bothviewserasethepoliticsofthecenter,anditisthisvery politics,theyargue,thatbothcenterssacralityandsacralizescenters.Thesharingofasacred centerbymultiplereligioustraditionsnecessitatespolitics.Thesearesignifyingsitesatwhich andthroughwhichvariousidentitiesareprojectedandreceivedbetweenandwithinreligiousand socialgroups.Assuch,theyareintertextualandsubjecttopotentiallyconflictualreadings.24 Thedailyuseofthesiteandthechoreographyofitsusearetheobservableimprintsof interweaving,overlappingdiscoursesofbodies,practicesandimaginations.Thus,itisnolonger amatterofreadingtheimprintsofearthonheavenorviceversa.Inordertocomprehendthe varioussignificationsofthenarrativesandbehaviorsthattransmitthemeaningofplaceintoa

24

Ibid, p. 112. 23

message,ahermeneuticcapableofrenderingthismutualimprimatureisrequired.This hermeneuticengagestheritualandnarrativetransactionalidiomsandrepertoiresofmultivocalic constituentcommunitiesandevaluatesthemodesinwhichtheadministrativeregimesatmulticonfessionalsitesenableorfrustratethesimultaneityofpluralandpotentiallycontradictory beliefsandpractices. Thus,inadditiontothetransactionsbetweenthemundaneandthedivineoccurringat sacredsites,theseplacesalsomediatetransactionsbetweenmultipleactorsanddivineagencies throughadiverserepertoireofrituals,narrativesandauthoritativeschemes.Insomecasesthis multiplicityandsimultaneityoccursuneventfully.Othersituationsrequirehighlyelaborate systemssuchasthetime-sharearrangementattheChurchoftheNativityorevenregulatory personnelsuchasthepoliceorthemilitary.However,asphenomenologistofspaceEdward Caseyasserts,oneoftheuniquequalitiesofplaceistheabilitytoincorporatewithoutconflict themostdiverseelementsthatconstituteitsbeing.Hewrites:Thereisapeculiarpowerto placeanditsabilitytocontainmultiplemeanings,diverseintentions,contradictoryinteractions. Surpassingthecapacityofhumanstosustainsuchagathering,placepermitsasimultaneityanda filteringofexperience,history,imagination,action.DrawinglargelyonHeideggers phenomenologyofspace,Caseystatesthat,"placesalsogatherexperiencesandhistories,even languagesandthoughts."Further,thepowerofplace"consistsingatheringtheselivesand things,eachwithitsownspaceandtime,intoonearenaofcommonengagement."25Inthisway weseethatthecontainmentofmultiplemeanings,interestsandintentionsisnotmerelya functionofsacredplaces,itistheverynatureofplace.Themultiplicityitself,thesuspended tensionsofcontradictorybeliefsandpractices,andthegatheringpowerofspatialandnarrative
Edward S. Casey, "How to Get from Space to Place in a Fairly Short Stretch of Time: Phenomenological Prolegomena," in Senses of Place, ed. Steven Feld and Keith Basso, (Santa Fe, NM; School of American Research Press, 1996) p. 26.
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symbolsconstitute,inpart,thesignificanceofsharedsacredsites.Inotherwords,byphysically anddiscursivelyconnectingpeopleandtheirpracticesatasinglesite,bygatheringandthen maintainingthatgathering,placeisanimated,enlivenedandmademeaningful. Casey'snotionofthegatheringpowerofaplaceisextendedinhisworkon memorializationwhichdemonstratesthewaysinwhichculturalmemoryandidentityare constitutedbyandconstitutiveoftheplacesinwhichcommunitylifetakesplace.Thisevokes Lefebvresparadigmofthemonumentalasa"totalspace."Monuments(andheoftencitesthe TajMahalasanexample)arecapableoferasinganyviolenceordeathattheirfoundationand replacingitwitha"tranquilpower."Throughaprocessofdisplacementandcondensation, monumentalspace becomesthemetaphoricalandquasi-metaphysicalunderpinningofasociety,this byvirtueofaplayofsubstitutionsinwhichthereligiousandpoliticalrealms symbolically(andceremonially)exchangeattributestheattributesofpower;in thiswaytheauthorityofthesacredandthesacredaspectofauthorityare transferredbackandforth,mutuallyreinforcingoneanotherintheprocess.26 Themonumentalspaceoftheshrinesunderdiscussionmaybeseen,inLefebvresterms,asthe totalexpressionandexperienceofthesocietiesinwhichtheyarelocated.Furthermore,asCasey writes,commemorativeritesconnectbodilymemorywithplacememory,enablingus"tohonor thepastbycarryingitintactintonewandlastingformsofallianceandparticipation."27Thusthe meaningofasharedshrineisinscribedinthecommunitythroughthepublicperformanceof communityandindividualidentitiesatthesite. However,thefrustrationofthistypeofphenomenologyisthatinspiteofitsseductive languageandsentiment,itlacksspecificity.Thesocio-politicalcontextmustalsobeconsidered. Inarecentarticleentitled"AntagonisticTolerance,"RobertHaydendisavowsthepossibilityof
Lefebvre, p. 143. Edward S. Casey, Remembering: A Phenomenological Study, Bloomington; Indiana University Press, 1987), p. 257.
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non-contentioussharingofsacredspace.Heviewssitesscholarsportrayasuncontestedasin factexemplaryofa"negativedefinitionoftoleranceaspassivenoninterference."28Heclaims thataradicalimbalanceofpowerisnecessaryforpeacetobemaintained.This,ofcourse, merelysuppresseshostilityandcompetitionratherthaneliminatingit.Moreover,Hayden characterizesstudiesofsynthesisandexchangeatsharedsacredsitesasessentially anachronistic,requiringtheanalysttofreezetimeanderasethehistoriccontextofaplace.29 ThusforHayden,depictionsof'un-contested'orpeacefulshrinesrequireeitherafalseerasureof timefromthetheoreticalanalysisorasociallyenforcedpoliticalstasis.Synthesisoftraditions, hewrites,isa"temporalmanifestationofrelationsbetweensocialgroups,whichcontinueto differentiatethemselvesfromeachother."Hispointshaveadegreeofmerit.Certainly dehistoricizationisantitheticaltoanydecentstudyanditisnavetoclaimthatsharedsitesare devoidofcompetitionorthepossibilityofantagonism.Afterall,asGeorgSimmelfamously argued,competitionisanindirectformofconflict.30However,sociologistJohnHallalso remindsusthat,"Muchcompetitionbetweenreligiousgroupsispeaceful,anditunfoldswithina largerframeofmutualrespectandsometimecooperation."31Giventhesituationontheground atcountlesssharedsitesinSouthAsia,Haydenoverstatesthecasebyassertingthatthe competitivesharingofsacredspaceisinherentlyantagonistic.Asweshallsee,thesituationon thegroundatmanymulti-confessionalsitesinPunjabandthroughoutIndiachallengessuch divisionsbetweenIslamandSouthAsiasotherreligions.Notonlydoesharmoniousinterreligiousexchangeoccur,buttheexchangeitselfisconstitutiveofboththeformandefficacyof

Robert Hayden, "Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans," Current Anthropology (Volume 43, no. 2, 2002). 29 Ibid, p. 207. 30 Georg Simmel, Conflict (New York: Free Press, 1955 (1908)). 31 John R. Hall, "Religion and Violence: Social Processes in Comparative Perspective," in Handbook for the Sociology of Religion, edited by Michele Dillon, (New York; Cambridge University Press, 2002).
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ritualandnarrativeengagementstakingplaceatsharedshrines.Thus,inter-religiousencounter ispartoftheappealandpartofthepoweroftheseplaces. ThisencountercontinuesinIndianPunjabgiventhat,evenintheabsenceofasignificant Muslimpopulation,Islamicshrinesactivatethereligiouslandscape.AtthesesitesSikh,Hindu, andMuslimdevoteesengagetogetherinavarietyofencountersthatdemonstratehowshared sacredplacesinmanyinstancesexpressandfacilitatetheconvergenceofcomplexand contradictorybeliefsandactions,ratherthanprovidepointsfordisputationandthearticulationof oppositionalidentities.Itisperhapsespeciallyimportanttounderstandthisambientrealityof peacefulmulti-confessionalsitesinPunjabasthisstatewasthemostsavagelyandviolently devastatedbythePartitionofthesubcontinentin1947.AlthoughPartitionentailedaradical shiftofpopulation,thesacredsitesoftheregionremainedwheretheywere.Thusithasbeenan ongoingissueinIndiaandPakistantonegotiateforthecontinuedcareandmaintenanceofthe sitesthatnolongerhaveconstituentpopulationstomaintainthem.InthecaseofEastPunjab's dargahs,however,therehasbeenalmostnolapseinupkeepastheywereandareheldtobe powerfulandeffectivesitesbySikhsandHindus.Thereforethetombscontinuetobepatronized andmanagedbynon-Muslims.ThusalthoughtherearefewMuslimsinPunjab,theshrinesin manywayssubvertthedivisionimposedbyPartition,bycontinuingtoprovidepointsof encounterbetweenSikhs,Hindus,andMuslims.32Inthisway,thedargahsfunctionascountersites,termedheterotopiasbyFoucault,thatsimultaneouslyrepresent,contest,andinvertevery

In an introduction, Ian Talbot warns that pre-Partition Punjabi culture should not be idealized as free of religious communalism. He remarks that "It was only in the celebrations of the Sufi shrines that 'distance' was broken down between communities who were otherwise near neighbours, but living in separate worlds." Although I disagree with his pessimistic view of the level of integration in community life, his singling out of darghs as idealized places of exchange is significant. Ian Talbot, "Introduction," in Anders Bjrn Hansen, Partition and Genocide: Manifestation of Violence in Punjab, 1937-1947, (New Delhi; India Research Press 2002), p. x.
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sitewithinaculture.33Thisisatypeofspacewhoseformationandusagecanbeinterpretedas spatialrepresentationofsocialrelations,bothrealandimagined,enduringandmomentary,but alwaysconnectedthroughvariousprocessestoeveryotherspacewithinaculturalmilieu,and alwaysmarkedoffasotherspaceaccessibleonlythroughatransformativeproceduresuchas purificationorinitiation.SharedshrinesinIndiaareheterotopicinthattheycontainandinvert dominantconceptionsandregimesofpower,creatingidealizedandcriticalreflectionsofaSouth Asiansocietyinwhichthelinesdrawnbetweenreligionscanbelethal.ThattheGujarat violenceof2002alsotargeteddargahs,placeswhereinter-religiousbondsmaybemostreadily formed,necessitatesunderstandinghowsuchsites functionwithincommunitiesonadailybasis. Moreoftenthannot,dargahsdefythecommonassumptionthatsharedshrinesaretickingtime bombs,merelyawaitingtheappropriatemomentandconjunctionofpolitical,economic,and socialforcestoexplodeintoyetanotherAyodhya,yetanotherJerusalem.34Accordingtothat perspective,shrinesthataremultiplyidentified,managed,patronized,orworshippedare inherentlyandterminallyconflicted. Inhisworkonconflictoversharedsacredspace,RonHassnerassertsthatthecentrality andexclusivityofsacredsitesresultsinan"indivisibilityconundrum."35Asiteisindivisibleto theextentthatitsidentityisconstitutedbothessentiallyandsociallyascoherent,non-fungibile, andbounded.Dependinguponfactorsofdivisionorinclusionoperativeinagiveninstance,a sacredsitemaybecomecontested.Theconditionsfornon-conflictualsharingaremore restrictive,Hassnerargues,butnotimpossibleanddependinnosmallpartupontheroleof
In Michel Foucaults essay "Of Other Spaces" he proposes heterotopias as counter-sites, a kind of effectively enacted utopia in which the real sites, all the other real sites that can be found within the culture, are simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted. Michel Foucault, "Of Other Spaces," Diacritics Spring (1986). 34 This view is typical of conflict studies scholars such as Sissela Bok who view the activation of conflicts as the strategic action of rationally motivated actors taking advantage of perceived opportunities to advance their interests. 35 Ron E. Hassner, "Understanding and Resolving Disputes over Sacred Space." Stanford Center on Conflict and Negotiation Working Paper, no. 62 (2002).
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religiousleadersandconstituentcommunitiesaswellaspoliticalauthoritiesinfacilitatingthe process.Hegivesanaccountofcurrentpolicyapproachestointractableconflictsoversacred siteswhichtendtoconsideronlythepoliticalpowersatworkintheirapproach.Generally,from apolicyperspective,asacredsiteisunderstoodasessentiallydevoidofsymbolicoresoteric meaningandisfundamentallyapieceofproperty.Religiouscontestationsareatroot manifestationsofdisputationinthepoliticaleconomy.Anothercommonapproachtreatsthese conflictsasaxiomaticandindicativeofdeep-rooted,evenprimordial,divisionsbetween religiousworldviewsandtheircivilizationalcontexts.Neitherpositionholdsmuchpossibility forconflictresolution.Inhisessay,Hassnerputsforwardasathirdperspectiveacritical phenomenologythatrefusestoeitherdismissthesymbolicdimensionorreifyit.Itisthis perspectivewhichIhopetoelaboratehere. DefiningandDefyingReligiousIdentity Theprevalenceofconflictmodelsofinter-religiousinteraction,inIndiaandelsewhere, seespointsofcommunalexchangeasinherentlydisputedandessentiallyirreconcilable.Shared sitesareunderstood,atleastimplicitly,tobezonesofconflict,eitherpotentialoractuated.This leadstoconfusionwhenwetrytoaccountforthefactthatcountlesspeopleinIndiaand elsewherevisittheholyplacesofotherreligionsonaregular,evendailybasis.Indeedthereare somesitesthataresomuchapartofthesharedlifeofacommunitythatitisimpossibleto determinetowhichreligiontheshrine,theritualspecialists,orthecongregationmightbelong. Thestoriestoldfeaturepeopleofmultiplereligiousorientations,notnecessarilypejorativelyor asademonstrationofonefaith'ssuperiorityovertheother.Ritualsappropriatetomultiple religioustraditionsmaybeperformedinasinglespace,asareritualsthatcannotbeeasily categorized.Spatiallyandiconographicallytheplacesthemselvesdeliberatelythwart

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categorization.Thefactthatpractitionersofthesetraditionsmayrefusetoidentifythemselves witharecognizedinstitutionalreligion,i.e.HinduismorIslam,shouldindicatehowmistaken questionsaboutreligiousidentitymaybe.Theselabelsareoftensolimitingthattheydonot accuratelyrepresenteithertheself-perceptionofthedevoteesoradequatelyaccountforthe fullnessofthetraditionsassociatedwiththeseshrines. Infact,manydevoteesatsharedsacredsitesrefusetoacceptoradoptsectarianreligious labelsatall.Thosethatdoclaimalabelusuallyassertthebeliefthatreligiousidentityisamatter ofbackgroundorpreferencenotsuperiorityorexclusivity.Thisreluctancetoclaimasingle identityforselforspacerevealsseveralthings.First,itchallengesthepervasivereligious politicsinIndia,particularlythedominantpositionoftheHinduright,whichdemandsunitary religiousidentities.Thisdemandwasexpressedbyoneoftheprimaryideologuesofthedoctrine ofHindutva,orHindu-ness,V.D.Savarkar(d.1966),"SpreadbetweenriverIndustotheOcean isthislandofIndia;whosoeverdeemsitasfatherlandandholylandisaHindu.Itmaybethatat somefuturetimethewordHindumaycometoindicateacitizenofHindusthanandnothing else!"Whereasfornon-HinduIndiansthisbespeaksadesireforculturalannihilationor assimilation,asinterpretedbyamoderndayadmirerofSavarkar,thisstatementisproofofthe loveofHinduismforthesefaiths.Heasks,"DoesthisnotshowthatSavarkarvisualisedthata timewouldcomewhenMuslimswouldbeincludedinthefoldoftheHindus?Ifthisisso,how canHindutvabeanti-Muslim?"36ThepresentPrimeMinister,AtalBihariVajpayeehasechoed andupdatedtheperspectivethatHindutvaisequivalenttoIndianness.InhisNewYear'saddress in2003,VajpayeeassertedthatHindutva"presentsabroad,all-encompassingviewofhuman life,"andshouldnotbeconfusedwithreligiousextremism.Onthecontrary,"ThisIndiannessor

36

J. Joglekar, "Veer Savarkar Vindicated," at http://www.hvk.org/Publications/veer.html. 30

Bhartiyata(whichisnotdifferentfromHindutva)iswhatweshouldallcelebrateandfurther strengthen."37YetthisBharityata-Hindutvaagendadoesnotembracethepossibilityofshared sacredspace.Ratherthemaingroups,oftenlabeledtheHindutvabrigadeortheSanghParivar, haveactivelysoughtnottosharebuttoliberate.Liberation,inHindutvajargon,meansthe eliminationofMuslimshrinesidentifiedashavingpreviouslybeenHindu.Byrefusingtoaccept religiouslabelsofanysort,devoteesatsharedshrinesthwarttheHindutvaideologueswhoseek tosubsumeallreligionsintooneHinduidentity.Therefusaltodealinthecommoncurrencyof sectarianismisasaneverydayactofresistanceagainstmajority-minoritypoliticsthatrewards clarityofaffiliationandseekstohomogenizethenation. Second,therejectionoflabelsbydevoteesatdargahsrevealstheirunderstandingofthe agendasimplicitinsuchqueriesfromanobviousoutsideranddemonstratesaninstinctiverefusal tofurtherfuelanalreadywell-fedfire.Indiansarepainfullyawareofthewaysinwhichreligion isusedbypoliticians,journalists,andscholarstodefineeverydisputeandconflict.MostIndians liveinamuchmorecomplicatedworldinwhichsuchidentitiesarenotsatisfactoryexplanations foranimosityorviolence.ManydevoteeswhomIquestionedatHaiderShaikh'stombandother suchplacesmadeconcertedeffortstocircumventwhattheyimaginedweremyassumptions abouttheirreligiousaffiliationsbyeitherassuminganon-denominationalidentityorbyasserting thenormalcyofsomanyreligionsbeingco-presentattheshrine.Indeed,manyHindusand Sikhscitetheshrine'slackofconcernforcasteandclassasasignificantpartoftheshrine's appeal.TheyfrequentlyexplainthattheylovethisostensiblyMuslimsaintfortheveryreason that"vohhamaresanjheprhain,"heisoursharedholyman,whodidnotbelieveinsectarian religiousidentity.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, quoted in V. Venkatesan, "A Secular Veneer," Frontline, (Volume 20, Issue 3, January1830, 2003).
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Third,thisrefusalrevealsagenuineconcerntomaintainthesharedsenseofcommunity attheshrinewhichispredicatedonthesimultaneousandharmoniouspresenceofmultiple religiousgroups.AtthesitesIstudiedinIndiathisqualityofopennesswasoneofthemost commonlygivenreasonsfortheappealoftheshrine.Thebulkofsocialscienceresearchon inter-religiousrelationsfocusesonthequantifiablecriteriaofexchangesuchasgroup membership,economicindicatorsandvotingrecords.Butitisimportanttostudynotjustthe publicandsocialbehaviorsofpeopleinamulti-religiousarea,butalsotheirreligiousbehaviors. Examiningthesharednarrativeandrituallifeofaplacegivesamorerealisticunderstandingof thetruedepthofintegrationinacommunity.Unconfinedbynumericrepresentations,the meaningoftheserelationshipstopeopleandtheplacestheyinhabitbecomemuchmorevivid andaccurate. However,therejectionofsectarianreligiousidentitywithintheconfinesorenvironsofa

sharedsanctuarydoesnotthereforemeanthatreligiousidentityhasnomeaning.Religious identitiesdomattertopeopleandunderstandinghow,when,andwhyisessentialtoour understandingofthebroaderphenomenonofinter-religiousrelationsinIndia.38Thisis particularlyimportantinrelationtominorityreligiouscommunities,suchasMalerkotla,which arecaughtbetweennationalandlocallevelidentitypolitics.Theformerrequiresminority populationstoprojectadefensiveimagethatemphasizestheirnon-threatening,harmonious identitywhilethelatterdemandsthatinter-religiousfrictionbesuppressedanddeniedto

For several much more nuanced approaches to this question, see David Gilmartin and Bruce Lawrence, ed., Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia, (Gainesville; University Press of Florida, 2000). On the subject of the construction of religious identities in India, see Paul R. Brass, "Elite Groups, Symbol Manipulation and Ethnic Identity among the Muslims of South Asia," in Nationalism: Critical Concepts in Political Science, edited by John Hutchison and Anthony D. Smith, (London; Routledge, 2000), Mushirul Hasan, ed. Islam, Communities and the Nation: Muslim Identities in South Asia and Beyond, (Delhi; Manohar, 1998) and "Minority Identity and Its Discontents: Ayodhya and Its Aftermath," in Religion, Religiosity and Communalism, edited by Harbans Mukhia, Praful Bidwai, and Achin Vanaik, (Delhi; Manohar, 1996), Francis Robinson, Islam and Muslim History in South Asia, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 2000).
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maintainthedominantethicofharmony.Tomanagethetensionbetweenthesetwoforces,the populationsinthetownandattheshrineengageinaprocessthatFoucaulttermedsubjection.39 Subjectiondefinestheprocessthroughwhichhegemonicideologies,suchasthelogicofHindu nationalism,areinternalizedandbecomeself-regulating.InMalerkotla,theethicofharmonyis internalizedandbecomesintegraltopeople'ssenseofselfandplaceandisthusenactedthrough narratives,rituals,spatialpractices,andregulatoryprocesses.Theresidentstakeuptheworkof self-discipliningtoconformtothismostconducivecommunityidentity. TheawarenessoftheirvulnerabilitythatpervadestheMuslimcommunitythroughout IndiacallsintoquestionwhethersharingofasacredsiteprimarilyidentifiableasMuslimsuchas thedargahofHaiderShaikhisvoluntaryortheresultofthecoerciveforceofthedominant population.UltimatelythereislittlethatMuslimscoulddotoexcludethemajoritypopulation fromsuchsiteseveniftheychosetodoso.Hindunationalistgroupshavebeenveryactivein claimingsitesthattheyidentifyasoriginallyHindu.InadditiontothefamouscaseoftheBabri MasjidatAyodhyawhichwasdestroyedin1992byHinduswhobelieveditwasbuiltonthe birthplaceofthegodRama,over30,000otherMuslimshrinesareclaimedtohavebeenbuilton Hindusites.40LeadersoforganizationssuchastheVHPgoonregulartourstovisittheseplaces andagitatefortheir"liberation."Insuchacontext,themanagersofHaiderShaikh'sandother dargahsmaywellbelievethatallowingandpromotingHinduparticipationisnotonlyintheir economicinterestsbutalsoguaranteestheirsurvival.Ratherthantrulyembracingamulticonfessionalconstituency,theymaybe"learningtolovetheinevitable."However,asindicated above,thesharingofthesitemaynotbeamatterofforcealone.Suchopennessisconsistent

See especially Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller, eds., The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1991) and Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, (New York; Vintage, 1977). 40 Sita Ram Goel, Hindu Temples: What Happened to Them, Volumes I and II. (New Delhi; Voice of India, 1998).
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withthesituationatmanyotherSufitombshrinesthroughoutSouthAsia,inMuslimmajority andminorityregions.Mostsignificantly,manydevoteesatsharedsitesassertthelackof sectarianismasoneoftheirreasonsforattendingtheshrine.Thenarrative,ritual,andregulatory systemsenactedattheshrineandinthetownserveaschecksandbalances,abletosustainthe ethicofharmonyunderinternalandexternalstresses. Demonstratinganauthenticidentityinresponsetothesenumerousstressesrequires considerablepersonalandcollectivecreativity.Thelogicofthenation-stateexertsapowerful forceonmultiplyidentifyingindividualsthroughtheinstitutionalformsandstructuresthat requireandrecognizeonlycertainidentityformationssuchasHindu,Muslim,andSikh. Simultaneously,however,peopleareengagedinthecreativeprocessofidentityconstruction, makingroomformultipleidentitypositions.Thedialecticbetweenthebrittle,friableidentities manifestedondemandforinstitutionalanddescriptivepurposesandthemorefluid,protean selvesoperatingsimultaneouslyisacrucialpartoftheongoingidentityformationprocess.The demandtoproducerecognizableidentitymarkerscontributesasfolkloristHenryGlassie explains,tothelossof"existentialauthenticity"asapredeterminedidentitymarkerisnot"the productofdirectcreativeactivity."Tocompensateforthislossofcreativitypeople"construct dainty,friableselves,selvessofragilethateveryonetakeseverythingpersonally,andsensitivity replacesvirtueininteractions."41Thesefragileandbrittleidentitiesaretheidentitiesof confrontationandexpedience.Theybecomethebattlegroundsofdebatesabouttheirplaceinthe collectivityofcommunitiesatalllevels(personal,familial,local,regional,national).However, suchascriptiveidentitiesmaskthefluiditywithwhichmostpeopleshift,whetherdeliberately

41

Henry Glassie, "On Identity," Journal of American Folklore (Volume 107, 1994), p. 240. 34

andconsciouslyorinstinctivelyanddefensively,betweenpossibleselves,accordingtocontext, interest,opportunity,andconstraint.42 SowereturntoDurkheim,whounderstoodthatcollectiverepresentationsofa

community'sidentity,inhiscasethetotem,dependuponregularceremoniesofrenewalbythe collectivity.Toretainthemeaningandpowerofasymbolrequiresthatwe"plungethemagain intotheverysourceofreligiouslife:assembledgroups."43AlthoughIresistDurkheim'sradical relocationofthesacredintothecollectivity,thecaseofMalerkotlaanditsactsofselfrepresentationthroughnarrativeandritualperformancesofitsidealizedpastareactivatedand maintainedasmeaningfulbyrepeatedreenactmentandconstantreferencetosymbolicactorsand events.Furthermore,Durkheimforcefullyarguesthat"conceptsarecollectiverepresentations," andassuchtheethicofharmonythatpervadesMalerkotlaprovidesaconceptualframeworkthat containsmultiplespecificunderstandings.44Thegeneralityofthenotionofanethicofharmony, usuallytermedbhaicharorbrotherhoodbyresidents,containstheenormousvarietyofparticular perspectivesheldbythemulti-religiouscommunity.Thusthecollectiverepresentationof Malerkotlaasazoneofpeace,imbuedwithanethicofharmonydoesnotindicateauniformity ofopinion,butratheraconsistencyoftheframeworkforself-definitiononwhichthecommunity tacitlyagrees. GroundsforCompetition CommunitymemoriesinscribethelifeoftheShaikhintothesacredlandscapeandof Malerkotla.Theendowmentoftheland,themiraclesofthesaint,andtheaccountsofhis

The notion of fluid identity is applied in India in the work of E. Valentine Daniel, Fluid Signs: Being a Person the Tamil Way, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1984). See also Peter Gottschalk's extensive use of fluidity as a metaphor for multiple identity in Beyond Hindu and Muslim, pp. 103-107. 43 Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, translated by Karen E. Fields, (New York; Free Press, 1995), p. 350. 44 Durkheim, The Elementary Forms, p. 437.
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offspringareallverymuchpartsofthetown'sidentity,fromtheearliestrecordedsourcestothe narrativeaccountsoftoday.ManyfeaturesofMalerkotla'senvironmentareassociatedwiththe loreofthesaint.Oneconstellationofstories,historiesandobservationsinvolvingthewall surroundingthetombprovideaninterestinginsightintothewayinwhichvariantandpotential conflictingversionsofthetomb'sstructuralhistoryaredefused.Thiswallisaprominentfeature atthetombandassociatedwiththemiraculousposthumousaffirmationoftheShaikh'sstatusas asaint.Infact,thefirststoryIeverheardaboutthedargahwasthatjinnhadbuiltthewall enclosingthegraveinasinglenightafterthesaint'sdeath.Ilaterheardthatangelsguardthe twoentrancestothedargah,oneatgate.45Bothstoriesrelatetheincursionofdivineagencyinto themundanerealminordertoprotectthesanctityofthespace.However,myriadhuman caretakersanddevoteeshelpwiththemundaneworkofmaintainingtheholinessofthetomb. Thisbearswitnesstoahumanefforttomaintaintheintegrityoftheshrinebyupholdingthose traditionsthatmakeitanopenandaccessibleplaceforitsmultipleconstituents. NearlyeveryoneinMalerkotlaknowsthatjinnbuiltthewall,includingthedevoteeswho

swarmtheshrineduringthemelawhooftenknowlittleelseoftheloreofthesaintortheshrine. Theonlyvariationonthistalegivenbydevoteeswastochangetheidentityofthemiraculous builders.Thesemaybevariouslyidentifiedasdevaton(gods)orthegodVisvakarmaalonewas sometimescredited,notsurprising,asheisthepatrondeityforcarpentersandbuilders.An additiontothetaleheardfromanelderlywomanofthekhalfahfamilyintroducesadomestic element.Thiswoman,whospendsmuchofherdaysittingatthedargah,saysthatthebuilding ofthewalltookplaceasalocalwomanwasgrindingflourinthenight.Whenthewoman stoppedgrinding,thewallalsoceased.Sheexplains:

These angels are known to certain members of the community. One of them came about eighty years ago from Baghdad to serve Haider Shaikh, the other is of unknown origin but has been at the dargh for many years as well.
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Whenhe[HaiderShaikh]died[cholachorhdiya],inonenightthiswallwas made.Godknowswhomadeit,thejinn.Awomanusedtogrindflourwitha manualgrindstone[chakki],sheusedtowakeupbyfoura.m.Whenshestarted grinding,thewallsweremade.Whenshestoppedgrinding,thewallsstopped. Nomud,nocementisusedinthesewalls.Itwasmadeinonenight.Nobodywas seenbuildingit.Thisstonecamefromsomewhereduringthenight,itisnot knownfromwhere,andthewallwasformed. ByincorporatingoneofthearchetypalimagesofPunjabilife,awomangrindingflour,intothis narrative,themiraculousbecomesmundane,theawesomeseemsapproachable,andthe transcendentisimmanent.46 Thewall,whateveritsorigin,iscomposedoflargesquare-cutgreystoneswhicharenot foundinanyotherextantstructureinMalerkotlatoday.Thereareroundedtowersateachcorner ofthesiteandanumberofarchednichesontheinteriorandexterior,somewithdecorative motifsorinscriptionsreading,'Allah.'Thepavilionoverthesaint'stombisrelativelyrecentand somemaintenanceintermsofconcreteandmarbleflooringhasalsotakenplacemakingit difficulttoknowtheformoftheoriginalsite.Bysomeaccounts,atthetimeofHaiderShaikh's arrivalthereweretheruinsofafortificationatBhumsi,andthisledthesainttosettleherewhen hesoughtaplacetomeditateonthebankofatributaryoftheSutlej.AccordingtoIftikharAli Khan'shistoryofthestate,theconstructionofthedargahofHaiderShaikhiscreditedtothefirst trueNawabofMalerkotla,Bayzid(d.1657).TheneighborhoodknownasBhumsiisreportedby severalresidentsandsomewrittensourcesasthelocationofaHindukingdomthatpredatedthe Muslimoccupationofthearea.Indeed,theironworker,whorecountedthetaleofHaiderShaikh andthehorsecitedabove,assertsthatskeletons25feetlonghavebeendugupfromaplace calledPujkiHaveli.OtherssaythattheHindurajaofthisplacewascalledMalherSingh,and hencefromhisnametheregioniscalledMaler.Thiskingwasbelievedtobedescendedfrom
This image is so archetypal that it is one of three or four nostalgic renditions of Punjabi village life that can be seen for sale as posters all over the state and on the walls of countless homes and offices.
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RajaBhimSen,oneofthefivePandavabrotherswhoaretheprotagonistsofthegreatHindu epicMahabharata.Yetthesereferencesarelargelypointsofprideratherthancontention, integratingHinduhistoryintotheMuslimdominatedlandscape. Yetsuchhistoriesalsoprovidepotentialgroundsforcompetition.Asrecentlywitnessed

inthecourt-orderedexcavationattheBabriMasjid-RamJanmabhumisite,claimstopriorHindu occupancyhaveresultedincataclysmicbattlesbetweenHindusandMuslimswithshockwaves feltthroughoutIndia.Thusitisimportanttounderstandhowinothercaseswherethereisa potentialpointofdisputationthatsuchconflictsdonotoccur.InMalerkotlathispotentialliesin thecaseofthemiraculouswallsurroundingthedargahofHaiderShaikh.Havingenteredthe twoouterandoneinnergate,thevisitorapproachestheshrinefromtheback,andfacesthe miraculouswallthatenclosesthetombitself.Thiswallisindeedremarkableinitsconstruction andmaterials.Aconservationarchitectwhosawthewallwasimmediatelystruckbyit, remarkingthatitresembledarchitectureoftheKhiljiperiod(1290-1320).Furthermore,she notedthatthearchednichesinthewallswereonthreesideslinteled,butthoseintheqiblawall, facingMecca,were'truearches'withkeystonesbearingtheweightaninnovationbroughtto IndiabytheMuslims.Thecornerpillarsontheqiblawallsidealsoshowsomesignsthat perhapsthestructurehadbeenreorientedasthestonesofthewallarecutflushwiththepillars, notbrickedintoeachanotherasontheothersidesofthewall.Allthisistosaythatthereis somearchitecturalevidencetosuggestthatthisstructuresubstantiallypre-datesHaiderShaikh, andthatwaspotentiallynotMuslim,oratleastnotfordevotionalpurposes,initsoriginaldesign. Itisimpossibletomakesuchadetermination,butitissignificantthatdespiteanactivelocaloral traditionthattherehadbeenaHindukingdomherepreviouslyandthatthiswasthesiteofRaja MalherSingh'sfort,noonechallengesthemiraculousoriginstoryofthisunusualwall.

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Architecturalandarcheologicalargumentsovertheidentityofsacredspacearemajor

industriesinIndiatoday.FromtheBabriMasjid-SriRamjanmabhumiinAyodhyatothe supposedbirthplaceofKrishnabeneathanAurangzeb-builtmosque,toimagesoftheelephant godGaneshainthewalloftheQutbMinarinMehrauli,themovementto'liberate'templesfrom theirMuslimoppressorsispervasiveandcomprehensive.TheVHPandsimilargroupshave gonetogreatlengthstodocumentsitestheybelievewereformerlytemples.Inhisnotorious bookHinduTemples:WhatHappenedtoThem?SitaRamGoelindexesafewhundredofhis claimed'thousandsandthousands'oftempleswhichhavebeenmartyredineverystateinIndia.47 Butevenhispainstakingaccretionofafewofthemutewitnessesthatcarryunimpeachable evidenceoftheviolencethatwasdonetothem,deliberatelyandbyhumanhands,failstocome acrossthedargahofHaiderShaikh,althoughseverallesspopulardargahsinPunjabarelocated andlisted.48Itissignificantthatinspiteoftheavailabilityofnarrativesaswellasphysical evidenceofacounter-historyatthedargahandtheverypublicdiscourseofcontestationover sacredsites,nosuchissuehaseverbeenraisednoranychallengemountedtothestoryofthe miraculouswall.However,asdocumentedinseveralstudiesofAyodhyaandthedemolitionof

Sita Ram Goel, "Let the Mute Witnesses Speak," in Hindu Temples --What Happened to Them (Vol. I), ed. Sita Ram Goel (Voice of India Publication)., http://www.bharatvani.org/books/htemples1/ch10.htm 48 In Punjab he lists only two sites in District Sangrur, both in Sunam. The Qadm Masjid (1414) and Ganj-iShahdn are both identified as former temple sites. The other Punjab sites listed are: Bhatinda District: Mazr of Bb Hj Rattan (1593). Converted temple. Gurdaspur District. Batala, Jmi' Masjid. Temple site. Jalandhar District. Sultanpur, Bdshhi Sarai. Built on the site of a Buddhist Vjhra. Ludhiana District. (1) Dargh and Masjid of Al Sarmast (1570). Temple site. (2) Qz-k-Masjid (1517). Temple site. Patiala District. 1. Bahadurgarh, Masjid in the Fort (1666). Temple site. 2. Bawal, Masjid (1560). Temple site. 3. Samana (i) Sayyido-k-Masjid (1495). Temple site. (ii) Jmi' Masjid (1614-15). Temple site. (iii) Masjid near Immbra (1637). Temple site. (iv) Przda-k-Masjid (1647). Temple site. Ropar District. Jmi' Masjid. Temple site.
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theBabriMasjid,whensuchtargetingdoesoccur,theMuslimcustodiansofthesiteshavefew optionsavailabletocounterthechallenges.49 TheMuslimMinority:Local,Regional,andNational InIndia,theascriptiveidentitieswhichcometotheforeunderstressareoftenreligious.

Althoughfrequentlymaskingorinvolvingissuesbeyondthoseoffaithandpractice,suchas economic,social,andpersonalconflicts,publiccontestationsareofteninterpretedandthereby experiencedthroughtheframeofreligiousidentity.ThusinIndia,thepoliticsofreligious identityareintense.UndertheBritish,asystemwasinstitutedwhichdistributedauthority, autonomyandbenefitssuchasthefranchisetovote,employment,anduniversityadmissionson thebasisofreligion.Thissystemessentiallyguaranteedthatthepopulationwouldhaveto aggregateandagitateforincreasedrightsonthesamebasisuponwhichthoserightswere distributedthatisreligion.50Thisfissiparouslogicwasintensifiedbythetendencyofthe Britishtoregardmanyinstancesofunrest,agitation,orviolenceasessentiallyreligiousand endemicratherthanmulti-causalandthereforeevidenceofresistanceandoppositiontothe injusticesofcolonialrule.51Thestruggleforindependence,thoughinitiallyengendering solidaritybetweenIndia'smanyethnicandreligiousgroupsultimatelyforcedthesediverse groupsapart.Inparticular,thedivisionbetweentheHindumajorityseekingastrongcentral governmentandMuslimsdesirousofafederatedsysteminwhichMuslimmajorityregions wouldhaverelativeautonomy,combinedwithBritishmismanagementofthenegotiationsfor
The delicate position of the Muslim community in Ayodhya is discussed in van der Veer's Gods on Earth, and, most poignantly, in Nandy, et al. Creating a Nationality. In the latter work, several local Muslim resist discussions about the demolition out of fear of reprisal and a sense of their own vulnerability as a minority. 50 See Amrita Basu, ed., Community Conflicts and the State in India, (Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1998), Bidwai, et al Religion, Religiosity, and Communalism, Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1993), Gyanendra Pandey, The Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1990), and van der Veer, Religious Nationalism. 51 See especially Pandey, op cit.
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independentIndia,resultingin1947'sPartitionofIndiaandPakistan.Thetransferofpopulation ofclosetofifteenmillionpeoplealsoresultedinanywherefrom200,000toamilliondeaths. India,formerlytwenty-fivepercentMuslimwasreducedtoabouttenpercentMusliminamatter ofmonths.TheremainingMuslimpopulation,stillasizeableminority,hasstruggledeversince toestablishitsrighttoexistandtobeMuslim. Forthesereasons,MuslimIndiansareinaprecariousposition.Forthem,effortsto mobilizetheircommunityorappealfortheirrightsascitizensareoftenassailedbytheHindu nationalists,whodominatepoliticsatthenationallevel.ReservedpositionsforMuslimsand otherunder-representedgroupsareseenascoddlingandpanderingtotheMuslimvote.Muslims inIndiaaresuspectedofextra-territorialloyalty,accusedofbeingafifthcolumnwithinIndia, andremindedfrequentlythattheircontinuedsurvivaldependswhollyonthegoodwillofthe majority.ThiswasforcefullyarticulatedasrecentlyasMarch17,2003whenK.S.Sudarshan, theheadoftheRashtriyaSwayamsevakSangh(oneoftheprincipleHinduextremist organizationswithanestimatedenrollmentofoveramillion)issuedwhathascometobeknown astheBangaloreResolution.Thisstatementdeclared,inpart,"LettheMuslimsunderstandthat theirrealsafetyliesinthegoodwillofthemajority."52Suchstarkremindersoftheir vulnerabilitycontributetothehighlycomplicatedprocessofidentityformationforIndian Muslims.InordertobeconsideredfullyIndianbytheHindumajority,thereisthesensethat Islammustbegivenup,oratleastsubordinatedtootheridentitiesthatarenotperceivedto conflictwiththedominantIndianidentity.Hindu,ontheotherhand,issynonymouswithIndian andrequiresnoaccommodationoradjustment.InorderforMuslimstobesuccessfulinpublic lifemustcurtailtheirMuslim-ness.AnextremeexampleofthisisthecurrentPresidentofIndia,
Source: "RSS Stands by Resolution," The Hindu, March 23, 2003. The context of the Resolution was actually a meeting in Bangalore, the sixth such meeting in a series of dialogues with Christian groups.
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AbdulKalam,who,althoughaMuslim,callshimselfabrahmacar,atechnicaltermforaHindu manatthestageoflifeinwhichheundergoesaperiodofcelibatespiritualtraining. Encouragingthistypeofself-disciplineonthepartofIndia'sMuslimsisclearlyagoalofthe RSSanditsaffiliateorganizations,whichincludetherulingpoliticalpartyBJP,whobelievethat allIndiansshouldacceptthelabelofHinduasreferringtoaculturalratherthanareligious identity.Styledinthisfashion,notrueIndianshouldobjecttobeingcalledHindu. Muslimsknow,evenwithoutconstantremindersbynationalleaders,suchasSudarshan andVajpayee,thattheircontinuedsurvivaldependsuponthegoodwillofthemajorityHindu population.Theyarepainfullyconfrontedwithproofoftheirvulnerabilitybyeventssuchasthe pogromsinGujaratinthespringof2002whenMuslimswerekilledanddisplacedinenormous numbers.53Furthermore,inthesummerof2003severalofthefewcasesbroughtagainstthe perpetratorsoftheviolencewereinitiallydismissedduetowitnessintimidationandalackof institutionalwilltoprosecutethecriminals.54Indeed,theUSCommissiononInternational ReligiousFreedom,anagencyoftheStateDepartment,hasgonesofarastoassertthat"Despite India'sdemocratictraditions,religiousminoritiesinIndiahaveperiodicallybeensubjectto severeviolence,includingmasskillings,"andfurthernotesthat"thoseresponsibleforthe violencearerarelyeverheldtoaccount."ThereportimplicatestheHindunationalistBJP

News media estimates around 2,000 people killed in violence that followed the burning of a train car containing Hindus returning from the flashpoint city of Ayodhya just outside a station in a Muslim neighborhood. Reports of the cause of the attacks vary, but in the aftermath there were systematic attacks on Muslims, their neighborhoods, and their businesses. After over two months of disturbances, over 100,000 people were displaced, again mostly Muslim. The state government in power during the violence called for early elections which they won handily, and as yet no major case against the perpetrators has been brought successfully. 54 In perhaps the most famous case, a female witness was one of thirty-seven of seventy-three witnesses to recant, turning 'hostile' on the stand in a trial taking place over a year after the events of spring 2002. Zahira Sheikh was an eyewitness to the death of her father and thirteen others who were burned alive inside the family's bakery business during the violence. It was widely reported that she was threatened until she recanted by the time she reached the stand. Speaking out afterwards, she told of systematic harassment that led her and her relatives and other witnesses to believe that the government itself would destroy their lives if she continued to press charges. http://www.rediff.com/news/2003/oct/09best1.htm
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government,whichrulesthecentralgovernmentandinthestateofGujaratsince1998, observing,"anincreaseinsuchviolencehascoincidedwiththeriseinpoliticalinfluenceof groupsassociatedwiththeSanghParivar."TheempowermentoftheParivarhasresultedina growing"climateofimmunityfortheperpetratorsofattacksonminorities."Inthisclimateof fearamidclearevidencethatpogromsagainstMuslimswillnotonlygounpunishedbutprovide substantialelectoralgains,thenatureofdailyinteractionsbetweenHindus,Muslims,Sikhsand othersthroughoutIndiabecomesamatterofurgentconcern. Inhisinsightfularticle,"CanaMuslimBeanIndian?,"GyanendraPandeyexploreshow MuslimIndiansarenotonlyconstantlyremindedoftheirvulnerability,butalsoarerequiredto activelymanifesttheiridentitiesasloyalandlegitimatecitizens.Thiscoercionispartandparcel ofthenation-buildingprocessthatrequiresconstitutingacoremainstream,inevitablygenerating minoritieswhodonotfitthecore.WhereasHindusareidentifiedas"natural"citizens,Muslims areregardedasaliens,havingahomeinPakistan.ApopularHinduextremistslogandeclares, "Baburisantan,jao,Pakistanyaqabarstan,"(Babur'sdescendentsGo!ToPakistanorthe graveyard.).55Theprocessofhealingthewoundsofnationaldivisionin1947involvedthe forgingofnewcoherenthistoricalnarratives.InIndia,thisemergedasanepisodicIndian historyinwhichaglorifiedHinduperiodwastraumaticallyendedbyMusliminvasionthatwas eventuallysupercededbyBritishrule,culminatingideallyinacyclicreturntoHindudominance withIndependencein1947.IntheaftermathofPartition,leadersofthenationalistmovement suchasVallabhaiPatel(thenDeputyPrimeMinister)declaredtotheMuslimpopulation, youmustchangeyourattitude,adaptyourselftothechangedconditionsDon't pretendtosay,'Oh,ouraffectionisgreatforyou.'Wehaveseenyouraffection. Letusforgettheaffection.Letusfacetherealities.Askyourselfwhetheryou

55

Babur was the first Mughal ruler of North India, ruling from 1526-1530. 43

reallywanttostandhereandcooperatewithusoryouwanttoplaydisruptive tactics.56 TheprocessofdividingIndiaalongreligiouslinesresultedineachcommunitybelievingthat onlytheirownpartisanswouldbegenuinecustodiansoftheirwelfare.AccordingtoPandey, oneofthemosteffectivewaysinwhichthenotionofIndian-nesswasformulatedafterthe Partitionwasthroughthemakingofanarrativeofthenation'shistory.Inordertogenerate communitycohesion,thenarrativeconstructedwasinherentlyexclusionaryandledtoalienation andsuspicionbetweenthetwocommunities.Foritspart,theMuslimcommunityinIndialacks thecoherenceandsolidaritythatthemoreorganizedelementsintheHinducommunitypossess. Fragmentedanddivided,fewexplicitlyMuslimpoliticalpartiesexist,fewleadershavenational levelprominenceorappeal,andthegovernmentregularlybansMuslimorganizationsas suspectedextremists.57Abriefglanceatsomeofthemajorpublicationsgearedtowardsthis populationrevealsanangertemperedbyanxietythatisreflectedintheconfusedandoften contradictorypositionstakenbyvariousMuslimleaders.58ForexampletheMay31,2003 editionofTheMilliGazette,abi-monthlyjournal,containsthefollowingheadlines:"Blaming MuslimsforOthers'Mischief,""MuslimsinIndia:LiveTogethertoSurvive,"and"Hindus

Vallabhai Patel, cited in Gyanendra Pandey, "Can a Muslim Be an Indian?" Comparative Studies in Society and History 41, no. 4 (1999), p. 620. 57 There are no major nation-wide Muslim political parties and the only Muslim party with a significant constituency is the Muslim League in Kerala. National Muslim organizations include the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), the Jamaat-i Islami e-Hind (JIH), the Jamaat-i Ulama e-Hind (JUH). Eight Muslim groups are among the twenty-three banned by the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO) passed in 2001. (Four are Sikh groups and the remainder relate to regional independence struggles in Assam, Manipur, Tamil Nadu, Sri Lanka, etc.) 58 In another example, in order to defend the tenuous autonomy of the Muslim population in terms of their ability to self-adjudicate in matters of personal law the acceptability of early marriage for girls has recently been championed by certain elements. Although this does not appear to be a popular move among Muslim Indians, such efforts are difficult to counter from within the faith as any challenge to the fragile authority of prominent Muslim associations such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) who put forward this stipulation, may be regarded as treasonous and undermining the uncertain solidarity of the Muslim community at large.
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ReturntoTheirHomeswithMuslimHelp."59Thesestatementsfromamoderatesourceindicate therangeofissuesMuslimIndiansfeelmostdeeply.Thefirstheadlineexpressesresentmentof theconstantscapegoatingofMuslimsforallmannerofcrimesandsocialills.Thesecond demonstratesafearofisolationandtheneedforsolidaritytoensuretheircontinuedexistence. Thelastheadlineisanindicationofthepotentialforcooperationandsupportacrossreligious boundaries.Itgivesevidencethatmutualfriendshipandsupportexists,validatingand encouragingthosewhodoreachoutbeyondtheirowncommunity.Theseheadlinesalso illustratethecycleofminorityconsciousness.Theactorsinallofthesestoriesarereducedto theirreligiousidentities.Theyarenotneighbors,theunemployed,outcastes,orMaharashtrian merelyMuslimorHindu.ThischoiceoflanguageindicatesthedegreetowhichtheMuslim communityrepresentedbythisjournalbothconsolidatestheMuslimcommunity,generating solidarityandcohesiveness,andsimultaneouslycircumscribesMuslims,settingthemapartand reinforcingthesenseofseparatenessbetweenreligions.Onlythelastheadlineindicatesthe possibilityofcrossingboundaries,butitdoesnotsuggestthattheboundarydoesnotexist. CivilSocietyandCommunalConflict Recently,agreatdealofscholarshiponinter-religiousandethnicrelationsinIndiahas focusedontheroleofcivilsocietyinpromotingorunderminingpeacefulrelationsbetween communitiesinagivenlocale.PaulBrassandStanleyTambiahhavestudiedthenetworksof "riotspecialists"(asBrasshastermedthem)or"institutionalizedriotsystems"ininstigating,

The Milli Gazette is the mouthpiece of the All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat, an organization spearheaded by Syed Shihabuddin, a former Member of Parliament and prominent Muslim rights activist. See www.milligazette.com. Other English language sources on Indian Muslim issues include The Islamic Voice (www.islamicvoice.com) and the Indian Muslim Action Network (www.imannet.org). This last group is a branch of the Indian Muslim Council based in the USA.
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organizing,andperpetuatingviolentconflictswithinaregion.60AshutoshVarshneylikewise focusesoncivilsocietyandtheassociationalandeverydaylinksbetweenethnicandreligious groupsasthelocationwherestablesocietiesarebuiltandmaintained.61Heidentifies,following Brass,an"institutionalizedpeacesystem"inareas whichhavelongrecordsofinterethnicpeace, theprocessesofwhichworkatthelevelofcivilsociety.Withincivilsociety,Varshney identifiestwolevels,theassociationalandtheeverydayandheunequivocallyassertsthatformal associationalinterethniclinkssubstantiallyexceedtheimportanceofeverydayinterethniclinks asthecrucialelementinsustainingpeaceinaregion.AccordingtoVarshney,"Thoughvaluable initself,"thewarmthgeneratedbydailyinteractions"doesnotnecessarilyconstitutethebedrock forstrongcivicorganizations."62AlthoughIdisagreewithVarshney'sminimizationoftherole oftheeveryday,hisexpansionofBrass'theoryoftheinstitutionalizedpeacesystemisavaluable one.AsVarshneyputsit,"Ethnicpeaceshould,forallpracticalpurposes,beconceptualizedas aninstitutionalizedchannelingandresolutionofethnicconflicts.Itshouldbevisualizedasan absenceofviolence,notasanabsenceofconflict."63Hispointthatconflictisalwayspresentin societyinsomeformiswelltaken.Itisthesocietiesthatmanagethatconflictthatsucceedin sustainingstablecommunitiesandarecharacterizedbyastrongcivilsociety.Thequestion remains,whichcomesfirst:thestablecivilsocietyortheabsenceofviolencewithinthe community.Inmyview,thisapproachresultsincircularargumentation,seekingcausation ratherthanaccuratedocumentationandobscuringthecumulativeimpactonparticular communitiesofsuccessesandfailuresinhandlinginternalandexternalstresses.

See Brass, Theft of an Idol and Tambiah, Leveling Crowds: Ethnonationalist Conflicts and Collective Violence in South Asia, (New Delhi; Vistaar Publications, 1996). 61 Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life and "Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society: India and Beyond," World Politics, (Volume 53, April 2001), 362-98. 62 Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life, p. 10. 63 Ibid, p. 25.
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Allthesetheoristshaveindeedidentifiedacriticalelementinthecreationandsustenance ofpositivecommunitylifeinmulti-religious,multi-ethnic,multiculturalsocieties.Yetthefocus oncivilsocietyandformalassociationallevelleavesouttheeverydayandtheimpactofthe commonplace,thequotidian,themundane.Lookingforwaysinwhichindividualsandgroups resistviolenceintheirmidst,manytheoristsfixonthefragmentsseeminglyunrelated,sporadic actsofkindness:aHindufamilysheltersaMuslimneighborduringariot,endangeringtheirown safety,64aMuslimmanwhopreventstherapeofaHindugirlcaughtbyamob,oraMuslim traderwhopaysfortherepairofatempledamagedduringtheviolence.Mostanalystsofethnic conflictacknowledgetheexistenceofsuchacts,buttheyarerarelyplacedatthecenterofthe study.EvenNandyinCreatingaNationalityassertsthatheisseekingoutsuchmomentsof resistance,yethisaccountisonethatemphasizesthedebilitatingimpactoncommunitiesofthe Ramjanmabhumimovement.Inhisstudymomentsofmutualprotectionandsupportappear fragileandfleeting.Thusratherthanunderstandinghowacommunitystaystogether,wesee howtheunrelentingforceoftheSanghParivarundermineseventhemostintegratedand interwovencommunity.However,Nandyalsoremindsusthatcommunitiesdonotcomeapart easily,neighborsdonotkill,rape,andlooteachotherwithoutenormousprovocationand systematicerosionoftheirintegrity.Butwhatisthedailyworkofcommunitymaintenancethat goesintohealthyciviclife? TheCommunal"Problem":TheoriesofEthnicConflictandthePracticeofPeacein Malerkotla Giventheinterestinself-preservationamongminoritygroups,thecivicharmonyin Malerkotlacouldbeexplainedinpartbyitsunusualdemography.Asmanyresidentsobserve,

Nandy, Creating a Nationality and Sudhir Kakar, Colors of Violence: Cultural Identities, Religion, Conflict, (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1996).
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everyreligiousgrouphereisaminorityinsomeway.AlthoughHindusareasubstantialnational majorityinIndiaofeightypercent,theyonlyconstitutearoundtwentypercentofthepopulation inMalerkotla.Sikhsareasixty-sixpercentmajorityinPunjab,butlocallyarejustunderten percent.Muslimsareseventypercentmajoritylocally,butarelessthantwopercentinthestate andaboutthirteenpercentnation-wide.Perhapsduetothisconditionofmutualvulnerability, therefore,allthecommunitiesinMalerkotlaseektobuildcoalitionswithoneanother.While thisisanaccurateobservationandoneofthefactorsinmaintainingthepeace,itisbynomeansa sufficientexplanation.DemographicsalonedonotaccountforthesituationinMalerkotla. Certainfactorsmustbeinplacetoallowaprincipleofmutualprotectiontohaveforceand appeal. Anothercommonexplanationforthenon-eventofcommunalviolenceinIndiaisrooted

inthepoliticaleconomy.Ahighdegreeofcompetitioninthepoliticalandeconomicspheresis generallyassumedtocontributetocivicstrife.InMalerkotla,aswillbediscussedinChapter Seven,thereisconsiderablecompetitionintheeconomicsphereandincreasingcompetitionin electoralpoliticsasthecachetofformerrulersdiminishesandthelineagediesout,thelast Nawabhavinghadnochildren.Yetthereisnopoliticalcapitalgainedbyreligiouslydivisive programs.Economiccompetitionseemstoworkoutthroughthemarket,asMalerkotlahas becomethemainindustrialhubforitsdistrict.Governmentincentiveprogramsand entrepreneurshiphaveraisedthestakesconsiderably.YetMalerkotla'ssocialfabricremains intact. Apasthistoryofinter-religiousconflictorviolenceisfrequentlycitedasanexacerbating

factorincommunalrelations.Inareasthatexperienceendemichostilityorrepeatedactsof violence,newcontestationsaremorelikelytotakeroot.However,Malerkotla'shistoryisas

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repletewithperiodsofconflictaswithtimesofcooperationbetweenthelocalMuslimmajority andtheHinduandSikhinternalandexternalpopulations.SincePartitiontheconflictsofthe pasthavebeenleftbehindandarerarelydiscussedbylocalsfromanycommunity.Thecritical issue,therefore,isnottheexistenceornon-existenceofsuchapasthistory,butwhathappensto thathistory,andhowisitthatthehistoriesconducivetocoalitionbuildingandcivicharmony cometodominatethepublicandprivatespheres.InMalerkotlaanactiveprocessbylocalsand visitorsmaintainsanidealdegreeofopennessandmultivocalityevenasdissentinganddivisive elementsareactivelysuppressed. Itiscommoninriot-proneareasfortheretobeasurfeitofrumorsaccusingmembersof

otherreligiousgroupsofallkindsofmalfeasance,particularlyintermsofsexualorsacred violence.65Whenreportsofkidnappingsandrape,desecrationsofshrinesortombscirculate uncheckedandareactivelytransmittedbyinterestgroups,acriticalmassofambientfrustration iscrystallizedandfocuseduponaparticularcommunity.Thissystemoftransvaluationand focalizationprovidesapointuponwhichangerovertherumor'ssubstanceanddissatisfaction overanynumberofissuesbecomedangerouslyconjoined,creatingafertilegroundforthe incitementofviolence.66InMalerkotlainrecentyearsanumberofrumorshavecirculated whichmightwellhaveledtoconflictbetweenMuslims,Sikhs,andHindus.However,these rumorshavebeeneffectivelymanagedbylocalleadersandcommunitymembers,minimizing thedeleteriousimpactoninter-religiousrelations. Anotherfrequentlycitedcauseforsocialinstabilityinacommunityisthepresenceof

activistandreformistreligiousmovementswithcharismaticleadership.Thesegroupstendto

Sudhir Kakar, The Colors of Violence, Gyanendra. Pandey, "The Long Life of Rumor," Alternatives (Volume 27, no. 2, 2002), and Stanley J. Tambiah, Leveling Crowds. 66 The notion of transvaluation and focalization is put forward by Stanley Tambiah in his study of ethnic violence, Leveling Crowds.
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focustheiractivitiesoncleaninguptheirowncommunitiesandbringingaboutarenaissanceof faith,practice,andsocialbehavior.OrganizationsliketheTablghJama#at,Jama#at-iIslam, SinghSabha,AryaSamaj,SanatanDharm,andothershaveallbeenidentifiedasgroupswhose purificatoryactivitiesoftenalsoinvolveanincreaseddifferentiationofonereligionfrom another.67Inparticularmanyoftheseorganizationstargetthosebeliefsandpracticesthatare viewedasdangerouslysyncreticornon-orthodox.Giventhatthereisatraditionofsaintworship intheMuslim,Sikh,andHindureligions,andaplethoraofsiteswherethesetraditionsoverlap,it isnotsurprisingthatreformistgroupsoftenseektoeliminatesuchplacesandpractices.In Malerkotla,however,inspiteofthelocalactivityofalloftheseorganizationsandothers,saint venerationhasnotdiminishednorhaveinter-religiousrelationsgenerallybeenundermined.On thecontrary,localleadersfromthosegroupstendtoreachouttoeachother. OneofthemostcommonlocalexplanationsfortheambientpeaceinMalerkotlaisone

thatiswhollyneglectedinthesocialscienceliterature.Residentsandvisitorsalmostuniversally attributeMalerkotla'spresentidealizedharmonyandthesafetyoftheareaduringPartitiontoone ofseveraldivineinterventions.SomeassertthatsinceaSufisaintfoundedthesettlement, HaiderShaikh'songoinginterestinandimpactonhisterritoryisobservableintheharmonious relationsthere.OthersclaimthatMalerkotlaisblessedbecauseoneofthepastrulersofthe town,SherMuhammadKhan,hadspokenoutagainsttheexecutionofthetwoyoungsonsofthe tenthSikhGuru,GobindSingh.StillothersbelievethatGod,givenvariousnamesand worshipedinvariousways,isresponsibleforthepreservationofthetown,forwhatreasonGod aloneknows.Theprevalenceofsuchexplanationsbearswitnesstoboththeprofoundreligiosity ofthecommunityandtotheinadequacyofanycommonsocial,political,oreconomictheoriesto

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Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries. 50

accountadequatelyforMalerkotla'sidealizedidentity.Althoughestablishingtheveracityofa blessingiswhollybeyondthescopeofthisstudyormyabilitytodemonstrate,theimpactofthe convictionisobservableandmeasurableinthenarrative,ritual,andregulatorypracticesinthe shrineandtown. AlthoughdargahsarethefinalrestingplacesforMuslimsaints,theyhavelasting significanceforpeopleofallfaiths.SuchshrinesareeverywhereinIndia.Everyoneknows aboutthem,everyoneseesthem,manypeoplebelieveintheirpower.Yetdespitethisubiquity, theimpactofthesesitesofexchangeonIndia'sreligiouslypluralcommunitiesisrelatively unexplored.Thisseemsstrangeinasocietythatisassiduouslydedicatedtotheinterrogationof inter-religiousrelationships.Thislacunaintheresearchoncommunalexchangeisperhapsnot surprisinggiventhatreligiousdifferencesaremoreconducivetostudy.Byseparatingand dividingreligioustraditionsalongsocial,philosophical,ritual,practical,oranyotherlinesof inquiry,clearpointsofcomparisonemerge.Thesecomparisonsthenenablefurtherscrutinyin ordertodiscerntheirorigins,manifestations,andimplications.Studyingconvergenceismuch moredifficult.Arenasofexchangeare,afterall,theplaceswherethelinesblur.Thesezones arecharacterizedbyslippagefromonedistinctfaithtoanother,fromonetraditionsbelief systemintoanotherscomplexofrituals.Heretherulesarebentandbrokentheydonotapply. Theclarityofconceptscollapsesinproximitytosimilarity.Butthisisthenatureofsociety. Rulesaremerelyidealreferents;philosophiesareidealizedworlds.Onstreetsandinhomes peopleconstantlyredrawtheselinesandreimaginetheseworlds. MalerkotlaisanidealsitetostudythesedynamicssincePunjabisastatethathas experiencedagreatdealofreligiousviolenceperhapsmorethananyotherregioninIndia. Thoughnotriot-proneinthesensethatGujaratorthecityofBombayare,thedivisionof

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Partitionandtheperiodofterrorisminthel980sand1990stookanunfathomabletollon PunjableavingscarsoffearandsuspicionandveryfewMuslims.Itissignificantthatinthe midstofthesetroublesMalerkotlawaspeaceful.Itisimportanttostudysuchlocationsbecause ifwefailtograspthecomplexofbehaviorsthatpromotethesimultaneouspresenceofmultiple, oftenconflicting,understandingsofasite,partiallyunderstoodhistorieswillcontinuetodictate thepossibilitiesoffuturerealities.Byfocusingonexplosiveorexplodedplaces,weseeonlythe violentorovertlycontentiousaspectsofconflictoversharedplacesandmissthemoresubtle micropoliticsofmanagingexchangethatprevailsinmostlocations. MakingPlace,MakingPeace Inpluralcommunities,engaginginjointbusinessventures,formingsocieties,and organizingonaneighborhoodorcommunitylevelrequiresstronglinksontheeverydaylevel. Althoughitisimpossibletodeterminewhether,inVarshney'sterms,formalassociationalor everydayconnectionsarenecessarypreconditionsfortheexistenceoftheother,Iarguethatthe everydayisbothlessquantifiableandmoreessentialtosustainingharmony.Thuswehave beforeusanetworkofcausesandexplanationsforthequalityofcommunalrelationsin Malerkotla.Demographics,politicaleconomy,historicaldisputes,rumor-mongering,reformism, anddivineintervention,noneofthesealonearesufficient.Ratherthanseekasinglesetof reasonsordeviseaflowchartofcausesandeffects,inthisprojectIhopetoadequatelyrepresent thewayinwhichthewebfunctionsandismaintainedbyanetworkofpractices. Thiscombinationofreasonsforsharingsacredandcivicspacescreatesaninteresting

conundrum.Nosinglefactorcanorshouldbeisolatedasthekeyelementofastablesociety withoutwhichthedelicatebalanceofexchangewouldcollapse.Indeed,thecombinationof socialandpoliticalinstitutionalwill,integratedcivilsocietalinstitutions,everydayinteraction

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andintegration,religioustradition,andpowerfulmotivatingidealsareallactivatedbythe existenceandmaintenanceofadominantsymbolicidentityandideologyatHaiderShaikh's tombandinMalerkotla.Thisidentityandideologyisoneofpeace,communalharmony,and inter-religiousexchange. ItisimportanttonotethatsituationsofpeacefulexchangearenotexclusivetoPunjabor toIndia.SimilarresearchatsharedsitesinPalestinedonebyGlennBowmanbearsoutthis sensibility.Bowmandescribestheseshrinesassemanticallymultivocal.Semanticmultivocality allowsmultipleuserstomaintainrelationswithasitethatiscentraltotheirlocaland/orreligious identitywithoutover-determiningthesiteandrenderingitfixedandunavailabletocontradictory usesandinterpretations.InBowmansstudyinPalestine,asinmystudyinPunjab,theopenness ofashrineisdeliberatelymaintainedthroughactionsandinteractionsamongtheconstituents thatarekeyedtoallowforalackofuniformityofbeliefandpractice.Indeed,thecommunities inwhichsuchplacesaresituatedoftenvaluesharedsitespreciselyfortheirqualityofopenness. AsBowmanputsit,whilethemiraculouspowerseentoberesidentthereservedasageneral pretextforthegatheringoflocalpersonsofMuslimandvariousChristianpersuasions,the specificreasonspeoplegaveforattendingrangedfromtheneedforcuresthroughthedemands ofreligion,tothepleasuresofconviviality.68Thusacommonprimarymotivatorforallegiance totheshrine,itsmiraculouspower,facilitatesandperhapsevendrawsfromanotherpowerful factorinthesitesappeal:itsmulti-religiousconstituency.Furthermore,Bowmanfoundthat partoftheappealoftheshrinessharedbyMuslimsandChristianswastheopportunityto demonstratesymbolic,non-confrontationalsolidarityagainsttheIsraeligovernment.69Atleast withintheconfinesoftheshrines,normallydisempoweredminoritiesexerciseadegreeof
Glenn Bowman, Response to Robert Hayden cited in Hayden, 2002. Glenn Bowman, "Nationalizing the Sacred: Shrines and Shifting Identities in the Israeli-Occupied Territories," Man (Volume 28, 1993).
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autonomy.UnitedintheirresistancetoIsraeliauthority,thesymbolicvalueofpublicexchange attheshrinesdemonstratesanunforeseenimpactoftheusuallydivisivereligiouspoliticsin Israel-Palestinetointensifythebondsbetweenthedisempowered.Althoughthedegreeof disenfranchisementexperiencedbyMuslimsandChristiansintheoccupiedterritoriesfar surpassestheconditionsofMuslimsinHindumajorityIndia,thetechniquesofresistanceto dominationbearstrongfamilyresemblances. Forbothdisempoweredpopulations,openoppositionisariskyoption.InIsraeland Palestinesuchoppositionhastakenvirulentandviolentforms,contributingtoacycleof retributiveattacksfrombothsides.ThoseMuslims,Christians,andJewswhochoosenotto engageinviolencetovoicetheirangeratIsraelipoliciesmakeuseofothermodesofselfexpression.Inthiscontext,shrineworshipfunctionsasa'weaponoftheweak,'70an oppositional,buteasilyconcealed,actofresistancetothedominantpoliticsofreligious antagonism.ForMuslimminoritypopulationinIndia,suchstrategiesareessentialsoastoavoid evencloserscrutinyandsuspicionoftheiractivities.Fortheunderprivilegedorlowercaste HinduswhodonothaveaccesstoauthoritywithinthebrahmanicalHindutemplestructure,the dargahsofprsarecomparativelyquitewelcoming.71Furthermore,mostHinduandSikh devoteesremarkonHaiderShaikh'slackofregardforcasteandcreedasoneoftheirprimary reasonsforattendinghistomb.Thisclearlyindicatesthatthesemarginalizedpopulationsengage thedargahconsciouslyasaplacewheretheyarefreefromtheoppressionofbrahmanicalHindu

James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, (New Haven; Yale University Press, 1985). 71 In a large segment of Hinduism only the highest caste, or section of society, the brahmins, are traditionally allowed to fill the role of temple priests. Classical brahmanical Hinduism excludes untouchables and women from temples and enforces caste consciousness. The Sikh tradition distinguishes itself from Hinduism, in part, with its lack of regard for caste pollution. However, caste, ethnicity, and class prejudice are by no means absent from either of the supposedly egalitarian Sikh and Muslim traditions in India.
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society.ThusHaiderShaikh'sdargahbecomesasiteofsymbolicresistancetothereligious divisionsthatovershadowMuslims,Sikhs,andloworoutcasteHindus. StructureoftheStudy Thisdissertationfollowsafairlystraightforwardstructure.Havingidentifiedthe

narrative,ritual,andregulatoryaspectsofinter-religiousexchangeasakeyinteractivezone contributingtoapeacefulcommunity,eachsectionofthisworkwillexploreoneofthese elements.Inordertolaythegroundworkforthisanalysis,ChapterOneexamineshowthemultireligiouscommunityofMalerkotlahaslivedtogetherhistorically.Drawingonavailable historiesandlocalknowledgeIwilldetailMalerkotla'scomplicatedhistoryofinter-religious relationsmuchofitviolent.PartOneexploresthenarrativeelementofexchange:Chapter TwodocumentsoralandwrittennarrativesrelatedtoHaiderShaikhandhisshrine,while ChapterThreeexploresthenarrativesrelatingtothetownmorebroadly.Fromthesetwo explorationsitemergesthattheactivegenerationofaharmoniousidentityincreases,culminating inthepresentdayoralaccountsasthecommunitystrivestopresentapicturethatmaximizesthe dominantethicofharmony.Itismycontentionthatthisprocessacceleratespost-Partitiondueto thecombinedimpactofMalerkotla'ssuccessfulmanagementofthatcrisisandtheirsuddenly high-profileroleastheonlyMuslimconstituencyinIndianPunjab.Thisprocessisfurther documentedinPartTwowhichaddressestherituallevelsofexchangeinthedargahaswellasin thestreetsandhomesofMalerkotla.ChapterFouronthetombcultexplorestheritualpractices pastandpresentengagedinbySikhs,Muslims,andHindus.Notonlydotheseritualsoccurin fullviewofeachother,buttheymayrequireinter-religiousinteractionfortheirefficacyas,for example,mostdevoteesseekcontactwiththeMuslimdescendantsofthesaint,calledkhalifahs. Thedelicatebalanceofthesepracticesiscarefullymaintainedinordertopermittheoften

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contradictorybeliefs,behaviors,andtheologiestocoexistandeveninterpenetrate.ChapterFive detailstherituallifeofthetownintwosenses.Oneistheformalizedandrepetitivemodesof interactionthatarecentraltotheethicofharmonyandtraditionsofthetownatlarge.Inthe secondsense,therituallifeofMalerkotlaisilluminatedthroughanexplorationofritualconflicts pastandpresentandhowtheyhavebeenmanaged.PartThreeturnstotheregulatoryregimes thatstructureandorganizethesetwoarenasofexchange.ChapterSixfocusesonthetwoforms ofauthorityatthedargahthekhalifahsandthechelas,HinduandSikhdevoteeswho experiencepossessionbythesaint'sspirit.ChapterSevenunpacksthehistory,especiallypost1947andthedissolutionoftheprincelystateofMalerkotla,ofauthorityinthecivilandpolitical spheres.ItexcavateselectoralandminorityreligiouspoliticsinMalerkotlaandPunjab, demonstratingthecarefulbalanceofpowerthatismaintainedinordertosustainthetenuous positionofthisMuslimmajoritycommunityinaSikhmajoritystateinaHindumajoritynation. Iconcludebyreconstructingthisentireprocessofharmonizationasitisenactedonallthree levelsofexchange.Iarguethatthisprocessintensifiesinpost-PartitionPunjabasthememories ofviolencethatoccurredaroundbutnotinMalerkotlaremainvivid,asdoesthe consciousnessofMuslimvulnerabilityinacountrywhereHinduattacksonMuslimsgo unprosecuted. Thusthisstudyoftheritual,narrative,andregulatorypracticesatthedargahofHaider

ShaikhandthetownofMalerkotlawilldemonstratehowsharedshrinesandsharedcivicspace promoteandevengenerateadynamicofinter-religiousengagementdeliberatelydesignedto promotecooperationanddiscouragediscord.Inparticular,thesesharedspacesilluminatethe waysinwhichthehighlyfraughtrelationsbetweenHindus,SikhsandMuslimsarecarriedout onadailybasisthroughthesesymboliczonesofexchange.Atthesesitesnon-Muslimsand

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MuslimsalikeengageIslamicspacerituallyanddiscursively,derivingspiritualandpolitical benefitfromtheinter-religiousexperience.Asweshallsee,storiesandpersonaltestimonies activatethemulti-confessionalshrineandtownassymbolicidentitymarkers,ritualconflictsare circumventedthroughdialogueandmutualvalidation.Andfinally,regulatorycompetitionatthe managerial,proprietary,andpoliticallevelsisnegotiatedandmanagedinbotharenasofshrine andtowninordertomaintainthedominantethosofharmony.Contrarytotheviewthatshared shrinesandmulti-religiouscommunitiesareinherentlyconflicted,attheseplacesalthough distinctionsbetweenreligionsareoftenmade,discrepanciesarerarelyseenasantagonisticor threatening.Onthecontrary,themultivocalityofthesharedritual,narrativeandadministrative lifeoftheshrinesandthetownisnotonlypartoftheappealbutisalsoasourceoftheireffective power.Thus,thesesharedsacredplacesserveaspowerfulresourcesforcommunitybuilding andthepromotionofharmoniouscivilsociety.Asinteractivenodesbetweenindividuals, religions,genders,classes,agegroups,etc.,thebodilyanddiscursivepracticesandexperiences atthesiteareopportunitiesforthepublicperformanceofacommunityandindividualidentity characterizedbyopennessandinclusivenessratherthanexclusivityandhostility. MethodologicalStatement Thisisacurioussortofreligiousandhistoricalethnography.Asmygoalwastogainas deepandbroadasenseofhowthissharedsacredsiteandthesharedsocialspaceofthetown relatedtooneanotherbothnowandinthepast,mymethodsforgatheringinformationwere quitevaried.IdidextensiveresearchatboththePunjabStateArchivesinPatialaandtheIndia OfficeCollections(OIOC)inLondon.Thesetwosourcesprovidedagreatdealofinformation aboutthetown,particularlyfromtheBritishperspective.ThePatialaarchivewas,unfortunately, limitedinitsscope.Thebulkofthematerialtherewasfinancialdocumentsrelatingtothestate,

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particularlyfromthetwentiethcentury.72IalsoexploredwrittenhistoriesofPunjabfromthe earlyeighteenthcenturytothepresent,includingtwoEnglishhistoriesoftherulingclanwritten bymembersoftherulingelite. Inadditiontothesewrittensourcesandothers,myprincipalmethodsweretheclassic

anthropologicaltechniquesofextendedinterviewsandparticipantobservation.However,I chosenottoenterMalerkotlawithasurveyundermyarmandalistof"types"ofpeopletotalk to.Althoughsuchmethodslendthemselvestocertaintypesofscientificanalysisandthe drawingoftablesanddiagrams,Ifeelthatthisalsodistortsthedatasoughtandtheinformation given.Althoughnomethodofobservationfrominsideoroutsideisfreeofinfluenceorchange, Itriedtoseehowtheshrineandthetownwouldpresentthemselvestome.Following,ina sense,themodelofWalterBenjamin'sflaneurwhotraversednineteenthcenturyParisby allowingthecitytounfolditself,lettinghisfootstepsbeguidedbythebuiltandnatural environment,IsoughttoperceiveMalerkotla'sphysicalanddiscursivelandscapeastheyare,not howtheyareexpectedordesiredtobe.ThusIwandered,fromstreettostreetandhouseto house.IsatatthedargahofHaiderShaikhatallhoursofthedayandnightonfestivaland ordinarydays.IvisitedasmanyoftheothertombshrinesintheareathatIcouldidentifyand spokewithdevoteesandcaretakers.IwenttoSikhgurdwaras,Hindutemples,Jaincenters,and thelocalChristianchurch.Isatinshopsandvisitedfarms.Ispokeinthelocalmixtureof Hindi-Urdu-Punjabitowomenandmen,oldandyoung,richandpoor,andtomembersofevery religiousgroupIencountered.Asmuchaspossible,orreasonable,Itriedtogowiththeflow,
In spite of my best efforts I was never able to obtain any more state documents. Some reports claim that a fire consumed much of the ancient material about Malerkotla. Other say that one of the last Nawab's wives, who is still alive, has refused to turn over any of the documents in her possession for the historical record. According to another resident, all these papers were sold for their weight due to the dire financial straights of the remaining royal family. I inquired from Begum Mujawwar Niza about the papers and was not encouraged to pursue the search. She did, however, show me some photographs from her wedding to the Nawab in 1947 and several other state functions. She also taught me an excellent card game and delighted in beating me at it. The whereabouts of any additional state documents being difficult to discover, I chose to focus on the living history of Malerkotla.
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expectingthatthatflowwouldrevealtomeMalerkotla'snaturalgeographyonthephysical, spiritual,political,andsociallevels.However,Ididmodifythisorganicmethodbypursuing leadsobtainedfromthehistoricalrecordsandbyseekingoutthoseplacesandpeoplethat seemedtoruncountertothedominantideologyandidentityofpeacefulinteraction.Icannotsay whetherIwouldhavelearnedwhatIlearnedhadIpursuedamoresystematicmethod,butIam sureIusedamethodthatIbelieveisappropriatetothetypeofstudyIwantedtodo,thatisto understandhowa"successful"pluralcommunitygoesaboutthedailyworkofactuallyliving together. Itaperecordedoveronehundredandtwentyhoursofaudiocassetteandabouttwenty

hoursofdigitalvideo.WiththeinvaluableassistanceofDr.NeelamSherwani,thenaPhD candidateinBotanyatPunjabiUniversity,theseinterviewsweretranslatedintoEnglish.Asa localtoMalerkotla,Dr.Sherwani'sunderstandingofidiomandtheuniquemixtureoflanguages spokenwascrucial.However,anyerrorsinthisdissertationareminealone. InrepresentingmyselfinthisdissertationIattempttodocumentmypresenceandthen

allowthereadertoevaluatemypossibleimpactonpeopleandconversationsbyincludingmy ownquestionsinthemanydirectquotationsfromthosewhomIinterviewedandwithwhom interacted.However,Iamnotanadvocateofthetypeofanthropologythatendsupbeingmore abouttheacademicthanaboutthecontextofthestudy.Itrytowalkamiddlepathandthe readermayjudgeifIamsuccessful.

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ChapterOne: MalerkotlaPastandPresent Overview SittingintheJama#Masjidonefallafternoonin2000,Iaskedan85-year-oldMuslim manandformerteashopproprietortodescribethecommunityatmosphereinMalerkotla.He responded,"Everyonecomesandgoesinunity.Thereisnodifferencebetweenpeople.They comeandgo,sit,eatanddrinktogetherinunityHindu,SikhandMuslimpeople."Most peopleinMalerkotlasharedhisperception.ForoverayearandahalfIaskedwhetherthetown's reputationasapeacefulplacewastrueandIwasalmostuniversallyassuredthatthisreputation isnotmerelyamediaorpoliticallydrivenidealizationofthetown.Malerkotlaresidentsseem genuinelytobelieve,andgenuinelywishtoprojecttheimage,thattheirhometownenjoysan unusualamountofcommunityharmonyandinter-religiousfriendship.Thiscontrastswith peopleinotherplaceswheresuchquestionsaboutinter-religiousrelationsdrewlistsofmutual grievances.InMalerkotlathetermmostfrequentlyemployedtocharacterizethecommunal atmosphereisbhaichar,meaningbrotherhoodorbrotherlyaffection.Thisgeneralperception reaffirmsthepublicreputationofthislargeindustrialtown(pop.106,802)asanearutopiaof inter-religiousharmony.WhenMalerkotlaappearsinthenews,itisoftenwithheadlinessuchas Malerkotla:AnIslandofPeace,(IndiaToday,July15,1998),orMalerkotlaMuslimsFeel SaferinIndia,(IndianExpress,August13,1997),orWhereBrotherhoodisHandedDownas Tradition(TheTimesofIndia,March2,2002).Malerkotla'sreputationasapeacefulplaceand itssymbolicimportanceastheonlyMuslimmajorityregioninIndianPunjabcombinetogive theareaasomewhatexaltedstatus.

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Perhapsmostremarkable,thestoryofpeaceistrue,atleastintermsoftherecenthistory ofthearea.DuringPartitionthetowndidnotexperiencethebloodshedandviolencethat devastatedtherestofthestate.Furthermore,Malerkotlahastranscendedtensionsandovercome thestrainsofwhatSudhirKakarterms"precipitatingincidents"insubsequenttimesofinterreligioustension,suchasintheaftermathofAyodhyaandGodhra.73Precipitatingincidentsare events,rumoredoractual,majororminor,thatprovidetheimpetusandpretenseforviolenceand socialconflict.YetthepeaceinMalerkotlaisnotsimplyanextensionofthestatusquosince 1947.ThroughoutthehistoryofMalerkotlaasakingdom(1454to1947)therehavebeen numerousinstancesofinter-religiousconflictrangingfromwarstoriots.Furthermore, nowadaysalthoughthereisasubstantialmajorityofMuslimsinthetown(aboutseventypercent) theybynomeanshaveamonopolyoneithereconomicorpoliticalpower.Twoofthemost commonlyidentifiedexacerbatingconditionsthatmakecommunities"riot-prone"oropento inter-religiousconflictareahistoryofinter-religiousconflictandcompetitionintheeconomic andpoliticalarenas.YetpeaceprevailsinMalerkotlasince1947andsubsequenttensionshave beeneasilyandquicklydissipated.Inthissection,IwillprovideasynopsisofMalerkotla's history,situatingtheterritorywithinthebroadercontextofPunjabiandIndianhistory.Through thishistoricalexcursus,thepeaceinMalerkotladuringandafterthePartitionofthesubcontinent willappearlessasananomalyandmoreastheproductofactiveeffortsonthepartoflocal authoritiesandresidentstomaketheuniquehistoryofthetownasymbolicallysignificant resourceforcommunitybuildingandengagedpluralisminthepresent.

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ThePastwasaSovereignCountry Foundedin1454,Malerkotlawasaprincelystateuntil1948when,intheaftermathof India'sIndependencefromBritain,theseautonomousunitsweredissolved.From1454tothe presentMalerkotla'sbordersandpopulationhasfluctuatedwidely,from8,000squaremilesin thelateseventeenthcenturytoonlythreesquaremilesintheearlyeighteenth.Atthetimeofits dissolution,Malerkotlawas167milessquarewithapopulationof85,000.Therulersofthe kingdomwerePathanAfghansdistantlyrelatedtotheAfghanclanoftheLodhis,thelastdynasty oftheDelhiSultanatepriortotheadventofMughalpowerin1526.ThefirstLodhiSultan BahlolissaidtohavegrantedtheterritorytotheprogenitoroftheMalerkotlarulingfamily,the SufisaintShaikhSadruddinSadar-Jahan,popularlyknownasHaiderShaikh.Theoriginal settlementwasknownasMaler.Thisneighborhoodstillexistsandsurroundsthetombofthe foundingShaikh.Kotlacameintobeingin1659whenadescendentofHaiderShaikhreceived permissionfromtheMughalrulerAurangzeb(r.1658-1707)tobuildafortifiedcity.Afterthis periodthejagrorlandgrantoriginallyendowedbyBahlolLodhiwasconfirmedasahereditary stateandtherulerwasgiventhetitleofNawab.AstheMughalEmpiredeclinedafterthedeath ofAurangzeb,MalerkotlaincreasinglysoughtindependencefromDelhiandfrequentlyallied withtribesofAfghaninvaders,inparticularAhmadShahAbdali(d.1773)whoseRohillaforces dominatedtheregionofPunjabinthemid-eighteenthcentury.74Inthelateeighteenthcentury MalerkotlaalternatedbetweenalliancesandbattleswiththelargerSikhstatessurroundingthe smallkingdomsuchasPatiala,Nabha,andJind.AsSikhpowerinthePunjabconsolidated underMaharajaRanjitSinghintheearlynineteenthcentury,Malerkotlaandtheseneighboring SikhStatesaccededtotheBritishin1809inordertopreservetheirterritorialintegrityanda
Abdali also defeated the Marathas in the second Battle of Panipat in 1761. The Marathas were a central and western Indian based dynasty who, like Abdali and the Rohilla Afghans, took advantage of the power vacuum at Delhi.
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degreeofautonomy.In1947threesimultaneouseventstheendofBritishpower,Indian independence,andthePartitionofthesubcontinentleftMalerkotlaastheonlysignificant MuslimprincipalityinEastPunjabontheIndiansideofthenewborder.75Withthedissolution ofprincelystatesin1948,MalerkotlajoinedtheadministrativeunitknownasPatialaandthe EastPunjabStatesUnion(PEPSU).PEPSUwasdissolvedin1954andtheterritoryof MalerkotlawasabsorbedintothePunjabState,DistrictSangrur.Nowtheareaknownas Malerkotlaisreducedtothetownalone.SurroundingvillagesstilllooktoMalerkotlaasthe largestlocalcenterofindustryandcommerce,buttherearenolongerdirectgovernmentallinks. ThetownremainstheonlyMuslimmajorityregioninIndianPunjab. TheComingofHaiderShaikh BothoralandwrittenhistoriesofMalerkotlausuallybeginwiththearrivaloftheSufi saint,ShaikhSadruddinSadar-Jahan.TheShaikhisdescribedinonehistoryofthedynastyasa SherwaniAfghanfromKhurasan,"averypiousmanofmuchcelebrityinhistime."76Haider Shaikh,asheispopularlyknown,wassenttotheregionfromMultanbyhisspiritualpreceptor.77 Hesettledonthebankofasmallrivertoengageinreligiousdevotions,#ibadat.Accordingto numeroussources,in1451BahlolLodhiencounteredthesaintonhiswaytoconquerDelhiat whichpointheestablishedtheLodhiDynasty(whichlasteduntil1526).78BahlolLodhiasked thesaintforablessingthathewouldbevictoriousinthewar.AfterconqueringDelhi,theSultan

The caveat to this is the town of Qadian, the home base of the Ahmadiyya, mentioned in the Introduction, p. 1, fn 2. The group is not active in Malerkotla. 76 Iftikhar Ali Khan, History of the Ruling Family of Sheikh Sadruddin Sadar-i-Jahan of Malerkotla (1449 A.D. To 1948 A.D.), edited by R.K. Ghai, (Patiala; Punjabi University Press, 2000 [1948]), p. 2. 77 Multan, now in Pakistan, was a great center for Sufism, particularly the Suhraward silsila (lineage). Although its heyday was in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries during the time of the renowned Sufis Baha-ud Din Zakariyya (d.1262) and his grandson Shaikh Ruknud-Din Abu'l Fath (d. 1335), it would still have been the most important western Indian center of the Suhraward in the mid-fifteenth century when Haider Shaikh arrived. 78 The date for Bahlol Lodhis conquest of Delhi is typically given as 1451 when the Sayyid dynasty, which ruled briefly in the first half of the fifteenth century, fell. Romila Thapar, A History of India, Volume I, (Delhi: Penguin Books, 1966), p. 280.
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returnedandin1454marriedhisdaughterTajMurassaBegumtoShaikhSadruddin,andgave heranumberofvillagesintheregionasamarriageportion.79ThesaintandhisAfghanwifehad twochildrenadaughter,BibiMangi,andason,Hassan.In1458,HaiderShaikhalsomarried thedaughterofRaiBahramBhatti,theRajputrulerofKapurthala,anearbyprincipality,andhad twomoresons,#IsaandMsa.80Thesaintdiedon14Ramadan,922hijri/1515C.E.81Theeldest sonHassanwasdeniedtheinheritanceofthejagr(landgrant),havingfallenoutoffavorwith hisfather.82Thus,afterHaiderShaikhsdeath,#Isainheritedthejagr,Msabecameadervish anddidnotmarry,andthedescendantsofthedisownedHassanbecamethecaretakers,or khalfahs,ofthesaintstomb.

The 1904 Gazetteer lists the original grant as twelve large and 56 small villages. The 12 large villages are Maler, Hadiaya, Barnala, Phul, Mahraj, Langowal, Sanghera, Pail, Ghamkaur, Amrgarh, Balian and Amloh. Later under Sher Muhammad Khan, this was increased with grants of parganas by Aurangzeb to thirteen: Bahlolpur, Khizrabad, Khamano, Isru, Pail, Dhamot,Amloh, Bahadson, Kapurgarh, Nauganwa, Sherpur, Balian and Maler. Although these roughly correspond to the original villages settlement, the intervening century and a half had clearly resulted in a vastly larger estate through continued patronage from the Mughal dynasty. Maler Kotla State Gazetteer, (Lahore; The Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1904). This arrangement seems typical of the types of land grants given in the pre-Mughal period. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqi, Wajh-i-ma'ash Grants under the Afghan Kings (1451-1555), Medieval India: A Miscellany, (London; Asia Publishing House, 1972). 80 The parentage of these children is given in accordance with Iftikhar Ali Khan's history (page 6) and his granduncle, Inayat Ali Khan's A Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans, page 7. The 1904 Gazetteer claims that the three sons were born to Taj Murassa Begum and that Bibi Mangi was the only child of the Kapurthala Rajput union, page 2. Roses Glossary asserts that following the saints death his lineage was divided between the offspring of these two women, the rulers and Nawabs coming from the Rajput woman and the khalfahs of the shrine from the Sultans daughter, Taj Murassa Begum. However, the Gazetteer states that both lines are descended from the Lodhi princess and that only the ill-fated daughter, Bibi Mangi was born to the Kapurthala Rajput woman. In Chiefs and Families of Note in Punjab by Colonel Massey (Lahore; Civil and Military Press, 1940), only 'Isa is mentioned but he is said to be the Lodhi Princess son. All sources assert that it is 'Isas lineage that rules the state though Hassan was the elder, regardless of his maternal parentage. There is some ongoing disputation about this heritage between the caretakers of the shrine and the lineage of the Nawabs, both of whom prefer to claim pure Pathan Afghan heritage. 81 The death date of the Shaikh is typically given as 1515, but the hijri date actually converts to 11 October, 1516. Iftikhar Ali Khan's History gives Haider Shaikhs ruling dates as 1449 1508. The Gazetteer of Native States (1908) gives 1466 as the date of foundation of Maler. Denzil Ibbetson, E.D. MacLagan, and H.A. Rose, in A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, (Lahore; Government Printing House, 1919 (1883)) lists 1454. In all cases, the source for these dates is not given. 82 Officially the land was only a jagr , not an independent kingdom. In return for the right to derive income from the property, the authority was expected to return a portion of his receipts to the overlord at Delhi and to depute a certain number of troops upon demand. Furthermore, upon the death of a jagrdr, the rights over the land would have to be conferred by the central powers onto his descendents. If the ruler was uncertain of the landlords loyalty or in need of land to give as a reward to some other retainer, the property could change hands.
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Although#Isainheritedthebulkofthestate,aportionwenttoHassanandhisheirs, settingaprecedentofdividingthejagramongthemaleheirsthatwouldresultinconstant disputespersistingtothisday.83UnderAkbar,Maler(asitwasstillknownatthattime)wasa partoftheDelhiSba,84subsidiarytotheSarkarofSirhind.85SixgenerationsafterHaider Shaikh,BayzidKhanbecamethefirsttrueruleroftheterritory,afterhewasawardedthetitleof NawabbytheMughalEmperorShahJahan.UnderBayzidtheestatewasenlarged,andhe receivedpermissiontobuildafortifiedcityin1657,whichcametobecalledKotla,meaning fortress.86BayzidsupportedAurangzebinhiscampaignagainsthiselderbrotherDaraShikoh forthethroneatDelhi.Havingthusgainedgreatfavorwiththecourt,hewasallowedtobuild thewalledcityandtostrikecoins.AccordingtoahistorywrittenbyIftikharAliKhan,thelast Nawabofthekingdom,Bayzidwasresponsibleforthebuildingofthetombshrineforhis progenitorHaiderShaikh. SherMohammadKhanandthehaadanaara:

'Isas share went to his son Muhammad Shah who first lost it as a punishment for his involvement in a murder plot. However, he subsequently increased it through some skillful maneuverings during the unsettled period of the Mughal Emperor Humayuns exile at the hands of Sher Shah. This also served the purpose of cutting off the khalfah cousins from any claim to the property, as it was now his by purchase, rather than through hereditary claim. The Hassan branch became wholly dependent on the shrine for their livelihood after this. 84 A sb is a territorial administrative unit used by the Mughals. Under Akbar there were twelve. Within each sb were numerous smaller units known as sarkar (territory of a governor). 85 At that time Maler encompassed 103,444 bighas of land and possessed an army of 100 cavalry and 500 infantry. Abu l-Fazl Allami, Ain- Akbri, translated by Colonel H.S. Jarrett, (New Delhi; Crown Publication, 1988), Volume II, p. 301. 86 Throughout Iftikhar Ali Khan's history, he repeatedly expresses bitterness about the degree of control exerted over the territory by the Mughal authorities. the Emperors of Delhi were at that time sole owners of landed property in India. Therefore whosoever possessed a State like Malerkotla was to all intents and purposes a tenant and not the virtual owner of the land over which he ruled. An unfavorable report by the Governor of that province or the whim and fancy of the king was all that was required to deprive the ruler of his State, (pages, 15-16). This type of central authoritarianism on the part of the Mughals is amply documented in the work of modern historians such as Muzaffar Alam, Percival Spear, and K.A. Nizami, as well as the contemporary chroniclers like Badauni, Abu Fazl, Ferishta, and others. See Muzaffar Alam, The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh & Punjab, 1707-1748, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1986), Percival Spear, The History of India, (New York; Penguin, 1965), Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, "The Suhrawardi Silsilah and Its Influence on Medieval Indian Politics," The Medieval Indian Quarterly (Volume 2, October 1950), and Siddiqi, "Wajh'-i-Ma"ash Grants under the Afghan Kings (1451-1555).
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ThemostfamousrulerinMalerkotlashistoryisNawabSherMuhammadKhan,who ruledfrom1672untilhisdeathin1712.Thiswasaparticularlycriticalperiodinthehistoryof PunjabasthegrowingpopularityandauthorityoftheSikhGurusbroughtthemintoincreasing conflictwiththeMughals.FollowingthetortureandsubsequentdeathofthefifthGuru,Arjan Dev,attheorderoftheEmperorJahangir,hostilitiesbetweentheSikhsandtheMughalsgrew. PeriodicbattlesincreasedfromthetimeofthesixthGuru,Hargobind(d.1644)untiltheeffective demiseofMughalauthorityin1757.87DuringthesewarsNawabSherMuhammadKhanandthe Malerkotlaforcesplayedprominentroles.Hisbraveryandabilityasageneralareremarked uponinbothlocalhistoriesandBritishaccountsofthebattlesagainsttheSikhs.88Hewasan ablegeneralandservedintheMughalcampaignagainsttheMarathas,afterwhichservicehe receivedanadditionaljagrofseventyvillages.Accordingtoan1882historyoftherulingclan writtenbyInayatAliKhan,thebrotherofNawabIbrahimAliKhan(r.1871-1908),theborders ofthekingdomatthattimeextendednearly8,000squaremilestoLudhianaandRopar.Sher MohammadKhanalsoservedinthefightagainsttheRohillasledbyAliMohammad.Thewars withtheSikhsheatedupasMughalpowerwanedintheregion,andNawabSherMohammad KhanfoughtagainstthreegreatSikhleaders:GuruTeghBahadur,GuruGobindSinghand BandaBahadur. Interestingly,inspiteofhissupportforAurangzebandtheMughalregimeintheirbattles againsttheSikhs,mostavailablesources,includingnumerousSikhhistoriesfromthenineteenth

In 1757 the British East India Company defeated the Nawab of Calcutta, Siraj-ad-Daula, in the Battle of Plassey. This marked the shift from a trading outfit that merely meddled in governmental affairs to an administrative body. From 1757 onwards, British power expanded throughout the subcontinent and was consolidated after an 1857 rebellion of army troops was crushed, the East India Company was dissolved, the British Empire declared India to be a colony, and the last Mughal emperor was dethroned. 88 There is a local legend that Sher Muhammad Khan was a great hunter and he twice arranged hunts for Aurangzeb. On one of these occasions a tiger suddenly charged the emperor, but the Nawab killed it with a single blow of his sword. This is given as an explanation of the additional jagr grant. There is still a village named Sherpur after this Nawab in Patiala District.
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centuryonwardsemphasizeonlyoneeventinMalerkotla'shistory:thehaadanaaraorCryfor Justice.89ThehaadanaarawasgivenbySherMuhammadKhanafteraparticularlyvicious battlewithGuruGobindSingh.WhiletheGuruwasbesiegedatAnandpur,hismother,Mata Gujri,andhistwoyoungersons,ZorawarandFatehSingh,escaped.However,theywere betrayedandcapturedatSirhind(approximatelyfiftykilometersnortheastofMalerkotla)where theirfatehunginthebalance.RefusingtoconverttoIslam,thesahibzadas(childrenofthe Guru)werecondemnedtobebrickedaliveintoawall.OfalltheassembledalliesofWazir Khan,theMughalgovernorofSirhind,SherMuhammadKhanwastheonlyonewhospokeup inthechildren'sdefense.Hedeclaredthattheirquarrelwaswiththefathernotthesons,andthat theirlivesshouldbepreserved.Hewentsofarastodeclarethedeathsentenceun-Islamic, violatingtheacceptablerulesofcombat.AlthoughtheappealwasunsuccessfulandtheGuru's sonswerekilled,thisisbyfarthesinglemostfamousmomentinMalerkotlashistory.In IftikharAliKhan'shistory,thenarrativeisdrawnoutatgreatlengthandincludesquotations fromalettersupposedlywrittenbytheNawabtotheMughalEmperorAurangzeb(r.1658-1707) onthechildrensbehalf.TheNawabssenseofjusticeandtoleranceareemphasized,and thereafterthisincidentbecomesaleitmotifofsortsinhishistory,asitisperiodicallyreferenced asevidenceoftheliberalismandtoleranceoftheNawabstowardstheSikhs,andthespecial placethatthetownintheSikhheartlandhasasthebeneficiariesofGuruGobindSinghs blessing.90Howeverthereisadarkcloudoverthismomentinhistory.Manysourcesreportthat

The number of references in various sources to these events are simply too many to mention. Some of the older Sikh chronicles that give accounts include Bhai Kahn Singh Nabha, Gurshabad Ratnakar Mahan Kosh, (1926) Ratan Singh Bhangu, Panth Prakash, (New Delhi; Bhai Vir Singh Sahit Sadan, 1998 [1841]), Sainapat, Sri Gur Sobha, edited by Ganda Singh, (Patiala; Punjabi University, 1967), Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, (Amritsar; Bhai Catar Singh Jiwana Singh, 1923), Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, (Amritsar; Khalsa Naishanala Ijamsi, 1923 [1892]). Every modern description of these events includes Sher Muhammad Khan's haa da naara. NB: I will render haa da naara with double as to indicate the long vowel as that is the convention in Malerkotla. 90 These events and their implications for the history, historiography and present peaceful reality of Malerkotla will be addressed in greater detail in Chapter Three.
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NawabSherMuhammadKhantookcaptiveawomanattachedtothehouseofGobindSingh.91 Thiswoman,AnupKaur,refusedtoacceptIslamortheoverturesoftheNawab,andkilled herself.HerbodywasreportedlyburiednearthetombofaSufisaint,ShahFazl.Thiswould laterbecomeanissuefortheSikhs. BandaBahadur GuruGobindSinghdiedfromastabwoundinNanded,Maharashtra.Notlongbeforehis deathhemet,andconvertedtoSikhism,aHinduBairagiyogi,MadhoDas.92Adoptingthename GurbakshSinghtheformeryogibecamemorewidelyknownasBandaBahadur(TheBrave Servant),hegaveupthepathofrenunciationandtookuparmsfortheGuru.FollowingGuru GobindSingh'sdeath,BandaandalargearmyofSikhsconqueredvastareasofPunjab,butit appearsthathedidnotapproachMalerkotla.WhereasotherMuslimprincipalitiessuchas SirhindthesceneofthemartyrdomoftheGurussonswererazedtotheground,Malerkotla wasspared.Althoughanynumberofreasonscouldexplainthis,IftikharAliKhan,thelast NawabofMalerkotla,declaresinhishistoryofthekingdom(asdomanyresidents)thatBanda didnotattacktheotherwiserathervulnerablestateoutofrespectforNawabSherMohammad Khansdefenseofthetwosahibzadas. Despitesuchmomentsoftranquility,warsbetweenthemultitudeofSikhprincipalities andoutsideMusliminvaderspersisted.MalerkotlafoughtonthesideoftheMughalsuntiltheir powerdissipated,atwhichpointtherulerssupportedAhmadShahAbdaliandtheRohilla Afghanswhorepeatedlyinvadedfromthenorthwestinthemiddleoftheeighteenthcentury. Punjabintheeighteenthcenturywascharacterizedbynearlyperpetualbattlesbetweenvarious
Satinder Kaur, "History of Malerkotla State" (MA Thesis, History; Punjabi University, 1977); Iftikhar Ali Khan, History; Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1999); Sohan Singh, Life and Exploits of Banda Singh Bahadur, (Patiala; Punjabi University Press, 2000); Anila Sultana, "Muslims of Malerkotla: A Study in Social and Cultural Change 1947-91,"(PhD Dissertation, History; Punjabi University, 1993). 92 Bairagis are a sect of Vaishnava yogis, renunciant Hindus devoted to Vishnu.
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princelystatesandtriballeaders.Theserulersfoughtfrequently,formingalliancesandattacking eachotherbyturns,dependingontowhomtheyowedmoney,whethertheyjudgedvictory likely,oratthebehestofamorepowerfulleadersuchastheMughalruleratDelhi,Muslim chieftainssuchasAhmadShahAbdaliorAdinaBeg,HinduforcesliketheMarathas,orSikh leaderssuchasBandaBahadurorMaharajaRanjitSingh.93 NawabJamalKhan(r.1717-1755)foughtmoreorlessconstantlyagainstthevarious RajasofPatiala,alargeSikhstatetotheeastofMalerkotla.Forexample,in1766AmarSingh ofPatialacapturedthevillagesofPayalandIsrufromJamalKhanandthenin1768seizedTibba fromJamalKhan'sbrotherandsuccessorAtaullahKhan.Butby1771,Malerkotlaassisted AmarSinghagainstausurperwhohadtakenoverduringPatiala'scampaignagainstthe Marathas.94Duringthemid-eighteenthcentury,astheAfghanchieftainAhmadShahAbdali repeatedlyoverranNorthIndia,battlingforcontrolofthePunjab,Mughalpowerwaned. MalerkotlasrulerssupportedAhmadShahintheseexpeditions.Mostmemorably,inFebruary of1762inabattlenotfarfromMalerkotla,AhmadShahandhisalliesslaughtered30,000Sikhs. ThiseventhasgonedowninSikhhistoryastheGreatHolocaust,orWaddaGhalughara. JamalKhandiedinbattleandafterhimMalerkotlafellonhardtimesashisbrothers,ratherthan hisminorson,succeededhim.SeveralNawabswereinpowerinMalerkotlainratherrapid succession,andexceptingJamalKhan,themilitaryacumenandpoliticalcompetenceofthese

Under Shivaji Bhonsle (1627-1680) the Marathas established a sizeable kingdom in the region of Western India now identified as Maharashtra. Shivaji fought constantly with Aurangzeb and eventually was awarded the right to call himself Raja (King). He was crowned Chhatrapati (Lord of the Universe). After Shivaji, the Marathas continued to be a force in North and West India until Ahmad Shah Abdali and his army of Afghans defeated them at the second Battle of Panipat in 1761. Shivaji still holds a very high position among Hindu nationalists who regard him as a successful resistor to Muslim rule. Indeed in early 2004 there was an outcry over a book by James Laine, Shivaji : Hindu King in Islamic India, (New York; Oxford University Press, 2003) which offended the sentiments of enough Hindus to result in an attack on one of the archives where Laine had done research. During the attack numerous irreplaceable Sanskrit and Tibetan manuscripts were destroyed. 94 Lepel Griffin, Rajas of the Punjab, (Delhi; Low Price Publications, 2000 [1870]), pp. 34-35, 39.
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rulersappearstohavebeenminimal.95Atonepoint,underBahadurKhan(r.1763-1766)the principalitywasreducedtotheboundarywallsofKotla,amerethreemilesincircumference. FluctuatingrelationswiththeSikhchiefsintheneighboringstatesofPatiala,Nabha,andJind alsocharacterizedthisperiod.Therewere,however,brightspots.In1769Nawab#UmarKhan signedatreatywithRajaAmarSinghofPatialaguaranteeingmutualprotectionandrespect. Theserulerswouldoccasionallycometotheaidofthemuchsmallerandmorevulnerable Malerkotlaagainstextra-localSikhinvaderssuchasthe1795attackofSahibSinghBedi. SahibSinghBedi SahibSinghBediostensiblyattackedMalerkotlaovertheperennialissueofcowkilling. SikhsandHindusbothabstainfromkillingcows,holdingthecowtobesacredasasourceoflife andsustenance.Muslimconsumptionandritualsacrificeofcowshasoftenbeenastated provocationforinter-religiousconflict,aprecipitatingincident.However,inthiscase,asin mostothers,therewereothermotivations.BediwasadirectdescendantofGuruNanak.Since thetimeofthefirstGuruhisfamilycommandedgreatrespectandauthoritywithintheSikh religionandthesocio-politicalpowernetworksofSikhsthroughoutPunjab.Bediandhisfamily hadmanyloyalsupporterswhobelievedthatthefirstGuruspowerdescendedthroughhis lineage.96FollowingthedeathofGuruGobindSinghandhisdiscipleBandaBahadur,political andreligiousauthorityamongtheSikhsbecamediffuse.Themissalperiodsawtheriseof missals,clanandfamilybasedpowercenters,whichfunctionedwithinakindofconfederacy inasmuchasSikhinterestswereaunifyingandoverridingconcern,particularlyregardingthe

Nawab Bhikam Khan (ruled, 1755-1763), Nawab Bahadur Khan, (ruled, 1763-1766), Nawab Umar Khan, (ruled 1766-1780), Nawab Asadullah Khan, (ruled 1780-1784), Nawab Ataullah Khan, (ruled 1784-1810). See also Appendix A, Geneaology of Malerkotla Nawabs and Rulers. 96 This family remains a powerful charismatic presence in the Sikh community. The current scion, Sarabjot Singh Bedi lives at Una in Himachal Pradesh where his home and the tombs of several of his progenitors are pilgrimage destinations.
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challengesbyMughalauthorities,Afghaninvaders,andtheincreasingpresenceoftheBritish EastIndiaCompany.97However,thesemissalsenjoyedrelativeautonomyandwerenotabove fightingwitheachotheriftheopportunitypresenteditself.OtherSikhleaders,suchasSahib SinghBedi,whowieldedbothspiritualauthorityandconsiderablecharisma,wereperiodically abletoamassarmiesoftheirown.Thegroupattackedanumberofotherlocationspriortotheir arrivalatMalerkotla,includingSikhregions.AtMalerkotlaSahibSinghBedi'sforceswere stoppedatAmargarh,outsidethecapitalcity,andwererepelledwithassistancefromPatiala. MalerkotlajoinedtheBritishinfightingtheMarathasintheearlypartofthenineteenth century.DuringthisperiodMaharajaRanjitSingh,thegreatSikhruler,wasintheprocessof expandinghiscontrolovermostofthePunjab,frompresentdayKashmirandHimachalPradesh tothenorthwesternregionsofpresentdayPakistanandinthesouthtotheMalwaregionin whichMalerkotlaislocated.Arrivingatthetownin1808,theMaharajademandedsuchan enormousamountintributethatthestatewasforcedtoborrowheavilyfromitswealthier neighborsNabha,Jind,andPatiala.TheNawabatthetime,AtaullahKhan,offeredan elephant,butSinghdemanded1,000,000rupees.98Summoningallhisresources,hedrummed

The missal period runs roughly from the 1715 death of Banda Bahadur until the rise of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1780. Indu Banga, "Formation of the Sikh State: 1765-1845," Five Punjabi Centuries, Indu Banga, ed., (New Delhi; Manohar, 1997), pp. 84-88. 98 Gursharan Singh, History of Pepsu: Patiala and East Punjab States Union, 1948-1956, (Delhi; Konark Publishers, 1991), p. 9. A slightly different account is given in Mian Bashir Ahmed Farooqi, British Relations with the Cis-Sutlej States (1809-1823), (Patiala Languages Department, 1971 [1942]). In this study, after Maharaja Ranjit Singh had taken Faridkot, he "then forced the Muslim Chief of Malerkotla to undertake to pay a lakh of rupees for which the Rajas of Patiala and Jind agreed to stand surety. [fn Metcalfe to Government, October 25, 1808, Bk. 5, Lt. 26, Copy] Metcalfe accompanied the Raja of Lahore up to Malerkotla but refused to 'follow the army in campaign' any further and strongly remonstrated against Ranjit's encroachments towards the east of the Sutlej." (p.. 6) As Colonel David Ochterlony, then Agent to the Governor General (later Resident at Delhi) pursued the negotiations with the Cis-Sutlej chiefs for their accession to British protection, he arrived at Malerkotla. Having reached agreements with the Rajas of Patiala and Nabha, "He then proceeded to Malerkotla, where the 'much respected and venerabl' Pathan Chief, Ataullah Khan, was the ruler from whom the Raja of Lahore had demanded a large sum of money. The Colonel reinstated the Chief in power who, 'but a few months since anticipated another visit from the Raja of Lahore which would doubtlessly have terminated in his absolute expulsion and ruin.'[fn Ochterlony to Edmonstone, February 9, 1809, Bk. 10, Lt. 6, Original]" Thus having propped up the Malerkotla State, and achieved satisfactory
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up566,391rupees.Unabletopay,MaharajaRanjitSinghattackedonOctober22ndandthe NawabthrewhimselfatthemercyofhiswealthierSikhneighbors.Hethenappealedtothe BritishunderLordMetcalfe.99 Finally,in1809theBritishandtheMaharajasignedatreatycedingtheCis-Sutlejregion inwhichMalerkotlaislocatedunderBritishsuzerainty.SincetheBattleofPlasseyin1757the BritishEastIndiaCompanyhadshiftedfrombeingprimarilyatradingcompanyforging allianceswithlocalrulerstopursuingitsownmilitaryandsovereigninterests.Thissignaledthe demiseofeffectivecentralMughalpoweratDelhi.After1803theMughalsweresubordinateto theBritish,althoughnominallythedynastydidnotenduntil1857.InthatyeartheBritish crushedarebellionofIndianarmyregiments,followingwhichtheEastIndiaCompany's supervisorystatusgavewaytodirectruleandIndiaofficiallybecameacolonyoftheBritish Empire.From1809onwardsMalerkotlasupportedtheBritishandassistedinanumberofkey campaignsagainstKabul,intheGurkhawars,andalsoduringthe1857Rebellion.100Family disputesovertherighttosuccessioncontinued,andwerenowarbitratedbytheBritish government.101RelationswiththeBritishappeartypicalofBritishdealingswithother kingdoms.TheMalerkotlarulersweregivennominalrespect,listedinattendanceatvarious courts,ordarbars,oftheViceroys,rankedninthamongthePunjabstates,andgivenanelevengunsalute.102Exhaustivelistsofexchangedgiftsandotherformalitiesaredetailedinthe

control of all the kingdoms of the Cis-Sutlej region, the British were firmly ensconced in the region and well positioned to mount their eventual assault on Maharaja Ranjit Singh. 99 Suraj Narain Rau, "Cis-Sutluj Sikh States, 1800-1849," (PhD Dissertation, History; Panjab University, no date), pp. 107-108. 100 For more on the Mughal period in India see Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, (Aligarh; Centre of Advanced Studies, 1982) and John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, (New York; Cambridge University Press, 1993). 101 See Rita Brara, Marriage and Kinship, Dissertation, (Sociology, Delhi University, 1989), pp. 63-69. 102 The 1881 Imperial Gazeteer lists nine guns, "Malerkotla," in Imperial Gazetteer of India, W.W. Hunter, ed., (London; Trbner & Co, 1881), p. 267. However, according to the 1886 and 1904 Gazetteer it was an eleven-gun 72

Nawab'shistory.ThemaleroyalfamilymembersweregenerallyeducatedinEnglandorin British-runschoolsinIndia.AresidentBritishofficialassistedinstategovernmentfrom1809 onwards,exercisingvaryingdegreesofcontrol,dependingupontheageandcompetenceofthe nativeRuler,andofcourseuponBritishinterests.AccordingtotheBritishrecordstheroyal familywasdeeplyindebtandsowasconstantlyonthevergeofruin.103Apartfrombrokering loansfortheNawab,theBritishalsousedthisweaknesstojustifygreaterexerciseofcontrolin stateaffairs.InalettertothePoliticalAgentatAmbala,SirGeorgeRussellClerk,datedMay 16,1831,aBritishofficernamedCaptainMurrayobserved, Ibelieveittobeimpossibletoextractanygenerallybeneficialmeasurefromthe collectedmembersofthisturbulentanddistractedfamilybecausetheirconflicting interests,ceaselessintriguesandmutualjealousyaretooopposedtosystemand inimicaltoorder,toberegulatedonjustandfundamentalprinciples.104 Inan1836letterClerkhimselfreiteratedthispessimisticimpressiondescribingavisittothe statetosettleaquestionofsuccessionandinheritance.Thiscaseconcernedthefactthatdueto theminorityofWazirKhanhisfourunclessucceededtothethronepriortohisownascension. FollowingthecontroversyaprecedentinBritishIndiawassetconcerningtherightsof primogeniture.105Intheprocessoftheinvestigation,Clerkobservedthefractiousqualityof familyrelations. WhatCaptainMurrayanticipated,myownexperiencehasconfirmed.Itisvainto effectunanimityamongthemembersofthisfamilyonthispoint.Someofthe mostinfluentialareinterestedinsubjectinginheritancetotheShurreh(sic), claimingitslawsasapplicabletoalloftheirreligiouspersuasion.Othersdiscard theShurreh,denythatitsruleshavehithertobeentheguidanceofthe familywhichisthefactandprefertoadheretotheirancientusages.
salute, "Malerkotla," in Imperial Gazetteer of India, (London; Trbner & Co, 1886), p. 255; "Malerkotla," in Imperial Gazetteer of India, (London; Trbner & Co, 1908), p.400. 103 L/P&S/13/877, Indian States, General Questions. Debts: Maler Kotla, (London: OIOC); R/1/1/1418, Debt of Malerkotla to Calcutta Firms. London: OIOC); R/1/1/2023, Irregularities of Nawab Re: Payment of Debt, (London: OIOC, 1930); and R/1/1/4156, Malerkotla Finance, (London: OIOC, 1944). 104 Cited in Indra Krishen, "An Historical Interpretation of the Correspondence (1831-1843) of Sir George Russell Clerk, Political Agent Ambala and Ludhiana," (PhD Dissertation, History; Panjab University, 1952), p. 64. 105 R/1/1/3832, Malerkotla Affairs: Appointment of Successor, Administrative Scheme, (London: OIOC, 1942). 73

Unfortunatelytheirfamilycustomsinrespecttoinheritancehavenothitherto beenuniform.106 Internecinedisputescontinuedthroughoutthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.InayatAli Khanhimselfdevotesapproximatelyonethirdofhis1882manuscripttohisclaimstotheestate ofhisbrotherIbrahimAliKhanwho,astheadoptedsonofNawabSikandarAliKhan,inherited thelandsandpropertiesofthethrone.TheaccessionofAhmadAliKhan(Ibrahim'sson)was notdisputednorwastheleadershipofAhmad'ssonIftikhar.Familydisputationsoverproperty continuetothisday. TheNamdhariMassacre In1872,oneofthemosttragiceventsinMalerkotla'shistoryoccurred.Atthetime MalerkotlawasgovernedbyaBritishagent,Mr.Heath,underthejurisdictionoftheDeputy CommissioneratLudhiana,J.C.Cowan.TheNawab,IbrahimAliKhan,wasaminorwhenhe succeededhisuncleandadoptedfather,SikanderAliKhan,in1871.107InJanuaryof1872 MalerkotlawasattackedbyagroupofNamdhariSikhs,asectwidelyandonomatopoetically knownastheKukasduetotheecstaticcriestheyutterduringprayer.TheNamdharisbelievein thecontinuationofthelivingpersonalGuruafterthedeathofGobindSingh,andsotheywere andareseenasbeyondthepaleofmainstreamSikhtradition.However,Namdharisarealso oftendepictedpositivelyasthefirstfreedomfighters,astheycalledforaboycottofBritish goodsinthelate19thcentury,establishedtheirownpostalsystem,refusedserviceinthearmy, andwagedactivestrugglesagainstcowslaughter,amongotherissues.AccordingtoNamdhari sources,theattackonMalerkotlawasduetotheiroppositiontotheBritishpresencethere,tothe

Ibid, p. 65. Ibrahims brother was Inayat Ali Khan, the author of the Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans mentioned above. Inayat charged that when his brother was adopted by their uncle (who he claimed hermaphrodite and a homosexual and so had no children of his own) that Ibrahims property should have devolved entirely to him as he was now the heir to the gadd and all the state territories and assets.
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killingofcowsbytheBritishandtheMuslims,andtotheworshipofsaints.108Namdhari literaturetodaydoesnotemphasizetheMuslimroleinsubsequentevents,buttargetsBritish imperialismandintransigentdiscriminatorypoliciesastheprovocationfortheirattack. MainstreamSikhhistoriansclaimthatthegroupwantedgunsandthatMalerkotlaatthetimewas weakandaneasytarget.Accordingtothe1904BritishGazetteer,"thefanaticKukasattacked Kotla,killingsometownspeopleandplunderinghouses."109TheNawab'shistory,ontheother hand,tellsthestoryaltogetherdifferently.Heretheleaderofthemovement,BhaiRamSinghis describedasasensiblemanwhowasopposedtotheattackonthegroundsthatMalerkotlahad beenblessedbytheGuru.TheattackissaidtohaveoccurredwithoutBhaiRamSinghswishes andwasundertakenbyaroguefollower.IftikharAliKhansuppliesyetanothermotiveinhis history.TheattackisdepictedasarevengefortherumoredpossibilitythataNamdhariwoman hadbeenrapedwhileincustodyatMalerkotla.Whateverthecause,theassaultonthestatewas limited,resultinginfewdeathsandthetheftofsomeguns.Inspiteoftherelativelyminor damage,thepunishmentvisitedupontheKukasbytheBritishwasgrimindeed.Afterhunting downandcapturingtheperpetratorsatPatiala,theywerebroughtbacktoMalerkotlaand executedwithouttrial.Sixty-nineNamdharis,includingsomewomenandchildren,wereplaced infrontofcannonsandblownawayoverthecourseofthreebloodydays.ThehistoryofIftikhar AliKhanrecountsthattheBritishofficialwhocommandedthisactionwassubsequently declaredinsaneandremoved.Thisincidenthassinceplayedanextremelypowerfulrolein NamdhariandMalerkotlahistory.
For example, www.namdhari.org claims that the goal of the attack on Malerkotla was to put the British on notice about the growing resistance to their rule. The page presents the perspective of the Namdharis on the events by claiming one of the Namdhari leaders had addressed his party of attackers thus after the assault and before their arrest. Hira Singh is made to say to his compatriots, "We had achieved our target. We had conveyed our feelings to the British Government that now the Indians had woken up. They would neither tolerate foreign rule nor hurt to their religious sentiments and self respect." 109 Gazetteer , 1904, p. 7.
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ThePrajaMandalMovementandtheKothalaFiringIncident InspiteofthetraumaticeventoftheKukaexecutions,Malerkotla'srulersremainedloyal totheirBritishprotectorsuntilthelattersdeparturefromthesubcontinent.FromtheIndia OfficerecordsitappearsthataBritishofficerwasoftentheeffectiverulerofthestateduetothe incompetenceofvariousrulers.AtnumerouspointstheNawabsoughtthehelpofBritish officialstodecideapricklymatter,forfinancialormilitarysupport,andforvalidationoftheir localauthority.TheBritishrecordsonMalerkotladwelluponthepersistentdebtoftheruling familyandtheneedtoestablishasoundeconomy.BritishrecordsintheOrientalandIndia OfficeCollection(OIOC)depictthecivilunrestinMalerkotlaasaresultofmismanagementby thekhawanin(therulingKhanclan)andtheirnearstrangleholdonalllandownershiprights throughoutthekingdom.Unsurprisingly,thehistorywrittenbyNawabIftikharAliKhanmakes nomentionofsuchincompetence,evenatthemomentswhenthesanityofoneoftherulersis calledintoquestion.Byandlargetheimpressionisofstrongleadershipandsoundpolicieswith aminimumofinterventionfromtheBritish.Indeed,eventsthatcounterthisprevailingimage arebarelymentioned. DuringIndia'smovementforfreedomfromtheBritishinthefirsthalfofthetwentieth

century,aparallelmovementknownasPrajaMandalemergedintheprincelystatestooppose theseindigenousmonarchicalregimes.110InMalerkotlathismovementwasnotverystrong,but itwaspresentinsomepartsofthestate.AccordingtoahistorianofthePrajaMandalmovement inPunjab,RameshWalia, InMalerkotlathePrajaMandalwasveryweak.TheMuslimswere predominantlyonthesideoftheNawabandthepeasantrysidedwiththeAkalis andtheCommunists.ThisStatewasanexceptiontothemassslaughterand

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Ramesh Walia, Praja Mandal Movement in East Punjab States, (Patiala; Punjabi University Press, 1972). 76

emigrationoftheMuslimpopulationinthewakeofthecountryspartition.Inthe townsofMalerkotlaandAhmedgarhwhereHinduswereinsubstantialnumbers someactivityofthePrajaMandalwaswitnessedandtheStatepromisedto introduceconstitutionalreforms.111 However,Walia'sviewcontrastssomewhatwiththatofRitaBrara,asociologistatDelhi Universitywhosedissertationfocusesonmarriageandkinshipanditsimpactonlandtenurein Malerkotla.Shewrites, TheMalerkotlachapterofthePunjabRiyasatiPrajaMandalhadfocusedattention upontheunfairevictionofcultivatorsfromtheirlands.Theleadershad spearheadedthedemandforrelieffromtheexorbitantrevenueduesandtaxesand soughtparitywiththecultivatorsoftheneighbouringtracts.AsfarastheStatewas concerned,theactivitiesofthePrajaMandalwereillegalandtheactivistswere dealtwithseverelyrightuntil1946.112 Inspiteoftheirillicitnature,severalgroupsdidrepeatedlymeetwithinthekingdomsborders, largelydrawingfromtheSikhpopulationwhosoughtgreaterautonomyasagriculturalists, particularlyintermsoflandrights,lowertaxes,andtherighttofixtheirownprices.113They publishedpamphlets,heldrallies,andformednetworkswithotherPrajaMandalsinthestatesof Patiala,Nabha,andJind.SeveralnewspaperswereoccasionallybannedforpublishingantiNawabarticles,suchastheRiyasatiDunya,editedbyTalibHussainalandrightsactivist,andthe MuslimOutlook.114AccordingtoWalia,thepeasantsinMalerkotlawerealwaysagitatingfor theirlandrightsoverandagainsttheeliteMuslimlandlords,thekhawanin.In1927theysetupa ZamindaraAssociationandpresentedacasetotheViceroyatSimla,allleadinguptotheJuly18 incidentsatKothala.115Onthisdayademonstrationwasbrutallysuppressed,withfourteen

Ibid, p. 171. Rita Brara, "Marriage and Kinship." 113 Giani Kehar Singh, Praja Malerkotla di Dard-Kahani, (Desh Dardi Press, no date), p. 67. 114 IOC, L/P&S/13/1345, Malerkotla Affairs. 115 Another report lists the secretary of the Panjab Riyasti Parja Mandal as S. Ranjit Singh of Malerkotla. According to this account, the main complaint against the Nawab was that he was obsessed with grandeur and had
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peoplereportedlyshotandkilled.Thereweremassarrests.Inthesubsequentinvestigation,the Malerkotlaruler,NawabAhmadAliKhan,attributedtheactiontooverzealouspoliceworkand disciplinedtheSuperintendent.Nofurtheractionwastaken.116However,annualgatheringsat thesiteinmemoryofthedeadpersisted.Itisfrequentlynotedinthestaterecordswhetherornot anydemonstrationoccurredontheanniversaryoftheincident,clearlyindicatingthatitwasan ongoingpointofconcernfortherulers. ReligiousTrouble Alreadyitisclearthatfarfrombeingthe"IslandofPeace"itwasdubbedbythe magazineIndiaToday,MalerkotlahasfrequentlybeeninvolvedinconflictsandwarswithSikh andHindugroupsandkingdoms,aswellasfrequentintrafamilialstrife.Althoughmanyofthese confrontationsconcernpoliticsandterritory,severaleventsclearlycarryareligiousdimensionas well.Itissignificantthatseveraloftheseconflicts,suchasthosestyledbySikhhistoriansasthe WaddaandChhotaGhalugharas(GreatandSmallHolocausts),takeonalevelofreligious meaningthroughtheprocessofSikhhistorymaking.TheSikhcommunity'sinterestin sanctifyingpastvictoriesanddefeatshasbeenpartofalargeragendaofgeneratingsolidarity andconsistencyamongtheSikhpopulation.117Similarly,inMalerkotlatheerasureofreligious

legalized satta gambling. In Malerkotla the movement was multi-religious and unified wide sectors of society. Both Sikhs and Muslims were among the first office bearers. Giani Kehar Singh, Sewa Singh, and Talib Hussain were the main Malerkotla activists. B. S. Nijjar, Punjab under the British Rule (1849-1947), (New Delhi; K B Publications, 1974), pp. 32-47. Brara, Marriage and Kindship, p. 149; Ramesh Walia. Praja Mandal Movement,pp. 49-50; S. K. Sharma, "Political Beliefs and Attitudes of a Religious Minority: An Exploratory Study of the Muslim Elite in Malerkotla," in Political Dynamics of Punjab, S. C. Wallace, ed., (Amritsar; Guru Nanak Dev University, 1981). 116 For more see L/R/5, Vernacular Press Reports Kothala, (London; OIOC, 1927) and R/1/1/1685, Malerkotla Affairs: Zamindari Association, (London; OIOC, 1927). 117 Harjot Oberoi gives an excellent account of Sikh identity formation through the production and dissemination of history, the formulation of Sikh rituals, and the eradication of traditional Punjabi religiosity such as the worship of prs (Muslim saints). See The Construction of Religious Boundaries. 78

andethnicconflictfromthepublicimaginationandthewrittenrecordrepresentsaprocess wherebythevaluesofapeacefulpluralcommunityaregroundedinanidealizedpast.118 Malerkotla'shistoryishardlyfreefromexplicitly(thoughnotsolely)religiousconflicts. In1935,forexample,therewasacaseinwhichaHindugroupbeganakathatherecitationofa sacredtextinabuildingthatoverlookedamosque.Astherecitationinvolvedsingingandthe playingofinstruments,itwasobjectionabletotheMuslimsduringtimesofprayer.Thedispute escalatedandeventuallyresultedinariotinwhichaHinduwaskilled.NawabAhmadAliKhan arrestedseveralMuslimyouthsandtwoofthemwereputtodeath.ManylocalMuslimsfelt theseexecutionswerehastyandunwarrantedandthematterdidnotdisappearastheHindus continuedtheirrecitation.EventuallyaBritishofficercametosettlethedispute,rulinginfavor ofsilencingthekathaduringprayertimes.119Severalyearslatertheissuewasreactivatedasone ofmanycomplaintslodgedbyelementsoftheMuslimpopulationwhodeclaredthattherulers werebiasedagainstMuslims.AgroupofdissenterseventuallyleftMalerkotlaenmasse,seeking topresenttheircasebeforethePunjabAdministratoratLahore.120Thiscasewillbediscussed furtherinChapterFive. The1930'swereanintenseperiodthroughoutIndia.Identitypoliticsweretheorderof thedayasthecombinedeffectsofnineteenthcenturyreformistmovements,Britishenumerative
The British records, on the other hand, tell a different story. Reports on religious disturbances in Malerkotla are common: L/P&J/170, Puran Mal Murder, (London: OIOC); L/R/5, Vernacular Press Reports Hindu Muslim Dispute, (London: OIOC1936); L/R/5, Vernacular Press Reports Hijra, (London; OIOC, 1939); L/R/5, Vernacular Press Reports Kothala, (London: OIOC, 1927); L/P&S/13/1345, Punjab States: Maler Kotla Affairs, (London: OIOC); R/1/1/2687, Hindu Muslim, Arti-Namaz , (London: OIOC, 1935); R/1/1/2860, Muslim Agitation in Malerkotla, (London: OIOC); R/1/1/2936, Muslim Agitation at Malerkotla, (London: OIOC); R/1/1/3006, Congress Activities in Malerkotla, (London: OIOC); R/1/2860. Report on Muslim Agitation in Malerkotla State and Proposals for Future Administration of the State, (London: OIOC). 119 L/P&J/170, Puran Mal Murder , (London; OIOC), L/P&S/13/1345, Malerkotla, (London; OIOC); L/R/5, Vernacular Press Reports Hindu-Muslim Dispute, (London; OIOC, 1936), R/1/1/2687, Hindu Muslim, ArtiNamaz, (London; OIOC, 1935). 120 L/R/5. Vernacular Press Reports Hijra, (London; OIOC, 1939); Parsuram Jain, Haqiqat, (Malerkotla, 1940), "Miscellaneous Papers Relating to Communal Problems in Malerkotla," 206, (Maler Kotla: Office of the Revenue and Finance Minister, 1935-1946).
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authoritarianism,andthefactionswithintheIndependenceMovement,particularlytheIndian NationalCongressandtheMuslimLeague,tookroot.Especiallysincethenineteenthcentury withtheconsolidationofBritishauthoritybothChristianmissionariesandBritishpolicies distributedsocialandpoliticalopportunitiesbaseduponreligiousandethnicidentities. Simultaneously,andpartiallyasaresponsetotheseefforts,Hindu,SikhandMuslim organizationsdevelopedthatdefinedanddisseminatedrevivalistorthodoxies.Someofthese groupsworkedcloselywithpoliticalparties,suchastheHinduMahasabhaandtheIndian NationalCongress.Asaprincelystate,politicalpartieswerenotallowedinMalerkotlaandso thekingdomwasfreefromsomethesestruggles.AlthoughthealliancewiththeBritishgave risetoconsiderablecriticismandinternalagitation,thesecontroversieseventuallydissipated. Nonetheless,bythetimeofPartition,therewasadequatelocalsolidaritytosustainthe communitythroughthatdifficultperiod. Partition ThePartitionofIndiain1947resultedinthetransferofapproximatelyfifteenmillion

peoplebetweenthetwonewnation-states.Theexactnumbersofrefugeeswillneverbeknown asinthechaossomepeoplewerelost,otherstookonnewidentities,andmanywerekilled.The numbersofthedeadwilllikewiseneverbeknownbutestimatesrangefromtwohundred thousandtoamillionormore.TheregionsofPunjabandBengalweremostadverselyaffected bythistraumaasthenewnationalbordersranthroughthesetwostates.Punjabexperienced particularlyextremeviolence,dueinnosmallparttotheregion'shavingbeentheBritisharmy's favoriterecruitinggrounds.SoldiersdecommissionedafterWorldWarIIwerecapableof organizingandeffectingveritablemilitarycampaignsagainstmembersofotherreligious communities.Entiretrainloadsofrefugeesheadinginbothdirectionsweresystematically

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slaughtered.ThroughoutthistraumaMalerkotlabecameknownasasafezoneforMuslims travelingtowardsPakistan.MigrantsjourneyingbyroadortrainmadeMalerkotlatheir intermediatedestination,knowingthattheycouldrestheresecurely.TheelderlyNawabplayed littleroleinmaintainingorder,buthissonIftikharAliKhanwasextremelyactiveinmaintaining thesecurityofthebordersandthemoraleofthepopulation. AccordingtoallthepeopleandrecordsIconsulted,Malerkotlawasapeacefulplace

duringPartition.121Localresourceswerestrainedtothelimitandtherefugeesituationwas indeeddire,buttheviolencethatshatteredPatiala,Nabha,andJind(threeneighboringSikh kingdoms)neveroccurredwithinMalerkotla'sborders.ManyMalerkotlaresidentsattributethe peaceatPartitiontothebraveleadershipoftheNawabandthevigilanceofthekingdom'sarmy. OthersclaimthatduetotheblessingofGuruGobindSingh,theSikhssparedMalerkotla.Still othersbelievethatHaiderShaikhandthemanyothersaintsburiedinMalerkotlawere collectivelyresponsibleforpreservingthekingdomfromtheviolencethatragedaround.Allof theseexplanationsaresignificanttoMalerkotlaresidentsandvisitors. TheLastNawab NawabIftikharAliKhan(d.1982)wasthelastNawabofMalerkotlastate.Heinherited thethronein1947afterhisfatherAhmadAliKhandied.HewaseducatedbyEuropean governessesandtutors,andtooktheCambridgeExamination.Hetraveledbroadlyandmettwo BritishkingsGeorgeVandEdwardVIII.HebecameChiefMinisterofMalerkotlain1946. TheNawab,byhisownaccountaswellasinthememoriesofmanyresidents,wasinstrumental inmaintainingpeaceduringthePartitiondisturbances.Heissaidtohavepersonallypatrolled

"Disturbance in the East Punjab and Influx of Refugees," Punjab State Archives, Malerkotla File no. 1-C/47-A, 1947; "Refugee and Evacuee Information, Malerkotla File, 1947. File no. 2(19) PR/47; L/P&S/13/1345. Malerkotla, (London; Oriental and India Office Collection).
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throughoutthecity,bothpubliclyandanonymouslyinordertoassessandaddressthecondition oftheinhabitants.AfterIndependence,MalerkotlajoinedPEPSU(PatialaandEastPanjab StatesUnion)abodydesignedtogoverntheformerprincelystatesofIndianPunjab.The Nawabservedintheadministrationofthatunion.FollowingthedissolutionofPEPSUin1954, IftikharAliKhanwastwiceelectedasmemberofthePunjabLegislativeAssembly(MLA)for Malerkotla.Hemarriedfivetimesbuthadnosurvivingchildren.Underhisleadershipanumber oflocaleducationalinstitutionsandhospitalswerefounded,industryexpanded,agricultural reformwasintroduced,androadsimproved.EvenaftertheNawabsdeathin1982,hisfamily hascontinuedtoholdauthorityinthetown,beingveryinfluentialinmunicipalaswellasstate politics.Twoofhiswives,YusufZamanandSajidaBegum,servedaslocalMLAsaswell. SajidaBegumisalocalCongresspartyleaderandactivistandalsoservesontheboardthat overseesthemanagementofthefamousDargahofKhwajaMuinuddinChishtiinAjmer.Until recently,theNawabiandkhalfahfamilieshadanearmonopolyonlocalpower,butnew developmentsindicatethatotherelementsinthetown'sdiversepopulationarefindingtheir politicalvoice. LocalDiversity Malerkotlatodayismadeupofawiderangeofreligiousandethnicgroups.According

totheCensusofIndia(1991),Indiaasawholeiscomprisedof82%Hindus,12.5%Muslim,and only2%Sikh,whereasPunjabconsistsof34.5%Hindus,1%Muslims,63%Sikhs.This demographicisentirelyreversedinMalerkotla.In1981(thelastyearinwhichsucha breakdownisavailable),thetown'spopulationwas67%Muslim,20%Hindu,11%Sikh. Interestingly,in1881,Punjabwas51%Muslim,41%Hinduand7.6%Sikh,whereasMalerkotla atthattimewasactuallyaSikhmajorityregion,withanurbanpopulationof35%Muslim,23%

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Hinduand41%Sikh.In1904,theurbanpopulationofMalerkotlawasrelativelyevenlydivided betweenthethreemajorreligions.By1941,Malerkotlawas70%Muslim,21%Hindu,6%Jain, and2.6%Sikh.AtthetimeofPartition,Punjabspopulationwasnearlyevenlydistributed amongthesethreereligions.In1951,thefirst(andnotoriouslyproblematic)Censustakenafter Partition,thenumbersarequitedifferent.InPunjabasawhole,Hinduswere42%,Sikhs56%, andMuslims0.8%.However,inthecityofMalerkotlaitselfin1951thepopulationremained moreorlesssteadywith66%Muslim,22%Hindu,6%Jainand5%Sikh.Therelativestability oftheurbanpopulationcontinuestothisday,withonlyaslightincreaseinSikhrepresentation. IntheremainderofPunjab,asshowninthe1991Censusdata,theHindupopulationhas decreasedwhereastheSikhandMuslimpopulationshavegrown,reflectingemigrationof Hindus,immigrationofSikhs,andthealterationsinPunjabsborderstocreateHaryanaand HimachalPradeshinprimarilyHindueasternregions.122Accordingtothe2001CensusofIndia, Malerkotlaismadeupof106,802citizens.Localestimates,corroboratedby1981data,claim thatapproximately70%oftheseareMuslim,andtheremainingthirtypercentismoreorless evenlydividedbetweentheHinduandSikhcommunities.

Census of India, 2001 provisional results give 106,802 citizens of whom 56,872 are male and 49,930 are female, 59,101 are literate (34,583 male literates vs. 24,518 females). No statistics on religious affiliation are available yet. Sources for the remainder of the material are drawn from the Census of India, 1991; Sir Denzil Ibbetson, Panjab Castes (reprint of The Races, Castes and Tribes of the People) (Lahore; Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1916 (1883)), pp. 104-106 and Gopal Krishan, Demographic Change, in Punjab in Prosperity and Violence: Administration, Politics and Social Change, 1947-1997, J. S. Grewal and Indu Banga, eds., (Chandigarh; Institute of Punjab Studies, 1998), pp. 156-176; Peter Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1972).
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Table1:MalerkotlaPopulation(NB:pre-independencefiguresreflectpopulationthroughoutthe kingdomwhichmeasured167squaremilesatthetime,whereaspresentdatareflectsonlythe concentratedurbanareaofthetownitself) 1876:91,560 1881:71,051 1901:77,506 1991:88,600 2001:106,802 Year Malerkotla Punjab India 35%Muslim 51%Muslim 19.97%Muslim 1881 23%Hindu 41%Hindu 78.09%Hindu 41%Sikh 7.6%Sikh 70.27% Muslim (20,605) 53%Muslim 24.28%Muslim 1941 20.8%Hindu(6,098) 31%Hindu 69.46%Hindu 5.81%Jain(1,705) 15%Sikh 2.64%Sikh(823) .48%Christian(90) 66%Muslim(21,502) 62%Hindu 9.9%Muslim 1951 22.1%Hindu(7,200) 35%Sikh 85%Hindu 5,84%Jain(1,780) 0.8%Muslim 5.09%Sikh(1,902) .97%Christian(191) 61.47%Muslim(24,307) 64%Hindu 83.5%Hindu 1961 23.75%Hindu(9,390) 33%Sikh 10.7%Muslim 5.02%Jain(2,080) 0.8%Muslim 1.8%Sikh 8.78%Sikh(3,473) .98%Christian(293) 64.96%Muslim(31,740) 38%Hindu 82.7%Hindu 1971 24.81%Hindu(12,124) 60%Sikh 11.2%Muslim 2.58%Jain(1,263) 1%Muslim 1.9%Sikh 7.53%Sikh(3,683) .0001%Christian(48) 67.3%Muslim 36%Hindu 82.6%Hindu 1981 20.2%Hindu 62%Sikh 11.4%Muslim 10.7%Sikh. 1%Muslim 2%Sikh NoDataAvailable 34.5%Hindus 82.41%Hindu 1991 1.18%Muslims 11.67%Muslim 62.95%Sikhs. 1.99%Sikh

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LocaleducationalresourcesaregrowingtoservetheexpandingMalerkotlacommunity.

TheMunicipalCommitteeliststhirty-twolocalschoolsbelowthecollegelevelinMalerkotla, buttherearemany,manymoreunregisteredwiththemunicipality.Malerkotla,likeIndiain general,haswitnessedanefflorescenceofmodelschools,privatelyrunschoolsthattarget particularcommunities.Theseareoftenopenedasbusinessventureswithlittleinvestmentinthe educationofthechildrenbeyondgettingthemthroughthequalifyingexamsthatformthe backboneoftheIndianeducationalsystem.Therearegovernmentschoolsatalllevels,butthe bestgrammarandsecondaryschoolsarerunprivatelyandinassociationwithreligiousnetworks. TheZorawarandFatehSinghSchoolisnamedforthetwosonsofGuruGobindSinghwhose executionwasprotestedbytheMalerkotlaNawabSherMuhammadKhan.Thisschoolabutsthe SinghSabhaGurdwara.TheJainGirlsSchoolisoneofthebestgirls'highschoolsintown. ThereisaStaGrammarSchoolthatisrunbyanationwidegroupaffiliatedwiththeVishwa HinduParishad(VHP),aHindunationalistorganization.123DuringmystayinMalerkotlathere werelocalrumorsconcerningthedifficultyofMuslimsgainingemploymentthere,butMuslim childrendidattendtheschool.ThroughtheeffortsoftheJama#at-iIslam,IslamiyyaHigh Schoolsforboysandgirlshavebeenfoundedintown.Therearealsonumerousmadrasas, IslamicschoolswhichfocusonArabic,Qur"anicstudies,andreligiouspracticealongwiththe standardcurriculum.Severalsuchschoolshavebeenfoundedforgirlsaswellasboys.Any educationalinstitutionisimportantinMalerkotla,astheliteracyratein1991was42%as comparedtoPunjabsrateof57%.AlthoughthisissurprisinggivenhistoricMuslim dominance.Thisis,unfortunately,typicalofMuslimmajoritycommunitiesthattendona nationalleveltohavelowerliteracyrates.Itrepresentsanenormousimprovement,however,

123

It is well worth noting that the current head of the St Grammar School is a Muslim. 85

frompre-Independencetimeswhenitiswidelyreportedthattherulersdidnotallowtheirlow castesubjects,Muslimorothers,toreadorgotoschool.In1904theliteracyratewashighest amongJainsat18.5%.4.5%ofHindus,4%ofSikhs,andjust2%ofMuslimscouldreadand write.Only7%ofmenand0.2%ofwomenwereliterate.124By1971thesenumberswerevastly improvedbutstillnotveryimpressivewithaliteratepopulationofjust27%.125 CivicassociationsproliferateinMalerkotla,aselsewhereinIndia,rangingfrom

internationalorganizationssuchastheRotaryClub,tolocalliterarysocieties(SahitSangam),to agroupofcactuslovers(GreenwoodCactusandSucculentSociety).Thereisanorganization representingeveryimaginableinterestgroup.Itisdifficulttoknowhowmanysuchassociations arepresentandhowmanyareactuallyactiveasmanyarenotincorporatedandthereforearenot listedwiththemunicipality.Somegroupslastonlyafewmeetingsandothersendurewithvery fewmembersandalimitedmandate.Significantly,theofficeholdersinmanyofthese organizationsrepresentmultiplereligiousgroups.Forexample,thelocalBarAssociation,Bar ClerkAssociation,chemistsAssociation,Journalists'CoordinationCommittee,Manufacturers andSuppliersAssociation,MalerkotlaPrintersAssociation,Rotract(sic)Club,LeoClub, MalerkotlaWelfareAssociation,MalerkotlaHeritageSociety,Ex-ServicemanLeague Committee,PunjabPensionersAssociation,andMalerkotlaImprovementTrustallhaveHindus, Muslims,andSikhsontheirexecutiveboards.126Afewgroupstendtobemanagedbyasingle community,buthaveapluralmembershipsuchastheRotaryClubwhichhastendedtohave HinduandJainleadership.Infact,theRotaryClubalsoorganizedan#IdMilan,agatheringto felicitatetheMuslimcommunityontheoccasionofthetwomajorfestivalsknownas#Idwhich
Maler Kotla State Gazetteer, (Lahore; The Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1904). Sharma, Political Beliefs and Attitudes of a Religious Minority, page 38. In 1971 33.7% of Punjab was literate. Womens literacy rates were just 12.1% for Punjab and 8.7% for Malerkotla. 126 Source, The Tribune, multiple dates within the last five years (1998-2003).
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marktheIslamiccalendar.127Thussinglereligiousleadershipalonedoesnotindicatesingle religiousmembership.Nordoesthenon-religiousagendaoftheRotaryClubprecludeits sponsorshipofreligiousactivitiessuchasthecelebratorygatheringfor#Id.Indeed,suchevents arecommonlyorganizedbymanygroupsinMalerkotlaasameansofreachingouttothe Muslimmajoritypopulation.Therearealsoassociationsspecificallytargetedtotheinterestsof religiouslybasedcommunitiessuchastheMuslimWelfareActionCommitteeortheAggarwal Sabha(HinduandJain).Ingeneral,suchgroupstendtoparticipateincorporatepubliclifein overtways,eveniftheirmembershipandmandateconcernsasinglereligiouscommunity.For example,theGuruNanakSamajSudharandSportsClubandthevariousYouthClubsmayall competetogetherinpubliccontests.Forlargefestivals,suchastheShi#iprocessionfortheir majorobservanceMuharram,groupsfromsomelocaltemplesandgurdwaraswillplacestandsto offerwaterandotherrefreshmentstothemarchingcrowd.Itisalsoimportanttohighlightthat membersofmultiplereligioustraditionsoverseeseveralofthelargestoccupationaland professionalgroups,suchastheBarAssociationandtheManufacturersandSuppliers Association.Suchintegrationfostersopencommunication,reducescompetitionandtension,and helpscreateasoundbasisforinter-religiousinteraction.128 Thecombinationofinter-religiousandintra-religiousorganizationsisanimportant

aspectofMalerkotla'spluralsociety.Theexistenceofpublicspacesforbothtypesof engagementfosterssecuritywithindifferentreligiouscommunitiesandmaximizesthe

'Id al-Fitr marks the end of the fasting month of Ramadan and 'Id al-Adha, known in India as Baqr 'Id, is the festival of sacrifice, marking Ibrahim's willingness to sacrifice his son Ismail in accordance with God's command. 'Id Milans are a major part of civic life in Malerkotla and are sponsored and attended by multiple religious, social, and political groups. 128 Most recently Ashutosh Varshney has highlighted the importance of formal and semiformal civic associations in fostering positive inter-religious relations. This subject will be dealt with more fully in Chapter Six: Regulating Peace. Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life.
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opportunitiesforopenexchangeandtheforgingofsharedinterestsbetweenreligious communities.Withoutbothinter-religiousandintra-religiousorganizations,sacredsites, educationalinstitutions,andpublicevents,thefabricofthecommunitywouldbecomeunevenly balancedallowingcertaingroupstodominatetotheexclusionofothers.Inthefollowingseveral sectionsIwillgivebriefdescriptionsofthemostsignificantoftheseorganizations,sites,and eventswithparticularattentiontotheMuslimmajoritycommunity. RELIGIOUSGROUPS SunniMuslims GiventheestimatethatMalerkotlais70%Muslim,roughly74,200ofthe106,802 residentsareMuslim.Ofthese,approximately2500areSh#as129makingSunnisthe overwhelmingmajority.ThegreatestdivisionwithintheSunnicommunityisbetweenthose whofolloweithertheDeobandiortheBarelvischoolsofthought.130Althoughoftennot officiallyaffiliatedwitheithergroup,Sunniswilldescribethemselvesassympathetictooneor theotherperspective.Themainimplicationofthisisobservableintermsoftherelativeausterity oftheirbeliefandpractice.ThosewhoclaimDeobandiaffiliationorinclinationtendtooppose visitstosaintstombs,elaborateweddingsorfunerals,andpublicauditionofmusic,andto advocateIslamiceducation,veilingforwomen,andactivereconversionofthoseIndianMuslims whochangedtheiridentitiesduringoraftertheupheavalofPartition.Barelviadherentsmaybe activeinmissionarygroups,supportattendanceatsaintsshrines,enjoymusicanddance,and maybelessstrictintermsofwomenssocialmores.Neitheroftheselabelsnecessarilyindicates

This is a rough estimate. From interviews with Shi'i leaders in Malerkotla, they report at least 500 Sh' families. However, the local census does not inquire about this division making the numbers hard to determine precisely. 130 For more on Deoband, see Barbara Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1982) and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 2002).
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anysortofformalaffiliation,althoughtheymay.Instead,thedistinctionisusedincommon parlanceasameansofdistinguishingMuslimsandorganizationsasmoreorlessliberalintheir approachtoIslamandmulti-religioussociety. AnumberofMuslimorganizationsareactiveinMalerkotla.131Manyaregeneral,

defyingsectarianinterestssuchasSunni,Sh#,Deobandi,orBarelvi.Forexamplethereisa MuslimWelfareActionCommittee,aMuslimSocialReformsPanchayat,andaMaulanaAbdul KalamAzadMemorialSociety.132Muslims,beinganumericmajority,aremajorparticipantsin groupsliketheSahitSangam(LiterarySociety),HeritageSociety,variousYouthandSport Clubs,theTagoreFineArtClub,andtheMalerkotlaAdventureClub.Therearefewextremist organizationsinMalerkotla.Forexample,oneofseveralgroupsbannedbytheIndian government,theStudentsIslamicMovementofIndia(SIMI),133isnotactiveinMalerkotla.In 2001TheTribunereportedthatthe"loneunitofthebannedradicalMuslimoutfitinPunjabhas beenlyingdormant."ThearticlealsoclaimsthatinallofPunjabthegroupconsistedofonly twentytotwenty-fiveactivists.134TheactivitiesofSIMIandotherorganizationsidentifiedas terroristorradicalarecloselywatchedinMalerkotlaasthisistheonlyMuslimregion.Thusany suchgroupthatisactiveinPunjabofnecessitykeepsalowprofileintowntothepointthatthey havelittleobservableimpactondailylife.
Sharma, "Political Beliefs and Attitudes of a Religious Minority," p. 42; Anila Sultana, "Muslim Institutions and Organisations in Malerkotla and Their Impact on the Muslim Community," Punjab History Conference XXVIII (1996) and "Muslims of Malerkotla." 132 Abdul Kalam Azad was a leader of India's freedom movement and a member of the Indian National Congress. He actively opposed Partition and Pakistan and strove to create a space for Muslim Indians. He is famously quoted saying, "I am proud of being an Indian. I am part of the indivisible unity that is Indian nationalityIslam has now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several thousands of years, Islam has also been their religion for a thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also can we say with equal pride that we are Indians and follow Islam." Cited in Stephen Hay, Sources of Indian Tradition, Vol. II., (New York; Columbia University Press, 1988). 133 SIMI is often associated with Deoband and the banning of the group has been very controversial in India as similar youth organizations among the Hindus have not been targeted in the same way. 134 Singh, Prabhjot, "SIMI's Punjab Unit Lying Dormant," The Tribune, (Chandigarh, November 29, 2001). The Tribune is the newspaper of record in Punjab having published continuously since the nineteenth century. There is a Punjabi and a Hindi version of the paper as well, though the English edition is the most widely read.
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ThereareseveralspecificallyreligiousMuslimgroups,suchastheDarul-Iftathat

overseesthelegallifeoftheMuslimcommunity.In1908NawabAhmadAliKhanestablished theofficeofDarul-Ifta",andappointedaMuftifortheState.135SinceindependencethePunjab StateGovernmentmanagestheoffice,appointingtheMufti,payinghissalary,andmaintaining severalofthelocalMuslimpropertiesandinstitutionsincludingthreelocalmosquesandthe#Id Gah,wheretheMuslimcommunitygathersforprayersonthetwo#Ids.Thisofficehasgaineda higherprofileinpost1947India,astheMuftiofMalerkotlaiseffectivelythelegalauthorityfor theMuslimcommunityofthewholeofPunjab.InMalerkotla,heofficiatesatmarriage,divorce, anddeathceremonies,giveslegaladviceanddecisions,declaresthetwo#Ids,managesthe governmentmosques,andprovidespersonalconsultationinreligiousandpersonalmatters.Nine menhaveservedinthiscapacity.ThecurrentMufti,FazlurRehmanHilalUsmaniobtainedhis muftidegreefromDar-al-#Ulum,DeobandinUttarPradesh,whencehehails.Hecameto Malerkotlain1973asMuftiandhischildrenhavemarriedandsettledthereaswell.Although trainedatDeoband,MuftiFazlurRehmanclearlydoesnotaffiliatewiththemoreradicalwing, heisaprogressiveman,allhisdaughtershavesoughthigherdegreesandheappearsona regionaltelevisionstationtodiscussreligiousissuesforalargelynon-Muslimaudience.Heruns acenter,theDarus-SalamIslamicCenter,whichoperatesaschoolandengagesinanumberof educationalandoutreachprojects.Hehaspublishedoversixtybooks,includingatranslation andcommentaryontheQur"an,abiographyoftheProphet,and,mostrecently,avolumeon Muslimpersonallawissuesrelatingtomarriage,divorceandinheritance,inbothUrduand

135

A mufti is a scholar of Islamic law capable of issuing legal opinions or fatwas. 90

English.HehasalsowrittenabookentitledMemaar-eInsaniyat(TheArchitectofHumanity) addressingtheimportanceofcultivatingasocietythatfostersmutualtoleranceandrespect.136 ThemostactiveorganizationamongMuslimsinMalerkotla,andthroughoutSouthAsia

ingeneral,maywellbetheTablghJama#at.137Thisgrassrootsmovementbeganitsmissionary workin1926nearDelhiundertheleadershipofaSufiandscholar,MaulanaMuhammadIlyas (1885-1944).IlyaswasassociatedwithDeoband,buttheprogramoftheTablghJama#atis muchmorebasicthanthehigherIslamiceducationalgoalsoftheDeobandimovementand institutions.DrawingonaconservativeSufiheritagepioneeredbysuchleadersasShaikh AhmadSirhindiandotherNaqshbandis,theTablghJama#atisprimarilyintendedtorevitalize IslamamongMuslims.Tablghsheedsixsimpleprinciples:iman(belief),salat(prayer),#ilm anddhikr(knowledgeandremembranceofAllah),ikram-imuslimn(respectforfellow Muslims),ikhlas-iniyyat(sincerityorpurityofintention),andtafrgh-i-waqt(spendingtime workingforIslam).Theseprinciplesareexecutedbygroupsorjama#atsoftenvolunteerswho goonmissionaryprogramsfor(ideally)threedaysineverymonth.InPunjab,thistakesona uniquetenorasthegroupisoftentargetingpopulationsofMuslimswho,inordertosurvive duringPartitiondisavowedIslamorfellawayfromitafterwards. TheTablghJama#athashadaprofoundeffectonMalerkotla.Manylocalresidentsare

activemembersandthetownprovidesanaturalcenterforvisitingjama#atswhocometoPunjab toengageintheworkofrevivingIslaminthestate.Weeklymeetings,calledijtima#,areheld

Usmani, Mufti Fazl-ur-Rehman Hilal, Memaar-e-Insaniyat, (Malerkotla; Jamia' Dar-us-Salam, 1991) and The Islamic Law: Marriage, Divorce, Inheritance, (Malerkotla; Darus Salam Islamic Centre, 2000). Also see, Vikrant Jindal, "A Codifier of Islamic Laws." Tribune, (December 5, 2000). 137 See Mumtaz Ahmad, "Islamic Fundamentalism: The Jam 'at-i Islm and Tablgh Jam 'at of South Asia," in Fundamentalisms Observed, edited by Martin Marty and Scott Appleby, (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1991), Barbara Metcalf, "Living Hadith in the Tablgh Jam'at," Journal of Asian Studies (Volume 52, no. 3, 1993), "New Medinas: The Tablgh Jam'at in America and Europe," in Making Muslim Space, edited by Barbara Metcalf, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1996.
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byanumberofleaders,includingseveralwomen.Theseijtima#followafairlysetprogramin whichmembersoftheassemblyperformna#tsorpraisehymnstotheProphet,receive instructioninsomebasicpracticeorbelief,suchasthepropermethodfortheprayerablutions, askquestionsaboutleadingareligiouslife,testifytochangesormiracleswroughtbysubmission toAllah,performprayersandprostration(du#aandsajda),andhearaformalexhortationbythe leader.SincethetimeofPartition,Tablghandotherconservativegroupshavebeenincreasingly activelocally.Theirimpactisnoticeableaccordingtolocalresidentsandscholars.Fewer weddingsarecelebratedinornatefashion,musicisperformedpubliclyless,morewomenwear sometypeofveilinpublic,andothersuchsocialchanges.138Alocalcollegeprofessor, Malerkotlanative,andauthorofseveralstudiesonMalerkotla,AnilaSultanaasserts"indue course,partiallyforreasonsofcompulsionandpartiallyduetoconvictioncreatedinpeople's mindbythepreachingsoftheJama#at,theplayingofmusiconmarriagesetc.hasbeen discontinuedsincetheearlyeighties."139Sultanaalsoclaimsthatthelocalqawwalisingersand mirasans(ahereditarygroupofdancingandsingingentertainers)havebeeneffectivelyshut downinMalerkotla.However,Malerkotlaqawwalgroupsareoftenfeaturedatevents throughoutPunjabanddoperformoccasionallyatthedargahofHaiderShaikh.Furthermore,in myownexperienceatMuslimweddingsinMalerkotla,mirasansperformedatladiessinging nightsleadinguptotheweddingandatthehennaceremonythenightbeforethemarriage itself.140Nonetheless,qawwalsatHaiderShaikhorelsewhereintownarerareeventsandthe mirasansprincipallyperformforthePathaneliteofthetown,theirhereditarypatrons.

Sultana, Anila, "Muslim Institutions and Organisations in Malerkotla and Their Impact on the Muslim Community," Punjab History Conference XXVIII (1996). 139 Ibid, p. 266. 140 It is worth pointing out that the mirsans tend to complain about a reduction in their employment and about their low income, and several Pathan families said they hired them less frequently and would more often use recorded film music for wedding parties.
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SuchreformsarealsoadvocatedbytheJama#atahl-eHadith.Thisgroupispresentin

Malerkotla,thoughextremelysmall.TheAhl-eHadithregardonlytheQur"anandtheHadithas authoritativesourcesinthedeterminationofIslamiclaw.Theystronglyopposeanypractices suchasdargahattendancethatbearsresemblancetothepracticesofnon-Muslims.Thereisa mosqueandamadrasa(Islamicschool)runbytheAhl-eHadithinthecenteroftheMotiBazaar inthecenteroftheMalerneighborhood.Thereisalsoanassociationfoundedfortheupliftof thelargestlowercasteMuslimcommunityinMalerkotla,theKhambhoj.141Thisgroup,the AnjumanIslahiKhambohanrunsschools,educationalprograms,givesfinancialaidandalso seekstoengenderthetypesofsocialreformsindicatedabove. AnotherinfluentialSunnigroupinMalerkotlaistheJama#at-iIslam.Althoughits membershipofabout1500individualsissmall,itslocalimpactisconsiderable.TheJama#at-i Islamwasfoundedinabout1938byAbul#alaMaudd(1903-1979)toorganizetheIndian MuslimcommunityandprovideastrongerfoundationofIslaminthecountry.Maudd's writingsareextremelypopularinSouthAsiaandthroughouttheMuslimworld,andthe influenceofhisthoughtcanhardlybeexaggerated.TheJama#at-iIslam'sideologyisextremely conservativeandisoftendescribedasfundamentalistandlinkedwithterroristgroups.142Oneof

The Kambhoj are an agricultural caste of indigenous Indians converted to Islam. Their social status prior to the redistribution of land rights after independence was quite low. Since that time, the Kambhoj in Malerkotla are among the largest and most powerful groups in town. For British assessments of the nature of the Kambhoj see, D. Ibbetson, E.D. MacLagan, and H.A. Rose,, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, (Lahore: Government Printing House, 1919 (1883)). For a local perspective on Kambhoj status, see Anila Sultana, "The Agrarian Structure and the Muslims of Malerkotla," Punjab History Conference XXV (1992), Anila Sultana, "Hierarchical Change in the Muslim Society of Malerkotla in the Post-Independence Period," Punjab History Conference XXVII (1995), Mohammad Khalid Zubairy, Malerkotla:Itihas Ke Darpan Me (Malerkotla: Tarkash Publications, 2000). 142 Although the US State Department's annual Patterns of Global Terrorism (2002) does not include Jam'at-i Islm among its listed groups, it does identify Hizbul Mujahideen (HM)as the "militant wing" of Jam'at-i Islm. Indian politicians have often sought to link Jam'at-i Islm with HM and other Islamic organizations they view as anti-state. The Students Islamic Movement in India (SIMI) has been so linked and have been banned by the Indian Government under the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (2001). Typically journalists and authors will lump Jamaat-i Islami in with a range of radical Islamic groups. See, for example, B. Raman, "Jama'at-e-Islami, Hizbul Mujahideen, and Al-Qaeda." South Asia Analysis Group, (http://www.saag.org/papers7/paper699.html, 2003).
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thechiefobjectivesoftheJama#at-iIslamistheestablishmentofsharaasthelawoftheland. However,historicallytheJama#at-iIslamdidnotsupportnationalismofanykind,religiousor otherwise.Infact,MauddhimselfopposedthepartitionofIndia,althoughhemovedto Pakistanafter1947andbecamedeeplyconcernedwithIslamizingtheconstitutionandthe country.InPakistantheJama#at-iIslambecamedeeplyinvolvedinpoliticsandisnowa significantpoliticalparty.InIndia,theJama#at-iIslam-eHindhasassertedananti-political positionandfocusesonsocialserviceandmissionarywork.Oneoftheprincipleactivitiesofthe Jama#at-iIslaminPunjabisthereestablishmentofmosqueslostinthemayhemofPartitionand therehabilitationofMuslimswhointhelastfiftyyearseitheradoptedSikhandHinducustoms, orsimplybecamelessdevoutintheirobservationsinordertogetalongintheneworder.The Jama#at-iIslambuildsmosques,sendsteachers,opensmadrasasandprovidesliteratureabout Islamtothecommunities.TheleaderinMalerkotla,MaulanaAbdulRauf,makesenormous effortstodothisincooperationwithlocalauthorities.Fortheestablishmentofanewmosque forexample,heseeksdonations,labor,materials,andothersupportsfromtheentirecommunity. AttheceremoniesinauguratingtheseprojectsheinvitesSikhsandHindus,aswellasMuslims, andusestheopportunitytofostergreaterunderstandingofIslaminrelationtoothertraditions. ThroughsuchstrategiestheMaulanaandtheJama#at-iIslamunitetheirinterestsinuplifting Islamandfosteringcommunitysolidarityandatypeofsecularismconducivetotheseefforts. AbdulRauf'sattitudetowardsinter-religiousexchangeisconsistentwiththefindingsof YoginderSikandinarecentstudyoftheJama#at-iIslam'sstrategiesofinter-religiousdialogue, inwhichheemphasizesthepragmatismofthepositiontakenbyJama#at-iIslamideologues. Asanorganizationofandforaminoritypopulation,theJama#at-iIslamiscommittedtowork
Also referenced, U.S. State Department, Patterns of Global Terrorism, 2002 (http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/pgtrpt/2002/). 94

fortheadvancementoftheMuslimfaith.TheirmissiontodemonstratethesuperiorityofIslam verydeliberatelydoesnotinvolvecoercionofanysort.Rather,theJama#at-iIslam'sda#wat (proselytizing)effortsmustfollow"ethical,constructive,peaceful,democraticandconstitutional means"andavoid"allsuchactivitiesasareopposedtotruthandhonestyorarelikelytoprovoke communalhatred,classconflictorsocialdisorder."143ThusthefocusofJama#at-iIslam activitiesisuponsocialserviceprojectslikelytofostertrustandexchange.Indeed,theJama#atiIslam'sideologuestaketotaskthoseMuslimswhodeclarethatIslamisonlyforMuslims, ratherthanbelongingtotheworld.Astheglobal,truefaith,Islammustincludeallpeopleand placesinitseffortstorestorejustice,equality,humanrights,ethicsetc.toconformitywith Allah'swill.ItisimportanttorecallthattheJama#at-iIslaminIndiaresolutelyopposedthe establishmentofPakistan,inparticularobjectingtothenotionofaboundedummahdefinedby nationalborders.ThereligionofIslamcouldnotbeapplicableinonlycertainplacesandtimes, andthechallengesofminoritylifemustbeacceptedasthewillofAllahandmetheadon. Pakistan,bythislogic,isthecoward'ssolution. Nonetheless,lifeinIndiaposesmanychallengestoMuslims.Inordertosurviveinthe HindudominatedIndianpoliticalandsocialmilieu,Muslimsmustmanifestlyconformtothe lawsoftheconstitutionofIndiaandgivethemajoritypopulationnocauseforsuspicionor alarm.Jama#at-iIslammemberMuhammadYusufIslahiaddressesthisnecessitybysaying thatMuslimsshould"desistfromallsuchthoughtsandactionsthatmightcausethemajorityto seekrevengeorwhichwouldcreatedistanceandhatredorleadtoseparatism."144TheJama#at-i IslamadvocatesloyaltyandloveforIndia,butthismustbetemperedandneverborderonwatan
Jam'at-i Islm Hind: Policy and Programme (April 1999-March 2003), (Delhi; Publicity Bureau, Jam'at-i Islm Hind, 1999), quoted in Yoginder, Sikand, "An Islamist Approach to Inter-Faith Dialogue: The Jam'at-i Islm of India." Qalandar (2003), p.15. 144 Muhammad Yusuf Islahi, Izzat ki zindagi aur Muslamanan-i Hind, (Delhi; Maktaba-i Zikra, 1999), p. 13, quoted in Sikand, p. 9.
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parasti,meaningworshipofthenation.Qaumparasti,worshipofone'scommunity,isalso criticizedandequatedwithcommunalismorreligiouschauvinism.Furthermore,such sentimentspotentiallyleadtoshirk(polytheism).AtrueMuslimwillworshiponlyAllahand rejectthetemptationtosetupanyworldlycomparisonstoHim.Althoughreligiousprideshort ofworshipofthefaithitselfratherthanGodisadvocatedbytheJama#at-iIslam,thesuperiority ofIslamdoesnotprecludeinter-religiousdialogueorthepursuitofknowledgeaboutother religioussystems.KnowledgeofHinduismisapreparationformoreeffectiveoutreach,andfor thatpurposeHinduismshouldbestudiedandunderstood,notdismissedasirredeemable polytheism.Initiativestoopenuppublicforumsforinter-religiousdialoguehavebeentaken, althoughatthispointSikandisdoubtfuloftheirimpact.Atanationallevelsucheffortsare limitedintheirscopeandimpact,butinlocalsettingssuchasMalerkotlatheJama#at-iIslami's policyandprogramofopennesshasbeenareality,notmerelyarecommendedcourseofaction. Thoughsmall,theJama#at-iIslaminMalerkotlahashadgreatsuccessinseveralareas intermsofoutreachtootherreligiouscommunities.InDecember2000atthecelebrationofthe endofRamadan,theJama#at-iIslami,likemanyotherorganizationssponsoredan#IdMilan,a celebratorygatheringinwhichvariousinvitedguestsspeakandperforminhonorofthefestival. Communityleadersandpoliticalpartiesallhostedtheseevents,includingtheCongressParty, theWaqfBoard,andthelocalMemberofParliament(MP),SimranjitSinghMann.Ratherthan jointhisparade,theJama#at-iIslamorganizedan#IdMilaninneighboringNabhatowhich representativesofallreligiouscommunitieswereinvitedandgavespeeches.MaulanaAbdul Raufdismissedtheothergatheringssponsoredbypoliticalpartiesasmereshow,attemptingto garnervotesorgainlocalprestige.TheNabhagathering,bycontrast,wasdeliberatelyheld outsideofMalerkotla,asameansofincorporatingnon-Muslimsintotheaudienceandtousethe

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opportunitytoinformacommunitylessfamiliarwithIslamofthejoyandprivilegeofhaving completedthefastforthegloriousmonthofRamadan.Asmentionedabove,theJama#at-i Islamhavesoughttoinvolvelocalnon-Muslimsintheireffortstofindandsupporttheisolated MuslimsofruralPunjabwhoremainedduringPartition.Furthermore,inMalerkotladuring timesofstress,theJama#at-iIslamleadershavebeenactiveparticipantsinPeaceCommittees andotherbridgebuildingefforts.Indeed,AbdulRaufprofessedrespectandadmirationforthe localRashtriyaSwayamsevakSangh(RSS)leader.145AsboththeJama#at-iIslamandtheRSS arewidelyregardedasMuslimandHinduradicalorganizationsrespectively,itissignificantthat inMalerkotlatheyarenotoppositionalgroupsandevenworktogetherinsomeendeavors. Thiscooperativeeffortisexemplifiedbyanincidentsometimeinthemid-1980'sin whichacowwaskilledandtheblamewasplacedonseveralMuslimyouths,leadingto heightenedtensionsandacrowdgathering.Severalpeoplewerearrested,buttorelievethe pressureAbdulRauf,theDeputyCommissioner,theSuperintendentofPolice,andanumberof otherHinduandMuslimcommunityleadersgathered.AbdulRaufinitiatedtheconciliation processbyspontaneouslyaskingthegroup'sforgivenessforanythinghemayhavedonetocause offense.Hisleadwasfollowedandintheprocessthoseactuallyaccusedalsobegged forgiveness,allowingthesituationtodefuse.AbdulRaufclaimedtohave"familyrelations" withlocalRSSleaders,visitsHinduhomesforDiwaliandsuchoccasions,andrefrainsfrom

The RSS, founded in 1925 by K.M. Hedgewar is the 'father' of the Sangh Parivar (family of the Sangh), a group of Hindu organizations that seek to revive and reestablish Hinduism in India through a variety of strategies and networks. The RSS organizes on an extremely local basis, gathering people for weekly exercises and meetings. The group professes an non-political stance. That role is taken up by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) currently ruling at the center. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) is the explicitly religious wing of the family, made up of religious leaders and activists. It is the most militant of those directly linked with the RSS, but its youth group, the Bajrang Dal (BD) is one of the most virulent radical Hindu organizations in operation. There is a small RSS chapter in the Malerkotla area, limited BJP appeal, and no discernible activity from any other Hindu extremists.
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passingjudgmentoneventhemostcapriciouselementsoftheHinducommunity.146Heextolled theimportanceofMuslimsinPunjab,sayingthatthoughtheyarefewinnumber,likesalt,you needjustalittleandwithoutitthereisnoflavor.AbdulRaufalsodeclares,echoingthepolicy oftheJama#at-iIslamasrepresentedbySikandabove,thatloyaltytoone'sownfaithdoesnot necessitatehostilitytowardsanyotherreligion.Hesays,"Lovewithonesreligionisnotabad thing,butyoushouldnothatetheotherreligion.Asallparentslovetheirchildren,likewisethe religionisalsoloveable.Butyoushouldnothavehatredforotherreligions."TheJama#at-i IslamhasabookcenternexttooneofthemaingatesofMalerkotlawhichdistributesliterature andrecentlythegroupsponsoredtheproductionofaPunjabitranslationoftheQur"an.147 MaulanaAbdulRaufisalsotheimamofasmallmosquewhichisoneoftheonlymosquesin whichthereisaspaceavailableforwomentoattendandheartheFridaykhutba(sermon). ThemajorsitesofsignificanceinMalerkotlafortheSunnicommunityincludetheJama# Masjid,the#IdGah,andtheDargahofHaiderShaikh.Numerousothermosquesexisttoserve theneighborhoodsinwhichtheyarelocated.InadditiontoAbdulRauf'smosque,anotherlocal religiousleader,HafizGhulamRasul,hashelpedtoorganizeaplaceforwomentorecitethe#Id prayerstogether.Otherwise,womenprayintheirhomes.Eachmosqueintownhasitsown governingboardwhichundertakescharitableandsocialserviceworkfundedbythecommunity's zakat(prescribedcharitableofferings).Manyofthesegroupsfundraiseforcausessuchasinthe aftermathoftheGujaratearthquakein2000orforthevictimsofviolenceintheGujaratriotsof 2002.TheJama#MasjidisthecenterfortheactivitiesoftheTablghJama#at,andmissionary

This is consistent with the controversial doctrine of rja' in Islam in which judgment on the salvation or damnation of others is regarded as the sole provenance of Allah and is not to be infringed upon. Though usually understood only in terms of sinning Muslims, Rauf's attitude signals a general openness to the possibility of change and redemption on the part of all humans. 147 The Punjabi translation is of the Yusuf Ali edition which is the most widely disseminated Qur'an in the world. The Qur"n, translated by Yusuf Ali, (Elmhurst, New York; Tahrike Tarsile Qur'an, Inc).
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groupsfromalloverIndiathatcometoPunjaboftenstaythere.AlthoughnotalllocalSunnis believeintheefficacyofziyarat(pilgrimagetosaints'tombs),mostlocalresidentsdoexpress respectforHaiderShaikhandtakeacertainprideinhisfameandthepopularityofhiscult. Therearemany,manyotherdargahsintown,thoughnonerivaltheprominenceofHaider Shaikh.148InparticulartherearethedargahsofBabaBodleSahib,LakhdataPir,GhaniShah Chishti,andNaugahaPir.ManyresidentsclaimthatthesafetyandpeaceofMalerkotlaisdueto thelargenumberofsainteddeadinandaroundthesettlement.Theubiquityoftombshrines givesthistheorysomefoundation.Muslimsaswellasnon-Muslimsattendalloftheseshrines, andatleastoneismanagedbyaSikh. Sh#asinMalerkotla Sh#atendnottovisitanyofthelocaldargahs.AlthoughSh#aspayreverenceto sayyidswhoaredescendedfromtheProphetMuhammadthroughhisdaughterFatimaandher husbandAli,theytendtovisitonlytheirownsacredsitesandgravesofSh#imams.149The differencesbetweenSh#andSunnibeliefandpracticehasbeenacommonsourceofintrareligiousstrifeinSouthAsia.150ButaswiththeHindu-Muslimdivisionsthatareinmanycases moreaxiomaticthanactual,Sunni-Sh#arelationsareoftencongenial.Incertainareastheymay
Indeed there are so many darghs I was unable to count all of them. I counted six tomb shrines with substantial buildings around them and twenty-seven smaller ones, but there are innumerable graves that receive some devotional attention but are nearly invisible or concealed within someone's property. Several residents call Malerkotla a city of buzurgs (pious elders). 149 See for example, Anne H. Betteridge, "Women and Shrines in Shiraz," in Everyday Life in the Muslim Middle East, edited by Donna Lee and Evelyn A. Early Bowen, (Bloomington; Indian University Press, 1993), Juan R. Cole, Sacred Space and Holy War, (New York; Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), Ignaz Goldziher, "On the Veneration of the Dead in Paganism and Islam," in Muslim Studies, edited by S.M Stern, (London; George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1967), Jane Idleman Smith and Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, The Islamic Understanding of Death and Resurrection, (Albany; State University of New York Press, 1981), David Pinault, Horse of Karbala : Muslim Devotional Life in India, (Basingstoke; Palgrave, 2001) and The Shiites: Ritual and Popular Piety in a Muslim Community, (New York; St. Martin's Press, 1993). 150 Riots in association with the 'Ashura observances have occurred and continue to occur throughout South Asia. In Pakistan in particular, disputes arise which may likely be only partially religiously based, but derive more from the tensions between migrant populations from Partition and natives. See the chapter "Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan," in Stanley J. Tambiah, Leveling Crowds .
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findspacesforcommonground.InMalerkotlathoughsmall(approximately2,500people)the Sh#aarewellestablished.ThisisdueinnosmallparttofrequentpatronagebytheNawabsand theirkin.AccordingtolocalShi'ileadersthelocalSh#abelongtotheIsna#Ashari(Twelver) sect.151TherearetwogroupsamongtheSh#ainMalerkotla,theSayyidswhotracetheir descentfromtheProphetMuhammad,andtheShaikhswhodescendfromIndianconverts.The twomainSh#associationsserveeachofthesepopulations,theAnjumanHussainiisassociated withtheSayyidsandtheAnjumanHaideriisconstitutedbytheShaikhcommunity.152 Interestingly,mostresidentsreportthatrelationsbetweenSayyidsandShaikhsareoftenmore tensethanthosebetweentheSh#andSunnipopulations.ThereisoneSh#Jama#Masjidand fiveimambaras,theshrinesoftheSh#athathousetaziyas(replicasofImamHussain'stomb) andareusuallyattachedtomosques.TheNawab'sfamilyconstructedtheSh#Jama#Masjid andtwootherimambaras.ThemotherofthesecondtolastNawabbuiltoneasthefulfillmentof avowshehadmadetoImamHussainwhenprayingforason.ItisknownaseithertheSarkari (government)orRiyasati(royal)Imambara.ThereisalsotheImambaraIhsaniyya,constructed byarelativeoftheNawab,IhsanAliKhan.ThisislocateddirectlyoppositetheDiwanKhana (thepublicpalaceoftheNawabs).InthelatenineteenthcenturyalocalcommunityofSh#a,the Khojganbiraderi(brotherhoodorclan),builtanimambarawiththeirownresources, independentfromthegovernment.TheKhojganareShaikhandareaverytightknitandactive

Most of the immbrs, the centers of Sh' ritual life that house replicas of Imam Hussain's tomb, contain pictures of the Ayatollah Khomeini who led the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. Khomeini was a leader in the Ithna" 'Ashari sect which believes in twelve Imams subsequent to the Prophet Muhammad all of whom possess esoteric wisdom and understanding of the true nature of Islam and are able to communicate this knowledge to the community. Since 874 there has been no manifest Imam as due to persecution the Imam went into occultation and is now available through mediators who are able to transmit his wisdom to the faithful. The Imam Mahdi will appear as a preface to the Day of Judgment, a belief shared by Sunni Muslims. 152 There are several excellent studies of the Sh'a in South Asia, see especially Cole, Roots of North Indian Shi'ism in Iran and Iraq and Sacred Space and Holy War. See also the work of David Pinault, Horse of Karbala, "Shi'ism in South Asia." The Muslim World LXXXVII, no. 3-4 (1997): 235-57; and The Shiites.
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group.AsmallimambarahasrecentlybeenputupdirectlyacrossfromImambaraKhojganand isrunbytheAnjuman-eHussaini. InMalerkotla,thoughtheSh#aarefewinnumber,duringthefirsttendaysofthemonth ofMuharramtheyaresuddenlyubiquitous.AsMalerkotlaistheonlyplaceinIndianPunjab housinganactiveimambara,Sh#afromalloverthestatecomeheretocelebrateMuharram. ThismemorialobservationmarksthemartyrdomofHussain,theProphetMohammads grandson,alongwithseventy-twoofhiscompanionsin680CEonthefieldofKarbalabythe CaliphYazd.FortheSh#communityallovertheworldthiseventsignifiestheultimate sacrificeandvictory(evenindeath)ofHussainforthepreservationoftrueIslamagainstthe oppressive,depraved,andevilYazd.ThemagnitudeofthesacrificeofHussainexceedsall humancapacitytoacknowledge,buttheritesofMuharramareanefforttodoso.Therituals associatedwiththiseventcontinuethroughouttheyear,buttheycometoaclimaxinMuharram. ForthefirsttendaystheentireSh#populationholdsregularmajalis(sg.majlis)orgatherings inprivatehomesandintheimambaras.Duringamajlisthegroupwilltogetherrecitedirges callednohaandmarsiyaconcerningthevariousmembersofHussain'sbandoffollowersand Hussainhimself,dwellingontheirpitiablestateastheylaybesiegedbyYazd'sforcesand deniedaccesstowaterevenforthewomenandchildren.153Afteraperiodofrecitation,one amongthegroup,ortheImamifpresent,willrecountahadis,astoryaboutImamHussainor oneoftheheroesofKarbala.Thistellingshouldbeimbuedwithsuchpathosthatitbringsthe assemblytotears. ThesheddingoftearsinmemoryofthemartyrsofKarbalaisseenasasignofone'sdeep senseofindebtednesstoHussainandhishouseholdandsorrowfortheirloss.Thisdebtand
These dirges, called noha and marsiya are chanted rhythmically but, like all Muslim recitations are never referred to as music or singing. For an excellent study of Sh' women's majlis and marsiya traditions, see Amy Bard, "Desolate Victory: Sh' Women and the Marsiyah Texts of Lucknow." (Columbia University, 2002).
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anguishisfurtheracknowledgedinthecustomofmatam,orself-flagellation,whichSh#men andwomenengageinastheemotionoftherecitednohasandmarsiyasreachesacrescendo. Mostoftenmatamconsistssolelyofhathkamatam,breastbeatingwiththehandofvarying degreesofseverity.Indeedtohaveavisiblemarkoreventodrawbloodfromtheblowsis regardedasabadgeofhonor.Formostwomenandmenthisistheextentofmatam.Somemen andboysalsoengageinmataminvolvingknivesorswords,strikingthemselvestotherhythmic chantingof"YaAli,YaHussain."Thewoundsfromthesesessionsofmatamareusuallytreated onlywithrosewaterand,ifnecessary,abandage.Zinjlkamatam(flagellationwithknives)and talwarkamatam(flagellationwithswords)usuallytakesplaceonlyonthetenthdayof Muharram(knownas#ashura,orthetenth,intheArabworldbutsimplyasMuharraminIndia). ThisdayismarkedbyaprocessionthroughthetownmadeupofmournersfromalltheSh#and someothercommunities.SomeSh#womenprocessapartfromtheman,thoughtheydonot engageinpublicmatamorrecitationsofnohas.Variousgroupscarriedthetaziyas(replicasof ImamHussain'stomb)and#alams(banners)thathavebeencarefullycraftedoverthepreceding yearforthisoccasion.Sometaziyasand#alamsarepasseddownfromgenerationtogeneration inafamilyorconfessionalcommunity.Othersaremadetobedisposableastheentire processionconcludeswiththeintermentofseveraltaziyasinaspecialground,knownas Karbala,dedicatedfortheirburial.InMalerkotlatheparticipantsreciteddirgesandengagedin increasinglyvigorousmatamallalongtheprocessionrouteuntilarrivingatanopengroundnear oneoftheimambarasatwhichthezinjlkamatamandtalwarkamatamtookplace.Afterthis theprocessionproceededtowardsKarbala,stoppingforanexhortationfromanImamaboutthe significanceofthedayandtheimportanceofpubliclydemonstratingthemagnitudeofHussain's sacrificeonbehalfofallMuslims.Bytheendoftheprocession,manyoftheparticipantsare

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hoarseorevenvoicelessfromtheirrecitationsandbruisedorbloodyfromthematam.Yetevery singlepersonwithwhomIspokeatthecompletionandonthedayafterincludingthosewho hadperformedtalwarkamatamreportedthattheydesiredonlythattheycoulddomoreto acknowledgetheirgratitudetotheImamandthedevastationofhisloss. AlthoughtheprimaryparticipantsintheprocessionareSh#a,groupsofHindus participateaswell,especiallyyoungchildrenforwhomcarryingataziyyaisregardedasan especialblessing.154Hindusalsooftentakevowsbeforethetaziyasthatarepermanently installedinthevariousimambarasintown.155Thecaretakersofthreeoftheimambaras informedmethatthiswasquitecommonandthatImamHussainwasregardedbyHindusand Muslimsalikeasextremelyeffectiveingrantingchildrentosupplicants.Atthecompletionof theprocessioninMalerkotlain2001,aHinduwomanleftanofferingofkhr(sweetmilkrice)at thegroundofKarbalainacknowledgementsomeprayerthathadbeenfulfilledthroughthe blessingofImamHussain.Alongtheprocessionroutetherewereseveralplaceswheresome sustenancewasdistributed.AlthoughmanySh#afastonthisdayandfortheprecedingtwo days,otherspartakeofprofferedteaandfruitsweetenedwaterandsometimesalsofood, particularlyhalwa(asweetporridgefilledwithnutsandraisins).Sikhs,HindusandSunnisall performtheserviceofprovidingbeveragesandfoodtotheprocessors,acknowledgingthe devotionnecessarytosustainthelongdayofwalkingfromoneendoftowntotheotherwhile chantingdirgesandperformingmatam.SunnisinMalerkotlaalsoparticipateinotherways.At severalmajalisIencounteredSunnimenandwomenwhoprofessedanappreciationforeither

This custom is widely reported throughout India. See David Pinault, Horse of Karbala : Muslim Devotional Life in India, (Basingstoke; Palgrave, 2001), "Shi'ism in South Asia," The Muslim World (LXXXVII, no. 3-4 (1997), The Shiites: Ritual and Popular Piety in a Muslim Community, (New York; St. Martin's Press, 1993) 155 In addition, H.A. Rose notes that Hindu women make vows for children and dedicate their sons to Islam until a certain age as water bearers in the taziya procession of Muharram, after which they return to the Hindu fold. Rose, H.A. Rites and Ceremonies of Hindus and Muslims, (New Delhi; Amar Prakashan, 1983 [1908]), p. 16.
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thedepthofdevotionoftheSh#aorforImamHussainhimself,orarespectandaffectionfora neighbororfriendthatimpelledthemtoparticipate.AtonehouseImetayoungSunnimanwho wasgoodfriendswithaSh#manwhosefamilywashostingthemajlis.Hesaidthatwhilehis friendshipwiththeSh#wasacceptabletohisfamily,hismothertoldhimnottoeatintheir house(arequestthatheignored).ThisindicatesboththeextentandthelimitsofShi'i-Sunni relations.Whereaspersonalconnectionsmayoverridesocialsanction,theprejudicesofeach communityarestillwidelyfelt. Theperennialnatureoftheconflictwasexplainedtomebyaretiredschoolteacher(a

Sunni).Hesays: Teacher: AB: Teacher: TheSh#-Sunniquarrelwasalwaysthere,whenevertheyhad theirhorseprocession,aquarrelwasthere.Effortswouldbe madeandthenthematterwouldcooldown. ButtheSh#-Sunniquarrelsoccurnowinplaces,andsometimes areveryserious. No,itwasneverserious,itjustbecameinevitable,andcommunal riotsmightoccur.So,thepeople,peace-lovingpeople,easily pacifythem,andthereiscommunalharmony.

Indeedatthe2001MuharramobservationsIwitnessednoobvioustensionbetweenthese communitiesinspiteofthefactthatthreemajorlocalfestivalscoincidedoverthecourseoften days.First,wastheHinducelebrationofnavaratri,ortheninenightsofthegoddess.During thistimeseverallocalHindugroupssponsoredkathas(recitationsofpoemsandstoriesaboutthe goddess)andbhajan(devotionalsong)singingsessions.Thesegatheringswereofteninpublic andoftenatnight,asweremanyoftheSh#majalis.Althoughstaterecordsindicatethatriots haveinthepastoccurredoverasimilarincident,thecoincidencedidnotleadtoanydifficulties. TheeighthdayofnavaratriisRamnaumi,forwhichalocaltemplehadsponsoredareadingof theRamcaritmanasofTulsdas(amedievalHindiversionoftheSanskritepicRamayana)anda

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paradethroughtown.156Inspiteofseveralsnafus,totallyunrelatedtothesimultaneityof Muharram,theseeventsoccurredwithoutconflictingwithoneanotherorcreatingtensioninthe town.157Also,severaldayspriortothetenthdaytherewasalargegatheringforHaiderShaikh asistypicalofthefirstThursdayofthelunarmonthwhichalwaysdrawssubstantialnumbersof devotees,fivetotenthousand.EasterandthebirthdaycelebrationforGuruHargobindalsofell duringthisperiod,butdidnotinvolveanysignificantgatherings.Forseveraldays,however,the usuallycrowdedstreetsofMalerkotlawerequiteoverwhelmedwithprocessionsandpeople. Thisneverledtoanyconflict,andtheonlycontestationsconcernedthetimingoftheparadesand theorderofprocession. PerhapsoneofthemostimportantreasonswhySunni-Sh#relationshavenotescalated

toadeleteriouslevelwasthepositiverelationshipwiththerulingfamily.Inanexampleofstate patronageatamajlisattheRiyasatiImambaraIencounteredtheBegumofMalerkotla,oneof thetwosurvivingwivesofthelastNawab.Shebelievedquitestronglyintheefficacyof attendanceatthesegatherings.Sheattendsthemajlisannuallyandsheandherhusband(in bettertimes)weremajorpatronsoftheRiyasatiImambara.TheBeguminformedmethatthe motherofNawabSikandarAliKhan(d.1881)builtthisImambarabecausehersonwasborn aftershehadprayedtoImamHussainforachild.InthebuildingthereisapictureofNawab AhmadAliKhan(thefatherofthelastNawab,Iftikhar)andofAyatollahKhomeini.The

The Ramnaumi celebrations were broken up not due to any communal trouble but because the homa (fire ritual) that marked the completion of the reading resulted in a truly terrifying bee swarm due to the smoke rising into an old tree at the temple. The resulting chaos ended after an hour with several people hospitalized and over fifty given shots to reduce their reactions to the multiple stings they had received. Later the organizers blamed the events on having begun the homa prior to the absolute completion of the recitation in order to keep the procession on schedule. This disrespect was remedied and the festival proceeded. 157 Conflicts over simultaneous processions at Muharram and Hindu festival times are common causes for HinduMuslim and Sunni-Sh' violence.
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Begumclearlyappreciatedtheemotionaldirges,thoughshedidnotherselfengageinmatamand (likemostSunnis)saysthatitiswrongtoharmthebodyinthisway. FromthisitisapparentthattheSh#communityinMalerkotlahasenjoyedafairamount ofstatepatronageandreportedlylittlepersecution,thoughtheirpopulationremainssmall.The Staterecordsmentionconflicts,particularlyconcerningthetakingoutoftaziyas(replicasof ImamHussain'stomb)and#alam(flags)duringtheobservationsofMuharram.However,these appearmoreoftenthannottobeconflictsbetweenSh#groupsormembersoftheNawabs familywhosoughtpre-eminenceintheorderofprocessionorrefusedtoallowthemarchersto proceedovertheirterritory.Atseveralpointsinthemid-nineteenthcenturyacontroversyarose overthecelebrationsofMuharraminvolvingthesonsandgrandsonofNawabBahadurKhan. TheNawab'sson,DalelKhan"hadatasteforShyaism[sic]"andthus broughtoutahorseimitativeofAli'scharger,Duldul(Zuljenah),forprocession whichexcitedthereligiousfeelingsoftheSunnissomuchthattheycrossedthe pathofit,andameleeensuedinwhichDalelKhanlosthistwoupperfrontteeth, andthereaderofthedirgesofHassanandHusseinwasseverelycudgeled. HenceforthDalelKhanneverdaredpubliclytoprofesstheall-reveredShayarite.158 Dalel'sson,GhulamMohammadKhan,however,showednosuchreservationsandheresolved upon"performingopenlyinthetownofKotlathoseceremonieswhichwouldhavehurtthe feelingsoftheSunnis;renderingimminentanaffraybetweenthetwosects.Forthesakeof publicpeacehewasdebarredfromhisintentionbyMr.Barnes,theCommissionerof Ambala."159AlthoughitappearednecessarytoappealtotheBritishauthoritiesoutsidethestate onthisaccount,theprohibitionwasfollowedupbyanorderfromtheNawabSikandarAliKhan toconfineandregulatetheprocession.Thisorderspecifiestheroutestobetakenbythevarious groupsbringingouttaziyasand#alams,thetimingoftheseprocessions,andtheamountof
Inayat Ali Khan, A Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans, (Lahore; Civil And Military Gazette Press, 1882), p. 21-22. 159 Khan, 1882, p. 23-24.
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accompanyingceremonythatmayoccurintermsoftherecitationofnoha(poemsforthe martyrs)alongtheway.Agreatdealofregardintheedictispaidtorespectingtherightsof performancewithinone'sownterritoryasMalerkotlainthosedayswasmadeupofdozensof minorjagrsorlandgrants,tothevariousbranchesoftherulingclan.Furthermore,precedentin theobservationsisamajorfactorandGhulamMohammadisexplicitlydirected"toabstainfrom anyinnovationswhichwouldwoundthefeelingsoftheNawabandhissubjects."160The prohibitiononinnovationsintheobservanceofMuharrambroughtthisparticularcontroversyto acloseandallowedforthestruggleforprecedencebetweenGhulamMohammadandother membersoftheroyalfamilytostepbackfromtheiraggressivepostureswithoutacompleteloss ofhonor.161 Thetroublearoseagainin1935inthemiddleoftensionsbetweenHindusandMuslims

thathadbegunearlierintheyear.TheFortnightlyReportfromthePoliticalAgentofthePanjab States,reportedthataSunni-Sh#disputeoccurredoveraDuldul(Hussain'smartyredhorse) processionduringMuharramprocessiontobetakenoutbyKhanIhsanAliKhan,aSh# memberoftheroyalhouseoftheKhans.Althoughpermissionfortheprocessionanditsroute hadbeendulyreceivedfromNawabthepreviousyear,thingswentawry.Theprocessionwas supposedtotakeplaceinaneighborhoodknownasSherwaniKot.ButtheKhanwhopossessed

Khan, 1882, p. 27. It is worth noting that the disputes between Nawabi families were exacerbated by a rather peculiar arrangement of succession which began during the eighteenth century and continued into the late nineteenth century, eventually resulting in a British investigation into the rights of inheritance in princely states. First, Jamal Khan inherited by abdication from his brother Ghulam Hussein who showed little skill as a ruler. Subsequent generations of descendents from Ghulam Hussein's lineage have occasionally laid claim to the throne. Second, after the death of Jamal Khan in 1755, the eldest of his five sons Bhikam Khan inherited the throne. Bhikam died in 1763 while his son Wazir Khan was a minor. Thus the second of Jamal Khan's sons, Bahadur inherited. At Bahadur's death in 1766, Wazir was still a minor, thus the third son of Jamal Khan, Umar, became Nawab. Umar ruled until 1780 at which time although Wazir Khan was eligible, the precedent of the brothers becoming rulers was established. Thus the remaining two, Asadullah and Ataullah, both ruled until at last in 1810 Wazir Khan's claim was acknowledged. The descendents of each of these brothers often retained certain lands as jagrs and the competition between them and the ruler has occasionally been bitter. The files in the Oriental and India Office Collection (OIOC) of the British Library are replete with comments on the deplorable infighting in Malerkotla.
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thejagrofthatproperty,MuhammadAliKhanmayhavebeenanAhmadi,thatisafollowerof MirzaGhulamAhmad(d.1908)whoclaimedongoingrevelationsfromAllah.Ashishousewas enroute,Ihsandeemeditunacceptabletopassthehomeofthekinsmanheregardedasaheretic. TheroutewasalteredwiththepermissionoftheNawab,butIhsanAliKhannothappywiththe settlement.SomeintheSunnicommunityobjectedtothenewroutethatbroughttheShi'i processionmoredirectlythroughtheirneighborhood.TheNawabaskedIhsanAliKhannotto takeouthisprocession,toatleastpostponeituntilasettlementcouldbereached.Angered, IhsandidnottakeouteitheraDuldul,orataziyya.IntheestimationoftheBritishauthorofthe FortnightlyReportofJune15,1935,thedisputewasnotsomuchaSunni-Sh#problem,but wasreallyabouttheNawab'stenserelationswithhisextendedfamily.Theseobjectorsasserted thattheNawabwastryingtostirupSunnisinordertomakeIhsaneitherlookbadorappeartobe atroublemaker.Theysaidthattheoldroutewasfine,justasmallchangetoavoidtheAhmadi's house.TheNawabsaidthesettlementwouldhavebeenfineexceptthatIhsaninvolveda Muslimpoliticalactivist,MaulviBirjisAhmadfromFirozepore,inthematter,thusraisingthe stakestoananti-royalistissue.Thereport'sauthorconcludesthattherewere"Probablyfaultsand obstinacyonbothsides."Thematterfadedawayanditisonlyremarkeduponinsubsequent reportsthatnothingregardingtheSunni-Sh#disputepersisted.162 NowadaysthereisconsiderablecooperationandcoordinationbetweentheSayyidsand

ShaikhsconcerningtheconductofMuharram,althoughcompetitionandfrustrationspersist.In 2001thetwocommunitiesconstantlynegotiatedandrenegotiatedwithoneanotheroverthe orderofevents,therouteandtimingofparadesandmajalis.Eachgrouphadsponsoredamaulvi (religiousteacher)fromUttarPradesh(UP)tocomeandleadthemthroughthetendaysofnearly

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constantreligiousdevotions.Thelocalimam,originallyfromUPhimself,traveledtoanother Sh#community,andIwasinformedthatthisisquitetypical.MembersofbothSh#groups attendthepublicaddressesofthevisitingImams.Duringthemajorprocession,theImam sponsoredbytheKhojganbiraderiandtheAnjumanHaiderigaveasermonatonepointand everyonesatinthestreettohearhisdiscourse.Bothvisitingimamswereextremelydynamic speakers,bringingtheiraudiencestotearsandincitingcriesofapprobationfromtheassemblies. Forthemoreroutinemajalis,SayyidsandShaikhsdonotintermixtothesamedegree. Nonetheless,theSh#communityhasbeenactiveinpromotinginter-religiousdialogue.In 1999,agroupfromtheKhojgancommunitysponsoredaUnityProgramfeaturingleadersfrom allthereligiouscommunitiesspeakingabouttheprinciplesoftheirtraditions.Althoughthe eventhasnotbeenrepeated,itindicatesaconcernamongtheminoritySh#tofosterpositive relationswithothercommunities. Sikh TheSikhpopulationinMalerkotlaisoverwhelminglyJat.Thisisthegeneralcasteof agriculturalistsandpastoralistswhodominatethewholeofIndianPunjab.Thereareafew highercasteSikhsaswell:Bedis,Sodhis,andothers.Thelargestpopulationincreasein MalerkotlainthelastfiftyyearswasduetotheinfluxofrefugeeSikhsfromtheSindhand Punjabregionsofpresent-dayPakistan.ThepercentageofSikhsinthetownisconsiderablyless thanthatinPunjabingeneral(onlytenorelevenpercent).However,asamajorityinthestate (sixty-threepercent),theirlocalimpactisconsiderable.Muchofthelandcultivatedinthe outlyingvillagesthatwereformerlypartofthekingdomareownedandfarmedbySikhs.There aresixgurdwarasinMalerkotla.Thegurdwara,thecentralspaceofSikhworship,housesthe GuruGranthSahib(thecompiledpoetichymnsoftheSikhGurusandothersaints)atitscenter

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asthefocusofworship.OftengurdwarascontainrelicsoftheGurusorfamousSikhsinhistory, butinMalerkotlathistypeofhistoricgurdwaradoesnotexist.Theoldestgurdwaraintown,the SinghSabhaGurdwara,wasbuiltthroughthepatronageofNawabAhmadAliKhaninthe 1920s.Another,morerecentlybuilt,memorializestheHaadaNaaraofNawabSher MohammadKhan.Athirdisinsideofoneoftheoldhavelis(mansions)oftheroyalfamilyand isprincipallypatronizedbyasmallpopulationofrefugeesfromSindhwhowereresettledin thesebuildingsasafewremainingmembersoftheNawabsfamilyleftforPakistan.Thelargest Gurdwaraisnewlybuiltbutalsoonthesiteofaformerpalace.PriortoPartitiontheurban populationofSikhswasrelativelysmall,andthisisreflectedintherelativeyouthofmostofthe gurdwarasintown.163AmongtheSikhorganizationslocallythereisaSikhWelfareSocietythat drawsmembersfromallthegurdwarasinthecommunity.Theyengageinavarietyofsocial programs,suchastakingupacollectionforthereliefofanumberofSikhswhowerekilledin thesummerof2001intheKashmirValley.Togetherthegurdwarasputtogetherparadesforthe birthdaycelebrationsofthegurus.GuruNanaksjanampurb(birthdaycelebration)isobserved withparticularfanfareinvolvinganagarkrtanparadeinwhichinwhichtheGuruGranthSahib istakenthroughoutthetownonacartasagranthireadingfromit.Thissymbolically circumscribesthetownandsimultaneouslyincorporatestheareaundertheprotectivepowerof theboththegurugranthandthegurupanth.Theparadeideallypausesateachgurdwaraand

In terms of other Sikh sects, there is a Nirankari Center near the Government College and a large Namdhari Martyrs Memorial on the Khanna road. Both groups practice an austere and simple form of Sikhism, focusing on the holy text and esteeming a living guru. The Nirankaris, as their name indicates, believe in a formless God and eschew all customs and practices that resonate with Hinduism, Islam or Christianity. The Namdharis focus on the Adi Granth rather than the Guru Granth Sahib, and believe in a living Satguru who is an incarnation of true God consciousness. They are actively marginalized by the Sikh orthodoxy. Orthodox Sikhs regard the notion of a living Guru as heretical. The governing bodies of the Sikh faith, in particular the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabhandak Committee (which oversees historic gurdwaras and performs many other regulatory functions), have excluded them from participation. In Malerkotla these groups have little impact on the political life of the town. However, the Namdhari memorial is a major local landmark and is always included among residents' lists of dekhne wale cheez (things worth seeing).
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makeacompletecircleofthetown.Itisaccompaniedbybands,distributionoffoodaslangar (fooddedicatedtotheGuruandthereforeblessed),anddisplaysofSikhmartialartsknownas ghatka.GuruGobindSinghsbirthdayisalsocelebrated,butwithlessfanfare,andthoughthere havebeennagarkrtanprocessionsinthepastforthisday,in2001therewasnot.Many holidaysareobservedlesselaboratelyinMalerkotlaitself,asmanySikhresidentstendtotravel totheplaceswherethefestivalsaremostelaboratelycommemorated,suchasDiwaliatAmritsar orHolaMohallaatAnandpurSahib.164Ifunabletotravelagreatdistancefortheseholydays, residentsoftentraveltoPatialaorLudhianaoranothercitywheretherearelargerSikh populations,historicgurdwaras,and,therefore,biggerfestivals. ThebiggestSikhfestivalinMalerkotlamarksthemartyrdomoftheNamdharisin1872. ThebrutalandsummaryexecutionbytheBritishofsixty-nineNamdharis,whohadattacked Malerkotla,ostensiblyforcow-killing,isoneofthemostfamouseventsinMalerkotla'shistory. ItisalsoakeyeventfortheNamdharisandthemartyrdomfestivalorshahdmelaisattended bythousandsofpeople.AlthoughonlyoneNamdharifamilylivesinMalerkotlafull-time,a largeeventisheldonJanuary17,18,and19,theanniversaryofthefirings.Thisisanenormous observationwithallnightkrtan,constantlangar,andisattendedbytensofthousands. Interestingly,asmallerfestivaltocommemoratetheseeventsoccursontheseventeenthofevery month.Theeventstakeplaceonthegroundsofthekukawallakalar,amonumentrecently erectedbytheNamdharisintheformofagiganticsword,perforatedwithaholeforeverymartyr

Diwali, typically the Hindu festival of lights in honor of Lakshmi, goddess of wealth, is observed by the Sikh community for another reason. On this day it is believed that the sixth Guru, Hargobind, was released from prison by the Mughal ruler. It is celebrated at Amritsar with great fanfare as the entire Golden Temple is lit with lamps and candles and an enormous fireworks display is held. The next day is the first of the lunar month, a day upon which it is auspicious to bath during the earliest part of the day. Thus many thousands of people throng the Golden Temple in order to see the Diwali spectacle and bathe. Hola Mohalla was instituted by Guru Gobind Singh to be a martial festival beginning the day after Holi, a Hindu spring festival of colors when people douse one another with colored water and powder. Large crowds gather at Anandpur, the scene of the birth of the Khalsa (the pure followers of the Guru) and observe martial arts displays and other amazing feats.
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withsmalleronesrepresentingthechildren.165TheseeventsdrawNamdharisfromthe surroundingarea,particularlyfromtheircenteratBhainiSahib,approximatelyanhourdistant, andevenfromDelhi.Thisfairisalsoanobligatorystoponthecampaigntrailofallpolitical partiesinPunjab.In2001,theChiefMinisterParkashSinghBadaladdressedthegathering. Thiswasinterestinggiventhewell-knownsupportoftheNamdharisfortheoppositionCongress party,whichtheyregardasthepartyofthefreedomstruggletheyhadbeguninthemid nineteenthcentury.NamdharistendtoviewBadalsShiromaniAkaliDalPartywithsuspicion, asitisassociatedwiththetypeofSikhidentitypoliticsthattendtoexcludenon-normativeSikh groupssuchastheirown.InparticularreformistSikhsobjecttotheNamdharis'beliefinaliving guru.However,duringanearliervisittotheannualNamdharigatheringin1999,ChiefMinister PrakashSinghBadalreferredtothelivingGuruoftheNamdharisas"Satguru"duringhis speech,causinganenormousfracasamonghispartyloyalistsandtheorthodox.166Atthe2001 mela,nosuchmentionwasmade,butBadal'sspeechwasclearlyfarlesscompellingtothe gatheringthanthetelephonecallfromtheSatguruJagjitSinghthatwaspipedinoverthe loudspeakers. SikhsectarianpoliticsandtherepressiveIndiangovernmentalresponseledtoalong periodofterrorisminPunjabduringthe1980'sandearly1990's.Theviolenceandtension impactedSangrurDistrict(whereMalerkotlaislocated)significantly,butMalerkotlaitselfwas largelyleftunscathed.167Althoughcurfewwasimposedfrequentlyhereasintherestofthe

It is called the kuka walla kalar because it is the monument for the "Kukas" as the Namdharis are more popularly known. This name is applied to them due to the cries they utter when in ecstatic trance from listening to krtan (the singing of devotional hymns). 166 Badal also declared Satguru Ram Singh's birthday, January 29 a permanent holiday in Punjab. The Tribune, January 18, 2001. This move was also regarded as deeply troubling by elements of the Sikh orthodoxy. 167 According to the Punjab Backgrounder prepared by the South Asia Terrorism Portal, seventy percent of the violence during the terrorism was confined to three districts Gurdaspur, Amritsar, and Ferozepur but Sangrur experienced 227 killings in 43 separate incidents. Source: www.satp.org
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region,therewerenolocalcasualties.AgainmanyresidentsattributethistotheblessingofGuru GobindSinghandtheongoingaffectionoftheSikhsforthetown.Certainlytherelativelylow populationofSikhswouldbeanotherdisincentivetoviolence.SikhsinMalerkotlaandthe outlyingvillagesengagedinactsofgoodwilltowardstheMuslimpopulationevenduringthis difficultperiod.ManyMuslimresidentsreportedthatwhencurfewwasimposedduring Ramadananditwasdifficulttoobtainfoodfromthecountryside,Sikhswouldsetupplacesto distributewaterandfoodforthebreakingofthefast.Sikhresidentsclaimthattheseparatist elementswereveryweakinMalerkotla. Hindu TheHindupopulationin1981(thelastcensusavailable)wasjustovertwentypercent.

Thevastnumberoftemples,manyquiteold,indicatesthelongandimportanthistoryofthe HinduandJaincommunitiesinthetown.Indeed,somelocalJainsandHindusclaimthattheir familiesweresenttotheareabyBahlolLodhiinordertodevelopthenewsettlement commerciallyandmaketheregionalivableplaceforthesophisticateddaughterofaSultan.The HinduresidentsinMalerkotlaitselfaremostlyofBaniatradecastessuchasAggarwal,Goyal, andJindal.ThesubstantialJaincommunityisalsolargelyfromthismerchantclass.Banias dominatedinthebazaars,whichisstilltruetoday,asthesecommunitiesownmostofthe buildingsalongtheMotiandSadarBazaar. ThereareseverallocalorganizationstofurtherHinduinterests.Itisclearfromstate

recordsthattheHinduMahasabhawasactiveinMalerkotlainthepast,thoughitdoesnotseem tobeprominentnow.TheHinduMahasabhawasformedintheearlytwentiethcenturywiththe purportedgoalofrevivingHinduism,inparticulartocombattheinvidiouseffectsofChristianity andIslamupontheintegrityoftheHinduterritoryofIndia.AlongwithgroupssuchastheArya

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Samaj(whichdoesnotappeartohavebeenparticularlyvibrantinMalerkotla),theHindu MahasabhahadaprofoundeffectonreligiousrevivalisminPunjab.Aftertheassassinationof MahatmaGandhibyNathuramGodse,aformermemberoftheRSS,theorganizationwas bannedthroughoutIndia.InMalerkotlathelastNawabIftikharAliKhanissuedadeclaration renderingtheRSSan"unlawfulbody."168ThevariousorganizationsoftheSanghParivar(RSS, VHP,BJP)arenotveryactiveinMalerkotla.TheBJPhasneverbeenparticularlysuccessfulin townalthoughapartyunitdoesexist.Oncein1992theyfloatedacandidateforthePunjab LegislativeAssembly,butsincethealliancewasformedwiththeSADin1998theBJPhas tendedtotakeabackseat.TheRSShelpstoorganizecertainlarge-scaleeventssuchas pilgrimagestoHinduholysiteslikeAmarnath(amountainshrinesacredtoShiva).Mostof theseactivitiesarebasedattherecentlybuiltHanumanMandir.ThereisanactiveSanatan DharamSabhainMalerkotla.SanatanDharam,meaningtheeternalreligion,isatermadopted bynearlyeveryHinduorganization.ItusuallyreferstoarevivalistformofHinduismthatseeks togetbacktotheVedaandthe"essentials"ofthefaith,cleanseHinduismofcasterestrictions, andencouragepersonalpiety.169Variousothercommitteesformtomanagethecelebrationof majorfestivalsortorepresentparticularsectionsofsociety.Thereare,forexample,castebased organizationssuchastheAggarwalSabhaandtheBrahminSabha.Thesegroupsandother

Punjab State Archives, Malerkotla File No. 1-C/1948. However, Sanatan Dharm also includes groups who are more extreme in their views. For example, the American Paatshala (congregation) identifying as Sanatan Dharm places the following quotation from Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (former President of India) on the front page of their website by way of introduction to the group's purpose and philosophy: "The Mohammedan invasions put an end to the great age of Hindu philosophy. The assaults of the Moslems, and later of the Christians, upon the native faith drove it, for self-defense into a timid unity that made treason of all debate, and stifled creative heresy in a stagnant uniformity of thought. By the twelfth century the system of the Vedanta, which in Shankara tried to be a religion for philosophers, was reinterpreted by such saints as Ramanuja (ca. 1050) into an orthodox worship of Vishnu, Rama and Krishna. Forbidden to think new thoughts, philosophy became not only scholastic but barren; it accepted its dogmas from the priesthood, and proved them laboriously by distinctions without difference, and logic without reason. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (In Will Durant, Our Oriental Heritage, New York: MJF Books, 1963, 552.) http://www.sanatandharmatemple.org/Paathshala/paathshalatimes2003.htm
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organizationswithabroaderappealengageinadvocacyfortheirconstituencyandcharitableand socialwelfareactivities. TherearealargenumberoftemplesinMalerkotla.Thethreemostoftencitedby

residentsassignificantaretheHanumanMandir,theKaliMandirandtheDeraofBabaAtma Ram.Thelargesttemple(boastingalsothelargestidol)istheHanumanMandir.Thisisanew temple,intheheartofthecommercialdistrict.Inthecourtyardofthetempleisagiganticimage ofHanumanthatloomsovertheentirecityandisvisiblefromagreatdistance.170Thistemple alsohousesalargemeetinghallwhereweddings,awardsprograms,religiouslecturesand performances,andothereventstakeplace.OnTuesdays,thedaydedicatedtoHanuman,large numbersofdevoteescometomakeofferingsandreceiveblessings.TheKaliMandirisavery activetemplewithanewstructurebutanoldmurtioridolofthegoddess.OnSaturdays,theday ofthegoddess,andduringthenavaratri,theninenightsofthegoddess,thistempleisextremely busy. TheoldestHindusiteintownistheDeraofBabaAtmaRam,aBairagisadhufromthe NeemMargisampraday(group).AstronglocaltraditionassertsthatAtmaRamandaMuslim saint,ShahFazl,placedthefoundationstoneofKotlainthemid-seventeenthcenturyatthe behestoftheNawab.ThisgestureisseenasprovidingaliteralfoundationforMalerkotla's pluralismandopensociety.AttheDera,Tuesdaysareespeciallyobservedhereasthetemple boastsamurtiofHanumancarvedfromanunusuallylargepieceofmoongstone.Thelargest non-MuslimreligiousfestivalinMalerkotlaisDussehra,thetenthdayafterthenavaratrithatis holytoLordRama.171ForthenightsleadinguptoDussehra,playsoftheRamstory,called Ramlila,areputonatvenuesthroughouttown.Onthedayitselftheentiretown,Hindus,Sikhs,
This is typical of a recent rash of Hanuman temple building described by Philip Lutgendorf in his article "My Hanuman Is Bigger Than Yours." History of Religions 33, Fall (1994). 171 In North and Northwest India Dussehra is associated with Ram, but in Eastern India it is a day of the Goddess.
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andMuslims,allturnoutattheDerawhereagiganticpapier-mcheffigyofRavana,thevillain oftheRamayana,isburnt.Thiseventisverysignificantasit,perhapsmorethananyother brings,togethertheentirecommunity.MuslimgroupssponsorboothsattheDeradistributing freecoldwatertothoseinattendance.In2001thepersonstaffingoneboothsaidthatwhilehe didnothimselfbelieveinRamaandtheeventsbeingcelebrated,heenjoyedthespectacleand theopportunitytoservethecommunity.AlthoughtheappealofDussehraforMuslims,and likelyformostparticipants,islessreligiousthanspectacular,theparadeandcelebrationare enjoyedbyeveryoneintown. Muslims,however,doattendtheDeraonnon-festivaldaysaswell.Thisisthecaseat manyshrinesinSouthAsiathatareparticularlyknownforhealingcertaindisorders.AttheDera onemorningthepjari(priest)andhissonwerebothinattendance,aswasthecelibatemahant, orheadofthesadhu(renunciant)lineageassociatedwiththeshrine.ItwasaTuesdaymorning andmanypeoplewerecomingthroughtopaytheirdevotionstotheuniqueHanumanmurtiat theDera.Afterthesteadyflowhadreducedtoatrickle,amanandhissoncameinandsat beforetheyoungerpjari.Presentingthepjariwithabottleofwater,theBrahminpriestbegan tomurmurSanskritmantras,invocationalformulascapableoffocusingandchannelingdivine energy.Afterafewminutes,thepjariinsertedaleafytwigfromaneemtreeintothebottle and,stillutteringmantrassottovoce,hesprinkledtheboywiththeblessedwater.Afterthisthe pjarigavethemanandhissonsomeadviceabouthowtoproceed,consumingsmallamountsof thewaterseveraltimesaday.Thetwobowedtothepjariandleft.Aftertheyhadgone,the pjari,knowingthenatureofmyresearchturnedtomeandsmilinglyinformedmethatthetwo visitorshadbeenMuslim.AsIhadnotdiscernedthisfromtheirappearance,Iwasinitially surprised,butthepjarisaidthatthiswasinnowayunusual.Iaskedhimhowhefeltabouttheir

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comingtohim,giventhattheylikelydidnothaveanyfaithinHanumanoranyoftheother deitiesattheshrine.Thepjarirespondedsimplythatpeoplearepeopleandwhentheyarein trouble,theyseekhelp.Ifhecanhelpthem,thatissufficient.Theuniversalityofhuman concernssuchashealing,inthiscaseforatypeofskindisorder,isalsoacommonreasonfor SikhandHindupresenceatMuslimshrinesaswell.Thehealingprocessisalsonotdissimilaras prayingandQur"anicrecitationoverwateranditssubsequentconsumptionisatraditional practiceforMuslims. ThereareonlyfiftyorsoChristianfamiliesinMalerkotlaitself.Itisasmall,but

closeknitgroup.ThereisonechurchassociatedwiththeProtestantChurchofNorthIndia.They donotalwayshaveapastorinresidence,butatleastonceamonthapriestcomesfromLudhiana toleadservices.ThelocalChristiansreportedexcellentrelationswiththeMuslimmajorityand otherreligionsinMalerkotla.IndeedsomeMuslimsobservedtheChristmasandEaster celebrationsatthechurchandparticipatedinthefeastandfestivalatmosphere.Intheoutlying countrysideChristianityhasafirmerholdandisincreasinginpopularity,especiallyamong scheduledcasteandbackwardclasses. Conclusion Malerkotlaisacommunityofminorities,aplacewheretotalhegemonyisimpossible.

Thisoutlineoftheebbandflowofhistorydepictsatownfullofcontradictionsandcooperations betweendiversegroupsofpeople,allofwhomfeeluniquelyboundtothisplace.Themost commonlysharedperceptionofMalerkotlabothwithinandwithoutthetownisitspeaceful inter-religiousrelationships.Thefactthatthetownstandsoutsovividlyduetothisquality speaksvolumesaboutthenatureofinter-religiousrelationsinPunjabandIndiaatlarge.Indeed theexpectationisthatdifferentreligionswillinevitablyclashwithoneanother,particularlyin

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areaswherethereisadiversepopulation,apasthistoryofconflict,noclearmonopolyonpower, andagreatdealofcompetitionintheeconomic,social,andspiritualarenas.Allofthese exacerbatingfactorsarepresentinMalerkotla,yetsince1947thefabricofthecommunityhas remainedstrong.InthischapterIhavepresentedsomeofthehistoricaleventsthathaveshaped thetown'sidentity.Significantly,manyoftheseeventsaretraumatic:theattacksbythe NamdharisandSahibSinghBedi,theparticipationoftherulersinbloodycampaignsagainstthe Sikhs,andriotsbetweenHindusandMuslimsinthe1930's.Thesearenothappyevents.Yet therearecounterbalancingresourcestodrawupon.Thefoundationofthetownbyaholyman, thehaadanaaraofNawabSherMuhammadKhan,andthepeaceatPartitionallprovidethe basisforpositiveinter-religiousrelations.InasmuchasMalerkotlahastendedtowardsthe harmonious,especiallysincePartition,inspiteofanincreasinglypolarizedreligiousdynamicin Indiaisapowerfultestimonytotheactiveeffortsofcommunitymembersofallfaithsin rememberingandmemorializingthehistoriesofpeaceandblurringandmutingthehistoriesof conflict.InthenextseveralchaptersIwilldetailtheprocessesthroughwhichthesehistoriesare narrated,ritualized,spatialized,andregulated.

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PartOne: NarratingPeace

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Introduction HistoryandNarrative
Creatingcoherentaccountsofthepastisameansofculturalproduction.Thesehistories notonlyrepresenttheeventsofthepast,butmakethoseeventsmeaningfulforthepresent. Althoughthisunderstandingofwhathistoryisanddoesisnowaxiomaticinthehumanities,it wasoncerevolutionary.Theexplorationsofthemechanismsofhistory,thereasonswhycertain historiesaretold,whysomecometodominate,andhowthesehistoriesareintegratedinto collectiveandindividualrealitiesremainsafascinatingsubjectasthedynamicchangesbetween andwithinculturesandcommunities.InthissectionIwillexplorethewrittenandoralnarrative processesthatmakesenseofMalerkotla'spastinsuchawayastoestablishthedominantethicof harmonyandimbueitwiththeauthorityofhistory.Historicalnarrativeshaveagreatdealof power.ScholarssuchasHaydenWhitehaveemphasizedtheimportanceofthenarrativeprocess inauthenticatinghistoricalaccounts.InWhite'sview,therealityofaneventisunavailableto historyifthenarrativeprocessisdenied.Inthisway,factualandmythiceventsareonly renderedmeaningfulwithinaparticularcontextthroughtheirnarration.Thus"thevery distinctionbetweenrealandimaginaryeventsthatisbasictomoderndiscussionsofbothhistory andfictionpresupposesanotionofrealityinwhich'thetrue'isidentifiedwith'thereal'only insofarasitcanbeshowntopossessthecharacterofnarrativity."172Thatistosaythatthe tellingofeventsmustnecessarilytakenarrativeform(whichWhiteseesasauniversalform)in ordertoberecognizableasreality.Thusthroughthestudyofthisrealityprincipleatworkin

Hayden White, "Narrativity in the Representation of Reality," in The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation, (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), p. 6.
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historicalnarratives,bothwrittenandoral,weglimpsethewaysinwhichindividualsand communitiesconstructthepastatvariouspointsintime. Thequestionofhistoricaltruthanditsrelationtothetellingofhistoryisnotmerely

theoreticalinthecaseofthenarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhandMalerkotla.Thepoliticsof everydaylifeandthelegitimacyofboththeshrineandtown'sidentitiesaszonesofpeaceareat stake.InMalerkotlathereisanenormouspremiumonactivelyrepresentingthetownas harmonious.AstheonlyMuslimmajorityregioninIndianPunjab,theprofileofthetownis highandthenecessityofprojectingapositiveandnon-threateningimageistantamountto survival.ThusthenarrativesofMalerkotla'shistoryareimportantrecordsofthepastand presentstrategiesemployedtopromotethesymbolicsignificanceofthetown.Caughtbetween thedominanceofnationallevelHinduhegemonyandthecomplicationsofsustaininga communityofminorities,Malerkotlaresidentsandvisitorstellstoriesaboutthesaintandthe townthathelpthemtoco-existinthepresent.Thesestoriesfocusespeciallyonthreeaspectsof Malerkotla'spast.FirsttheyinvokeHaiderShaikhhimself,describinghisadventandactivities intheregion.Second,themostwidelyknownnarrativeaboutMalerkotlaconcernsthehaada naara,NawabSherMuhammadKhan's1704protestagainsttheexecutionsofGuruGobind Singh'stwoyoungsonsandtheGuru'ssubsequentblessing.Third,thesestoriesandothersare linkedtothesuccessofthecommunityinsurvivingandtranscendingthetraumaofPartitionthat tooksuchahorrifictollontherestofPunjab. Throughthiscombinationofnarratives,toldbydifferingreligiousgroups,theperilous groundbetweensystemicconstraintandpersonalcreativityisarticulated,bringingthe community'sethicofharmonytothefore.Asidentityshapingnarratives,theseaccounts integratetheideologyofpeaceintothecommunity'spastandpresent.Theyalsoprovide

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importantmotivatingideals,modelsofpositiveinter-religiousrelationsfromthepastthatmay bereplicatedinthepresent.InthissectionIwillexplorehowresidentsandnon-residents communicatethesethreeidentity-markingnarratives.FirstIwilladdressseveralofthe theoreticalissuesatstakeinnarratingidentity.ThenIwilldemonstratethewaysinwhichthe storiespeoplechoosetotell,towhomtheytellthem,andhowtheyaretoldrevealhowpeople experienceandengagetheirworld.Thesenarrativestoldbydifferingreligiouscommunities mayvaryandcontradict,buttheyalsocoheresufficientlytosupportandstrengthentheethicof harmonythatisabsolutelycentraltoMalerkotla'sidentity.

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IdentityandNarrative Identity,writesfolkloristHenryGlassie,is"astraightforwardempiricalproblem

disguisedasaheavyphilosophicalissue."173Theempiricalproblemistounderstandthe "relationsbetweenindividualcreativityandcollectiveorder,"throughastudyofthewaysin whichpeopleare,thatishowweexpressoursenseofself,inwhatform,whenandtowhom, and,ofcourse,why.AlthoughIthinkGlassieisabithastyindismissingthephilosophical issuesatstakeinunderstandingwhatidentityisandhowitworks,myconcernhereiswiththe empiricalaspectsofidentitythatistheobservablewaysinwhichidentityismanifestedand transmitted.InMalerkotlaandatHaiderShaikh'sdargah,thereisamultivocalicconvergenceof narrativeaccountsoftheseplaceswhicharticulatewhytheyaresitesofsignificance.Speaking inandthroughthesespaces,residentsandvisitorsareabletoshiftbetweenmultipleidentity positions.Theopennessandmalleabilityofthestructureofthesestoriesallowsforthe simultaneouspresenceofvaryingandevencontradictoryaccountsofthesitesandtheir importance. Narrativesfacilitatetransitionsinthetrickyterrainbetweenmultipleidentities.Historian CarolineWalkerBynumdescribesidentityas"shapecarryingstory."Thusourshapesthe formswearegivenandthoseweassumeprovidethestructuralbasisforthestoriesofour selves,whichcombinetobecomeouridentities.Bynumwrites,"ifidentityisshapecarrying storyweneednotdecidebetweenmindandbody,innerandouter,biologyandsociety,agency andessence.Ratherwearelivingbeings,shapeswithstories,alwayschangingbutalsoalways carryingtracesofwhatwewerebefore."174Thenotionofmetamorphosisemergesinher analysisastheverynatureofbeinghuman,providingausefulwayofthinkingofidentityas
Henry Glassie, "On Identity," Journal of American Folklore 107 (1994), p. 241. Caroline Walker Bynum, Shape and Story: Metamorphosis in the Western Tradition, (Jefferson Lecture, National Endowment for the Humanities, 1999), p. 10.
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malleableratherthanfixedorfragmented.175Thisapproachallowsforcontinuityandconstraint aswellascreativityandinnovation.AtplacessuchasHaiderShaikh'sdargahandinMalerkotla thisproteanqualitybecomesanimportantaspectofthewaysinwhichindividualsandgroups situatethemselvesbothverballyandphysicallyinrelationtotheshrineandeachother.Drawing frompsychologicalandsociologicalresources,peoplecraftthemselvesdependinguponthe context,availablematerials,andinternalandexternalconstraints.176 Theconceptofidentityremainstheoreticallyandpracticallyinchoate,whichisperhaps

necessarytosustaintheblurredboundariesconducivetooverlapping,inter-penetration,and cohabitation.Hard,clearlydrawnidentitiesallowonlyproximity,notexchange.Unitary identitiesbecomeapparent,fixed,andreadilyactionablewhenchallenged,threatened,or questioned.Indeed,HenryGlassiepointsoutthat"identityisaconceptofstress,"inthesense that"identityisalatentdimensionofcreativelifethatismademanifestbystress,inparticular duringthestrugglesofminoritieswithinnationsorthestrugglesofnationsagainstimperialist invasion,whethermilitaryoreconomic."177FortheresidentsofMalerkotlaandthedevoteesat thedargahofHaiderShaikh,bothstrugglesareongoing.Asacityofminorities,locals constantlyexperiencethestressesoffittinginandstandingout.Choosingorprioritizingthe identitiesmostconducivetocomfortableminoritylifeorglobalizingeconomicopportunitymay involvegivinguporbracketingintegralelementsoftheself.Itisinresponsetothisstressthat particularidentitiesbecomemanifest.

Caroline Walker Bynum, Metamorphosis and Identity, (New York; Zone Books, 2001). The literature on identity and self-making is enormous. Some of the key works are: Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age, (Cambridge; Polity Press, 1991), and Runaway World: How Globalization Is Reshaping Our Lives, (New York; Routledge, 2000), and Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of Modern Identity, (Cambridge, MA; Harvard University Press, 1989). 177 Henry Glassie, "On Identity," pp. 239-240.
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ThecontextofMalerkotlaprovidesamplematerialsandconstraintsfortheidentityconstructing activitiesofitsinhabitants.Herearichhistoryandarchitecturalheritageisengagedbyamultireligiouspopulationforwhomtheseresourcesarenotequallyavailable.Muslimsfromthe PathanrulingclassandthekhalfahandNawabfamilieshavelittledifficultysituating themselveswithinthepastorpresentofMalerkotla'sconceptualandphysicallandscape.For lowercasteMuslimsandnon-Muslims,thenarrativeprocessinlessimmediatelyavailablebut theseconnectionsarecertainlymade.178Eachlocalreligiouscommunityintegratestheirheritage intothehistoriographyofMalerkotla.Forexample,accordingtosomemembersofthelocalJain populationtheysettledhereontheinvitationoftheSultanofDelhi,BahlolLodhi,whowanted theretobeamorecosmopolitanenvironmenttoaccommodatehisdaughter,TajMurassa Begum.ThereforeherequestedthatseveralgroupsofJainandHindumerchantsfromthe AggarwalcastemovefromtheareaaroundLudhianatoMalerkotlainordertocreatesuchan urbancenter.179Sikhfamilies,ontheotherhand,forgetheirconnectionbyevokingNawabSher MohammadKhanandtheblessingoftheGuruasthemainimpetusfortheirsettlementand

It is a common misconception that conversion to Islam resulted in the elimination of caste and social discrimination. In spite of oft-referenced ideals of egalitarianism, there are ethnic and caste based prejudices that remain very much in force among Muslims in South Asia. The ashraf or elite Muslims are almost always identified ethnically as Arab or Afghan in origin. Due to the tendency towards endogamy, especially cross-cousin marriage, these ethnic groups retain a fair degree of integrity. In Malerkotla this manifests most especially among the ruling elites who continue to identify as Pathan Afghans, though their progenitor, Haider Shaikh arrived over five hundred years ago. The lower castes, especially the agriculturalist Kambhojs, are viewed by the Pathans as recent converts from low-caste Hindus and view their own status as unduly oppressed, especially prior to Independence. For the role of caste and caste-consciousness among Muslims, see Imtiaz Ahmad, editor, Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India, (New Delhi; Manohar, 1973) and Charles Lindholm, "Caste in Islam and the Problem of Deviant Systems: A Critique of Recent Theory," in Muslim Communities of South Asia: Culture, Society and Power, edited by T.N. Madan, (New Delhi; Manohar, 1995). On marriage patterns among the elite of Malerkotla see Rita Brara, "Marriage and Kinship," (PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, Delhi University, 1989). 179 The formation and development of this settlement is consistent with the pattern of Islamicization through urbanization and the establishment of regional power bases through the patronage of Sufi centers as detailed by Richard Eaton in his several works: "Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam in India," in Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies, Richard C. Martin, editor, (New York; One World Press, 1987), 106-23; "Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States," in Essays on Islam and Indian History, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 2000), 94-132; The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier: 1204-1760, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1993); "The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of Baba Farid," in Moral Conduct and Authority: The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam, Barbara Metcalf, editor, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1984).
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continuedsecurityinthisMuslimstate.MostofthePathanMuslimsarerelatedtoHaider ShaikhthrougheithertheNawabiorkhalfahlineages.SomelocalMuslimstracetheirlineage totheearlyfollowersofHaiderShaikh.Thesegroupsestablishtheirlinktotheareathroughthis heritage.Someothersclaimthattheyweretheoriginalinhabitantsoftheregionandconverted toIslamafterthecomingoftheShaikh.ThesemultipleaccountshelptoexpandMalerkotla's past,openingituptoincludegroupsbesidestherulingclan.InthiswayHindus,Sikhs,and Muslimsallmaketheirplacehere,creatinggenealogiesofinvolvementwiththeinfrastructure andideologyofthetown.Eachhasauniquesenseofbelongingandameansofcommunicating theirroleinsociety.Yeteachgroup'sdominantnarrativehighlightsinter-religiousconnections andcontributestotheconstructionandmaintenanceofMalerkotla'sidealizedidentity. InIndia,thepoliticizationofreligiousidentityhasbecomethecentralfocusofmost

studiesofinter-religiousconflict.Thereisnoquestionthatintheenormous,multiethnic, multilingual,multiculturalIndiancontext,religionisoneofthemostreadilyavailableand deeplyresonantdimensionsofsocietythataffordsareadymeansofnetworkingandmobilizinga constituency.However,asGyanPandey,ParthaChatterjee,andothershavepointedout,inboth preandpost-colonialtimes,almostanyformofcompetitionorconflicthastendedtobelabeled asreligious.Duringthecolonialperiodthisservedapurposetojustifycontinuedcolonial controloverthenativepopulationwhootherwisewoulddevolveintoperpetualviolenceoverthe perennialandprimordialdisputesbetweenHindusandMuslims.AftertheBritishdeparted,not onlyhasIndia'sinstitutionalstructurecontinuedtoreplicatetheformsinheritedfromtheBritish, buttheconstitutionofthenewnation-staterequiredthegenerationofanationalidentity.In GyanPandey'sterms,constitutingthatnationalsoconstituteditsminoritypopulations, perpetuatingadynamicofoppositionbetweeninsideandout,thosewhobelongandthosewho

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donot.ForIndia'sMuslims,thisprocesshasbeenespeciallyproblematic.AsIpointedoutin theintroduction,organizingandcreatingacollectiveidentitythatisbothIndianandMuslimhas remainedanelusivechallengeduetostateinterventionandtheabsenceofanytrulypan-Indian Muslimorganizations.InMalerkotla,theMuslimpopulationmustwalkafinelinebetweentheir roleaslocalmajoritiesandtheirconsciousnessoftheirvulnerabilityasaminorityregionallyand nationally.ThistensionisdiscernibleinthenarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhandMalerkotlafrom beforeandafterPartitionwhenMalerkotlawentfrombeingonestateamongmanyMuslim majorityregionsinPunjabtobeingtheonlyone. WritingandTelling IncomingtounderstandthenarrativelifeofHaiderShaikh'sdargahandMalerkotlaitis importanttoexplorebothoralandwrittennarratives.AlthoughalloralnarrativesIcollectedare, bydefinition,post-Partition,theyalsorevealaspectsofpre-PartitionMalerkotlaandmodern perspectivesonthepastthatareextremelyvaluable.Whilewrittennarrativestendtorepresent elitetraditions,oralnarrativesarenotexclusivelytheprovinceofthemasses.Bothtypesof narrativefunctiontomakethetruthoftheeventstheydescribe"real"inthesensethattheyare adequaterepresentationsofthemeaningofthetruthstheyrecount.InherstudyCreating Histories:OralNarrativesandthePoliticsofHistoryMaking,WendySingeridentifiesthree criticalbuildingblocksintheprocessofproducingnarratives:"descriptionsofevents,thepower relationsthatinfluencedthosedescriptions,andthemeansofcommunicationthatrecordedand preservedthem."180Thisprocessisequallytrueoforalandwrittennarratives.Thedifference, asarguedbyJackGoody,isthedegreeofopennessandmalleabilityofthe"text,"which

Wendy Singer, Creating Histories: Oral Narratives and the Politics of History-Making, (Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 9.
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increaseswiththeleveloforalityinthetelling.Singerdescribesthedistinctionbetweenthe writtenandoralthus: Historiesthatarerecountedinoralformhaveuniquecharacteristics,especiallytheir mutability.Thesamehistorytellers,tellingthe'same'histories,mayconstructthem differentlywitheachtelling.Oralnarratorstakeintoconsiderationeachnew audience,eachnewcontemporarysituation,andanynewinformation.Asaresult, oralhistoriesdemonstrateineverydaytermsaprofoundandself-conscious relativity181 Thuswhilebothoralandwrittenhistoriesarecontextuallybound,thisisanongoingprocessfor anyoral"narrativerepresentationofreality."Forthewrittenhistory,theprocessesof interpretingandconsuminganarrativecontinue,buttheproductionisstatic.Throughan examinationofthevariablesintheperformancecontextofanoralhistory,thetruthsbeing transmittedbecomemoreevident,asdotheconstraintsandpowerrelationswithinwhichthe tellerandthetellingaresituated.IntheoralandwrittenaccountsofMalerkotlaandHaider Shaikh,thisdistinctionbecomesmostreadilyapparent,asweshallsee,inrelationtothe historicalconstructionofthecommunity'sorigins. Itisimportanttonotethatalthoughsometraditionalhistoriansregardoralnarrativeswith

suspicion,182theauthorityoftheoralisverymuchrecognizedbypeopleinMalerkotlawherethe 1991literacyratewasonlyforty-twopercent.Infact,inprimarilyoralcultureswherethe literacyrateislowandhighlyexclusive,oralnarrativesareseenasequallyorevenmore authoritativethanwritten.Agreatpremiumisplacedonthespoken,theremembered,andthe inherited.Writtentextsareseenasfixed,potentiallyskewedandperspectival,andarenot subjecttoeitherthetestoftimeorthecourtofpublicopinion.Narrativespassedfrom

Ibid, p. 303. For example, Richard Eaton writes about the Sufi biographical tradition in the following way, "The point is that while all tazkiras consist of oral traditions that at some time were written down and that require, therefore, the same caution with which one approaches any oral tradition, it is not true that all tazkiras served a saint-cult and were distorted on that count." Richard M. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, p. 20. Implicit in Eaton's use of the terms "caution" and "distorted" is a notion of historical truth that transcends both written and oral narratives.
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generationtogenerationdoundergosuchtrials.Thuswhereassuchstoriescertainlychangeand adaptovertime,theyalsomaintaintheirconnectiontothecommunitythatgeneratedthemand, asHaydenWhitedescribes,theirabilitytorepresentadequatelyrealityasexperiencedbythat community.AMalerkotlaresidentfromthekhalfahfamilyaffirmsthepositiveroleoforalityin preservingthetraditionsofthesaint.AfterrecountinganarrativeaboutHaiderShaikhthatisnot foundinanyofthewrittenaccountsIamawareof,hestated,"Atthattimewriterswerevery few,nothingwaswritten,onlythingswereheardfromgenerationtogeneration,buttheyare real."183Thoughabletoreadandwriteperfectlywellhimself,thekhalfahplacedgreatauthority onthestoriesheardfromelderssuchashisfatherandgrandfather,bothrespectedSufis.The traditionsofHaiderShaikharefoundinbothwrittenandoralsources,butneithershouldbe understoodasmoreorless"true."Rather,eachformofnarrativeisappropriateforadifferent purposeandfordifferentinterlocutors.Thepointforthisstudyisnottoestablishtheveracityof theaccountsbuttounderstandtheirfunctionsandmeaningstothecommunitywhoperpetuates them. WinningHistory Astheadagegoes,thewinnerswritethehistories.Thehistoryofpeacethatiswonin Malerkotlaisbothtoldandwritten.Inbothformsofnarrativeyoufindexamplesofwaysin whichMalerkotla'sdominantethicofharmonyisincorporatedintothetraditionsofdiffering religiousgroups.Someofthevariationsbetweenreligiousperspectivesandbetweenoraland writtenaccountsrevealdifferencesinperspectivethatcomplicateMalerkotla'swinninghistory ofpeace.Thewayinwhichthesestoriesaretoldarerecordsnotjustofaparticularevent,butof itssignificanceintheformationofindividualandcollectiveidentities.Incertaininstances,an

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eventbecomessymbolicallyimportantforapersonandacommunity.AlessandroPortelli describesthisprocessinhisinsightfularticle"TheDeathofLuigiTrastulli."Inthispiece Portellioutlinesthemechanismsofmemoryandhow"thememoryofthisbriefepisodehas exertedashapinginfluenceonthetown'sidentityandculture."184This"shapinginfluence"isan importantprocesstoobserveasitrevealsthewaysinwhichparticulareventstakeonsucha heighteneddegreeofsymbolicimportanceforpersonalorcollectiveidentitiesthattheybecome identitymarkers.Anidentitymarkerprovidesareferencepoint,asemanticallyandsymbolically richinstrumentforconveyingmeaning.Incertaincontextsthemerementionofaparticular eventmaybeladenwithsignificancethatfarexceedsthemomentofastory'stelling. Inthisway,writtenandoralnarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhandMalerkotlacombineto generatethesymbolicandhistoricsignificanceofeach.Theidentityofthenarratorandthe symbolicsignificanceoftheeventsnarratedareconstructedthroughthestrategicselectionand deploymentofavailableinterlocutors,modesofexpression,andperformancecontexts.The historicalveracityoftheeventssonarratedissecondarytotheiradequacyasrepresentationsof reality.Thenotionoforalandwrittennarrativesaswhollydiscretecommunicativeformsmust becomplicatedinordertoperceivethewaysinwhichtheoralandthewrittenareembeddedin oneanotherandunderstandthewaysinwhichtheyovertlyandcovertlyreferenceoneanother. Finally,memoryplaysakeyroleindefiningthesymbolic,psychological,andfunctional meaningofanevent.Bystudyingtheformandcontentofthesememoriesandthewaytheyare narratedinthepresent,itispossibletointerpretthewaysinwhichaneventbecomesmeaningful toanindividualoracommunity,howthatmeaningismademanifest,andhowitisperpetuated anddisseminatedthatis,howhistoryiswon.Eachtellingrevealstheperspectiveoftheteller,
Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories, (Albany; State University of New York, 2001), p. 1.
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andreflectsthewayinwhichthattellerhasconstructedtheirownandtheircommunity'sidentity throughthetelling.Thusemergestheshapinginfluenceofthesaintandcertaineventsinthe town'shistoryontheidentityofMalerkotla.

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ChapterTwo: NarrativesofHaiderShaikhandthedargah NarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhandhistombshrinedofourthings:theyfoundand

establishtheterritoryofMalerkotlaandthedevotionalcommunityaffiliatedwiththesaint,they describetheprotectivepoweroftheShaikhandthedargah,theyintegratethepopulationofthe townandtheconstituencyoftheshrine,andtheyexpresstheexemplaryethicsmodeledby HaiderShaikhandthosewhoaffiliatewithhim.Thesefourfunctions,foundation,protection, integration,andexemplification,combinetogivevoicetotheprojectedimageofthetownand thetraditionassociatedwithHaiderShaikh.Asresidentsanddevoteesgivevoicetothese aspectsofHaiderShaikhandthetombcult,thesaintandthedargahbecomeshapingsymbols, structuringandlegitimizingtheethicofharmonythatisattherootofMalerkotlaidentity. Thesefourfunctionsalsochangenotonlybetweennarratorsandcontexts,butthrough

time.Thetwomostsignificantvariablesarethereligiousidentityofthenarratorandwhetherthe accountpre-orpost-datesthePartitionofIndia.Muslimstendtoemphasizeintheiraccounts, bothpre-andpost-1947,thepoweroftheShaikhandhisroleasthefounderofthestateof MalerkotlaandthedefactooriginofIslamintheregion.HindustendtocutHaiderShaikhoff fromsovereignauthorityandtohighlightthesaint'sspiritualprowessandhislackofregardfor sectarianandcastediscrimination.SikhsalsoappreciatetheShaikhasasymbolofecumenical spirituality,butthereisalsoamarkedtendencytolinkthesainttothehaadanaaraproteston behalfofGuruGobindSingh'ssonsbythesaint'sdescendentSherMuhammadKhan.Allof theseeffortstosymbolicallymanageHaiderShaikh'slegacyarealsoattemptstocontrolhis imageasacollectiverepresentationofthecommunityethicofharmony.Thesenarratives

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coexistandeveninterpenetrate,butdonotunderminethemultivocalityofthewrittenandoral loreoftheShaikhandthedargah. IntermsoftemporalchangesintheaccountsofHaiderShaikh,themostobviousand

significantshiftoccurredpost-1947,signalinganewemphasisonthosequalitiesofMalerkotla anditsfoundingfatherthatcouldbemostconducivetopromotingthetypeofidentitythatwill ensurethesurvivalofaflourishingcommunity.Thuswhereaspre-1947narrativesfocusonthe foundationalandprotectivequalitiesoftheShaikh,thepost-1947storiestendtohighlightthe integrativeandexemplaryaspectsofhischaracterandlore.Thefirstsectionofthischapter demonstratesthecentralityofHaiderShaikhintheimaginationsandexperiencesofMalerkotla residentsanddevoteesbyexploringthestoriesandhistoriesthatpeopletellinMalerkotlatoday. Thesecondsectioninvestigatesthepre-andpost-PartitionaccountsoftheShaikh,bringingto lighthowthiscataclysmiceventshapedthestoriesandhistoriesaboutthesaint.Afurtheraspect ofthesenarrativesisthatallfourfunctionsarerepresentedinthenarrativesirrespectiveof religiousorientationofthenarrator. ThepervasiveimpactofHaiderShaikhonMalerkotlabecameevidenttomeearlyinmy

stayinMalerkotlawhenIwenttotheJama#Masjid(theFridayorcongregationalmosque)in ordertotalktopeoplethereaboutthetown'sreputationasazoneofpeace.Ihadheardthatthis mosquewasthelocalcenterfortheactivitiesoftheTablghJama#at,andthereforelikelyto opposethepracticeoftombvisitationtoshrinessuchasthatofHaiderShaikh.185Having alreadyspentmuchtimeatthedargahitselfwhereMalerkotla'speaceandharmonyaremost

In fact on a later visit with a Hindu colleague to find out about the history of the mosque structure, our queries about the mosque, which is quite beautiful with Qur"nic verses painted in calligraphy all over the faade, were met with simple responses that the place was merely a place for prayer. Consistent with the radical reformist perspective, the history and aesthetics of the site are irrelevant, only its function as a place of prayer are important. It is worth recalling that a similar attitude prevailed among Wahhabis in Saudi Arabia, who attempted in 1926 to destroy the tomb of the Prophet in order to prevent it from becoming an object of worship in its own right.
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oftenattributedtotheShaikh'sblessing,Iwasinterestedinlearningifinthispartoftown,away fromthetomb,therewerevaryingperspectivesonorexplanationsforthenatureandqualityof Malerkotlascommunity.Inadditiontobeingamoreconservativemosque,theneighborhood aroundtheJama#MasjidistheonlyareawherethereareshopssellingIslamicbooksandother paraphernaliasuchasprayerrugs(jannamaz),caps,prayerbeads(tasb),Qur"anstands,books onreligiousmatters,cassettesofQur"anrecitationandinterpretation,andsoon.Thestore directlyacrossfromthestepsofthemosqueisoperatedbyamanwhowassittingwithayoung manintheall-whitekurtapajama(tunicandpants),beard,andclosewhitewovencapthatare telltalemarkersofTablghactivistsandconservativeMuslims.Uponhearingofmyinterestin Malerkotlaanditshistory,theshopkeeperfirstaffirmedthepervasivenessofthespiritof bhaichar,orbrotherlyharmony,inthetownandthenlaunchedspontaneouslyintothewidely knowntaleofHaiderShaikhsencounterwiththeSultanBahlolLodhi: Thearmywasrestingnearthe#IdGah.Therewasabigstorminthenight.And thisBabaji[HaiderShaikh]hewasstayingnearthePuranaQila(theoldfort).On thatparticularnightthebadshah[ruler]wassurveyinghisarmy.Hesawthatin spiteofsuchabigstorm,alampwasburninginBabajishouse.Whenhewent thereandsaw,hefoundBabajithere.Babajiwasverykhubsurat(beautiful). [Thebadshahsaid,]Iwanttomarrymydaughterwithyou.Babajisaid,"Iama faqr,Icantdothat."Butafteralongdialoguehesaidyes.BahlolLodhiwas thebadshahatthattime.186 IwasinitiallysurprisedthatthistaleoftheShaikhwasofferedbyamanwitheverymarkerof themoreconservativeformsofIslamuponhimandaroundhimasmostofthesegroupsoppose thepracticeofziyarat(pilgrimagetosaint'stombs).Ilaterrealizedthatalthoughhisimmediate referencetoHaiderShaikhwassomewhatunusualamongmembersoftheseorganizations,his respectforthesaintwasnot.Evenamongthemostvehementlyanti-ziyaratpolemicists,respect

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ratherthanreverencefortheShaikhiscommon.187Thebookstoreowner,inadditionto demonstratingthepervasivenessoftheShaikhsinfluenceinthetown,gaveamasterfuland swiftrenditionofthefoundationofthesettlement.Therapidityandfluidityofhisnarrativestyle indicatedthatitwasawell-knowntale,oftenheardandoftenrepeated.Inhisaccounthe stressedthepietyofthesaintwhonotonlyremainedmiraculouslyundisturbedbythestorm,but alsoattemptedtoputoffapowerful,worldlyrulersdesiretomarryhisdaughtertohim.The motivationforhisrefusalwashisdesiretoremaininthefaqrlifeofpovertyandasceticism, occupiedsolelywithhisdevotions.Inothertellingsofthetale,fromothersourcesbothwritten andoral,thisencounterisnearlyalwaysincluded,buttheemphasisdiffers.Beforeexamining perspectivalvariationsandinterpretingtheirsignificance,letusexplorethecorebodyoflore aboutShaikhSadruddinSadriJahan,commonlyknownasHaiderShaikh. TheShaikhandtheSultan Itwasadarkandstormynight.AtleastthatishownearlyeveryoralaccountofHaider

ShaikhslifeintheareanowknownasMalerkotlabegins.Thisisthetaleofthesaintsfirst encounterwiththeAfghanwarlordBahlolLodhi,soontobeSultanatDelhi.Lodhisuncle, IslamKhan,wasincontrolofSirhindatthattimeandBahlolstoppedthereonhiswaytoDelhi tochallengetheweakeninggripofthebrieflyrulingSayyiddynasty(1414-1451).Haider Shaikh,aSherwaniAfghan,hadcomefromKabulviaMultanwherehestudiedandbecame adeptinthespiritualpathundertheguidanceofamurshid,orspiritualguide,oftheSuhraward

It is a common misconception that all Muslims affiliated with Deoband, Jam'at-i Islm, or Tablgh Jam'at are universally and passionately opposed to Sufism and ziyrat. The roots of Deoband are in Sufi traditions, as two of the founding scholars of the Deoband School Ahmad Rashid Gangohi (d. 1905) and Muhammad Qasim Nanatawi (d. 1879) were both disciples of Hajji Imdadullah (d. 1899), a Chishti murshid. These Sufis are associated with a more sober Sufism, bishar (with the sharia' ) as opposed to the beshar (outside sharia') Sufis who may flout the laws of Islam as a manifestation of their transcendence of worldly mores. It is true that bowing, making offerings, or going beyond praying for the soul of the deceased and pondering ones own inevitable death is seen as shirk, or polytheism and is prohibited. See Barbara Metcalf, "The Madrasa at Deoband: A Model for Religious Education in Modern India," Modern Asian Studies [12, no. 1 (1978)], p. 116, and her larger work, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1982).
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Sufilineage.ThismurshidisvariouslyidentifiedasBahaul-DinZakariyya(d.1262)orhis grandsonShaikhRuknud-DinAbu'lFath(d.1335).188Atthebehestofhismurshid,Haider ShaikhsettledonthebanksoftheBhumsi,atributaryoftheSutlejRiver,whichusedtorun throughMalerkotla.ItwastherethatBahlolLodhiencounteredhim.BysomeaccountsLodhi camesimplybecausetheareawasenroute.OthersclaimthathehadheardoftheShaikhspiety andthereforesoughthimout.Atanyrate,BahlolLodhireachedtheplaceonthebankofariver wheretheSufirenunciantorfaqrhadsetupahutinwhichtoperformhisdevotions.Inthe night,agreatstormarose,creatinghavocthroughoutthearmyscamp,butHaiderShaikhs shelterwasundisturbed.Impressedbythepiouspowerofthesaintwhoremainedpeacefully readingtheQur'anduringthechaos,LodhiaskedforablessingsothathewouldconquerDelhi. Afterhisvictory,theSultanpressedagiftuponthefaqr,abeautifulhorsefitforanemperor. ButHaiderShaikhfeltnoneedforahorse,soitwasslaughteredtofeedthefaqrsandother peoplewhohadcometoliveinhisholypresence.Hearingofthis,theSultanwasinsultedand demandedthehorsebereturned.Thesaintmiraculouslyproducedmultiplehorses.TheSultan washumbled,herepented,andvowedtomarryhisdaughterTajMurassaBegumtoHaider Shaikh.189Againthesaintprotested,butintheendtheywerewed.TheSultangavealargeland

Shaikh Baha-ul Din Zakariyya and Shaikh Ruknu'd-Din Abu'l Fath were grandfather and grandson and among the most famous saints of the Suhraward lineage in the subcontinent. However, their dates are clearly inconsistent with Haider Shaikhs who died in 1515. Still, it is certainly not uncommon to link later Sufis to the most renowned, popular, and powerful saints in their lineages. For those who attend the shrine who are aware of the variety of Sufi lineages, Haider Shaikh is universally identified as Suhrawardi. In another source, the murshid is identified as Bahaul Haq [Sufi Muhammad Ismail, Bagh Anbiya Punjab (Malerkotla: Janab Doctor Muhammad Nizamuddin Sahib, 1995).] but this is likely a variant of the commonly given reference to Bahauddin Zakariyya. Coming from Afghanistan, the stop in Multan is not surprising, making the link quite possible. However, the khanqah at Multan was in decline after the death of Shaikh Ruknu'd-Din, and was no longer such an important center for Sufi learning. Of course, this does not preclude Shaikh Sadruddin Sadr-i Jahan's going there. 189 Although there are no contemporary records of this marriage, it is reported that on at least one other occasion Lodhi married one of his daughters to a saint. According to Punjab historian Fauja Singh, During the period of his reign, Bahlol got a large stone-tomb constructed commemorating the death of his son-in-law, Mir-i-Miran, a great saint of the place. The saint had received a jagir in dowry in the neighborhood of Sirhind and at this place a tank, bibisar, was constructed by the princess or by her brother, Sikander Lodhi. Fauja Singh, ed., Sirhind through the Ages (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984).
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grant,calledajagr,asaweddingportionandthefaqrbecameajagrdar(theholderofajagr). Thedatemostoftengivenfortheseeventsis1454. TheShaikhandtheSultansdaughterhadtwochildren,HassanandBibiMangi.As

HaiderShaikhhadrisenintheworldfromahumblefaqrtoamajorjagrdarwithclosetiesto theSultan,therulerofthenearbykingdomofKapurthala,RaiBahramBhatti,soughtanalliance andofferedhisdaughterinmarriage.TwosonswerebornfromHaiderShaikh'smarriagetothe Kapurthalaprincess,#IsaandMsa.EventuallytheShaikh'sdaughter,BibiMango,was married.However,shewaswidowedveryyoung,thenmistreatedbyherin-laws.Hassan refusedhisfathersdirectivetoretrieveherandso#IsaandMsarescuedtheirhalf-sister.On thereturntrip,BibiMangowasoverwhelmedbyshameatherwidowedanddisgracedstateand imploredtheearthtoopenandreceiveher,whichitdid.190TheangryShaikhdisownedHassan, theeldersonforhavingrefusedtohelphissister,whichperhapscontributedtohersenseof humiliation.HaiderShaikhblessedhisothertwosons,declaring,"jao,degh,tegh,fateh" meaning,"Go,maywealth,strength,andvictory(beyours).'191Msabecame,likehisfather,a faqr,butlivedasarenunciantandhadnochildren.#Isa(d.1538)andhisdescendentsbecame subsequentjagrdars.Asjagrdarsthefamilywasalwaysdependentuponthegoodwillofthe ruleratDelhi,whichfrom1526until1757wastheMughallineage.Notuntil1657,underthe MughalrulerAurangzebdidtheregionbecameaquasi-independentprincipality,whenBayzid KhanwasgrantedthetitleofNawab.

Her dargh is on the outskirts of Malerkotla by the 'Id Gah. There is the stump of the tree said to have sprung from a piece of her palanquin. Some, but not many, devotees of Haider Shaikh come to pay their respects here as well. There is a new superstructure to the shrine, indicating ongoing patronage and it is well known locally. 191 This is a common slogan among Sikhs as well. The attribution of this phrase to Haider Shaikh places it a hundred and fifty years before its usage by Guru Gobind Singh (d. 1708). The attribution to Haider Shaikh by elements of the Muslim community in Malerkotla may reflect a desire to appropriate and incorporate the popular slogan into a context to which they can also lay claim.
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KnowingtheShaikh
Thepracticeoftombshrinepilgrimage,knownasziyarat,isunderattackonseveral

fronts.MuslimreformersobjecttothepracticeaspolytheisticandreminiscentofHinduism.192 Sikhreformers,ontheotherhand,objecttothepracticeasderivativefromIslamandsuggestive ofspiritualauthorityoutsidethatoftheGuruGranth(theholytext)andtheGuruPanth(thebody ofbelievers).193AndHindureformershaveactivelytargeteddargahsinotherregionsbecause theyarebothMuslimsitesandsitesofinter-religiousencounter.194ThustheaccountsofHaider Shaikh,histomb,andthecommunityofthesaintwhoattendhisshrineandtransmithisloreare importantexpressionsofthestruggletomaintaintherelevance,significance,andexistenceofthe site.Establishingtheveracityoftheeventsdescribedbythevariousinterlocutorsofthesaintis secondarytounderstandingthemeaningofHaiderShaikhtohisdevoteesandtheresidentsofthe settlementhefounded.AmongresidentsandvisitorstoMalerkotlathelevelofknowledgeabout thesaintrangeswidelyfromthosewhoknowmultiplestories,recounthismiracles,performhis rituals,andattendhisshrinetothosewhodononeofthesethings.InMalerkotla,nearlyevery residentwhomIinterviewedknewmostofthebasicoutlineofthehistoryandhagiographyof HaiderShaikhgivenabove.However,thedevoteesfromoutsidethetownwhoattendthe festivalsforthesaintknewfewofthesestories.Theparticulartypesofstoriesknown,the numberknownandthevarietyofstoriestoldareallindicatorsoftheorientationoftheteller towardsthesaintandtheaspectsofHaiderShaikh'straditiondeemedrelevanttocommunityand

The controversial nature of ziyrat will be discussed further in Chapters Four and Six. The tenth Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh, according to majoritarian Sikh tradition declared that after his death the living guruship would end and the Guru (meaning God) would be enshrined in the Guru Granth and the Guru Panth. 194 As discussed in the introduction, most recently in the violence in Gujarat in spring 2002, investigative panels list at least 240 darghs destroyed by Hindu mobs. See, for example, Dateline Gujarat: Inside Hindutva's Laboratory, Communalism Combat, 2002 [cited. Available from http://www.sabrang.com/cc/archive/2002/marapril/dateline.htm.
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personallife.Thusforsomelocals,theShaikhismoreimportantasthetownsfounderthanasa holyman.TheprestigeofthemaritallinktotheSultanBahlolLodhiandtheancientheritageof thekingdomarepointsofpridefortheMuslimcommunityespecially.Residentswhodoattend theshrinetendtopossessabodyofadditionalloreconcerningtheshrinespastandpresentrole incommunitylife,thesite'smiraculousconstruction,andnumerouspersonalaccountsofhealing orfulfilleddesires.DevoteesfromoutsideMalerkotlaoftendonotknowhistoricaccountsofthe Shaikh.Indeedmanydonotknowhisfullname,ShaikhSadruddinSadriJahan.195Whetheror nottheyknowanyoftheloreofthesaintandthetown,devoteesfromoutsidetendtobemore concernedwithcommunicatingthelivingpresenceandpowerofthesaintratherthanextolling hispastdeeds.Giventhemultiplepossibleorientationstowardsthesaint,itisnotsurprisingthat differentfeaturesandvariantnarrativescometotheforewithdifferenttellersandinvarious contexts.Thesenuances,emphases,deviations,andcontradictions,revealhowthestories becomekeyidentitymarkersfortheinterlocutors,shapingthepersonalandpublicmeaningof theShaikh. Thecommunityofthesaintiscomprisedofhisdescendents,theritualspecialistswho

mediatehisspiritandpower,andhisdevotees.Thisvariegatedcommunityorganizestheir accountsofHaiderShaikhinordertoconstructhissymbolicmeaningaccordingtotheirneeds andinterests.Onewayinwhichnarratorsdothisisthroughcommittingwhatsomewouldcall anhistorical"error,"displacingHaiderShaikhintimeinordertogenerateahereditaryor sentimentallink.ThisisconsistentwiththeoralnarrativescollectedbyAlessandroPortelliin relationtothemisplacementofasymboliceventincommunitymemoriesinordertolinkthe

Shaikh Sadruddin Sadr-i Jahan is written above the entrance to the tomb, but it is written in Urdu script, making it difficult for the mostly Punjabi and Hindi speaking clientele to read.
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eventwiththeideologicalconcernsofthepresent.196Similarly,temporaldisplacementofthe saintisacommontechniqueinMalerkotlaemployedtoconnecthiminsomewaytothe narrator'sownhistory.ThusmanylocalHindusplaceHaiderShaikhasacontemporaryofBaba AtmaRam,theHindusaintwhoseshrineliesaboutakilometerfromHaiderShaikh'stomb. AlthoughbymostestimatesBabaAtmaRamwasactiveintheearlyeighteenthcentury,inthese oralaccountsthereisadeepfriendshipbetweenthetwo.Thistemporalshiftreducesthe dominantshadowcastbyHaiderShaikhoverthetown,placingtheHindusaintasa contemporaryandequalwithhisownrepertoireofmiraclestoriesandentourageofdevotees. TheshiftalsoopensupspaceforHindusinthedevotionalcultofHaiderShaikhasaholyman whowasnon-sectarianinhisownlifetimeasevidencedbyhisfriendshipwithBabaAtmaRam andsetsaprecedentforhisdevoteestolikewisesupercedereligiousboundariesinthepresent. HaiderShaikh'sacceptabilityasacompaniontoaHindusaintprovidesaresourceforHindus todaywhowishtoengageininter-religiousdialogue. Thisisimportantbecausemany

HindusareunderincreasingpressurefromgroupsliketheVHPandRSStofocustheirattention ontheirowncommunity.Hindutvaactivistsemployvarioustacticstofosterheightened religiousconsciousness.Insomecases,VHP,BajrangDal,RSSandotheractivistshavesought towrestcontrolofashrineanditsidentityfromitsMuslimproprietors.197Forexample,there arefrequentcallstoboycottMuslimbusinessesandproducts,anactionthatwouldmakelife extremelydifficultinMuslimmajorityMalerkotla.198ParticipationinSuficultsintheviewof

Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories. This is most recently exemplified by VHP leader Praveen Togadia's tour of India in which he visited numerous shrines, holding rallies at which he declared that the place would be the "next Ayodhya." Although the focus of these groups is strongest upon three major sites the Ram birthplace at Ayodhya, the Krishna birthplace at Mathura, and a mosque in Banaras the thousands of other sites identified as formerly Hindu are often more available and locally vulnerable. One shrine that is most actively contested in this fashion is the jointly identified Dargh Baba Budhan Shah Sri Swami Dattatreya Peetha in Chikmaglur, Karnataka. For more on this place see, Yoginder Sikand, Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India, (New Delhi; Penguin India, 2003). 198 I have not seen or heard of any such pamphlets or efforts being promoted in post-Partition Malerkotla.
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Hinduextremistorganizationsisamixedproposition.Ontheonehanditdemonstratesthe opennessandtoleranceofHinduism.Ontheotherhand,itacknowledgesIslamasavalid religionwithindigenoustraditionsandbringsrevenuetothecaretakersofthetomboften Muslims.ThusthesupportofSufishrinesisoftenviewedasakintothetypeofappeasement thattheMuslimsalreadyenjoyasaminoritygroupintermsofreservationsforjobsandplacesin universities,etc.andfinancialassistancetounderdevelopedcommunities.199ThusHinduswho continuetoparticipateinthecultsofSufisaintsdosointheknowledgethattheirbehaviorwould beobjectionabletoright-wingHinduorganizations.Assuchtheirpresencemayinmanycases beatypeofresistancetodivisiveHindupolitics.FortheseHindus,displacingHaiderShaikhin timeandcondensinghiscultwiththatofBabaAtmaRamstrategicallyresignifiesHaider Shaikh'ssymbolicmeaning:heremainsakeysymbolofinter-religiousharmony,butonterms whichgenerateapowerfulprecedentfornon-Muslims. FortheMuslimsmostcloselyconnectedtoHaiderShaikhthatishisdescendentsa

differentsetofinterestsemergesfromthenarrativestheytransmit.Thekhalfahsarethe principalcommunicatorsofHaiderShaikh'shistory.200Manykhalfahslivenearhisshrineand sometakeanactiveroleinitsdailyupkeep.Manykhalfahsareactivetransmittersoftheloreof thesaint.TheynotonlytellthecommonlyknowntaleofHaiderShaikhsencounterwithBahlol Lodhi,butalsoofsubsequentmiraclesandtheimportanceofthesaintandthedargahintheir

In 1980 a body known as the Mandal Commission sponsored by the central government issued a report in which it was recommended that twenty-seven percent of all government positions and university admissions be reserved for backward and scheduled caste people. In 1990 the Prime Minister of India V.P. Singh announced that he would implement these reforms. The outcry led to his eventual resignation. In certain areas of India Brahman youths immolated themselves in protest. The VHP and BJP took this up as a particular cause. The prevailing antireservation attitude in the ascendant Hindu right movement helped to build the militancy in the movement to "liberate" Ayodhya as well. In general, Hindutva literature depicts Muslims as coddled by the government. In particular they object to the continued application of Muslim personal law while Hindus and Sikhs are subject to federal law in personal as well as civil and criminal matters. 200 Khalfah is an Arabic term for successor. It also contains the notion of being the custodian of the tradition of the one succeeded. Thus the first four leaders of the Muslim community were called the Rightly Guided Caliphs alkhulaf" al-rshidn. Humanity's custodianship of the created world is also referred to as khilfat, or viceregency.
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ownlives.ThereareseveralelderkhalfahsinparticularwhoknowmanystoriesaboutHaider Shaikh.Inadditiontothedescendentsofthesaint,whomightbeexpectedtoknowagreatdeal abouthislifeandtheloreoftheirancestor,manyresidentsofMalerkotlatelltalesofthesaint. Furthermore,amongthedevoteesandpilgrimsfromoutsidewhocometotheshrine,certaintales arequitecommon.OverthecourseofayearandahalfIsolicitedaccountsofthesaintfrom khalfahs,residents,anddevoteesbothinsidethedargahandatothervenues.Unsurprisingly, therepertoiresofstoriesaboutHaiderShaikh'slifetendedtobelargestamongthekhalfahsand smallestamongthedevotees.However,theentirecommunityofthesaintpossessesstories aboutHaiderShaikh'ssignificanceintheirownlives,andcommunicatedthismeaningthrough storiesofblessingsreceived,miraclesexperienced,andlifestyleschanged.Justafewstoriesof thesaintaretoldwithgreatfrequency. TheRepertoireofStories ThereappearanceofcertaineventsinthenarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhindicatethat

theseareparticularlyimportantsignifyingmomentsthatrevealcertainaspectsofthesaint's characterandidentity.Byextensionandthroughtheactofperformingthesenarratives,these aspectsofthesaint'scharacterandidentityareconnectedwiththecharacterandidentityofthe townthathefoundedandwiththeinterlocutorrecountingthetale.Thusthehistoricalaccounts ofHaiderShaikh'slifeandmiraclesarestoriesofthepastthatareputtouseinthepresentasa wayofinterpretingandunderstandingthepresent.Thisisastrategyofidentityformationand perpetuationthatisbynomeanslimitedtoMalerkotlaandtheloreofHaiderShaikh.Inhis studyofMexicanouseof"speechoftheeldersofbygonedays,"CharlesBriggsdescribeshow introducinganaccountofbygonedayssuchasthestoriesofthesaintintothediscourseof thepresentshiftsthecontextofaspeecheventfromatemporallydistinctmoment.Extending

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themomentintimesimultaneouslyextendsthemeaning,openingupanewrangeofinterpretive possibilitiesforthenarratorandtheaudience.Whenspeakingofthepast,"thepresentcanstand alonenomore,bearingafalseself-sufficiencyandlimitingtheimaginationtoseeingwhatis presenttothesenses."201Thepresentneedsthepast,togiveitdepthandmeaning.Thenarrators whodothememoryworkofbringingthepastintothepresent"usetheirhistoricalforceto confrontthepresentwithavalue-ladeninterpretationofitself."202Themobilizationofmemories preservedbyacommunitycarriestheidentityofthecommunityforward,allowingoldvalues andtruthstometamorphoseintoshapesthatareappropriateinanewcontext.WhatBriggs terms"historicaldiscourse"servesseveralpurposes,tovalidateaculturalaction,transmit particulargenresassociatedwiththepast,andasasourceofcollectiveidentity.Thepast"stands asacommunicativeresource,providingasettingandanexpressivepatternfordiscussionsthat transformbothpastandpresent."203Thecollectivememoryworkinvolvedinpassingon accountsofthepastisaninherentlyinterpretiveprocess,requiringthecommunicatorandthe audiencetoengagethecommunicatedeventsanddeterminetheirpersonalandsocialmeanings. Briggsaddsthattheprocessoftransformationis"intrinsicallyinterpretive:bothperformersand audiencemembersmustdeducethebasicprinciplesthatgeneratedactioninthepastandthen applythesetothepresentandfuture."204 Thisinterpretiveprocess,inherenttonarrativesofhistoricalmemories,isalsoconsistent

withtheappropriatemodesoftransmissionofknowledgeintheIslamictradition.Muslims constantlyevokethemodelofMuhammadandhiscompanionsasanuswahasana,abeautiful model,towardswhichalllatersocietiesshouldturninordertoknowwhatitistoactmorallyand

Briggs, Charles, Competence in Performance: The Creativity of Tradition in Mexicano Verbal Art, (Philadelphia; University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), p. 1. 202 Op cit. 203 Ibid, p. 99. 204 Op cit.
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faithfully.205Asoneofthebasesofprescriptivelaw,thesunnahoftheProphetillustrates, extends,andconnectstheMuslimcommunityofthepresentwiththeexemplarycommunityof thepast.NarrativehistoriesandhagiographiesaboutHaiderShaikhandotherMuslimleaders andmysticsbothfollowthisprescriptivepatternandprovidejustificationforthedevotionalcults thatarisearoundtheirtombs. Inthisway,thedidacticaspectofthestoriestoldaboutHaiderShaikhandMalerkotlais

whollyconsistentwiththegenresofprescriptiveliteratureinIslamthatmodelappropriate behaviorinthepresentontheperfectmodeloftheprophetandhiscompanions.Inrelating eventsofmoralexemplarsfromthepast,anarratorgroundshisorherrecommendationsforideal actioninthepresent,effectivelyextendingitssignificanceandopeningupanewfieldof meaning.Thenarrativetechniqueofevokingthepasttointerpretthepresentisthereforequite consistentwiththeuseofdidacticexemplarsinthetransmissionofIslamicprinciples.Thus,oftrepeatedtales,theirtellers,andthecontextsinwhichthetalesaretoldrevealagreatdealabout howthepopularnarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhshapestheidentityandcultureofthedargahand thetown.Variations,anomalies,anduniquefeaturesofthenarrativesindicatehownarrativesof HaiderShaikhserveasvehiclesfortherepresentationofmultiplepersonalandgroupidentities. ForemostamongtheprincipleinterlocutorsofHaiderShaikhare,unsurprisingly,his

descendents.Notonlywereelderkhalfahsmorewillingandabletotransmitnarratives,butalso theespeciallyknowledgeableindividualswereidentifiedbyothers,validatinghisorherstatusas acompetentcommunicator.206Notallkhalfahsreferencedthesamefeweldersaspossessorsof

Qur'an 33:21 says, "Ye have indeed in the Messenger of Allh a beautiful pattern (of conduct) [uswa hasana] for any one whose hope is in Allh and the Final Day, and who engages much in the Praise of Allh." 206 To varying degrees the khal fahs, residents, and devotees who narrate stories of the saint may all be labeled competent communicators of the saints tradition. In Dell Hymes theory of narrative performance, there are varying degrees of competence among the possessors of a particular body of knowledge. Hymes defines a performance as a cultural behavior for which a person assumes responsibility to an audience. Thus, competent
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particularknowledgeaboutthesaint,butseveralpeoplestoodout.Therangeofnarrativesthese elderspossessedintheiractiverepertoiresfarexceededthatoftheaverageresidentofMalerkotla andfurtherdemonstratedtheirauthorityastransmitters.Thesenarratorsalsodemonstratedtheir expertiseandvirtuositybythefluiditywithwhichtheyfoldedpastandpresentintooneanother inthesetales.Thiscompetencewasespeciallymanifestamongthosekhalfahswhowereable notonlytorecountthestoryofHaiderShaikhscomingtoMalerkotla,butalsomade connectionsbetweentheeventsoftheShaikhslifeandsubsequenteventsintheareashistory andthepresentday. LocalresidentsotherthanthekhalfahsalsotransmitHaiderShaikhstradition,buttheir

repertoirestendedtobesmaller,morefocusedonbarehistoricaldetails,andhighlight particularlyfamousmiraclesofthesaintandhisshrine.Non-khalfahperformersemphasized elementsofHaiderShaikhslorethatestablishedapersonalconnectionbetweentheirowngroup andthesaint,emphasizedhispopularityandfame,ormadeaparticularpoint.Amongthenonresidentinterlocutors,theprinciplecompetentcommunicatorsweretheleadersofdevotional assemblieswhotravelfromlocationsacrossPunjabandNorthIndiatoattendtheshrineforthe annualfestivalsforHaiderShaikh.Theseindividualsarecalledchelas,aSanskritictermfor disciples.TheyarecapableofcommunicatingwiththespiritofHaiderShaikh,andthusembody ahighlyprivilegedrelationshipwiththesaintashismostimmediateinterlocutors.Ratherthan lookingtothesaintspasttodemonstratehisongoingrelevanceandpower,thechelasbringthe saintintothepresent,makinghimavailabletoagatheringofdevoteesinneedofspiritualand materialassistance,obviatingtheneedforanextensivereceivedbodyofloreaboutHaider

communicators have the inclination, ability, and authority to represent a communicative behavior in a particular context. Other qualities of the competent communication are that it be interpretable, reportable, and repeatable. See Dell Hymes, "Breakthrough into Performance," in "in Vain I Tried to Tell You": Essays in Native American Ethnopoetics, edited by Dell Hymes, (Philadelphia; University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981). 145

Shaikh'sworldlylifeanddeeds.Thenon-residentdevotionalcommunityofthesaintincludes notonlythegroupsofdevoteeswhoattendtheshrineinthecompanyofachelabutalsothose thatcomeindependently.Theseindividualswererarelywellversedintheloreofthesaint,but mostareadeptintheappropriateritualmodesofinteractionwiththesaintandtheshrine.They attendtheshrineformanyreasons:long-standingfamilycustom,personalaffinity,group solidarity,etc.Forthesedevotees,theparticularmotivationforattendancemostoftenreported wastheefficacyoftheirprayers.Anothersignificantandalmostuniversallycitedcollateral benefitwastheegalitarianism,lackofsectariandivisions,andgeneralconvivialityatthe shrine.207 ForHaiderShaikhsmanydevoteeswhowerenotactivetransmittersofhishistoricallore,the opportunitytobepresentathisshrineaffordedthemanoccasiontoexpresstheirown interpretationsofthesaintstraditionsandmodesofintegratingthesaintintotheirlives.This wasachievednotthroughthetellingoftalesaboutthesaint,butthroughaccountsoftheself. Forexample,forthesecompetentcommunicators,theprinciplemodethroughwhichthesaintis experiencedandexpressedthroughhighlypersonaltestimonials,whereasthenarrativesofthe khalfahsandMalerkotlaresidentstendtoemphasizethepubliclifeofthesaintandtheshrine. Thesepersonalandhistoricaltalesarenotfixedinform.Theirshapeandmeaningis

determinedbythecontextoftheirtelling,towhomtheyaretold,when,andwhy.Farfrombeing savedupforwanderinganthropologists,thesestoriesareexchangedattheshrineandinthetown amongpeopleforwhomthesaintprovidesshapetothestoryoftheirownidentity.Thatthese storiesdevelopandareusedininterpersonalencountersisimportantasBriggsassertsthat

At several of the festivals for Haider Shaikh I conducted brief surveys with numerous devotees. By sending out several neighborhood children, as well as myself and an assistant with forms and a list of questions, I was able to obtain several hundred responses at three festival events. Although not particularly scientific given the vagaries of the interviewers and respondents, these cursory responses overwhelmingly validated and repeated the responses I received in more extended interviews.
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interpretationofanarrativeeventisdialogicalandthatbothperformersandaudiencesengagein theinterpretationofastory.AlessandroPortellipointsoutthatshiftsinthetemporalormaterial structureofanarrativeisaninterpretiveact.Changingtheplaceortimeofaneventdetermines themeaningoftheeventdescribedbydefiningtheparametersofitsoccurrenceanditsrelations topreviousandsubsequentevents.Anexampleofthisinterpretiveprocessistheextremely commonpracticeamongnon-residentdevoteesofdisplacingHaiderShaikhfromthefifteenthto theeighteenthcenturyandattributingtohimthehaadanaara,NawabSherMuhammadKhan's protestagainsttheexecutionofGuruGobindSingh'ssons.Althoughhistoricallyin"error,"as Portelliargues,thisactofdisplacementandcondensationofHaiderShaikhwithSher MuhammadKhanrevealsagreatdealabouttheinterestsofthosewhomakethisassertion. AlthoughkhandanandMalerkotlaresidentsmostfrequentlyrecountedthestoryabout

HaiderShaikh'smeetingwithBahlolLodhi,non-residentpilgrimsmostfrequentlycitedthis mistakenattributionofthehaadanaaratothesaint.This"error"revealedoneofthereasons whytheMuslimtownofMalerkotlaandtheMuslimsaintHaiderShaikhhavesuchsignificance amongnon-residentPunjabis,thevastmajorityofwhomarenon-Muslim.Forexample,one devotee,aSikhfromHathoiexplainedthatthepowerofHaiderShaikhderivedfromGuru GobindSingh'sblessing.TheblessinggivenaftertheGuruheardoftheefforttodefendhissons endowedHaiderShaikhwiththepowertograntthewishesofallthosewhocometopraywith sincerityathistomb.Thisclaimintroducesseveralpossibleinterpretationsandnarrative intentionsforthestoryoftheShaikhandthehaadanaara.First,thepoweroftheMuslimsaint isdescribedasbeingderivativefromtheSikhGuru,thusestablishingaspiritualhierarchyof efficacy.Thisviewprovidesatheologicalcoverfornon-MuslimstoattendaMuslimshrine. Thisisasensitivepoint,however.Whileitdoesjustifynon-Muslimpresence,suchaclaimof

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derivativepoweralsoco-optsthesaintfornon-Islamictraditions,therebydoingnothingto validateinhisownrightorthroughIslam.Second,theShaikhiscreditedbyextensionwiththe typeofecumenicismandsenseofjusticethatisascribedtoSherMuhammadKhanbecauseof theprotest.ThiselisionisconsistentwiththeprevailingviewthatHaiderShaikhdoesnot discriminatebetweenhisdevoteesonthebasisofreligion.TheHathoidevoteeandothersalso explainedthattheyfeltHaiderShaikh'smulti-religiousappealwasduetothefactthatnotonly doesthesaintfulfillthedesiresofeveryone,butalsohedoesnotbelieveinjat-path,or sectarianism.Onthecontrary,formanydevotees,HaiderShaikhishamaresanjhepr,"our commonpr."FortheSikhfromHathoiandmany,manyotherswhoexpressedsimilarviews, thehaadanaaraisthelocalparadigmforthehumancapacityforjusticeandfairnessandto supercedesectarianaffiliation.Third,byidentifyingHaiderShaikhwithSherMuhammadKhan, thesaintislinkedtoaneventinwhichthedefenselessaredefendedandthetyrannicalare confronted.Inspiteofthefactthatthehaadanaarafailedthesahibzadaswereexecutedthe symbolicgesturealonecarriesenormouspowerfortheconstituentsofHaiderShaikh'stradition, manyofwhomarefromoppressedanddisempoweredcommunitiesthemselves.Thesequalities ofjusticeandcourageareemphasizedinmostofthestoriestoldaboutthesaint,butitisinthis conflationoftheShaikhandtheNawabthatthemostpowerfulsymbolicactioninMalerkotla's historyismadetoresonatewithMalerkotla'smostintegrativeinstitutionthedargahofHaider Shaikh. ItisimportanttohighlightthediversityofthecommunityconnectedtoHaiderShaikh.

AlthoughthekhalfahsareallMuslim,atnootherlevelofassociationwiththesaintistheresuch asingularityofreligiousaffiliation.TheresidentsofMalerkotlawhoengagedtheshrinecome

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fromallfaiths,andthepilgrimsfromoutsidethetownwererarely,ifever,Muslim.208 Significantly,thisdiversityamongthesaint'scommunityisoftencitedbyvisitorsasoneofthe attractionsoftheshrineandHaiderShaikh'scult.Farfrombeinganegativeaspectorevena value-neutralfeature,theopennessofthetraditionandthepossibilityofencounteringdevotees andcustodiansofdifferentreligiousfaithswasclearlyoneofthemostappealingaspectsofthe pilgrimage.ThustheMuslimkhalfahs,theMuslims,SikhandHinduresidents,andtheSikh andHindupilgrimsrecounttheirnarrativesofHaiderShaikhinanenvironmentconduciveto multipleinterlocutors,avarietyofnarrativetraditions,andinter-religiousexchange.

ConnectingwiththeShaikh
GiventhediversityofthedevotionalcommunityconnectedtoHaiderShaikh,itisnot

surprisingthatsomenarratorsomitcertainevents,orfocussubstantiallyonothers,orinclude variantelementsinordertocommunicateaparticularinterpretationofthesignificanceofthe saintforthempersonallyorforthesocietygenerally.Itistobeexpectedthatthestoriesknown andtransmittedwillrevealtheinterestsofthetellers.Whattheseinterestsareandhowthey overlapandrelatetothetalestoldbyothersrevealsafascinatingnarrativewebthatenlivensthe saint'straditionanddemonstratesthecreativityofhisconstituency.Ofthisvariety,afew featuresarerelativelyuniversal.Forexampletheentirenon-residentfolklorecommunity connectedtoHaiderShaikhconsistentlyportrayshimasasaintforallpeople.Asmentioned above,manyofthedevoteeswhoattendthefestivalsrefertohimashamaresanjhepr,our commonsaint.Localandextra-localfollowersrefertothemselvesastheprpanth,the communityofthesaint,whichgroupsthemtogetheraroundHaiderShaikh,butalsoconnects

Other than itinerant faqrs , I never encountered a Muslim pilgrim at Haider Shaikh's dargh from outside Malerkotla.
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themwiththeworshippersofMuslimprsthroughoutPunjabandbeyond.Anothercommon themethatemergesinthetellingsarepersonalandgrouplinkagesmadetothesaintnotjustby hisdescendents,thePathankhalfahswhoruledMalerkotlaandcontinuetomanagethedargah, butalsobynon-PathanMuslims,HindusandSikhs.Asdiscussedabove,thereisafurther distinctionbetweenresidentandnon-residentdevotees,theformertendingtoincludehistoric talesandbothgroupsrecountpersonaltestimonialsthatauthenticatethepoweroftheShaikh. Forexample,aSikhmannowlivinginSingaporebroughthisentirefamilytothedargahone Thursday.HesaidhecomestoHaiderShaikh'stombwheneverhecomesbacktovisithis familyinPunjab.HisfamilyhadbeencomingtoHaiderShaikhformanygenerations.Infact, hisfatherandsixuncleswereallbornafterhisgrandparentshadprayedatthetomb.Hiswife, whogrewupinSingapore,hasnowtakenuptheworshipofHaiderShaikhandeveryThursday theylightlampsandsingsongsforHaiderShaikhintheirhome.Theirsonanddaughterwere bornthroughHaiderShaikh'sintercession,therebycontinuingthetraditionoffaithasgeneration aftergenerationfindsaplaceforHaiderShaikhintheirlives. ThecommunityofdescendentsanddevoteesemphasizedifferentaspectsofHaider

Shaikh'sloreintheirtellingsofhislifeandtimes.Thekhalfahstendtohighlighttheroyal connection,reaffirmingHaiderShaikh'spowerandpreeminence.Theydothisbyiteratingthe connectiontotheLodhiSultanandbyrecountingHaiderShaikh'smiracles.Hindusalsotendto remarkonHaiderShaikh'sconnectiontotheLodhis,buttheytendtodisconnecthimfromthe coercivepowerofthestate.Sikhsfixateonasingleincidentofinter-religiouscooperation betweentheNawabSherMuhammadKhanandtheirtenthGuru,GobindSingh.Inthisway eachelementofthebroadercommunitysymbolicallymanagesthesaint,dissociatinghimfrom theaspectsofhishistoryandlorethatcontradictidealizedimagesoftheShaikhandthemselves.

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KhalfahTales Thedescendentsofthesaintdonotneedtoestablishapersonalconnection.Their

connectionisclear;theconcernistomanagethesignificanceofthatconnection.Forthe descendents,bothfromthelineageofkhalfahsandtheNawabs,theemphasisofthestoriestold tendedtobeontheencounterwiththeSultan,therulersamazementatthesaintsholiness,his subsequentgifts,andtheeventualmarriagewithTajMurassaBegum.Theseaccountsare standardamongallthegroupswhonarrateHaiderShaikh'straditions.Forexample,theeldest sonofthecurrentchiefcaretakerofthedargahknownasthegaddnishn,gavethefollowing renditionofthebasictalewhenIenquiredaboutwhatpilgrimstendedtoaskofthekhalfahs whentheyarrivedatthetomb.Heresponded: Peopleaskabouthishistory.HecamefromKabul.HewasaSufisaint,abig buzurg[piousman].HecamefromKabultoPunjab,Malerkotla.Onceatnight Babaji[i.e.HaiderShaikh]wasinsidehishut.Fromthatside[gesturesNorth] BahlolLodhiBadshahwasgoingforwar,healsoputhistentsthere.Suddenlya stormcameandhistentsweredestroyedbutinBabaji'shut,thelampwasstill burning.Therestofthepeoplewerereallysurprisedthatinspiteofsuchastorm thelampisstillburning.Theywereimpressedbyhim.ThekingaskedBabajito prayforhimsothatheshouldbevictoriousinthewar.Babajiprayedforhimand hewonthebattle.TheBadshahoutofhappinessgaveBabajiahorse,butBabaji wasaSufi,whatwashetodowiththehorse?Babajithengavethehorseto somebodyelse.SomebodycomplainedtotheBadshahthatBabajihasnot acceptedhisgift.WhentheBadshahasked,Babajiwithhismiraculouspower linedupathousandhorsesjustlikethatoneinfrontofBabaji.ThentheSultan marriedhisdaughtertoBabaji. ThisaccountisquitesimilartothebasicoutlineoftheShaikh'sstorygivenabove.The encounterwithLodhiinthestormisthekeyevent,followedbyhismarriagetotheSultan's daughter.Addedintothisversionisthefairlycommonlyknownstoryofthesaint'srefusalofthe giftofahorse.ThisepisodeservestodemonstrateHaiderShaikh'slackofworldlyinterestand alsohismiraculouspowersashefirstrejectsthehorseandthenconjuresathousandmore.

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Severalothermembersofthekhalfahfamilypossesslargerepertoiresofstoriesrelated

totheirprogenitor,andfromthemIheardaccountsthatwerenotcommonlytoldbyothersinthe community.ThesetalestendedtoemphasizetheShaikhsmiraculouspowers,andthe superiorityofspiritualpoweroverworldlyauthority.TwostoriesIheardfromakhalfahwho workedasanumbardar(revenuecollector),Ineverheardelsewhere.Thismiddle-agedmale khalfahwasparticularlyinterestedintheloreoftheShaikhandinSufipractice.Hisfatherand grandfatherwerewell-knownlocalSufis.Hedidnotsitatthetomborcollectmoneyfromit. Hehimselfkepthorses,andjokedthatthisperhapsrevealsanaffinitywithhisroyalAfghan forefathersandthegiftofBahlolLodhitotheShaikh.Hehadareputationforknowingagreat dealaboutHaiderShaikhandmanylocalpeoplereferredmetohimtolearnmoreaboutthe saint. TheShaikhasaWarrior

OneofthenumbardarsstorieswasanaccountofHaiderShaikhsmotivationincoming

totheregion.Inhisrendition,theShaikhwasnotjustareligiousrenunciant,butalsoamilitary man,ageneralinthearmyinAfghanistanwhohadbecomeincreasinglyabsorbedinhis religiouspractices,andwasneglectinghismilitaryduties.Completelylostinzikrrepetitionof thenamesofAllahHaiderShaikhignoredthemarchingorderssenttohimbytheruler. However,hisnegligenceofhisworldlydutiesresultsintherevelationofhishighspiritual attainmentwhenthebattleismiraculouslywon,inspiteofhisfailuretoleadthetroopstowar. Hereisthenumbardar'stale: BabaHazratShaikhSadruddinSadriJahan(rehmatallah209)ishisfullname.He wasageneralinthearmybefore,buthewasafakiralso.Oncethekingasked

Rehmat allh, (may God have mercy) and other such formulas such as salla allh (may God give blessings) invoke blessings upon the souls of the saintly dead in Islamic parlance. The invocation denotes the acknowledgment of an exalted status above that of an ordinary pious person. Mention of the Prophet Muhammad is frequently followed by the phrase salla allh 'alayhi wa salam (May the Blessings and Peace of God be upon him). The phrase is sometimes
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himtogosomewherebecauseatthatplacearevoltwasgoingon.Butwhenthe commandcametohimhetookitandthrewitononesidebecausehewasdoing zikratthattime,intheLordsname.Sohisfollowerswhowerejinn,theypicked itup.210Thosejinnwhoobeyedhiscommandpickeditup.Andthereforethey understoodthattheyweregiventhiscommandandtheywenttothatplaceand theyconqueredit.Andtheygotthebootyfromthepeoplethereandtheking asked,"Myarmydidntgotherehowweretheyconquered?"Andheinquired[of HaiderShaikh],Ifmygeneralwashereandmyarmywasalsohere,whowentto conquerthatplace?Heanswered,YourcommandcamebutIwasprayingand threwittoonesideandmyfollowersthoughtthecommandwasforthemsothey wentthereandconquered.Sothekingorderedthatheshouldnotbegivenany work,heshouldonlyrest.Butheleft[thekingsservice].Becausehissecretwas laidopeninfrontofeveryone,whichisnotgood.Sohisprorderedhimtogoto MalerkotlaandspreadIslamthereandpraytoGod.Onallsidestherewaswater here,excepttheplacewherethedargahisnow,thatwasdry,sohesatthere.211 Thenumbardarstalehasmultiplelevelsandtapsintoseveralthemescommonlyassociatedwith theadventofSufisminSouthAsia.First,HaiderShaikhisdepictedasasaintcapableof anything,atruesadr-ejahan,ormasteroftheworld.212Hewinsbattleswithoutmovingand commandsjinnwithoutattachmenttothesepowers.Thesaintalsomanifestsalmostcomplete detachmentfromhisworldlyduties.Commandsfromhisoverlordandrulerdonotdisturbhis devotions,insteadhetossesasidetheordersandremainslostinprayer.Butsignificantly,this greatShaikhwhoignorestemporalauthorityandhasarmiesofjinnathiscommand,humbly obeyshispr,andgoestoworkasasimplemanoffaith,spreadingIslamandprayinginaplace
abbreviated and indicated by the letter s (saud) in parentheses. The infusion of these invocations into one's language is a means of signifying one's piety and manifesting a distinctly Muslim identity. 210 Jinn are one of the three orders of sentient beings created by God, along with angels and humans. Jinn are not necessarily demonic creatures, but are often ascribed with the power to possess or attack humans. They do have superhuman strength and powers. It is said in the Sahih Muslim that every human has a jinn and an angel as partners. The angels are incapable of free reasoning and embody the will of God. Jinn are capable of mischief and evil and are often a temptation against the will of God. To command the jinn, as Haider Shaikh does in this example, is evidence of a high degree of spiritual power. Several people in Malerkotla reported to me that they were capable of perceiving the jinn and controlling them. One man said that as an experiment he had recited the Surat al-Jinn (Qur'an 72) a number of times, which is said to give one power over the jinn. At the end of his recitation a jinn appeared and asked what was his command. The man responded, "Go, you are free." The man further said that no one should be enslaved and he was wrong to have attempted to bring anything, even a jinn under his power. 211 Personal Interview, January 28, 2001. 212 It should be pointed out that sadruddin sadri jahan is more often an honorific title than a name. Furthermore sadri jahan was occasionally the title of an official rank among the ulema. As no contemporary accounts or biographical chronicles of the Suhrawardi lineage make mention of Shaikh Sadruddin Sadri Jahan, it is impossible to know what his name might have truly been or signified in terms of his level of education or community standing. 153

previouslyuninhabitedandapparentlyuninhabitable,beingcompletelycoveredinwater.This demonstrateshiscapacitytowieldpowerinboththetemporalandspiritualworlds. Second,thenumbardarsnarrativealsoevokesacommontropeinthehagiographiesof

Sufisaintsinwhichtheholymangoestoawildanduncultivatedlandandestablisheshimself. Inthenumbardar'sstory,HaiderShaikharrivesataplacethatwasisolatedandsurroundedby water.Inotheroralaccounts,theareawasdescribedasajungle.Ineithercase,theregionis understoodtohavebeenuninhabitedanduncivilizedpriortothesaint'sarrival.Throughthe saint'sspiritualdiscipline,charisma,andbarakat,theregionissimultaneouslycivilizedand Islamicizedaspeoplearedrawntothesaintsteachingsandsettlearoundhim.InhisworkThe RiseofIslamandtheBengalFrontier,RichardEatondescribesthe"associationofMuslimholy men(pr),orcharismaticpersonspopularlyidentifiedassuch,withforestclearingandland reclamation."TheseholymencometosymbolizetheveryprocessofIslamicizationinaregion. Eatoncontinuesbyassertingthatsuchfigures"haveenduredpreciselybecause,inthecollective folkmemory,theircareerscapturedandtelescopedacomplexhistoricalsocioreligiousprocess wherebyalandoriginallyforestedandnon-Muslimbecamearableandpredominantly Muslim."213AlthoughinMalerkotlathearabilityofthelandisnotafeatureofthenarratives aboutHaiderShaikh,thereisaconsistentemphasisinthenarrativesthattheareawaswildand unsettled.Thesaint'scomingthusrepresentsthefirstsignificanthumansettlementoftheregion, andcreditshimwithmakingtheplacehabitable.Furthermore,HaiderShaikhwasableto civilizetheareaenoughtomakeitanacceptabledwellingplaceforthedaughterofaSultan. Thiscouldnothavebeenasmallfeatandthereforefurtheraggrandizeshispowerfulreputation. ThisharmonizesquitewellwiththeprocessEatondescribesinwhichthecareerofasaintis
Eaton, Richard M., The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier: 1204-1760, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1993), pp. 207-8.
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"madeametaphorforhistoricalchangesexperiencedbypeople."ThestoryofHaiderShaikh, likethatofShaikhJalalal-DinTabrizirecountedinEaton'swork,"seekstomakesenseofthe gradualculturalshift,"astheareatransitionedintoIslamandintothestructureofcentralized Muslimpower. AnothercommonthemeinnarrativesconcerningtheadventofSufismthatispresentin

thenumbardar'staleisthatofthewarriorSufi.Accordingtothenumbardar,HaiderShaikhhad beenageneralinanunnamedruler'sarmy.Clearlyunsuitedtolifeonabattlefield,heneglects hisdutyforhisspiritualdiscipline.Nonetheless,HaiderShaikhisdepictedashavingbeena greatwarriorasherosetotherankofageneral,aswellasagreatSufi,capableofperforming miracles.Furthermore,hebecomesagreatruler,thusestablishinghimasamasterofevery realmofhumanauthority.Theghazi,orwarriorSufi,isacommonfeatureinstoriesofthe spreadofIslaminIndia.InSufisofBijapur,RichardEatondescribesthematerialassistanceof theghazisinthespreadandstabilizationofIslaminIndia.ContrarytotheimagesofSufisas quietisticandwhollyspiritual,theseindividualsworkedonthefrontiersoftheIslamicconquest, wagingthedualjihadofthesoulandthesword.EatonclaimsthatthistypeofSufiwasashortlivedphenomenonthatdisappearedasMuslimrulestabilized.Nonetheless,thedevotionalcults connectedtoseveralghazisremainstrong,includingSufiSarmastandPrKhandayat.Eaton citesCliffordGeertz'scharacterizationofthewarriorsainttodescribehowthisfigureso powerfullydrawstogetherthedualprocessesofreligiousandtemporalcivilization.Geertz describesthefusioninthewarriorsaintof"strong-manpoliticsandholymanpiety"asan"axial figure,"combininginasinglepersonbothforces.214ThisfusionseemsequallyrelevantinIndia asintheNorthAfricancontextaboutwhichGeertzwaswriting.InIndia,therearemanyshrines
Richard M. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India, (Delhi; Munshiram Manoharlal, 1996 [1978]), p. 38.
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toghazis,inparticularthosewhoaremartyredinbattle,thathavebecomeobjectsofveneration andthecenterpointofadevotionalcult.Further,thesecultsareoftenmulti-confessional.For example,inBahraich,UttarPradeshattheshrineofGhaziSalarMasud,thesitehasbeen absorbedintothereligiouslivesofbothHindusandMuslims.Thissaintisbelievedtobethe nephewoftheinfamouseleventh-centurywarlord,MahmudofGhazni.AlthoughMahmudof GhaznihaspariahstatusamongmanyHindusbecauseofhisdestructionofafamousShiva templeatSomnathinpresentdayGujarat,hissupposednephewisnottarredwiththesame brush.Accordingtosome,theGhaziwassodisturbedbytheruthlessdestructionofthetemple thathegaveupthemilitarylife.Havingabandonedviolenceasameansofspreadingthefaithof Islam,theGhaziwaskilledinbattleandhisburialsitebecameapointofpilgrimageforHindus andMuslims.215InthecaseofHaiderShaikh,hisidentityasawarriorandhisconnectionto BahlolLodhilinkhimtotheongoingbattlesforcontrolofPunjabduringtheperiod.Arrivinga fewyearsbeforetheLodhiconquestofDelhi,theShaikhmighteasilyhavebeenpartofthe risingtideofPathanAfghanpowerintheregion.Thepossibilitythathewasawarriorwho wouldthereforebeevenmoredirectlyassociatedwiththeMuslimconquestofSouthAsiahas clearlynotdiminishedtheappealofHaiderShaikh'scultfornon-Muslims.Throughthe association,thesaintdemonstrateshisprowessinboththemilitaryandspiritualarenasof authority,possiblyexpandinghisappeal,andallowingdevoteesanddescendentstoemphasize theaspectsofhisidentityastheychoose.HaiderShaikhwasalsocreditedbymanywiththe

According to Kerrin von Schwerin, the Ghazi was killed in battle with the Hindu Bhars and happened to be buried at a site that had previously been sacred to the sun god. Thus people merely continued to worship the same point of power that they had always worshiped, with the addition of a growing Muslim population attending the grave. Tahir Mahmood describes the joint worship of the Ghazi as celebrating the saints abandonment of the path of violence and temple destruction espoused by his uncle, Mahmud of Ghazni. See Tahir Mahmood, "The Dargh of Sayyid Salar Mas`Ud Ghazi in Bahraich: Legend, Tradition and Reality," in Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance, ed. Christian W. Troll (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), Kerrin Von Schwerin, "Saint Worship in Indian Islam: The Legend of the Martyr Salar Masud Ghazi," in Ritual and Religion among Muslims of the Subcontinent,, ed. Imtiaz Ahmad (Lahore: Vanguard, 1985).
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conversionofthelocalpopulationwhogatheredaroundhimandhelpedtoestablishafirm settlement.AlthoughthisplacesHaiderShaikhrightonthecuspofthewaveofspiritualand temporalpowerthatwasrollingintoPunjabinthefifteenthcentury.Islamhadbeenpresentin thePunjabsincetheeleventhcentury,butsignificantconversionseemstohavebeguninearnest inthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturies.216HaiderShaikh'shagiographicaltraditionactually incorporatesmostofthepopularexplanationsforthespreadofIslam.Theseincludethe conversionbysword,conversionforsocialuplift,andconversionduetothecharismaofa particularsaint.Although,asEatonhasconvincinglyshown,thesestandardexplanationsare insufficient,buttheyhaveremainedverymuchaliveintheactiveloreofHaiderShaikhand otherpopularSufisaints.ThusresidentsandvisitorsalikewillattributethesuccessofHaider Shaikh'scult,andbyextensionthesuccessofIslam,tothesaint'scharismaandtheegalitarian valuesheembodied. RelativelyfewsourcesalsoclaimthatHaiderShaikhwasawarrior.Interestingly,the

historywrittenbythelastNawabdoesnotassertthatthesaintcamewithanarmyorhadever servedinthearmy.TheNawab,andmostothers,depictthesaintasbeingdeeplypiousfroma veryearlyage,andheisrarelydescribedasdoinganyothersortofwork.Inhishistory,Nawab IftikharAliKhanwrites,"fromhisverychildhood,hewasinclinedtobereligiousminded,and onreachinghismanhoodheroamedthroughoutAfghanistaninquestofaspiritualleaderandit isindeedforthesamereasonthatheissaidtohavecometoIndia."217Suchaccountssupportthe popularalthoughoverstatedtheoryofIslamicconversionthroughpeacefulpersuasionofSufis, ratherthanthroughforce.Accordingtothisperception,IslamspreadinSouthAsiathroughthe proselytizingeffortsandpersonalcharismaofSufisaints.ManyeminentscholarsofSouth

Richard Eaton, "Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam In India," in Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies, edited by Richard C. Martin, (New York; One World Press, 1987), pp. 113-116. 217 Khan History , pp. 2-3.
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AsianSufism,includingRichardEaton,SimonDigby,AnnemarieSchimmel,CarlErnst,Bruce Lawrence,andIrfanHabibeffectivelydispelthenotionthatSufisinthemedievalperiodsof MuslimexpansionwereactivelyseekingtoeffectconversionsamongtheHindupopulationor thattheyweresuccessfulwhentheytried.218However,tothisdayinmanyareasofPunjaband Bengal,clansandgroupsdoinfactattributetheirconversiontothepowerandappealoffamous SufisaintssuchasBabaFaridShakarganj.Furthermore,forMuslimsinMalerkotlatoday, emphasizingthepeacefulspreadofIslamthroughtheinclusiveandegalitariantraditionsofthe saintsisanimportantwaytocountertheprevalentimageofIslamasareligionofviolence. SuchnarrativesareamongthestrategiesMuslimsinIndiaemployinordertopreemptively demonstratetheirloyaltytotheoverwhelminglyHindunationandtoguaranteetheirsafety.This emphasisonthepeacefulaspectsofIslam,evenifexaggerated,arealsoameansof accomplishingcommunityhealingintheaftermathofPartitionandotherepisodesofinterreligiousviolence.219 Faqr'sTale TheShaikhasanApostleofPeace HaiderShaikhisoftendepictedasjustsuchapeacefulapostleofthefaith,asinthis

accountgivenbyavisitingfaqrfromUttarPradesh.Thisfaqrtravelscontinuouslyfromone dargahtoanother,andthetombshrineinMalerkotlaisoneofhissemi-regularhaunts.Coming fromoutsidethetownandeventhestate,heisoneoftherareextra-localcompetent communicatorswithalargerepertoireoftalesaboutHaiderShaikhwhomIencountered.

For example, Lawrence notes that the famous Delhi based Chishti master Nizamuddin Auliya mentions how infrequently Hindus attended to his instruction. Digby argues that Hindus tend to appear in Sufi tazkra (biographical) literature as foils for demonstrating the spiritual superiority of a Shaikh. 219 This impulse to either beatify or demonize a religion following a traumatic event was evident in the USA after the destruction of the World Trade Towers by terrorists who were Muslim. Suddenly ubiquitous, Islam was either a religion of terror or a religion of peace, with no middle ground. For a considerable period it was extremely difficult to find a more nuanced and more accurate portrayal of the vast and varied faith.
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AlthoughhedidnotcitethesourcesofhisknowledgeoftheloreoftheShaikh,hestaysduring hisvisitswithafamilyconnectedtotheshrine.Thefamilyshowedhimgreatrespectand affectionduringtheirinteractions.Inhisnarratives,thefaqrdepictedHaiderShaikhasa warrior,butinthiscase,heusedthemilitarycareerofthesaintasaclassicconversionstoryin whichthepast,ungodlylifeisforsakenandalifededicatedtoAllahistakenup.Themilitary lifeisthenmadeafoilforthelifeofGod,andthisdedicationresultsinsufficientcharismatic powerthatresultsinconversionstoIslam. Atthattimehewasamajorinthemilitary,andhecametoseethattheworlds lawwasjutha(untrue)andthattheLordslawwastrue.Toadopttherulesof God,hedidwhateverAllah,^shvar,Prabhu,Bhagwan,Paramatma,hedid whateverpleasedAllahMostHigh,andwhenGodwashappythenhewasGods andGodwashis.Andfromthenonheresignedfromthearmyandcameto Malerkotla,whichwasaprincelystate,andthiswasaregionwherealotofother saintswerepreaching.Andwhenhestoppedinthisregion,afterseeinghis personality,thepeopleweredrawntopraythroughhimtoAllah. Thefaqr'staleemphasized,perhapsunsurprisingly,HaiderShaikhsabandonmentofhis worldlyandmilitarylifetotakeupthepursuitofGod'swill.AstheShaikhgrewinknowledge anddevotiontotheonetrueGod,whohasmanynames,hecametopreferthecompanyofother saintstomaterialormilitaryrewards.Furthermore,theforceofhispersonalitydrewpeopleto himandthroughhimtoIslam.InthiswayawanderingfaqrfromUttarPradesh,whohadalso givenuphisdailylife,work,family,etc.inordertoseekGod,forgedaconnectionwithHaider Shaikh,anAfghanwhoseroyallineageandsaintlytraditionaredeeplyrootedatthetombandin Malerkotla. Thefaqralsoreinforcedthepopular,thoughahistorical,theoryofIslamization throughthepeacefulpersuasionofcharismaticSufis.Finally,heusedthestoryofthesaints takinguparenunciantlifestyleasavehicletogeneralizetheidentityofGod.Thisisanovert acknowledgmentofthemulti-religiousappealofHaiderShaikh.Althoughtheperformance contextofthistalewasinthehomeofthekhalfahfamilywithwhomthefaqrresidesduringhis

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visitstothedargahandnonon-Muslimsbesidesmyself(beingwhiteitisgenerallyassumedthat IamChristian)werepresent.Still,thefaqrdeliberatelyexpandedtheappellationsofGodin ordertoincludeallreligiousfaithswithinhispurview.Thislinguisticincorporationand identificationofthemanynamesofGodalsovalidatesthemulti-confessionalcommunityof HaiderShaikhasdevoteesofthedevoteeofanall-encompassing,allinclusiveGod.These multiplecommunitiesmayknowGodbydifferentnames,butallareabletoreachhimthrough HaiderShaikh.ThusthefaqraffirmedtheunityofGodandthevarietyofhisnames,and simultaneouslyassertedthepreeminenceofHaiderShaikhandhismagneticpower. TheMiraculousShaikh Inotheraccountsitisnottheinclusivenessofthesaintstraditionsandtheunityin

diversityofGod,butthesupremacyofHaiderShaikhthatcomestothefore.Inastorytoldby thenumbardarkhalfahmentionedabove,HaiderShaikhisshowntobesuperiorintermsofhis spirituallyderivedpowertoperformkaramat(miracles)versusthemeremagicofHinduyogis. ThisnarrativedepictsanencounterbetweenHaiderShaikhandayogiwhotriestodrawtheSufi intoacompetitionoftheirextraordinaryskills.First,theyogifailsinhisefforttosummon HaiderShaikhtohimandmusttraveltotheShaikhtoobtainanaudience.Uponarriving,he findsthathismagicalabilitiesarenomatchfortheSufi. Yes,itiscommonlyknown.OncetherewasacompetitionbetweenBabaji [HaiderShaikh]withayogi.He[theyogi]said,BringBabajitome.Hesent twomentobringBabajitherebuttheydidnotreturn.Thenhesentmore,they alsodidnotreturn.Whenthefourthtimemenweresentheaskedthemnottosit therebuttobringtheothersback.Buttheywerenotabletostand[i.e.theywere incapacitated],sotheyogihimselfcamethere.Hesaid,Iamflying.Ifyouhave somepower,pullmeback.Andheflewwithhismagic.Babajiputoffhis slippers,theywentupandbangedontheyogisheadandhecamedown.Thenhe [theyogi]feltsorryandsaid,Donotsendmeawayfromhere.Pleasekeepme

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here.AndBabajisaid,Youcanstandoutsidethisgate.Thenheusedtostand hereandlaterhischildrenwouldstand.220 Thedefeatofonereligiousadeptbyanotherisacommontropeintalesofsaintlyencounters.In hisworkonanecdotesofspiritualcompetitionsbetweenSufisandyogis,SimonDigby concludesthatthesehagiographicalthemesarestrategiesemployedbythefaithfultoassert simultaneouslytheautonomyandsimilarityoftwocontestingfaiths,withtheultimateendof establishingthepreeminenceofaparticulartypeofSufiIslamthroughtheuniversal acknowledgementoftheperfectionofaShaikh.221WhethertheShaikhoutdoesthemagicofa yogi,causestheyogitosubmittoIslam,orotherwisedemonstrateshisspiritualsupremacy,the ShaikhemergesvictoriousandthepreeminenceofIslamisconfirmed.Theyogi'sappearancein thehagiographyofaSufiShaikhinsomecasesmayreflectahistoricalevent,buttheeventis renderedintoanarrativeandrecountedinsuchawaythatevenastheconnectionismade betweenSufiIslamandyogicHinduism,thesuperiorityoftheformerisclearlyestablished. Inthiscase,thenumbardar'staledemonstratesHaiderShaikhssuperioritytothejadu

[magic,usuallyblackmagic]ofthemagician.ItalsodemonstratesHaiderShaikh'smagnetic powerovertheyogi'sretainerswhowereunabletoreturnfromtheirassignedtask.Themodeof defeatisparticularlyhumiliatingasthenegativeassociationofshoesiswidelyperceivedin SouthAsia.Inparticular,thedepictionoftheshoeastheinstrumentofconquestexposesHindu prejudicessurroundingpollutionthatareoftenstereotypedinIslamicpolemics.However,above allthisstoryisadiscursivedefeatofHinduismbyIslam.ThefaithandpracticeoftheSufisaint allowhimtoeffortlesslydefuseandexposetheyogi'stricks.AlthoughIneverheardthisstory oranylikeitfromnon-Musliminterlocutors,itisnotunreasonabletoassumethatthese

Interview, August 2, 2001. Simon Digby, "Encounters with Jogis in Indian Sufi Hagiography," unpublished paper presented at the School for Oriental and African Studies, January 1970.
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potentiallyinflammatory,clearlypartisanstoriesareknownoutsideMuslimscircles,thoughthey donotappeartobeanincitementtotheHindus. HindusandtheShaikh HindusnotonlyfigureinthestoriestoldaboutHaiderShaikh,butHindusalsotellstories

aboutHaiderShaikh.Thecontentofthesenarrativesoftenestablishesadirectlinkbetweenthe saintandthenon-MuslimcommunityinMalerkotla.Theperformermayuseastoryofthesaint tomakeasocialcommentaryonthequalityofMuslimauthority.Forexample,anelderlyHindu mistri(carpenter)recountedoneofthemostdetailedrenditionsofthetaleofHaiderShaikhs meetingwithBahlolLodhiIeverheard.222Thismistriwasalsothepresidentofthecommittee thatmanagestheVishvakarmaMandirintheBhumsineighborhood,veryclosetoHaider Shaikh'sdargah.223InMalerkotla,asinmostareasinIndia,thesejatis,orcastegroupsare amongthelowerechelonsofsociety.Thismistritookobviousprideinhisprofessionalskills, butnolongerworked,dedicatinghimselfmostlytothetemple.Iencounteredhimduringan interviewwithalocalJainhistorian.Themistriwasamongthesmallgroup(aboutfive)of HindusandJainspresent.Hewastheoldestmemberofthegathering,thusdeservingofrespect, butwasalsothelowestcaste,theremainderbeingAggarwalHindusandJains.Theconversation wasajointefforttorecountthehistoryoftheirgotras(clans)intheregion.224Thesubjectof HaiderShaikhcameupearlyoninourconversation,althoughthemendidnotknowthatIwas specificallyinterestedinHaiderShaikhorinMuslimsaints,onlythatIwasinterestedin Malerkotlashistory.Uptothispoint,thoseassembledhadshowedanimpatientdeferenceas theelderlymistrihadfrequentlyinterruptedthepublishedJainhistoriantointerjecthisown

Personal interview, March 10, 2001. Vishvakarma is the deity worshipped particularly by carpenters, ironworkers, builders and others who do skilled, manual labor. 224 In this region the relations between Hindus and Jains are very close, and some people jointly themselves as both
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opinions.TheinitialdiscussionfocusedonthefirstJainpresenceinthearea,andthenturnedto aneventinwhichthelastNawabofMalerkotlacametomeetafamousJainmuni,orascetic. ThismeetingclearlystoodoutfortheJainsasasignificantmomentwhentheMuslimauthority ofthetowntookthetimetoacknowledgetheimportanceoftheJaincommunityandtheir religiousleader.Atthispoint,inakindofnonsequitur,themistribrokeintothehistorian's accountandlaunchedintoanextendednarrativeofthearrivalofthemostfamouslocalresident, HaiderShaikh.Hebeganthestoryofthesaint'sencounterwithSultanBahlolLodhiina standardfashion: WhenBahlolLodhisarmycamethere,theywereonthemarch,andatoncea stormcameandallthetentsblewup.TheKingsawthatallthetentshadblown upexceptonealongdistanceawayandinitalightwasburning.Hestoppedand wenttohimandsaid,givemeablessingthatIshouldconquerDelhi.Asthe saintsworkistogiveblessings,hegaveit,buttheKingputhiminafixashe gavehimahorse.Babasaid,"Iamasaint,Idonotneedahorse."Buthe[i.e. Lodhi]said,"Ihavecometoasaint,soIshouldgivesomething,"andheforcibly gavethehorse. Beforegivingtheextendednarrativewhichcontinuedatsomelength,itisworthpointingout severalfeaturesinthemistri'stellingofthetale.First,HaiderShaikhisportrayedasnot particularlyinterestedinwhetherornotLodhishouldconquerDelhi.Heblessedhimasamatter ofcourse,becausethesaintsworkistogiveblessings.Second,themistriemphasizedthe resistanceofthefaqrtosuchanostentatiousanduselessgiftasahorse.Thisshowsthatthe narratorchosetoemphasizeHaiderShaikh'spovertyandnonattachmenttoworldlythingsabove anyotherqualitiesofasaint,suchasbestowingboonsorfulfillingwishes.Finally,asthemistri placedtheblameforthisgiftfirmlyuponthekingwhorefusedtotakenoforananswer,he clearlyassertsarathernegativeopinionoftheSultan.Ratherthanestablishingapersonallink withapowerfullineage,themeetingofHaiderShaikhandBahlolLodhiprovidedthemistriwith anopportunitytodemonstratetheprofligacyandobstinacyoftheAfghanrulerandthemore

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genuineauthorityofthosewhorenouncetheworld.Hecontinuedthisthemewithaprotracted parableexplainingthatitisinfactthekingsnaturetobesoobstinate, We[i.e.people]havethreekindsofstubbornnessorrigidness.Oneisthekings stubbornnessorrigidness,oneisthewomansstubbornness,andthethirdisthe childsstubbornnessandinfrontoftheseevenGodhastobow.Noonecan speakinfrontofthekingsstubbornness.Wehavealotofexamplesofthe stubbornnessofwomen.RamChandrawentintoexilebecauseofhis [step]mothersstubbornness.225Theexampleofachildsrigidnessoccurs[ina tale]fromBabur226andBirbalwhoweresittingandBabursaid,Ihaveseenthe kingsandthewomansstubbornness.Thekingsexampleisme,thewomansin theRamayana,butwhatisthestubbornnessofachild?Birbalsaid,Iwillshow youjustnow.Hebroughtachildfromsomewhereandsoonthechildstarted crying.Thekingaskedwhatdoyouwant?Thechildsaidasmallpot.Hewas givenit.Hebecamequiet,butagainstartedcrying.Thekingagainaskedwhat doyouwant?Hesaidanelephant.Hewasgivenit,thenagainhestartedcrying andsaidIwanttoputthiselephantintothepot,whichwasimpossiblesotheking hastobow.Sotheking[i.e.Lodhi]becauseofthatnature,tiedthehorsethere andwent. Thisdigressionintotheparableofthekingillustratesthemistri'sopinionofrulersin general.Clearlyunimpressedbyroyalty,themistridepictedLodhi'sbehavioras inappropriateinfoistingahorseonafaqr.Heexpressedhisdispleasurethrougha protractedtaleinwhichBabur'sstubbornnessreceiveditscomeuppance.However,inthe caseofBahlolLodhi,thestubbornkingisrewarded,atleastinitially.Themistri continued: HewoninDelhi.InthemeantimeHaiderShaikhgavethehorsetooneofhis disciples,somebodycomplainedtothekingthathe[HaiderShaikh]didnot acceptyourofferandgaveittosomebody.Sothekingcameandasked,Where isthehorse?Sohesaid,ItoldyoubeforethatIdonotneedit,soIgaveitto somebody.SoHaiderShaikhmade[i.e.miraculously]ahorseandgaveittothe king,butthekingsaid,Iwantmyhorse.SoHaiderShaikhsaid,Youare arrogant,butIwillgiveyouyourhorse.Youjustcloseyoureyes.BahlolLodhi blinkedhiseyesandsawtherewerethousandsofhorsesmorebeautifulthanhis
In the Ramayana, one of Rams stepmothers [i.e., one of his fathers other wives] insisted on her husband granting her a boon that her son be placed on the throne instead of Ram, the eldest son and rightful heir. 226 Actually, Birbal was the minister to the emperor Akbar, not Babur. He was a very wise Hindu advisor, and the stories of his discussions with the ruler are among the best-loved and most popular fables and morality tale cycles in India.
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horsestandingthereandhishorsewasstandingbehindthemall,andwaseating theshitofalltheotherhorses.Hesawthemiracleandcooleddown.He apologizedandsaid"Iwillmarrymydaughtertoyou."Hisdaughterwasthirtyfiveyearsold.Shegavebirthtotwochildren.[Lodhi]gavethemfifty-five villagesindowry.Faithin[HaiderShaikh]wasendless.Whenheexpiredhehad twosons.Hisyoungersontooktheoffering.ThisistheNawabfamily.Theyare firstPathansandlaterMughals.InMalerkotlatherewasneveraMughalrule, therewasnoteventheruleofAurangzeb.MalerkotlasNawabwascalled jagirdar,hewasnotcalledNawabearlier.AurangzebgaveSherShah[Sher MohammadKhan]thisstatusforthefirsttime300yearsback.227 Inonesense,theHindumistri'saccountofHaiderShaikh'smeetingwithSultanBahlolLodhi followedthestandardstructureforthistale:theSultan'sarmycaughtinastorm,theundisturbed saint,therequestforablessing,victoryinbattle,miracleofthehorse,marriagetotheruler's daughter.However,themistrialsoinsertedanumberofnarrativeelementsthatvaryfromthe dominantstructure.Byembeddinghisperspectivalvariationsinthestandardframingtaleofthe meetingoftheSultanandtheShaikh,themistridemonstrateshisproficiencyintheloreofthe saintandestablisheshisrighttorenderthetalemeaningfulinhisownidiom.Highlightingthese variationsclarifieshisparticularperspectiveonHaiderShaikh,theMuslimrulerBahlolLodhi, andthemoralsignificanceofthefoundationalnarrativeofMalerkotla.Ratherthanemphasizing thelinkbetweentheroyalandspirituallineagesasisdonebythekhalfahsandmanyMuslim residents,thisHindunarratorhighlightsthesuperiorityofspiritualovertemporalauthority.He usesthestoryofHaiderShaikh'sarrivaltocritiqueautocraticandimperiousrulerswhoinsiston havingtheirownway.228

The first Nawab to actually be given that title was Bayzid Khan, not Sher Mohammad Khan. It would be presumptuous to conclude from this narrative alone that this represented the mistri's sentiments about the Muslim leadership in Malerkotla during and after the time of the Nawabs. Nonetheless, his criticism of those who fail to properly respect a holy man was vividly apparent.
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Themistri'staleofHaiderShaikhandtheSultanexemplifiedwhatDellHymescallsa

"breakthroughintoperformance."229Thisisamomentinwhichacompetentcommunicator makesaqualitativeshiftfromeverydaymodesofexpressiontooneinwhichheorshesignals hisorherassumptionofresponsibilityforthetransmissionofaculturalbehavior,suchasthe identityshapingnarrativeofHaiderShaikh'sarrivalinMalerkotlaandhisencounterwithBahlol Lodhi.AlthoughhimselfnotaMuslim,themistrididnotexpressorexperienceanyrestriction onhisabilityorhisrighttotransmittheloreoftheMuslimsaintandtheMuslimruler.Thusthe criteriaforjudgingtheauthorityofhisnarrativedoesnotderivefromhisreligiousidentity. Rather,bydemonstratinghismasteryofthecoreelementsofthetaleandofothernarrative traditionssuchastheMahabharataandthetalesofBirbal,themistriestablisheshisexpertise.In thiscase,themistrialsoindicatedhisauthoritativespeechmodethroughseveralshifts.First,he changedthefocusofhisaddressfromthegroupingeneraltomeinparticular,astherecording andpreservingagent.Inadditionheshiftedhislanguagefromaconversationalandfragmentary styletoadeclamatorymodeemployinglengthyandextendedsentencesthatallowedforthe growthanddevelopmentofanarrativearcanddiscouragedinterruption.Healsousedaricher andmoresymbolicallydensenarrativestyleemployingbothdidacticfablesandlocal hagiographicaltalestoillustratehispoint.Hismasteryofmultiplegenresandhisintegrationof thesegenresalsoreinforcedhisauthoritytotransmitthehistoryofHaiderShaikh.Hisauthority wasacknowledgedbytheresponseoftheaudience,noneofwhomspokeorinterruptedforthe

Dell Hymes defines a performance as a "cultural behavior for which a person takes responsibility before an audience." In a performance, "known cultural material" is realized. In the mistri's tale, the depth of the performance is significant as he draws from a well of tales in the Birbal cycle which serve as didactic fables with clear moral messages. Another significant feature of a performance is its emergent quality, signifying the way in which the signifying act comes forward into the communicative event, revealing the structures of the cultural context in which it is embedded. Richard Bauman, Verbal Art as Performance (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1977). Dell Hymes, "Breakthrough into Performance," in "in Vain I Tried to Tell You": Essays in Native American Ethnopoetics, ed. Dell Hymes (Philadelphia; University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981).
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durationofhisnarrative.Suchdeferencewasrarelyondisplayintheconversationeitherbefore orafter. Themistri'sperformanceofthetaleofHaiderShaikhdemonstratedhisexpertiseasa

storytellerandrevealedhisinterpretationoftheeventsdescribedandestablishedhisbeliefinthe importanceoftellingthetale.Commencinghisaccountinthemiddleofadiscussionaboutthe originsandcontributionsofJainsocietyinMalerkotla,themistrirepresentedthefigureof HaiderShaikhinsuchawayastodemonstratethegeneralsuperiorityofreligiousrenunciants overworldlyauthorities,andtheparticularsuperiorityofthehometownsaintHaiderShaikhover theDelhiSultanBahlolLodhi.Interestingly,somelocalJainsbelievedthattheyfirstarrivedin MalerkotlaatthebehestofHaiderShaikhinordertourbanizetheundevelopedregionforthe needsofhisroyalbrideandhisgrowingcommunityoffollowers.Themistri'staleestablished themoralandtemporalindependenceofHaiderShaikhandMalerkotlafromtheLodhisandthe subsequentMuslimrulers.ThisdistancefromcentralMuslimauthoritycreatedanewsphereof authorityunderthelineageofthesaintinwhichJainsandHinduswereacknowledgedand supportedasvaluedmembersofthecommunity. InhisperformanceofHaiderShaikh'stale,themistrimadeseveralveryinteresting

narrativeshifts,eachsignalingtheintroductionofanewelementofmeaning.Thefirstswitch introducedhisstoryintotheconversationonJainoriginsinMalerkotla.Hebeganbyrecounting thetimewhenthelastNawabhadcometopayrespectstoavisitingJainmuni(mendicant)and toldhimaboutHaiderShaikh.230Settinguphisstorywiththisanecdote,establishedthe hierarchyofpowerthatisconsistentthroughouthisnarrativeasthespiritualleadersconsistently

Jain munis travel from one Jain community to another, often on foot, with their noses and mouths covered, sweeping the ground in order to avoid inadvertently harming any living thing. When this important muni came to Malerkotla, the Nawab paid his respects as a matter of course. The Jain community in Malerkotla, as elsewhere in India, is quite wealthy and wields power far beyond their small numbers.
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tookprecedence(beingvisitedratherthanvisiting)overworldlyones.Next,heswitchedfrom thetaleofBahlolLodhisinsistenceongivingHaiderShaikhthehorsetothestoryofBirbaland thevarioustypesofstubbornnessencounteredinhumans.Thisexemplarytaleemphasizedthe overbearingnatureofrulers,and,inthiscaseperhapsnotcoincidentally,Muslimrulers.The narrativethenswitchedagaintoHaiderShaikhsshamingoftheSultan.Thesaintcasuallymade horsesappear,therebydemonstratingthatifhehadneedordesireofahorse,hedidnotrequire anysultantogiveittohimbutwasperfectlycapableofproducingithimselfthroughhis miraculouspowers.Eventhisisnotenoughofanadmonishmenttotherulerwhomthemistri, throughHaiderShaikh,representsasarrogant.ThehorsegivenbyLodhiwasnotonly unnecessaryandunwelcome,butwassoinferiortothesaint'smiraculoushorsesthatitconsumed theirexcrement.Thisisaninterestingstrategythat,inthebroadercontextoftheconversation, clearlyunderminedimperialMuslimauthority. Themistrihadpreviouslyrecountedthe

widelytoldtaleofMalerkotla'spre-Muslimorigins.Inthisview,Malerkotlawastheprovinceof aHindukingdescendedfromoneofthecentralprotagonistsoftheepicMahabharata.Afterthe extendednarrativeofHaiderShaikhandBahlolLodhi,theironworkerandtheotherspresent engagedinanextendeddiscussionofMuslimoppression.Combinedwiththeprecedingaccount oftheNawab'svisittotheJainmuni,thecontextofthemistri'sperformanceofHaiderShaikh's talewasoneinwhichthemythsoforiginsofthesettlementandthecommunityarelinkedtothe presentstateofthesocial,political,andreligiousenvironment.Theoverwhelmingandrepeated emphasisonthesuperiorityofsaintsovertheMuslimrulersallowedminorityHinduandJain populationstofindspaceforthemselvesinthefoundationnarrativeoftheregion.Bysignifying hisapprobationofthesaint'sbehavioroverthatofBahlolLodhi,themistriindicatedashared valuestructureprioritizingspiritualpovertyovermaterialwealth.Byinvokingmorerecent

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eventsinwhichtheNawabplacedhimselfinthesubservientpositiontoaJainmendicantby visitinghimratherthanrequiringthemunitoattendhiscourt,thenarratorsetforthhisownview oftherightorderofthings.ThusthenarrativetraditionofHaiderShaikhprovidedastructure throughwhichawiderangeofopinions,ethicalvalues,andpersonalagendaswereexpressed withauthorityandenormouscreativity.

TheShaikhasProtectorandIntegrator
TheabovediscussionestablishedsomeofthenarrativetechniquesthroughwhichHaider

Shaikh'sdescendentsanddevotees,andtheresidentsofMalerkotlaexpresstheirconnectionto thesaint.Thesetechniquesareimportant,astheyareoneofthemajorwaysinwhichHaider Shaikhhasbecomeameaningfulsymbolofcommunityidentity.Becausepeoplefromallwalks oflifecanlocatethemselveswithinhistraditionareabletocommunicatetheirvaluesand concernsthroughthestructuringpatternofhislifestory,theygenerateacommunityofthosefor whomHaiderShaikhisameaningfulsymbol.Thisroleasasharedpointofreference contributestoHaiderShaikh'sexaltedstatusamongMalerkotla'svarioussaintsandholypeople, bothlivinganddead.ByfarmorepeoplearefamiliarwithHaiderShaikh'shistoriographythan anyotherholypersoninMalerkotla'senvironsorhistory.Thatthesenarrativetraditionsare non-exclusivetoSikhs,Hindus,orMuslims,richandpoor,menandwomen,alsovalidatesthe practiceofpluralismandtheexistenceofmulti-confessionalcultsandcommunities.Haider Shaikh'ssignificancetoallthecommunitiesconnectedwithhim(khalfahs,Malerkotlaresidents, andpilgrims)ismostespeciallyintensifiedbythefrequentattributionofMalerkotla'speace duringandsincePartitiontothesaint'sblessings.HaiderShaikh'sprotectivepowerisoneofthe twomostcommonlygivenreasonsforMalerkotla'sstablemulti-religiouscommunity,theother beingtheblessingoftheGuru.Thisexplanationissopervasiveamongkhalfahs,residents,and
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pilgrimsthatthepopularityofHaiderShaikhclearlydrawssignificantlyfromthewidespread convictionthathisbarakat(spiritualpower)preservedthetownduringthechaosof1947andin laterperiodsoftension.Thisisreinforcedbyolderresidentsandkhalfahswhoreportedthatthe popularityofHaiderShaikhhasgrownsubstantiallysincepre-Partitiondays.Thebeliefthatthe sainthaspreservedthetownthroughtroubledtimesinthepastiseagerlyandfrequentlyoffered asanexplanationforMalerkotla'sharmoniouscommunityinthepresent.Forexample,the numbardarkhalfahcitedaboveclaimsthatthemanybuzurgs[piouselders,oftensynonymous withsaints]arethereasonforlocalpeace.IinquiredwhyMalerkotlahadnotexperienced violenceduringPartition.Thenumbardarreplied, Numbardar:Itisonlyduetotheblessingsofthebuzurgs.Herepeoplehave neverfoughtforcasteandreligion.Allpeoplehavelivedinunityintime ofjoysandsorrow,marriagesanddeath. ABB:Why? Numbardar:Thelovebetweenpeopleissostrongthattheyneverthoughtthat theywereHindu,MuslimsorSikhs.Attheshrinesofthebuzurgspeople exchangelove(aapasmemuhabbatbante)witheachother ABB:Butwhyisthisisonlypossiblehereandotherplacesitisnot? Numbardar:Themainthingistheblessingofthebuzurgs.Onallfoursides therearebuzurgsandbuzurgshere.Allaroundtheboundaryof Malerkotlatherearebuzurgs.Itisonlythroughtheirblessingthatall Muslims,Hindus,andSikhsareone.231 Althoughthenumbardar'sexplanationincorporatedallofthesaintlydeadintotheexplanation, generallytheShaikhwasacknowledgedtobethechiefofallthesaints.Forexample,the mutawalli(caretaker)ofasmallerdargahexplainedtherelationshipbetweenHaiderShaikhand theotherlocalsaintsinthefollowingway,saying,"BabaHaiderShaikhistheemperorofallof them,heisabigbuzurg."Atthetombsofthepiousdeadoneofthematerialblessingsisthatat theirshrines"peopleexchangelove."Becauseofthisdailyopportunityforpositive,peaceful interaction,Malerkotlaisabletoremainfreeofsignificantconflict.Importantly,residentssuch
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Interview, January 28, 2001. 170

asthenumbardarrecognizedthevalueofsuchencountersandattributedthepeaceintowntothe largenumberofsaints'tombsandthewayinwhichtheseplacesfacilitatepositiveinter-religious exchanges.AlocalHinduleaderfromthescheduledcastecommunitylikewiseclaimedthatthe peaceinMalerkotlawasduetothestrongfaithofthepeopleinthesesaints.Hestated,"This placeissafebecausepeoplebelievedeepintheirheartsinthesesaintsandthroughthestrength oftheirbelieftheyhaveremainedpeaceful."Buthealsoclaimedthathehimselfprimarily attendedHaiderShaikh'sdargahforsocialpurposes,inordertoshowthatheisnotprejudicedin anywayagainsttheMuslimcommunity.Forhim,shrineattendanceislessaboutpersonalfaith inHaiderShaikhandmoreaboutaperceivedvalueinthechancetoencounterone'sneighbors andpubliclymanifestanopenandnon-sectarianattitude.Thus,surroundedbybuzurgs, Malerkotlaissurroundedbyvenuesofopportunityforinter-religiousconnectionstobeforged. Theblessingofthesaintsisperceivableintherelationshipstheseinteractionspromotebetween residentsandpilgrimsofallreligiousfaiths.AswiththehaadanaaraandtheblessingofGuru GobindSingh,itisnotnecessarytoformajudgmentaboutthemysticalpowerofHaiderShaikh orthespiritualefficacyofpilgrimage.FormanyinthecommunityoftheShaikhthepowerof theshrineisfairlymundaneandispredicateduponthepracticaldynamicsofshrineworship, whichalmostinevitablyentailsinter-religiousengagement. Forsomeinterlocutors,thistypeofbhaichar,brotherlyspirit,waspossibleonlyin

Malerkotla.Amemberofthekhalfahfamilywhodoesnotsitatthetombbutdoespursuethe Sufipathandishimselfamurshid(spiritualguide)withmurds(disciples)ofallreligiousfaith expressedMalerkotla'sspecialstatusinthefollowingway: Murshid:Yes,itisspecial,alltheotherplaceshereortheretheyhavesomekind ofproblemortrouble,butthereisnothinginMalerkotla.Thisisbecause oftheseprswhoareinsuchabignumberinMalerkotla.Theother placesdonthavethis.Thisistheproblem.

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ABB: SoitisonlybecauseoftheblessingofHaiderShaikhorofalltheother prs(saints)aswell? Murshid:Becauseofalltheprs.BabaHaiderShaikhisthehead[sadr]ofall. ShaikhSadruddinSadriJahantheheadofreligion[dn]andheadofthe world[jahan]also.232 Themurshid'sviewofMalerkotla'speacecloselyechoedthenumbardar's.Forbothitwasthe vastnumberofbuzurgsthatallowedthetowntoavoidthetypeofdivisionsandviolencethat otherareasexperienced.ThemurshidaddedinrelationtoPartition,"Nomurdersweredone here.NoHindukilledanyMuslim,neitherwereSikhskilled.Noonefeltitnecessary.These allarehis[HaiderShaikh's]blessings."Forthisdescendentofthesaint,HaiderShaikhisthe chiefofthebuzurgs,afirstamongequals,butitrequiresthecombinedeffortsofallthelocal saintstomaintainthepeace. TheviewthatHaiderShaikhalonepreservedthetownwasgivenbyaHindupilgrim

fromoutsideMalerkotla.ThisHindugentlemanisalsoachelaonewhoispossessedbythe spiritofthesaintandcommunicatesHaiderShaikh'scounselandwishestohisdevotees.Iasked thechelaifhehadheardthestorythatMalerkotlawasazoneofpeacewherenoonewaskilled inPartition.Hereplied, Chela: Yes.NoSikhwaskilledandnoMuslimwaskilled.Initsboundaryno onewaskilled. ABB: Why? Chela: BecauseofthepowerofBabaji[i.e.HaiderShaikh]andIcantexplain that. ABB: Nootherreason? Chela: No,iftherehadbeensomeotherreasonthanthiswouldhavebeenthe caseinotherplacesaswell.Otherplacesmenandwomenwere murdered.233 Forthechela,notonlywasMalerkotla'sreputationasapeacefulplacetrue,butitwasthe uniquenessofthisstatusthatprovesthepowerofHaiderShaikh.Recallingthathundredsof
232 233

Interview March 8, 2001. Interview, May 31, 2001. 172

thousandsofpeoplediedduringthetransferofpopulation,includingintheareafromwhichthis chelahadcome,MalerkotladoesstandoutasoneofveryfewplacesinPunjabthatwasableto preventtheviolencefromenteringitsborders.Inthechela'sview,thiswasfurtherevidenceof HaiderShaikh'sgreatness,asthemostuniqueandimportantfeatureofMalerkotlaisHaider Shaikh. AnotherlocalMuslimwhoisrelatedtotheNawabifamily(andsoalsotothesaint)

extendedHaiderShaikh'sprotectivepowerfromthetimeofPartitiontoothertimesofconflict andevennaturaldisaster.Hestated: BeforetherewasthePartitioninthecountryin1947,Muslimsusedtolivehere. TherewerealotofmajorityMuslimareasandPunjabwasoneofthem.In Punjab,fromLudhiana,Jalandhar,Sirhind,Amritsar,Faridkot,Bathindaalotof migrationtookplace.Becauseofthatmigrationalotoffightingbrokeout betweenthesetwocommunities.HereinIndiaMuslimsandthereinPakistan Sikhswereslaughtered,butnotasinglepersonwaskilledinMalerkotla.Thus peoplesaythatthisisasacredplacebecausealotofsaintsarehere.Tenyears backwhenterrorismwasatitsheights,theSikhpeoplewhowantedaseparate Punjab,everywherepeoplewerekilled,butnotinMalerkotla.Andtherewasno clashbetweenthecommunities.Theywerelivingjustlikebrothers.Peoplesay thatHazratShaikhwasapiouspersonwhoforyearsprayedtoGodandduetohis blessingsthereisnowarinMalerkotla.EvenduringtheFirstWorldWarand SecondWorldWartherewasnopersonlostfromMalerkotla,neveran earthquakehascomeinMalerkotlaandnofloodhascomeinMalerkotla.234 AlthoughthisMuslimgentlemandistancedhimselffromthisaccountsomewhatwiththe formula"peoplesay,"ratherthanclaimingthatbeliefforhimself,stilltheaccountplacesthe responsibilityforMalerkotla'speaceuponHaiderShaikhandthemanyothersaintsintheregion. Animportantfeatureinmanyofthesenarrativesisthewayinwhichitisnotmerelythe

presenceandthespiritualpowerofthenarrativetraditionsconnectedtoHaiderShaikhandthe otherbuzurgsthatsustainMalerkotla'speacefulpluralculture,buttheinteractionsoccurringat theshrines.Theseopportunitiesto"exchangelove"atsharedsacredsitesarecriticalresources

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Interview, October 5, 2000. 173

inforgingapositiverelationshipwithpeoplefrommultiplereligioussystems.Attheshrines, notonlyarepeoplecomingtogetherfortheirownpersonalreasonsandagendas,butalsoalmost inevitablyencounterpractitionersofotherreligioustraditions.Thisisespeciallytrueofthe dargahsinMalerkotlawherethelikelihoodofmeetingMuslimsisexponentiallygreaterthanat anyotherplaceinIndianPunjab.Suchinteractionsallowpeopletoobservethecommitmentand devotionofmembersofotherfaiths,tonotesimilaritiesanddifferences,andtoengagein dialogue,ifsodesired.Attheveryleast,itispossibletoformapositiveimpressionofother religiousbelievers,andonoccasionlonglastingfriendshipsmaybeborn. Suchrelationshipsarepossibleatsharedshrinesbecausetheshrineitselfprovidesa

commonground,sharedvocabularyofbeliefandpracticethatfacilitatesexchange.Inhisstudy ofsitessharedbyMuslimsandChristiansinPalestine,GlennBowmandescribessuchshrinesas semanticallymultivocal.Semanticmultivocalityallowsmultipleuserstomaintainrelationswith asitethatiscentraltotheirlocaland/orreligiousidentitywithoutover-determiningthesiteand renderingitfixedandunavailabletocontradictoryusesandinterpretations.InBowmansstudy inPalestine,asinmystudyinPunjab,theopennessofashrineisdeliberatelymaintained throughactionsandinteractionsamongtheconstituentsthatarekeyedtoallowforalackof uniformityofbeliefandpractice.Indeed,thecommunitiesinwhichsuchplacesaresituated oftenvaluesharedsitespreciselyfortheirqualityofopenness.AsBowmanputsit,whilethe miraculouspowerseentoberesidentthereservedasageneralpretextforthegatheringoflocal personsofMuslimandvariousChristianpersuasions,thespecificreasonspeoplegavefor attendingrangedfromtheneedforcuresthroughthedemandsofreligion,tothepleasuresof

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conviviality.235Thusacommonprimarymotivatorforallegiancetotheshrineitsmiraculous powerfacilitatesandperhapsevendrawsfromanotherpowerfulfactorinthesitesappeal:its multi-religiousconstituency. AtthedargahpeopleofallfaithsexchangestoriesaboutHaiderShaikhandtestimonials

ofpersonalexperiencesofHaiderShaikh'spowerandbenevolence.Theseconversationsare crucialtoestablishthepossibilityofdeeperrelationships.Bysharingpersonalexperience, givingandreceivingadviceandimpartingknowledgeaboutHaiderShaikhbuildasenseoftrust betweendevotees.Notonlydotheywitnessoneanotherparticipatinginsimilarritualsbut throughtestimonialexchangesthecommonalityoftheproblemsbroughttotheshrineis recognizedasisthesharedhumanfrailtyofthesupplicants.Thatthisisamutuallyhumanizing experiencefordevoteesfromallreligiousbackgroundsisapparentinthecirclesofpeople,small andlarge,whogatheraroundthetombandinthestreetsofMalerkotladuringthesaint's festivals.Whereasduringthepossessionrituals,tobediscussedlater,devoteeshavethe opportunitytoformallyandpubliclydeclaretheirafflictionssuchasthelackofachild, employment,sobriety,sanity,andsoon,theseinformalexchangesarealsoanimportantelement oftheshrinecult.WanderingthroughthestreetsbetweencrowdsofpeoplesittingandstandingI heardmany,manydiscussionstestifyingtothepowerofHaiderShaikh.Inthoseconversations thatIinitiatedorbecameinvolvedinthistopicwasoftenintroducedandwouldusuallyresultin numerousparticipantsandpassersbyofferingtheirownexperiences,theirsympathyforthe situationsofothers,andtheiradvice. Inatypicalexampleofsuchanexchangeofpersonaltestimonials,Iwasvisitingwitha

MuslimresidentofMalerkotlawhoisamurshid,orspiritualguide,whoseintimateconnections
Glenn Bowman, Response to Robert Hayden cited in Robert Hayden, "Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans". See also Glenn Bowman, "Nationalizing the Sacred: Shrines and Shifting Identities in the Israeli-Occupied Territories," Man 28 (1993)."
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toHaiderShaikhhavebroughthimnumerousdiscipleswholooktohimtomediatethesaint's powerinsuchawayastoamelioratetheirsituations.Thismurshidrecommendedthatthoseof hisfollowerswhowereinsomedifficultycometohimandpraywithhim,thenbringhimtothe tomb,returntotheirhomesandprayfurther.Thismethod,heclaimed,hadalwaysproved successful.Duringourdiscussionseveraldisciplesarrived,oneMuslimandtwoSikhsand providedtheirowntestimonialstothepoweroftheShaikhandthemurshid.OneSikhexplained thathissisterhadbecomepossessedbyamalignspiritandthatafterprayingtotheShaikhand consultingthemurshidshehadbeencured.Furthermore,theyhadbroughttheBabatotheir fieldstoblessthemandsincehadexperiencedimprovedharvests.TheotherSikhcontributed hisaccountwhichthemurshidcompletedforhim,saying Once,hiswifewasatdeathsdoor.TheytookhertoPatialafortreatment,butshe didnotimprove.Sotheycametome.Ididsomethings,askedthemtotakethe nameofBabaji[i.e.HaiderShaikh]andshebecamewell,sotheystartedcoming tome.IsaidfirstgotoBabaji[i.e.HaiderShaikh],thencometome.Sincethen heiscomingforthelasttenyears. ThesetypesofpersonaltestimonialsaretoldthroughoutMalerkotlainproximityandrelationto HaiderShaikh.Generally,suchaccountsresultedinnumeroussignsofapprobationfromthe groupandanothermemberoftheassemblywouldoftenpickupthestreamandintroducehis ownexperienceinallitsvariationsandnuances.Asintheexampleabove,thesesupportive networksofexchangeincludepeopleofallreligiousfaiths,ages,genders,etc.Perhapsmost importantistheseeminglyinexhaustibleappetiteofthepilgrimsforsuchstories.Ioftenhadto extricatemyselffromconversationsthatseemedlikelytocontinuelongafterIdeparted.The fascinationfortestimonialsamongbelieversisextraordinaryandisanimportantelementin buildingcommunity.

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ThenarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhilluminateseveralwaysinwhichthesaintfunctions

withinthetombcultandamongtheresidentsofMalerkotla.Thesefunctionsillustratethefour majorrolesofHaiderShaikhasfounder,protector,integrator,andexemplarfortheterritoryof Malerkotlaanditsethos.First,thebasictaleofthesaint'sarrivalinMalerkotlaiswidelyknown, butdifferentlyunderstoodandtold,allowingmultipleinterlocutorstomakethetalemeaningful tothemselvesandtheircommunities.Sufficientcontinuitybetweencertaincorenarrative elementsmaintainsthecoherenceofthewidercommunityofthesaintandthetradition,butdo notprecludevariationandinnovation.Second,theformandcontentofthesemultiplenarratives dependsupontheexpressiveintentionsoftheperformerandtheparticularperformancecontexts. Hindus,Muslims,residents,andpilgrimsallkeytheirperformancestosuittheirownagendas andtocommunicatewithaparticularaudience.Third,thecentralimportanceofthesaintisnot dependentuponthereligiousidentityoradirectrelationshipwiththesaint.Rather,Hindusand non-residentMuslimsalsorecountthestoryofthesaint,therebyestablishingdiscursiveand ideologicallinkswherehereditaryconnectionsmaybeabsent.Thisalsovalidatesthemas competentcommunicatorsofHaiderShaikh'slore.Fourth,theefficacyofHaiderShaikh's traditionasabindingforceinthecommunitydoesnotdependsolelyuponbeliefinHaider Shaikh'ssalvificorbenefactorygrace.Instead,manyinterlocutorsclaimthattheirinterestinthe shrinederivesfromtheirinterestinthecommunityandtheopportunitytomeetandengagewith adherentsofotherreligiousfaithsandtopubliclymanifesttheirlackofsectarianprejudice,their commonexperiences,andsharedconcerns. ThePartitionandtheShaikh WrittenaccountsofHaiderShaikhandMalerkotlarevealsomethingthatdoesnotemerge

inthemostlyoralaccountscitedaboveallofwhichobviouslyantedatePartitionin1947.

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Thereisamarkeddifferencebetweenthepre-andpost-Partitionnarratives.Thetextualsources onHaiderShaikh'slifeandtimesfrombeforePartitionfocusedontwothings:hislinkwith BahlolLodhiandthemulti-religiousappealofhistombshrine.236Theoralandwritten narrativesfromafterthePartitionshifttofocusontheprotectivepowerofthesaintandthe positiveimpactofhistomb,cult,andtheestablishmentofIslamintheregion.They overwhelminglyemphasizethemulti-religiousappealoftheShaikhandthepositiveinterreligiousrelationsinMalerkotla.FromnewspaperarticlestoahistorywrittenbythelastNawab IftikharAliKhan,toscholarlydissertations,tochapbooks,themulti-religiousappealofthe Shaikhsurgestotheforefront.ThischangereflectsaneedtocometotermswithMalerkotla's escapefromthedevastationthatsurroundeditin1947andtoestablishstrongbasisfortheir continuedexistencebydepictingpositiveinter-religiousrelations,fosteringthegoodwillofthe majority,andgeneratingMuslimprideandsolidarity.Italsorevealsthesubtlewaysinwhich thehistoryandhagiographyofHaiderShaikhiscraftedtoincorporatetheunfoldingofcurrent eventsintotheconstellationofnarrativesassociatedwithhim.InthissectionIwillreviewthe waysinwhichHaiderShaikhisdepictedintextualsourcesfromthelatenineteenthandearly twentiethcenturiesandcontrastthethemesandaspectsofhisloreemphasizedthentothemore recentaccountsinwhichtheintegrativeandprotectivequalitiesofthesaintcometodominate. OneoftheoldestavailabletextualaccountsofHaiderShaikhisinan1882chronicleof

therulingclan,ADescriptionofthePrincipalKotlaAfghans,byInayatAliKhan,thebrotherof NawabIbrahimAliKhan.Inayatremarksuponthesaint'spietybutisprimarilyconcernedwith
Griffin, Lepel, Rajas of the Punjab, (Delhi; Low Price Publications, 2000 [1870]), Ibbetson, D., E.D. MacLagan, and H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, (Lahore; Government Printing House, 1919 (1883)), Maler Kotla State Gazetteer, (Lahore; The Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1904), "Malerkotla," in Imperial Gazetteer of India, edited by W.W. Hunter, (London; Trbner & Co, 1881), "Malerkotla," in Imperial Gazetteer of India, (London; Trbner & Co, 1886), "Malerkotla," in Imperial Gazetteer of India, (London; Trbner & Co, 1908),"Malerkotla State," in Yadgar Tajposh
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thesaint'sfailuretodividehispropertyproperlyatthetimeofhisdeath.Inhisview,thissetsan unfortunateprecedentresultingingenerationsofinternecinedisputesinwhichInayatwasdeeply involved.237AnotherlatenineteenthcenturytextmentioningtheShaikhisthe1883 encyclopedicethnographyofPunjabiculture,AGlossaryoftheTribesandCastesofthePunjab writtenbyBritishcivilservant,SirDenzilIbbetson.EveryGazetteerthehistorical,economic, andculturalalmanacskeptbytheBritishinIndia-from1881,1883,1891,and1904mentions MalerkotlaState.MostrefertotheShaikhastheprogenitoroftherulinglineage. AhistoricalchronicleinUrdu,Hayat-eLodhi,byIsrarAfghaniwaspublishedin1907

andcontainsasectionontheMalerkotlaAfghansinwhichlittleissaidaboutHaiderShaikh's pietyandnothingabouthisongoingcult.ThehistoryHayatLodhi,waswrittenbyaMuslim, IsrarAfghani,ca.1904doeshighlighttheencounterwithLodhibutdiscussesatgreaterlength HaiderShaikh'sfamilyheritage.ThesectiononMalerkotlabeginswithrecountingtheroute takenbyHaiderShaikhtogettotheareawherehesettled.ThenBahlolLodhiisencountered andthemarriagewithhisdaughtertakesplace.Afghaniwrites: LamihQatalsgreatgrandson[HaiderShaikh]wasAhmadZindaPirsson.He arrivedinHindustanonavoyagefromDarabanandthenarrivedthereatthat settlementcalledMalerthatwasonthebankofabranchoftheSutlej.Andonthe bankavillageBhumsiwassettled(thisvillagewasherefromwhenRajaBhim Senwaslivinghere).Hemadehisdwellingplaceintheopenandremained absorbedinrememberingAllah.Onedayinabout1450HamidKhanWazirhad summonedBahlolLodhitocometoDelhifromSirhind,andhisencampmentwas nearthedwellingplaceofthesaint.Havingheardaboutthepietyofthesaint,he camebeforehimtoprayforvictoryandwhenhewenttoleavehemadethevow thatifhebecametheBadshahofDelhihewouldmarryhisdaughtertohim. ArrivinginDelhihisdesirewasfulfilled.TheSultaninhissatisfactionmarried hisdaughtertothesaint;bywayofaweddinggifthegaveherfifty-sixsmalland

Khan, Inayat Ali. A Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans, (Lahore; Civil And Military Gazette Press, 1882). Khan devotes the last third of this work to his dispute with his brother and the British for land rights to his brother, the Nawab's, share of the land they inherited from their father. As Ibrahim Ali Khan was adopted by his uncle Nawab Sikander Ali Khan (d. 1871), Inayat argues that he forfeits his inheritance from his father as he obtained all the land and revenue from the throne upon his ascension.
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twelvelargevillages.Aftertheweddinghe[i.e.HaiderShaikh]wenttooneof thevillagesandsettleditandnameditMaler.238 ThisisafairlyunembellishedaccountofthemeetingbetweenHaiderShaikhandBahlolLodhi thatweencounteredbefore.Inthisversionnostormscomeup,nohorsesaregiven,andno miraclesareperformedatall(unlessyoucountLodhi'svictoryatDelhi).Insteadthefocusison thegenealogyofthesaint,whichestablisheshimasaPathanAfghanandthussuitablefor marriagewithLodhi'sdaughter.Afghanimakesexplicitreferencetothecommonlyheldview thatthisregionwasonceconnectedtoBhimSen,aherooftheHinduepicMahabharata.This referencealsoestablishesthepowerfulandimportantpedigreeoftheterritory.Fromthe wording,Afghaniismerelychroniclingtheepichistoryoftheregion,listingitamongavariety oflocalfeatures.HedoesnotseemtobeusingthemomenteithertoestablishMuslim dominationoverthegreatestofHindusortodemonstratetheecumenicalhistoryoftheregion. Hesimplyremarksupontheconnectionasapointofdistinctionworthyofmention. Interestingly,followingthisAfghanigoesintogreatspeculativedetailaboutthenameof

Maleranditspossibleorigins.Hedebunksseveraltheories,whichmusthavebeenextantatthe time,inparticular,theassertionthatMalercomesfromapreviousruler'sname,identifiedas MalherSingh.Afghanistatesthatthisis"aninventionofpeople'sminds,"as"MalherSinghwas imaginary,ifhehadbeenrealthenwouldShaikhSahibhavesettledhereandnameditMalher?" Thislogicishardtodispute,asitwouldbeunusualforaconquerortonamehisnewterritory afterhispredecessor.Followingthisnoteonthenamingofthesettlement,Afghanireturnstothe historyofthesaint. AfterthedaughterofBahlolLodhimarriedhimitissaidthathissecondnikah [marriage]waswiththedaughterofRaiBahram,therulerofKapurthala.From theShahzadi[daughteroftheking]HassanandfromBahramsdaughterIsaand
238

Afghani, Israr. Hayat Lodhi. Saweem, Pakistan: Tarikh Jamiat, 1907. 180

Musawereborn.ShaikhSadruddindiedattheageofsixty-onein1515/941h. anditisbecauseofhimthatMalerisapilgrimageplaceforthecommonpeople andtheelite.AfterthedeathofShaikhSadruddinhissonHassantookupthe faqrilifelikehissaintlyfather.Hechosetodotheserviceofthemazar.'Isaand Musaadministeredthekingdom.239 TheoverallemphasisinAfghani'saccountisthedetailsofthefamily'sheritage,marriages,and lineage.AsachronicleoftheentireLodhiclanthisisnotsurprising.However,thereferencesto HaiderShaikh'ssaintlyqualitiesandtheidentificationofMalerasaplaceofpilgrimageare significantastheonlyproofofferedofhissaintlinessisthevictoryofBahlolLodhiaftertheir meeting. AsimilaremphasisonfamilyheritageiscentraltothenarrativeofHaiderShaikhthat

appearsinTheDescriptionofthePrincipalKotlaAfghans(hereaftertheDescription)writtenby InayatAliKhan,theyoungerbrotherofNawabIbrahimAliKhanin1882.Khangivesagreat dealofinformationabouttheNawabilineage,andtheconnectionwithBahlolLodhi.However, inInayatAliKhan'sestimationLodhiisnotagreatruler,piousMuslim,orparticularly praiseworthycharacter.Rather,KhantakesspecialnoteofLodhi'ssuperstitiousfaithinsaints. Hewrites, Abouttheyear1450whenBahlolLodi,atthesuggestionofVazierHamidKhan, wasonhiswaydowntoDelhitoassumethedirectionoftheGovernmentof India,acountrytooextendedtoremainlongunderonehead,hehappenedtohalt nearthehutoftheSeikh(sic),whosedevotedpietysomuchimpressedhimthat heaskedforaninterview,whichwasgrantedtohimbytheSaint.Accordingly, BahlolvisitedtheSeikh,andimploredhimtoinvoketheaidoftheSupreme Beingforhissuccess;andofthis,inreply,hewasassuredbytheSaint,whose wordsweretakenasthoseofGod,undertheprevailingbeliefofhispossessing miraculouspower.Thoughtoallappearancethisagreeableassuranceseemsto havebeenframedonthepasttriumphsofAfghaninvadersovertheweakPrinces ofIndiawhenevertheformertookuparmsagainstthem,yet,atanyrate,Bahlol departedquiterejoiced,andpositiveofwinningtheprizeoftheEmpireafterthe wontofAfghans,whorelymoreupontheprayerofaSaintthanupontheirown energyandaction;andatthesametimeavowedinhisheartthatshouldhe
239

Afghani, p. ??? 181

succeedinhisenterprisehewouldmarryoneofhisdaughterstotheSeikh. Bahloldidnotforgethisvow.NosoonerhadhedeclaredhimselftheKingof Delhi,thanhedulyfulfilledit,andgavetwelvelargeandfifty-sixsmallvillages bywayofdowryintothebargain.240 Here,althoughHaiderShaikhisdepictedasapioussaintandworthyofrespect,BahlolLodhi's faithinhimisdismissedastypicalofAfghanswhofailtoshowinitiative(thoughclearlyLodhi didtakesomeinitiativeinattackingDelhi)anddependonmiraclesandsaintlyintervention instead.ItseemsclearthatKhangiveslittlecredencetothenotionthatsaintlypersonshave miraculouspowers.HisconcerninthisnarrativeistoestablishthelandgrantoftheSultantohis ancestor,nomatterhowmisguidedthatjagirmighthavebeen. Khanalsotakesparticularnoteofthe"cupidity"ofotherregionalchieftainssuchasRai

BahramofKapurthala,whoingratiatedthemselvestoHaiderShaikhafterhismarriagewiththe princess: ThemarriageofaKing'sdaughtertoaSaintwhosenamehadscarcelybeen knownbutintheneighbourhoodofhisownhut,wasamatterwhichnaturally couldnotremainhidden;itspreadfarandwide,andaman,inthepersonofa BhattiRajputofKapurthala,callinghimselfBahram,appearedonthesceneto offerhisdaughterinmarriagetotheSeikh,whoreadilyacceptedtheliberalgift andthusaddedtotheformermatrimonialpresentreceivedbyhim.Therecanbe littledoubtthatBahram'scupiditywasarousedandexcitedbytheSeikh'snewly acquiredwealth,andthathehadnootherobjectinviewthanthatofprocuringthe meanstoreapthebenefitoftheSeikh'sjageerwhilethelatterwasengagedday andnightinreligiousmeditations. AlthoughthereisnoevidencethatBahramtookadvantageofHaiderShaikh'sreligious preoccupationtogainfromhiswealth,thetoneofKhan'snarrativeindicatesenormoussuspicion andaratherpatronizingattitudetowardstheShaikh.ThereasonforthisbecomesclearasKhan's greatestconcerninthewritingofthebookbecomesapparent,andheessentiallytakesthesaintto taskforfailingtoclarifytherulesofinheritanceatthetimeofhisdeath.Khanwrites:

240

Khan, Inayat Ali, A Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans, (Lahore; Civil And Military Gazette Press, 1882). 182

TheSeikhdiedatthematureageofseventy-one,leavingthreesonsHassan,Isa, andMusa,theformerofwhomwasbornofthefirstmarriageandthetwolatterof thesecond.ThedeathofSadr-ud-deengaverisetoaseriesofdissensions amongsthissonsregardingthesuccessiontothepatrimony,asmayeasilybe understoodfromthecharacteroftheage,whenthepeoplewereindifferenttoa testamentarydispositionofproperty,eitherbynatureorthroughbeingoveroccupiedinreligiousmattersorforays,anoccupationofgenerallyfollowedin andcharacteristicofthestateofIndiaundertheMahommedanruleevenwhenit wasatitshighestpitch. InheritancerightswouldremainanissueinMalerkotla,plaguingtherulingfamilythroughoutits historyandtakingupthelatterthirdoftheDescription.Inestablishingtheontogenyofirregular inheritancepracticesinhisclan,Inayatbuildshiscasethathisbrother'spersonalpropertyshould bemadeovertohimafterIbrahimwasnamedsuccessortothethrone. Overwhelmingly,thepre-PartitionaccountsofIsrarAfghaniandInayatAliKhanfocus

ontheShaikh'sfunctionasthefounderofthestate'sdynastywhoisthereforeprimarily responsibleforthevalidityandcontinuityofthelineage.Theprimacyoftheseelementsserves tobolstertheauthorityoftheNawab'slineageandtheintegrityoftheterritoryofthekingdom. NeitherauthorisparticularlyconcernedwithHaiderShaikh'sspiritualprowessorthereception ofhischarismaticpowerbythelocalcommunity.InayatAliKhannegativelycomparesHaider Shaikhtohismurshid,orspiritualpreceptor.Thecomparisonseemsintendedtohighlightthe factthatHaiderShaikhdidnotgatherafollowingofinitiateswhocould,afterhisdeath,carryon hisspiritualteachingsandprovideareliablysupportiveconstituencytotheirroyalbenefactors. Khanwrites, TheSeikhboreadifferentcharactertohisspiritualguideinonerespect,thatis, hedidnotexerthimselfduringhislifetimeinmakingabandofdisciples;which systemisafirst-ratemachinetoestablishthereputationofsufees.Moreover, thesedisciples,whoeternallymuttertheirlitaniesandtelltheirbeads,areunder particularcircumstancesboundtoprayforthestabilityoftheirco-religionist patron.241
241

Khan (1882), p. 6-7. 183

 ThisrathercuriousaccountminimizesHaiderShaikh'sreputationasagreatspiritualmaster. InsteadInayatAliKhanfocusesonthefailureofthesainttoestablishaSuficentertoprovide socialstabilityandsupportthatmighthavestrengthenedgenerationsofMalerkotla'srulers.How thiswouldhavemateriallybenefitedtheclearlyself-interestedInayatAliKhanisunclear.Inthe absenceofanactiveSufikhanqah,itisclearfromBritishwritingscontemporarytoKhanthat therewasasignificantmulti-religioustombcultinthelatenineteenthcentury.Theserecords indicatethattheshrinewasenormouslypopular.SirDenzilIbbetsonremarksinhisGlossaryof PunjabCastesof1883(justoneyearafterKhan'sbookwaspublished)thatHaiderShaikh's "fair,heldonthefirstThursdayofeverylunarmonth,islargelyattendedbyHindusand MuhammadansfromtheStateaswellasfromdistantplaces."242ItseemslikelythatKhan's commentismorespecificallyreferringtothelackofanongoingkhanqahorSufiretreatwhere thepracticeofSufismwouldbetaughtandtransmittedtofuturegenerations.Onthispoint,he wouldbecorrect,thereisnoactiveSuficenteratHaiderShaikh'sdargah,thoughtherearemany SufisinMalerkotlawhoidentifycloselywithHaiderShaikhsuchasthenumbardarandmurshid citedabove.Thusthepre-PartitionmaterialsonHaiderShaikhemphasizehisroleasalineage founderandhisestablishmentofthesettlementofMalerkotla.OnlytheBritishseemtonoteor careaboutthemulti-confessionalnatureoftheshrine. Bycontrast,theaccountswrittenafterPartitioncallattentiontoadifferentsetofissues.

InthissectionIwillexaminethreenarrativeswrittenafter1947thathighlighttheseissues.The firstisachapbookaboutHaiderShaikh,thesecondisahistoryoftherulinglineagewrittenby thelastNawab,andthethirdisahagiographicaldictionaryortazkirawrittenbyalocalSufi

D. Ibbetson, E.D. MacLagan, and H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, (Lahore; Government Printing House, 1919 (1883)), p. 644.
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teacher.IntheseaccountsthreeaspectsofHaiderShaikh'spersonaareemphasized.Thefirst aspectistheenormouspietyandpowerofthesaint.Thesecondisthemulti-religiousappealof thesaint.ThethirdstressestheuniqueMuslimcommunityofMalerkotlaanditschosennessby God.Aswiththepre-Partitiontexts,allthreeofthepost-PartitionaccountsIwillexamineare authoredbyMuslims,andassuchtheyrepresenttherangeofdominantviewsofHaiderShaikh andhisroleinMalerkotlashistory.Nonetheless,eachwriterissituateddifferentlyinrelationto thesaint,revealingvariousperspectivesandagendasinrecountinghistale.Thefirstisbythe currentgaddnishnofthedargah,AnwarAhmadKhan.ThesecondistheHistorybythelast NawabIftikharAliKhanthatwaswrittenaboutfiftyyearspreviouslybutrecentlyeditedand publishedin2000.Thethirdwaswrittenbyalocalmaulvi,SufiMohammadIsmail.Itis significantthatintermsofextendedhistoriesofMalerkotlaandHaiderShaikh,theonly publishedwritingsavailablearebyMuslimresidentsofMalerkotla.243AlthoughMalerkotla featuresinSikhandBritishhistories,theexclusivehistoriesarealllocallyproduced.Thismay wellreflectMalerkotla'ssituationastheonlyMuslimprincipalityinEastPunjabandasasmall territorytotallydwarfedbyitsneighbors,Patiala,NabhaandJind.Nonetheless,thesethree accountsgivethreeverydifferentviewsofHaiderShaikhand,incombinationwithoral narrativesfromresidentsanddevotees,provideawell-roundedpictureoftherangeof perspectivesinthesaintandhisshrine. AnwarAliKhanisthecurrentgaddnishnorheadofthedargahofHaiderShaikh.At

someshrinesthisrolealsoentailsaspiritualcomponent,andthegaddnishnisamurshidor spiritualguidetoanumberofmurds(disciples).Heretheroleislargelysymbolicand managerial.KhannolongerspendstimeatthedargahhimselfandinDecemberof2000didnot

One of the master's theses about Malerkotla in the Punjabi University library is by a Sikh woman, Satinder Kaur, "History of Malerkotla State." MA, Punjabi University, 1977.
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attendtheursoftheShaikh.Sometimeagohewroteasmallchapbook(undated)thatwas printed,butnotwidelydistributedlocally.244ItisavailableinHindiandPunjabi,butwaslikely originallywritteninUrdu.245 ThechapbookincludesthetwomostcommonlyknownstoriesaboutHaiderShaikhthe

storyofthestormandthegiftofthehorse,bothofwhichestablishHaiderShaikhsprivileged relationshipwithBahlolLodhi.246Yetthefocusofthechapbookismuchmoreondemonstrating HaiderShaikh'spiouscharacterandhismiraculouspowersandprovidingaguidetotheproper etiquetteforhisfollowers.ThesefollowersareunderstoodbyAnwarAliKhantobeSikhand HinduaswellasMuslim,andtherealindexoftheirrighttoparticipateinthetombcultisthe purityoftheirheartsinapproachingtheShaikh.Thusthischapbookincorporatesallfour functionsofthesaint'ssymbolicpersonaasthefounder,protector,integrator,andexemplarfor hiscommunitiesoffaithandterritory.Theetiquettethatislaidoutinthetextisdefinedthrough descriptionsofHaiderShaikhstemperament.AnwarAliKhanportraystheShaikhaseasily angered.TheveryfirstparagraphofthetextendswiththeobservationthattheHindus, Muslims,andSikhsoftheregioncomeinlakhs[i.e.inthehundredsofthousands,lakh= 100,000]toHaiderShaikhsmela(festival)becauseitistheirbeliefthatifBabaHaiderShaikh

I never received a clear response as to the date of publication, but it was likely printed some time in the early 1980's. 245 This is especially apparent in Khans vocabulary choices. For example, the common terms in Punjab for desires and wishes presented at a shrine are mang (from the Hindi, Punjabi mangna to beg, demand, request) or iccha (Hindi - desire) or sometimes kam (Hindi, Punjabi work). In this text the Arabic term murad (desire) is also employed. However, there is evidence of an effort to be intelligible to a wide audience in spite of greater facility in Urdu.245 For example, 'to offer' is alternately signified by the terms cadhana (Hindi) and pesh karna (Persian derived Urdu). 246 Another story included here is commonly told and widely known in town. In this tale, once while performing wuzu [ablutions before prayer], the Shaikhs shoe fell into the river. Although his disciples were alarmed, Haider Shaikh simply told the river to return the shoe, and the river shifted its course towards Ludhiana. Still today there is no river flowing through the town, but residents explain that the dargh is located in a high place because in the time of the Shaikh there had been water there. Indeed British accounts also reference an ancient waterway that is still apparent because it is a flood zone in the monsoon. In this tale, Haider Shaikhs presence in the area has left an indelible impression on the natural environment of Malerkotla. There are also a few minor tales in the chapbook that I never heard performed orally.
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becameangry[narazhogaye],thentheywillfallintotrouble.247Againinthefollowing paragraphthecrowdsofdevotionalgroups,calledchaunki,aredescribedascomingtodargahto payrespectsandthentakingleave,theyreturn[salamkarkeunkeagyalekarvapasatehain]. Theymustobservetheproperprocedure,orelsetheywillsufferseriousconsequences.The beliefisthatunlesstheyobserveeveryprescribedrule,thenBabajiwillbecomeangryatthem [unparnarazhojayengetounkimuradbharnahonayenge]sotheirdesirewillnotbe fulfilled.248ThisemphasisonHaiderShaikhasajalali(terrifyingandawe-inspiring)prisnot foundinanyothertexts,butitisacommonbeliefamongthevisitorstothedargahandthe khalfahs.249Suchdisplaysofwrath,heasserts,areatrootshamanistic,andareevidenceof centralAsianIndo-BuddhistculturewithathinveneerofIslamiclearningoverlaid.250Oneof themainkhalfahs(thesonofthechapbook'sauthor)alsoclaimsthatHaiderShaikh'sdisposition tendstobeangrywithdevoteeswhofailtoobservetheproperetiquetteathistomb.Hesaid,"If somebodydoesnotkeephisdressproperly,thenBabajigetsannoyed.Otherwiseheisagentle [naram]naturedbuzurg.Butifsomebodymakesamistake,thenheshowshispower,hegets annoyed."Thechapbookstressesthesetwothemes,theconnectionwithBahlolLodhiandthe saint'smiraculouspowers.Thefirstsupportsthesaint'sroleasthefounderwhilethesecond demonstratesHaiderShaikh'sprotectivepowerforhisdevoteesiftheybehaveproperly.This
Khalfah Anwar Ahmad Khan, Hazrat Sadr Udin Sadare Jahan (Rehmat) Urf Baba Hazrat Sheikh Ji Malerkotla Di Puri Jivani (Malerkotla: Jivan Glass House, n.d.). 248 Ibid. 249 This notion of jalli pr is contrasted with the taa pr , or cool pr who is not easily angered and less flamboyant in personality and habits. This is also evocative of a pattern Simon Digby claims derives from Central Asian shamanistic practices which carried over as Sufis and holy men migrated into South Asia. What transfers from the Central Asian context, according to Digby, is an uncompromising arrogance despite professions of humility in the advancement of personal claims to spiritual eminence, and examples of the display of jalal, splendour but in practice the wrath which led to the discomfiture, misery and often death of those who presumed to oppose the Shaikh.See Simon Digby, "The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Mediaeval India," Purusartha 9 (1986). 250 This pattern is also described by Richard Eaton in The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier: 1204-1760, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1993), pp. 71-72. "Migrating Turks also grouped themselves into Islamic mystical fraternitites typically organized around Sufi leaders who combined the characteristics of the 'heroic figure of old Turkic Saga,' the alp, and the pre-Islamic Turkish shaman- that is, a charismatic holy man believed to possess magical powers and to have intimate contact with the unseen world."
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properbehaviorisdelineatedthroughtwonarrativeelements.Thefirstisadescriptionofthe kindofdisrespectthatmightincursuchanger.Thesecondisalistofproperbehaviorthatis givenasasortofappendix.Throughthebodyofthetextitismadeabundantlyclearthatthese rulesandthetraditionsofHaiderShaikharenotexclusivetoMuslimstheshortindexofrules, howeverincludeseveralrecommendationsspecifictoMuslimsregardingprayer,butotherscan easilyapplymoregenerally. KhanonlybrieflydiscussestheShaikhschildhood,primarilytoestablishthesaint's

piouscharacter.Severaltropestypicalofmanyhagiographiesarerepeatedhere.Forexample, beforehisbirthhismotherissaidtohavehadadreaminwhichawondrouslystrangelight burnedthroughoutthehouseandthenflewawaytoanotherplace.Awiseman(mahanpurush ahighlySanskriticterm)interpretedthedreamthatachildwouldbeborninwhosenamelamps wouldbelitinothercountries.Thisofcoursecametrue. AnwarAhmadKhangivesseveralreasonsforHaiderShaikhscomingtoIndia.First,he

assertsthatthesaintsfamehadproliferatedandsohewascalledbytheresidentswholongedfor hisspiritualguidance.AnotherpossibilityKhanputsforwardevokesthetheorythatIslam spreadinSouthAsiaprimarilythroughstatesupportofSufis.Khanwrites,Inthosedayswith theforeignMuslimrulerscameagreatnumberofpiouspeopleofthenewreligion.They continuedtocomeandtheyspreadthereligionofIslam.251Aswiththenumbardarandthe MuslimBaba'sstoriesofHaiderShaikhgivenabove,Sufisaintsaretheagentsofthespreadof Islam.252ThewarriorSufistraveledandsometimesfoughtalongwithconqueringarmies.As thesespirituallyinclinedMuslimssettledinareastheywerealsothemostreadilyavailable

Khan, Hazrat Sadr Udin Sadare Jahan (Rehmat) urf Baba Hazrat Shekh Ji Malerkotla Di Puri Jivani. This is the paradigm of Sufi penetration outlined by Richard Eaton in which he presents a progression of warrior Sufis into the frontier areas of Muslim authority to be followed by Sufi reformers, literati, and landed elites. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur 1996 [1978], p. 36.
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representativesofthecentralpowersandreceivedlandgrantsandcertainresponsibilitiesforlaw, order,andgovernanceasthelocalleadersweredefeatedordeposed.Thelocalpopulationwas thendrawnintothetemporalandspiritualorbitoftheSufileaderandcenterasthenewlocusof powerinaregion.However,inthegaddnishnsaccount,thereisnoticeablylittlereferenceto conversionsoccurringduetoHaiderShaikhspresence.HaiderShaikhissaidtohavecomefor tablghkarnetospreadthefaithalsoknownasdawa"orproselytizing.Thefameofhispiety quicklyspread,drawingpeoplelikeBahlolLodhitohim.However,therewerenohighprofile ormassconversionsreportedsuchasarecommoninstoriesaboutotherSufis.253 ThesectionofthechapbookheadedHisteachingsandadvice,isfairlygeneral,and

doesnotrevealaparticularsectarianaffiliationoranyverycomplexSufiprinciples.No precedentsforthepracticesenjoinedaregiven,suchasaHadithoftheProphet,oraversefrom theQuran.InmostguidestoMuslimliving,suchinjunctionsderivetheirauthorityand legitimacyfromalaundrylistofcanonicalreferences,withoutwhichthebehaviororpractice wouldbeopentocriticismasbida#(harmfulinnovation)254.Subjectssuchassilentoraudible repetitiveprayersorzikr,thepermissibilityofthemusicalauditioncalledsama#,andother commonlyaddressedissuesarenotmentioned.Thereareseveralrulesdirectedtowardswomen, advocatingtheireducationandinstructioninreligiousmattersandenjoiningtheirobedienceto theirhusbands.ThesedirectivesaremostlygearedtowardsaMuslimaudienceastheyreferto theimportanceofconstantremembranceofAllah,theimportanceofthefivepillars,anda reminderoftheProphetsinjunctiontoseekknowledge. HazratShaikhsteachingsandadvice

Simon Digby, "The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Mediaeval India," Purusartha ( Volume 9, 1986). See for example the Abu al-Najib Suhraward, A Sufi Rule for Novices: Kitb Adb al-Muridn, translated and edited by Menahem Milson, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975) or 'Umar ibn Muhammad Suhraward, The 'Awarif ul-Ma'arif, translated by H. Wilberforce Clark, (Lahore; Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1973).
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1. RemaininginthecompanyofthepeopleofGod(ahl-eallah)isan excellentpracticeforimprovingthemind. 2. WitheverybreathrememberGod(bhagvan).Nooneknowswhenthe breathwillstopandonlywithconstantrepentancewillyoubeabletoremember God. 3. Attwotimesgivetotalattentiontoyourself,whilespeakingandwhile eating. 4. Letsuchprayerscomeconstantlyfromyourtonguesuchthatyouwillnot commitsinsandthusyourprayerwillbeaccepted(qabl). 5. ForeveryMuslimitisadutythattheymustseekknowledge:knowledge, faith,namaz(prayer,Arabic=salat),rauza(fasting),hajj,serviceof[ones] mother,fatherandneighbors,theknowledgeofbuyingandselling,haramand halal[theforbiddenandthepermissible].Withoutknowledgeofthese,humanity becomescorrupt. 6. Adviseyourwomenthatalongwiththesedutiestherearefivegood qualitiesofcharacter: 1.Remainpiousandchaste 2.Befrugal 3.Looktoyourhusbandwithrespect 4.Obtainingyourhusbandspermissionwillpreserveyoufromdiscord. 5.ProclaimtheLordsgoodnesswithjoy. 7. Hazratjirecommendsthatpiouswomenbelovingandaffectionatelikea motherandpatientandsubservientlikeamaidservant. 8. Youinquiredwhatpathshouldbefollowedinordertobeacceptedbythe people.Itisrecommendedthatyoureyourgenerosityandjusticeyouwillbe popularwiththepeopleandwillarriveneartotheLord. 9. Donotmakefriendswithignorantpeople.Theywillleadtoyour downfall. 10. ItwasaskedofHazrat,whoisanimprovinginfluence?Herepliedthat thereisonlyHazratMohammadMustafa(sallaallah#alayhiwasalam)andwho elsecouldtherebe? 11. Inverysingle,tinythingofthisworldtheLordsenormousgenerosityand theinfluenceofhispresenceisfound.Thosewhodonotunderstandthisareblind anddeaf. 12. HerecommendedthatthedervishesandGod-fearingpeoplebegiven moreattentioneventhanonesownbrotherandthatsupportingthe#ulama"isthe dutyofeveryMuslim.Idirectyoutosupportthepeopleofknowledge. However,otherthanthisbriefsectionattheendofthetext,thepamphletisnoticeablydevoidof Islamicphrasingandreferences.ThesaintsMuslimidentityisapervadingtheme,butthetext lackseventhestandardinvocationsofmercyuponthesaint.Suchblessingsareonlyoncecalled downevenupontheProphet.ThatHaiderShaikhcametotheregionatthebehestofhis

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unnamedpr-o-murshidtospreadIslamismentionedonlyinpassing.Thesedirectivesadvocate obedienceandobservanceofthestricturesofIslam,buttheoverwhelmingemphasisisonthe necessityofkeepingandsupporting(presumablyfinancially)thecompanyofthepeopleofGod. ThetextingeneralstressestheconnectionwithBahlolLodhiandthesaintsmiraculouspowers. Theoverallimpactoftheworkisanon-sectarianaffirmationofthesanctityandgreatnessof HaiderShaikh,theimportanceofappeasingthesaint,andrespectingandsupportingthosewho dedicatetheirlifetoGod. ThesecondextensiveaccountofHaiderShaikhcomesinthelastNawabIftikharAli

Khan'shistoryofhisownlineage,whichisappropriatelytitledinitsrecentpublicationHistory oftheRulingFamilyofShaikhSadruddinSadar-i-JahanofMalerkotla(1449A.D.to1948 A.D.).InthistextagreatdealmoreattentionisgiventotheclansandheritageofHaiderShaikh, includingalengthydiscussionoftheSherwaniandLodhiclans,tracingthembacktoatwelfthcenturyAfghanichief,ShaikhHussainGhori.TheencounterwithBahlolLodhiandHaider Shaikh'ssubsequentmarriagetotheSultansdaughterarerecountedingreatdetail.Theincident withBibiMangosdoomedmarriageisalsodescribedatlengthaspartofalargerexplanationas towhythedescendentsofBahlolLodhisdaughterarenotrulersofthestate.Somehistorians criticisehim[ShaikhSadruddinSadriJahan]fornotrecognizingtheclaimofhiseldestsontothe gaddoftheState.Theyprobablylosesightofthefactthathehadlostthegoodwillofhisfather andincurredhisdispleasurebyrefusingtogotothehelpofhissisteratTohana.255This emphasisontheShaikhsethicsandprincipledmannerofhisrulesetsastrongprecedentforhis descendentsandisrepeatedlyreferencedthroughoutthetext.256ButIftikharAliKhanalso

Iftikhar Ali Khan, History of the Ruling Family of Sheikh Sadruddin Sadar-i-Jahan of Malerkotla, p age 8. As noted above in relation to Inayat Ali Khan's history of the lineage, the issue of succession does become a complicated issue for the ruling family at several points. Early on a practice of sharing the inheritance and dividing up properties among the heirs of a deceased ruler led to the decentralization of authority and a reduction in
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makesextensivecommentsonthepietyofthesaintanduponthecontinuingpowerofhistomb. Heespeciallyhighlightswhatforhimwouldbeacentralissuethepossibilityofbeingbotha worldlyandspiritualleader. Similartotheoralaccountsgivenabove,IftikharAliKhanregardstheShaikhsdecision

toacceptthedaughterofaSultaninmarriageasrequiringjustification.Afterall,hewasawal AllahorfriendofGod,arenunciantholymanwhohadcometoIndiatospreadIslamand performhisownreligiousdevotions.Marryingaprincesswouldrequireasubstantialchangeof lifestyle.Acceptingthejagrentailedresponsibilitiesasalandlord,judicial,andmilitary leader.257Often,examplesofasaintshunningtemporalauthorityareheldupasevidenceof moralsuperiority,especiallybytheChishts.258IndeedtheattitudeofSufiorderstowards worldlypowerisoneofthekeypointsofdifferencebetweenthem.Inthisvein,someoral accountsassertthatHaiderShaikhdidnotgiveuphisfaqrlifeofasceticismandausterity. Instead,TajMurassaBegum,Lodhisdaughter,joinedhiminhisspartanhabits. TheNawabshistory,ratherthandenyingthatHaiderShaikhtookupthelifestyleofa

ruler,aversthepossibilityofbeingbothaworldlyandspiritualleader.Afterthemarriage,the
revenues, problems in raising armies and funds, and internecine quarrelling. At one point Nawab Ghulam Hussain abdicated in favor of his brother Jamal Khan. Five sons of Jamal Khan held the gadd serially due to lack of an heir or the young age of the heir. Another childless Nawab, Sikandar Ali Khan, adopted two nephews and this led to another property dispute. Eventually in 1810 after Malerkotla had become a British protectorate, the British government was petitioned to resolve the matter, and judged in favor of primogeniture in succession and set certain guidelines for the distribution of properties. 257 On the nature of land settlements and the rulers and authorities in India, see: Rita Brara, "Marriage and Kinship" (PhD, Delhi University, 1989), Robert Frykenberg, ed., Land Control and Social Structure in Indian History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), Iqtidar Husain Siddiqi, "Rise of the Afghan Nobility under the Lodi Sultans (1451-1526)," Medieval Indian Quarterly IV (1961), Iqtidar Husain Siddiqi, "Wajh'-i-Ma`ash Grants under the Afghan Kings (1451-1555)," in Medieval India: A Miscellany (London: Asia Publishing House, 1972). 258 This is exemplified by the famous story in which the great Chishti Sufi saint Nizamuddin Auliya was said to have several times refused to call upon the seven rulers at Delhi who tried to contact him and draw him into their affairs. Indeed, he is reported to have said that his khanqah having two doors, if the ruler comes in one, he would leave through the other. The Suhrawardiyya lineage, on the other hand, was much more inclined towards the worldly and did not repudiate those in authority. From the origins of the lineage in Baghdad to its arrival in India, the Suhrawardiyya often brought censure on them for maintaining palaces and lifestyles that rivaled or exceeded the rulers. Digby, "The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Mediaeval India." 192

hutlifewasrenouncedandinconsonancewithhisdignityandpositionproperbuildingswere erected.259Butthisadoptionofakinglystandardoflivingultimatelyinnowaycompromises hissaintliness: Thecareerofthisremarkablemanservestoremindusoftheoldadagethatitis possibletobeengagedinworldlypursuitsandyetremainGodly.Itwashispiety thatgavehimadistinguishedpositionevenafterhisdeath.Hewasburiedin Malerkotlaandhisgravepromptlybecameashrinetothegloryofthe sophisticate.ButalthoughtheEasternmindisbynatureinclinedtobeimpressed bysupernaturalmanifestationsandraisesmanyhappeningstothepedestalof miracles,yetthefaithofthepeopletoregardSadar-i-Jahanstombasholding curativepropertieswasinawayjustified.Thatcertaincureshavebeenaffected isnotawildstory.Eveninthelightofnewexperienceofspiritualthinkersa certainsectionadmitsthatspiritshavedecidedlyaninfluenceonthehuman mind.260 HereHaiderShaikhisnohut-dwellingfaqr,butasophisticatewhosesourceofspiritualpower washispiety,nothisausterity.TheNawabgoesontodescribethetombasacenterforhealing. HeassertsthatclaimsofmiraclesarenotmerelytheinventionsoftheimpressionableEastern mindbutaredocumentableandpotentiallyscientificallyverifiable.IftikharAliKhanstrikesan interestingbalancebetweenemphasizingtheregalnatureofHaiderShaikhandhissaintlypower, hisintegrativeforceandhisenormouspiety. Theauthorofthethirdtext,SufiMohammadIsmail,takesasomewhatdifferent

approach.Itisamoderntazkra(biographicalindex)ofPunjabssaintscalledBaghal-anbiya" punjab(TheGardenoftheSaintsofPunjab).TheauthorisalocalmaulviinMalerkotlawhose primarydevotionistoShaikhAhmadSirhindi,whichisreflectedintheconsiderablespace devotedinthetexttoSirhindi.261Thisbook,inthestandardformatoftazkraliterature,gives

Khan, 2000, p. 6 Ibid, p. 8. 261 Sufi Ismail has written several books on Islamic and Sufi subjects, focusing on death, preparation for death and the life to come, and collections of prayers. Ismail is a sober man, and rather intimidating. I met with him, but he was terse and unforthcoming and the interview quickly ended. Sufi Muhammad Ismail, Bagh Anbiya Punjab, (Malerkotla; Janab Doctor Muhammad Nizamuddin Sahib, 1995); Kabr Ki Pahali Rat, (Malerkotla; Kutub Khana
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briefbiographicaldetailsonthirty-twosaintsofPunjabandHaryana,includingWestPunjab, nowinPakistan.262ThistextbearsresemblancetostandardSouthAsiantazkratexts,suchas theAkhbaral-akhyar(TalesoftheGreatOnes)ofShaikh#Abdal-HaqqMuhaddithDihlawi(d. 1642)andtheSiyaral-#ArifnofShaikhJamali(d.1536),intermsofstructure,languageand thematicchoices.TheentryonHaiderShaikhopenswiththesaint'sparentageandhistakingof bay#a(Sufiinitiation)fromShaikhBahaulHaqZakariyyaatMultan.Aspreviouslymentioned, thedatesmakethismeetingimpossible,asHaiderShaikhdiedin1515andBaha-udDin Zakariyyain1262.Still,itisnotuncommontodrawlinkstoamorefamousprforthepurpose ofincreasingtheprestigeofanother.Thediscussion,thoughbrief,oftheShaikhstimein MultancontrastssharplywiththeaccountofAnwarAhmadKhan(thegaddnishn)whodidnot nameHaiderShaikhsmurshid,nordescribehistraininginhischapbook.Anotherremarkable differencebetweentheaccountsisthat,unlikethegaddnishn,SufiIsmaildoesnotemphasize miraclesorHaiderShaikhsencounterwithBahlolLodhi.ThemeetingwiththeSultanisgiven asevidenceoftherulerspietyandinterestinseekingoutandsupportingmenofreligion.His descriptionofBahlolLodhicontrastssharplywiththatofInayatAliKhanwhoberateshimfor hissuperstitiousness.SufiIsmail,ontheotherhand,highlightsLodhi'spiety:SultanBahlol ShahLodhihadaverypiousheart,hegreatlyrespectedthe#auliya"allah(friendsofGod)the saints(buzurganedin),thenoblemenoflearning(#ulama"),andpiouspeopleandhewas constantlydesirous[arzomand]oftheirprayers.263ThisaccountofBahlolLodhileadstoa briefrundownoftheLodhidynastyandtheirultimatedefeatbythefirstMughalEmperorBabur.

Ibrahimiya, 1996); Kabr Kya Kahti Hai, (Malerkotla; Maktaba Rahimiyan, 1971); and Na'atun Ka Bagh, (Malerkotla; Kutub Khana Ibrahimiya, 1965). 262 On Sufi tazkira see Carl W. Ernst and Bruce B. Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love, (New York; Palgrave Macmillan, 2002) and Marcia Hermanson, "Religious Literature and the Inscription of Identity: The Sufi Tazkira Tradition in Muslim South Asia." The Muslim World 87, no. 3-4 (1997). 263 Ismail, 1995, p.167. 194

ThementionofBaburopensthewayforSufiIsmailtomentionMirBaqisbuildingthemosque inAyodhyainhismastersname.264InhisdiscussionoftheShaikh,SufiIsmailfocusesonhis missiontospreadIslam,andhissuccessindoingsointheregion.Hewrites,atthattimeMaler wasaHinduRajputsettlement.Settlinginthisplace,hespreadthereligionofIslamandcalled peopleinthewayofthepathofrighteousness.265 HaiderShaikhscharacterasaperfectedsaint(walkamil)isrepeatedlymentionedandit

isthisincrediblepietyandclosenesstoAllahthatbringshimtotheattentionofBahlolLodhi. TheaccountofHaiderShaikhsprayerforBahlolLodhisvictoryinbattleiskeyedina markedlydifferentwayfromthatofthegaddnishn.Andheimplored[darkhwast]aprayer forhisvictoryinbattle.He[HazratShaikh]gavetherequestthathebevictorious,issueda prayerthatwasacceptedbyAllahmostHighwasgrantedandtheBadshahwassuccessful [kamiyan].FromthistheBadshahbelievedfromhisheart.266Ratherthandepictingthe SultansvictoryascomingfromHaiderShaikhhimself,theentireeventisinterpretedasthe particularwillofAllah.HaiderShaikhsprayerwasmerelyacceptabletoAllah,anditwas Allahalonewhofulfilledthegoal.ItisnotthatSufiIsmailisdisavowingthepossibilityof miracles.Onthecontrary,HaiderShaikh,amongothersaints,isdescribedasamiracleworker kashfokaramatandvictorygivingholymanbulandpayebuzurg.Butthesupremacyand omnipotenceofAllahisconstantlyreaffirmed.Thiscontrastsnotablywiththegaddnishns ownaccountofHaiderShaikhinwhichAllahismentionedrarelyandnoayatoftheQur'an,not asingleHadithoreventhesimplestdua(prayer)isgivenasmeansofrelatingHaiderShaikhs traditiontoorthodoxIslam.Forthegaddnishn,HaiderShaikhisasaintofaction,jalali

Ismail goes no further with this commentary, but the mention of it, so completely out of context cannot be accidental. It is certainly consistent with his overall emphasis on the spread of Islam. 265 Ismail, p. 166. 266 Ismail, p. 167
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(awesome)andfullofkaramat(miracles).TheShaikhsrelationshipwiththeSultanispersonal andintimate,andhisblooddescendentslikewisepossessallthepowerandcharismaofthisroyal connection.SufiIsmail,likethepre-Partitionauthors,makesnomentionofthemulti-religious appealofthetombcult. ForSufiIsmail,thesaintsrealimportanceisasafoundationalfigurewhobroughtIslam

totheregion.WhilegoingintosomedetailregardingHaiderShaikhandthehistoryofthe Lodhis,thebulkofthesectiononHaiderShaikhfocusesonthesubsequentrulersupuntilthe presentdayandtheirroleinspreadingandsupportingIslaminthearea.AlthoughHaiderShaikh isanimportantsaintandiscreditedwithestablishingIslaminMalerkotla,thenarrativereally takesoffatthetimeofPartition.SufiIsmailgoesintogreatdetailaboutMalerkotla'sunique statusasanislandofpeaceandanislandofIslamduringthechaosof1947.Thisaccountwillbe discussedingreaterdetailinthenextsection,butitisrelevanttothepresentdiscussionthatSufi IsmailprimarilyattributesthespecialstatusofMalerkotlatoGod'swillratherthantoHaider Shaikhoranyothercause. AllthreeauthorsareMuslim,butIslamitselfiscentralonlyinSufiIsmail'sBaghAnbiya'

Punjab.TheHindi-PunjabichapbookandtheEnglishHistoryarewrittenformuchwider audiences,whereastheUrdutazkirawouldappealalmostexclusivelytoaMuslimreadership. Theirdifferentaudiences,agendas,andidentitiesrequireeachauthortoestablishtheirauthority indifferentways.ThegaddnishnevokesHaiderShaikh'smiraclesandlineagetoproducea popularhagiographymeanttobeaccessibletonon-MuslimsandMuslimsalike.TheNawab citeshistoricalworkssuchastheAin-iAkbariandLepelGriffin'sChiefsofPunjab,craftinga narrativemodeledonstandardEuropeanhistorywriting,butincorporatingelementsof hagiographicalwritingashereportsthesaint'smiraculouspowersbothpastandpresent.Sufi

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IsmailoperateswithintheworldofIslamichagiographicalwritings.DrawingonQur'anic formulaeandpassages,frequentlyinvokingGodandcallingforhisblessings,SufiIsmail'stestis writtenforaMuslimaudience,evenaspecificallyMalerkotlaMuslimaudience.BothIftikhar AliKhanandSufiIsmaildwellveryspecificallythenatureofMalerkotlasocietyanditsspecial roleinPunjabhistory.ForIftikharAliKhanMalerkotlaisapluralisticutopia.ForSufiIsmail, MalerkotlaisdivinelyordainedtopreserveandspreadIslam. Conclusion ThesenarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhandothersaboutMalerkotlamoregenerally

demonstratetherolethesaintplaysingivingshapetoMalerkotla'sprimarysymbolicidentityas azoneofpeacetakesshapeinthepublicimagination.Inthischapterwehaveseenhoworaland writtennarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhcreatespaceforallthelocalreligiouscommunitiesto identifywithhimandhistradition.ThesenarrativesestablishthefourfunctionsofHaider Shaikh'spersonaasafounder,protector,integrator,andexemplar.Thisgeneratesapowerful resourceintheforgingofalocalidentitygroundedinanecumenicalethos.Thenarrativesfrom thekhalfahfamilyemphasizetheaspectsofHaiderShaikh'shistorythatmaximizehisstaturein relationtoBahlolLodhi,asaworkerofmiracles,andasaformermilitaryman.Thesestories arekeyedtoemphasizethesuperiorityofspiritualoverworldlypower,butdonotunderminethe significanceofHaiderShaikh'sbeingbothapowerfulchieftainandaholyman.Bycontrastthe mistri'stalegivesaslightlydifferenttwisttothesamedynamic.Althoughhealsoexpressesthe supremacyofspiritualauthority,hegoesmuchfurthertounderminethepoweroftheworldly rulerinhisaccount,depictinghimasarrogantandstubborn.Themistrialsoembeddedhis narrativeaboutHaiderShaikh'scomingtotheregionintoabroadercontextthatencompassed relationsbetweenthelocalMuslimrulersandthenon-Muslimpopulation.Thisnarrative

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strategymaximizedthelinksbetweenthepastandthepresent,exaltingthesaintforhisspiritual prowess,praisingtheNawabforhisecumenicalattitudeinvisitingtheJainmuni,and challengingthecharacteroftheSultanandbyextensiontheinstitutionofMuslimrule. Anotherimportantfeatureinthesenarrativesthatcomestotheforeistheshiftin

emphasisinthewrittenaccountsbeforeandafterPartition.Priorto1947onlytheBritish accountofHaiderShaikhmakesmentionofhisongoinginter-religiousappeal.BothInayatAli KhanandIsrarAfghanifocusontherulinglineage.Thepost-Partitionnarrativesofthegadd nishnandthelastNawabbothhighlightthisquality,althoughforslightlydifferentreasons.The gaddnishnobviouslyhassomestakeinmaximizingtheecumenicalnatureoftheshrine.The Nawab,ontheotherhand,isattemptingtoextendthepresentsuccessofMalerkotlainmanaging inter-religiousstrifeintothepast.Bycontrast,SufiIsmail's1993BaghAnbiya'Punjabcredits thesaintprimarilywithbringingIslamtotheregion,makingnomentionofotherreligious groups. ThisrangeofnarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhdemonstratesthemalleabilityofhis

tradition.Thesaint'scharactergivesshapetothestoriesofthecommunitiesconnectedtothe shrine,generatingamultivocalicspaceinwhichdifferingreligionslocatethemselvesinrelation tothesaint.HaiderShaikhisakeysymbolservingtoestablishthetownandtombcult,protect them,integratetheirconstituentpopulations,andmodelproperpietywhichoftenincludesinterreligioustolerance.Throughstrategicusesoftheframingnarrativesaboutthesaintthe meetingwithBahlolLodhi,hismiracles,hiswarriorpast,etc.residentsanddevoteescraft storiesthatcreateconnectionstothesaint,expresstheirinterestsandconcernsaboutthetensions betweenworldlyandspirituallife,andestablishaprecedentfornon-sectarianethicofharmony. Situatedinacontextofhighlypoliticizedreligiousidentities,allofthesegroupsengagethe

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traditionofthesaint,includingthosewhodonotthemselvesadvocatepilgrimage.Eachfindsa waytorelatetoHaiderShaikhandtogivetheirparticularshapetohisstoryandformtotheir ownidentities.

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ChapterThree NarrativesofMalerkotla:thehaadanaaraandPartition ThedominantidentityofMalerkotlaasazoneofpeaceissustainedbytheactive

transmissionofhistoricalnarrativeswithinandbetweenreligiousgroupsinthetownand throughouttheregion.AswiththeoralandwrittenaccountsofHaiderShaikh'sroleinfounding andsustainingthecommunityofMalerkotla,storiesaboutMalerkotla'spastcontinuetobetold inthetownandthroughoutPunjab.Thenarrativesthataretoldagainandagainreinforcethe ethicofharmonythatpervadesthetown,functioningtointegratethediversepopulationofthe townandgiveshapetothelocalidentityofinter-religiousharmony. Inparticular,twonarrativeclustersarerepeatedfrequentlythatrecallandreinforce

Malerkotla'speacefulciviclifethehaadanaaraandthePartition.AsdiscussedinChapter One,thehaadanaaraiscryofprotestgivenin1704bytheNawabSherMuhammadKhanin defenseofGuruGobindSingh'ssonswhowereabouttobeexecutedwhileincaptivity.Partition in1947wasthedivisionofIndiaandPakistanandtheirconcomitantindependencefromBritain. ThetransferofpopulationinPunjabinparticularinvolvedmillionsofpeopleandwas accompaniedbytraumaticviolence.TheviolencedidnothoweverdirectlyimpactMalerkotla. ItwouldbedifficulttosaywhichofthesetwoeventsismoreintegraltoMalerkotla'sselfimaginingorismorecrucialtotheperpetuationofsocialharmony.Bothaccountsarealmost universallyknowninMalerkotlaandthroughoutPunjab.Indeedthetwoclustersoverlapas manypeopleclaimedthatthepeaceatPartitionwaspossibleonlybecauseofthehaadanaara's powerasamotivatingidealanditsroleinprocuringthedivineforceoftheGuru'sblessingfor thetown.Certainlythehaadanaara'schronologicalprecedenceallowsittoappearasakey elementinavertingallsubsequentchallengestotheintegrityandstabilityofthekingdom.Yet
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aswesawinthepreviouschapter,theshiftinemphasisdiscernibleinwrittennarrativesabout MalerkotlaafterthePartitionindicatesthattheprecedencegiventothehaadanaarainmany oralnarrativesmaybeapost-Partitionreevaluationofthatevent.Afterall,Malerkotlawasby nomeansanislandofpeaceforthetwohundredandforty-threeyearsbetweenthe1704haada naaraandthe1947Partition.Onthecontrary,asoutlinedinChapterOne,Malerkotla experiencedandparticipatedinanynumberofcampaignsagainstandwithSikhandHindu forces.Thusthemannerinwhichtheseeventsaredescribedtodayandhavebeendescribedin thepastprovideimportantinsightsintotherolesuchpowerfulhistoricalmomentsandtheir subsequentarticulationsplayinmaintaininglocalpeace. Thehaadanaara:TheCryforJustice Theimportanceofthehaadanaaracannotbeoverestimated.Nopublicassemblyin MalerkotlagoesbywithoutmentionbeingmadeofNawabSherMuhammadKhan'sheroic defenseofthesonsofGuruGobindSingh.Asseeninthepreviouschapter,manyofHaider Shaikh'sdevoteesfalselyattributethehaadanaaratothesaint,therebycollapsingallofthe idealisticpowerofthisrighteousactintoonecentralfigureinthetown.EveryMalerkotla residentandmostPunjabisknowthestoryoftheGuru'ssons,andmostknowthesmallroleSher MuhammadKhanplayedintheeventsleadinguptotheirmartyrdom.Writtenaccountsofthe haadanaaraarealsonumerous,rangingfromnineteenthcenturySikhhistoriessuchasRattan SinghBhangu'sPanthPrakash(1841)andGianiGianSingh'sTawarikhGuruKhalsa(1892),to BachanSingh's1908chapbookTheVictoryofFaith,totherenditionsgivenincountless biographiesofGuruGobindSingh,martyrologiesonthewebandeveninchildren'sbooks.267

Some of these sources include: Ratan Singh Bhangu, Panth Prakash, (New Delhi; Bhai Vir Singh Sahit Sadan, 1998 [1841]); J.S. Grewal and S.S. Bal, Guru Gobind Singh: A Biographical Study, (Chandigarh; Panjab University Publication Bureau, 1967); Sainapat, Sri Gur Sobha, edited by Ganda Singh, (Patiala; Punjabi University, 1967);
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TheseeventshavecapturedtheimaginationofmanySikhwritersandMalerkotlaresidentsin particular.Afterreviewingtheessentialelementsofthenarrative,Iwillgiveseveralwrittenand oralversionsfromavarietyofsourcesanddiscusstheirkeydifferencesandtheirsignificancein buildingMalerkotla'sidentity. ThehaadanaarainSikhSources GuruGobindSinghfoundedthekhalsa,thearmyofthepure,in1699atAnandpur,the cityfoundedin1644byhisfather,GuruTeghBahadur.DrivenfromotherSikhcentersat Kartarpur,Goindwal,andAmritsar,theSikhshadsettledintothehillsofpresentdayHimachal Pradeshandregainedstrength.268AccordingtoSikhtradition,onthedayofthespringfestivalof BaisakhitheGurusummonedhisfollowersandaskedthemtocommitfullytothepath establishedbyGuruNanak,adheringtoaspecialcodeofdressandbehavior.Thiswasthe momentinwhichthefamousfivek'softheSikhfaithwereinauguratedthefiveoutwardsigns thatindicateadherencetotheSikhfaith.269Thesearekesh,uncuthair,kirpan,aknife,kachera, shortundergarments,kanga,acomb,andkaa,asteelbracelet.Furthermore,theamritpahul, ornectarceremony,wasestablished,oftencalled"Sikhbaptism"asitisaritualofcommitment

Bachan Singh, Fatehgarh Sahib Di Darshan, (no date); Ganda Singh, "The Boy Martyrs of Sirhind," The Sikh Review, (December (1957); Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, (Amritsar; Bhai Catar Singh Jiwana Singh, 1923) and Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, (Amritsar; Khalsa Naishanala Ijamsi, 1923 [1892]); Guru Gobind Singh, Zafarnama, translated by Darshan Singh, (New Delhi; ABC Publishing House, 2000); Puran Singh, The Victory of Faith or the Story of the Martyrdom, (Amritsar; The Khalsa Agency, 1908); Ranbir Singh, Glimpses of the Divine Masters, (New Delhi; International Traders Corporation, 1965); Sahib Singh, Guru Gobind Singh, (Jullundur; Raj Publications, 1967). 268 On the invitation of two rival rulers in Garwhal and Sirmur, Guru Gobind Singh set up a base at Paonta in 1685. The increasing population and power drew the attention of the Mughal subedars, or military governors, on the plains and raised the attention of the Hindu kings in the mountains. He spent three years here in relative peace, regrouping his armies, recruiting from the Afghans no longer at war, and the mahants (heads) of temples in the region whose considerable landholdings often made them military leaders as well. However, the rival interests of these parties and their fear of his growing power resulted in several battles in 1688 and the Gurus return to Anandpur, which he had had to abandon three years previously. J. S. Grewal and S. S. Bal, Guru Gobind Singh: A Biographical Study. Chandigarh: Punjab University Publication Bureau, 1967. 269 As each sign begins with the Punjabi letter kaka, they have come to be known as the five k's. 202

totheSikhfaithperformedbydrinkingblessedwaterandpromisingtoadheretothecodeof conductsetforthbytheGurus.270 TheinaugurationoftheseceremoniescontributedtotheconsolidationoftheSikh community,alreadyperceivedasapotentialthreatbytheMughalEmperorAurangzeb.Inorder tocurtailthisgrowingthreat,AurangzebinstructedhiscommanderatSirhind,WazirKhan,to "admonish"theGuru.271Astheimperialforceswereheavilycommittedtoexpansionist campaignsinthesouthernregionoftheDeccan,itwasimperativethatthenorthremainastable, revenueenhancingregion.ThegrowingpoweroftheSikhKhalsaalsodisturbedthe neighboringkingdomsandthusinDecemberof1704acoalitionofMughalforcesandregional chiefsattackedAnandpurandlaidsiegetotheGuru'sfortress.Asfoodandwaterbecame scarce,GobindSinghandhisarmyagreedtoevacuatethetownandshiftelsewhere,butthey wereattackedbyWazirKhanandtheMughalsupontheirdeparture.GobindSinghandasmall bandincludinghistwoeldersonsmanagedtofighttheirwayclearbuthistwoyoungersonsand hismotherwerecaptured.Theirservant,theHinduGangaBrahmin,helpedthemescapefrom theAnandpurbattleandthenturnedthemovertotheMughalauthorities.Theywerebroughtto SirhindwheretheywereimprisonedintheThandaBurj(theColdTower).272

Subsequently this code of conduct, known as rehat, has been codified by one of the central Sikh oversight groups, the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabhandak Committee. This group was organized to manage the historical gurdwaras 271 Grewal and Bal, p. 127. 272 Gobind Singh and his retinue went on to Chamkaur, where the two elder sons were killed in battle. The Guru himself escaped in the night from the chieftain's house and was forced to keep on the move, dogged at every step by Wazir Khan and his forces until in 1706 he traveled to the Deccan to meet Aurangzeb and discuss the situation. While en route the Emperor died, obviating that mission. Gobind Singh then traveled to Delhi to meet with the heir apparent, Bahadur Shah, who kept him attached to the court as he traveled south to pursue the missions in the Deccan begun by Aurangzeb. The Guru stopped at a place called Nander, a hundred and fifty miles from Hyderabad, and settled down. It was there that he met the bairagi sadhu Banda who would become one of his fiercest loyalists, and there that he received a wound that would eventually kill him on October 18, 1708.
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ThetwoyoungestsonsofGuruGobindSingh,FatehandZorawarSinghwereonlyseven andnineyearsoldatthetimeoftheircapture.273TheirgrandmotherMataGujrihadalreadylost herhusband,GuruTeghBahadur,whowasexecutedbyShahJahanfordefendingthefreedom ofreligionofHindus.Inspiteoftheirtenuousconditionandfragileages,accordingtoSikh martyrologiesthethreefacedtheirimminentdoomwithenormouscourage.Thetwosahibzadas (sonsoftheGuru)werebroughttothecourteverydayforthreedaysandpressuredtoaccept Islam.Sikhaccountsdepictafullcourtofwitnesses,WazirKhan,hisHinduadvisorSucha Nand,andseveralotherregionalMuslimrulersincludingtheNawabofMalerkotla,Sher MuhammadKhan.Astheyoungboysweretested,theycontinuedtoprofesstheirfaithinthe teachingsoftheirfatherandtorefuseIslam,thoughitmeanttheirlives.Someoftheaccounts portraytheirbraveryasmovingWazirKhan,shakinghisdeterminationtoexecutethem.Others emphasizetheroleofSuchaNandinshoringuptheassembly'sresolve.Accordingtonearly everversionoftheseevents,atsomepointintheproceedings,SherMuhammadKhanroseinthe courtandprotestedtheirexecution.HispleawentunheededandZorawarandFatehSinghwere killedbybeingbrickedupaliveinawall.Uponhearingofthedeathofhissons,theGuruis reportedtohaveinquiredifanyonehadbeenpresenttoappealfortheirlives.WhentoldofSher MuhammadKhan'sdefenseoftheboys,GobindSinghissaidtohaveblessedhimandhis descendents,declaringthathisrootsshallremainforevergreen,i.e.hislineagewillneverfail.274 ItiscommonlybelievedthattheGurusentaswordtoSherMuhammadKhanin acknowledgementofhisgratitudeandtheblessing.275

Some accounts, such as one given below, claim six and eight years old, but the majority assert they were seven and nine. 274 Ironically, since Partition the lineage has failed, in a sense, as the last Nawab had no children and most of his immediate family have either died or gone to Pakistan. 275 The Begum Mujawwar Nisa", one of Nawab Iftikhar Ali Khan's wives, has in her possession this sword.
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Severalelementsofthisbasicnarrativemustbestressed.First,SherMuhammadKhan wasbynomeansanallyoftheSikhs.Hewaspresentandactiveintheattackagainstthe Guru.276Notonlythat,buthisbrotherKhizrKhanandnephewNahirKhanwerekilledinaction duringthiscampaign.277TheNawab,therefore,isinnowaydepictedasapacifistora collaboratorwiththeGuru.HisloyaltytotheMughalEmpireisclearandisdemonstratedbyhis participationinmanycampaigns,includingthisbattleinwhichhesustainedgreatpersonal losses.Second,inthisstory,therearebothHinduandMuslimvillains.MataGujri,Zorawar, andFatehSingharebetrayedbytheirHinduservantandguideGanguBrahmin.Laterinthe courtofWazirKhan,hisHinduadvisor,SuchaNand,isdescribedinmostaccountsashaving beenthestrongestadvocateforexecutingtheboys.WazirKhanisgenerallygiventheharshest treatmentamongtheMuslimsforhismercilessslayingofthesahibzadas.Third,several versionsoftheseeventsclaimthatthe"honor"ofkillingtheboyswasfirstofferedtoSher MuhammadKhanbecausehehadsufferedsuchpersonallossesinthebattle.Thisoffer heightensthetensionofthemomentandaddstothesenseofrighteousforbearancewhenSher MuhammadKhanrefusestokillthechildren.Finally,oneofthemostimportantaspectsofthis eventisthattheNawabwasunabletosaveZorawarandFatehSingh.Thisisastoryoffailure. Yetinthatfailuretherearerootsforafuturesuccessasthemereeffort,thebraverisktakenby theNawabbecomesameaningfulresourceandamotivatingidealinmaintainingtheintegrityof themulti-religiouscommunityinMalerkotla.Nomatterhowthedetailsaredescribed,this
His bravery and ability as a general are remarked upon in both the Nawabs history and the Gazetteer accounts of the battles against the Sikhs. The Gazetteer also notes that he was instrumental in the defeat of Guru Tegh Bahadur at Chamkaur, where the Guru was captured and sent to Delhi and eventually executed. Interestingly, these sources, as well as one of the standard encyclopedias of Sikh history, Bhai Khan Singh Nabhas Gurusabad ratanakar mahan kosh, all report Sher Muhammad Khans defense of Guru Gobind Singhs sons. 277 Satinder Kaur asserts that it is believed by many that it is Sher Muhammad Khan's brother Khizr Khan who is referenced as Khwaja Mahdud in Guru Gobind Singh's famous epistle to Aurangzeb the Zafarnama. In this text he mentions one Khwaja Mahdud who stood behind a wall and jumped into the fray along with the army and is killed. The Guru mourns, "alas had I seen his face, I would have, in spite of myself blessed him." Cited in Kaur (1977), p. 48.
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moment,thiscallforjusticeisknownthroughoutMalerkotlaandthePunjabasthehaada naara,whichliterallymeansthecryofprotest. Thereisaremarkableconsistencyinthewrittenandoralnarrativesoftheseevents. Althoughcertaindetailsmayvary,overallthesceneissettoemphasizethefutilebraveryofSher MuhammadKhanandespeciallytheinnocenceandcourageofZorawarandFatehSingh.The earliestSikhaccountsoftheseevents,RattanSinghBhangu'sPanthPrakash(1841)andGiani GianSingh'sTawarkhGrKhalsa(1892),focusontheGuru'sresponsetothenewsofhis sons'deaths.Theefflorescenceofhistoricaltextsinthenineteenthcenturyreflectsthedynamics ofPunjabpoliticsduringthisperiod.FollowingthedeathofthegreatSikhleaderMaharaja RanjitSinghin1839,thekingdomhehadmanagedtopreservefromtheBritishadvancerapidly declined,finallyendingin1849withtheBritishtakingcommandoftheentireregion.Inthis contexttheSikhreligionwaslikelylessthantwentypercentofthepopulation.278Inthelate nineteenthcenturySikhreformmovementssuchastheSinghSabhahadaprofoundimpacton Sikhidentitypolitics.TheSinghSabha,foundedin1872inAmritsar,soughttopurifyand revitalizeSikhism,countertheencroachmentsofChristianmissionizing,andbecomea representativeinstitutionfortheSikhcommunity.Theypublishedtractliterature,formedmany branchesinlocalcommunities,andestablishedgurdwarastodisseminatetheirversionofSikh orthodoxy.ThesuccessoftheSinghSabha,measuredbyitsimpactonformingthedebateover whoisaSikh,wasandisconsiderable.Duringthissameperiodnumerousorganizationsarosein allthreeofthemajorreligioustraditionsseekingtodefinethefaithsinarapidlychangingsociopoliticalcontext.MuslimAnjumansororganizations,wereformedthroughoutPunjabinthelate
The first British census was in 1851, but the British failed to recognize the Sikhs as a separate religion until 1881. Still that census only recognized those Sikhs who kept their hair and did not smoke. Many, many Sikhs then and now cut their hair and otherwise do not conform to what has come to be the normative Sikh code of conduct. Some such as the Nirankaris, Udasis, Namdharis, and others acknowledge a different lineage of Gurus. Yet these individuals and groups very much consider themselves to be Sikh.
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nineteenthcenturywithvaryingpurposes,butgenerallyinordertopurifythefaithandsolidify Islamsociallyandpolitically.Theirgoalsincluded"impartingandpopularizationofreligious andmoderneducation,reformandwelfareofthecommunity,acquaintingtheGovernmentwith theproblemsanddesiresofthecommunity,andtakingupothermattersintheinterestsofthe community."279SuchgroupsalsoformedinMalerkotlaatleastasearlyas1894withthe establishmentoftheAnjumanMusleh-ul-Akhwan.280TheHindu"revival"wasalsoextremely influential.TheworkofSwamiDayanand,thefounderoftheAryaSamaj,wasparticularlywell receivedinPunjab.TheAryaSamaj,thePunjabiHinduSabha,andtheHinduMahasabhawere allactiveintheregionduringthisperiod.281Althoughtheirmethodsandmotivationswere diverse,alloftheseSikh,Muslim,andHindugroupssharedseveralgoals,tocurtailtheinroads ofChristianmissionaries,toeducateanduplifttheircommunities,andtoactivateonbehalfof theircommunity.Insodoing,thesecommunitieshadtobedefined,aprocessthatledtoa hardeningofboundariesbetweenreligionsandariseincommunalpolitics.Inshort,thisperiod wasoneinwhichidentityformationwasverymuchaconcernfortheallthreemajorreligions. DuringthiscriticalperiodGianiGianSinghwasoneofthemostproductivescholarsof Sikhhistoricalworksandhiswritingswereanimportantpartoftheidentityformationprocess.

Ikram Ali Malik, "Muslim Anjumans and Communitarian Consciousness,"in Five Punjabi Centuries, edited by J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga, (New Delhi; Manohar, 1999), p. 113. On the Anjumans and other Muslim organizations in Punjab, see Edward D. Churchill, Jr., "Muslim Societies of the Punjab, 1860-1890," The Panjab Past and Present (Volume VIII, no. 1, 1974); David Gilmartin, "Religious Leadership and the Pakistan Movement in the Punjab," Modern Asian Studies (13, no. 3, 1979); Iftikhar H. Malik, "Identity Formation and Muslim Party Politics in Punjab, 1897-1936: A Retrospective Analysis," Modern Asian Studies (29, no. 2, 1995) and "Muslim Nationalism and Ethno-Regional Postulations: Sir Fazl-i-Husain and Party Politics in the Punjab," in Punjabi Identity in a Global Context, edited by Pritam Singh and Shinder Singh Thandi, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1999). 280 Malik, "Muslim Anjumans," p. 122. As mentioned in the previous chapter, there are many Muslim associations in Malerkotla, most of those still extant post-date independence. 281 N. Gerald Barrier, "The Punjab Government and Communal Politics, 1870-1908," Journal of Asian Studies (Volume 27, no. 3, 1968); Dietrich Reetz, "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts Were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India," Modern Asian Studies (Volume 31, no. 2 1997); K.L. Tuteja, "The Punjab Hindu Sabha and Communal Politics, 1906-1923," in Five Punjabi Centuries, edited by J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga, (New Delhi; Manohar, 1997).
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HiscomprehensivehistoryoftheSikhfaithandreligion,TawarikhGuruKhalsa(Historiesof theGurusandtheKhalsa)spannedthelifetimesoftheGurusandallsubsequentSikhhistory, therebydefiningtheparametersofwhatheviewedasthenormativetradition.Inhisaccountof GuruGobindSingh,hedescribesthemartyrdomofthesahibzadas,histwosons.Hefocuseshis narrativeonthereactionoftheGuruwhowassittingwithhisSikhsafterthebattlethathadcost thelivesofhistwoeldersonswhenanemissaryfromSirhindapproached. Thenextdayamessengercameandgaveeveryonethenews,anditbecame knownthatfirstMata[Gujri]wasbroughtwiththesahibzadastothevillage KheritoGangaRamBrahman'skitchen.Thenalltheirwealthwastaken,and Matasaidhowcanitbestolen,noonehascome?Thenhavingbeenrebuked, [GangaRam]calledaRangherafromMorindaandhecaughtMatajiandthe sahibzadastogetherandbroughtthemtoSirhind.BazidKhan[thatisWazir Khan]theadministratortemptedthemandthreatenedthemgreatlytoleavetheir religion,buttheydidnotbelieveanything.Theydidnotgiveuptheirreligion. Theygavetheirbodies.Hearingthecrueldeathsentenceofthesahibzadas,then NawabSherMuhammadKhanofMalerkotlasaid,"Itisagreatsintokillthese veryyoungandsinlesschildren.Furthermorethekillingoftheseinnocentswill notenhanceyourreputation.HonorwouldcomefromkillingthelionGobind Singh.IfyouareabletokillhimthenGoddoesnotconsiderthiswrong." HearingthisallthepeoplebecamesilentbutNandKhatriDiwan[theminister SuchaNand]spoke,"Itisnotgoodtosavethechildrenofaserpent."Hearing thisthestoneheartedBazidKhanhadtheinnocentchildren,asinnocentas rosebuds,brickedupinawall.Thenthewallwasopened,andtheywerekilled butitisagreatthingthatthesechildrenneverforsooktheirreligion,theyoffered uptheirbodies.Hearingoftheirmurder,MataGujrifaintedandfellfromthe towerinwhichshewasimprisonedandgaveupherbreath.282 Tearsfilledtheeyesofeveryoneastheyheardthistaleandthewailingand cryingwentonforsuchalongtimethattheGuruji'sneckdroopedandhebegan diggingattheseedlingplantsofareed.Havingheardtheentireaccount,the Gurupledged,"Havinggiventhiscallforjustice,theirrootswillbepreserved.In nootherplacewilltherootsofMuslimmenbecontinued.ThoseTurks'lineages willbeuprooted."Havingsaidthis,hepulledupthesprigsofgrassandthrew themawayandwiththemtherootsofSirhindwereuprootedandtheorderwas giventhatthatcityshouldnotdwellinpeace."Fromsuchagreatsin,mySikhs willplunderandlootanddevastatetheplaceandeverySikhwilltakeitsbricks andthrowintotheSutlej."

282

Singh, Giani Gian. Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, p. 778. 208

InGianiGianSingh'shistoryoftheformationoftheSikhfaith,thekeyelementsarethe innocenceandcourageofthesahibzadas,"innocentasrosebuds."Theyouthandpurityofthe twochildrencontrastswiththestrengthoftheirconvictionsastheyfaceWazirKhanand determinetogiveuptheirbodiesratherthantheirfaith.Indeed,evenSherMuhammadKhan's protesthighlightstheiryoungageandlackofsin.Hedescribesthemasveryyoung,shirkhor, meaningbreastfed,implyingthattheyarebarelyweaned.Healsoreferstothemasbeguna, withoutsin,andmasm,anArabicderivedtermforinnocence.YetSherMuhammadKhan's defenseisnotexaggerated.Hedoesnotadvocategivinguptheconflictorretreatingfromwhat heperceivesasanunjustfight.Rather,hearguesthatgloryandhonorderiveonlyfromkilling theirfatheronthefieldofbattle.Thatwouldbeafairandjustfight,worthyofatruesoldier. SherMuhammadKhanismadetoobservethatitwouldbeverysinful(vadhabharigunah)to killthesahibzadas,andthatGodwouldendorsethekillingoftheirfatherinafairfight.Giani GianSinghdoesnotdepicthimasgroundinghisobjectioninIslamitself.Hisobjectionsare basedonageneralethosofjustice. InTawarikhGuruKhalsa,theaccountoftheGuru'sblessingoftheNawab'slineageis immediatelyfollowedbyamoralitytaleofaHindufolloweroftheGuru'swhobeggedfora similarblessing.AstheHindudevoteehadpreviouslybetrayedtheGuru,uponsolicitation GobindSinghgavehimatest.Hegavehimseveralpersonalobjects(likelyaweaponora vessel)andtoldhimthatsolongashisfamilycaredproperlyfortheseitemsandworshipedthem dailythentheywouldbeblessed.NosuchconditionwasplacedontheprayerforSher MuhammadKhan.Indeed,theNawabwouldnothavebeenpresenttoreceivethegoodwishes oftheGuru.AlthoughlocaltraditionclaimsthattheGurusentaswordtotheNawabto

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authenticatetheblessing,nomentionofthisismadehere.283NoristheNawab'sprotest associatedwiththephrase"haadanaara"whichcomestobeitsformulaicreferentinmodern times.ThustheoverallimpactofthisincidentinGianiGianSingh'shistoryistoemphasizethe braveryandyouthofthesahibzadasandglorifytheGuru'sfairnessasheblesseshisenemyfor anactofmercyshowntohischildren. LaterinthegrowthofSikhidentitypoliticsthereformmovementsoflatenineteenth centuryhavehadtheirimpactandtheindependencemovementhasbeguninearnest.Inthis periodgreatquantitiesoftractliteratureaimedatshoringuptheseidentitieswasproduced.284A 1908EnglishchapbookbyonePuranSingh,VictoryofFaith,isportraysthemartyrdomina remarkablymorepartisanfashionthantheearlierhistories,focusingonthemartyrdomofthe twosonsofGuruGobindSingh,thistextalmostglossesovertheNawab'sprotest.Althoughthe elementsofthenarrativearethesameinPuranSingh'srendition,theplayersaresomewhat different.RatherthanNawabSherMuhammadKhanprotestingthatitwouldonlybefairtokill GobindSinghhimselfinbattle,thisobjectionisplacedinthemouthsof"twoPathanyouths." Theyouthsareunnamedandtheonlythingknownaboutthemotherthantheirethnicityisthat theirfatherhadbeenkilledinbattle.Theydeclare MayitpleaseYourHonour,ourfatherwaskilledbytheirfatherinapitched battle,andwearenotsoheartlesscowardsastotaketheinnocentlivesofthese twoinfantsinrevenge-seeking.Wewouldratherwaittillwemeetourworthy foeundersimilarcircumstancesanddrawourswordsontheheadofGuru GobindSinghhimself.Thesearemerebabies,andwecannotcomplywithYour Honour'sorder.285

The Guru is also believed to have given a pitcher to the ruler of Raikot in 1704. This blessing is reported to have saved the town from the violence of Partition just as the Guru's blessing preserved Malerkotla. See Ian Copland, "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947," Modern Asian Studies (Volume 36, no. 3, 2002), p. 694, fn 98. 284 See Harjot Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries. 285 Puran Singh, The Victory of Faith or the Story of the Martyrdom, (Amritsar; The Khalsa Agency, 1908), p. 28-9.
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Thesetwofatherlessyouths,witheveryreasontodesirevengeanceexertthesameself-control thatSherMuhammadKhanexhibitsinGianiGianSingh'stext.PuranSinghevengoessofaras tohavethemrefertoGuruGobindSinghasa"worthyfoe,"asomewhatunlikelydescriptionfor someonewhohaskilledtheirfather.Nonetheless,noreligiousobjectionisraisedbythePathan youths,accordingtoPuranSingh.NordoesSherMuhammadKhanprotestonsuchgrounds. Immediatelyaftertheyouthsrefusetokillthesahibzadas,PuranSinghdescribestheNawabas demandingthattheybefreed:"AtthisjuncturetheNawabofMalerkotlaboldlyproposedtothe NawabofSirhindforthereleaseoftheinnocentboys."ThisisthetotalityofSherMuhammad Khan'sappearanceinthischapbook.Hisproposalforthesahibzadas'totalrelease(whichI neverfoundinanyotheraccount)wasunsuccessful,thoughitdidmovetheNawabofSirhind, andhisfaceblushedwiththeshameofcowardicewhichhehadshownandhe felthalfinclinedtosetthemfreewhenSuchanand,aKhatriminister,putina remarkthattheyoungoneofasnakegrowstobeadangeroussnakeandhenceit wasnotpolitictoshowanymercytowardsthesonsofadangerousrebel.286 ThisremarkwasenoughtostrengthenWazirKhan'sresolve,andtheexecutionsceneproceeds fromthere.By1908theSinghSabha'sreformistagendadominatedtheSikhinstitutionbuilding process.TheChiefKhalsaDiwan,foundedin1902,formalizedinmanywaysthegoalsofthe SinghSabhainacentralbodybasedatAmritsartooverseeandimplementacohesiveidentityfor theSikhcommunity.PuranSingh'schapbookwouldhaveappearedinamomentimmediately followingtheBritishgovernment'sfirstattempttopartitionIndia,internally,alongcommunal lineswiththefailedpartitionofBengalin1905.FollowedbytheformationoftheMuslim LeagueandtheIndianNationalCongress'callforswarajorself-rule,thiswasanimportant periodinwhichIndia'sreligiouscommunitieswerestrivingforself-determinationandfor

286

Ibid, p. 29. 211

independencefromtheBritish.PuranSingh'sfocusontheGuruandhisson'sandhisnear omissionoftheNawabareunsurprisinginsuchacontext. Partition,ofcoursechangedeverything.After1947SikhsinEastPunjabwerenowa majorityofthepopulationforthefirsttimeever(fifty-fivepercentaccordingtothe1951 census).Muslimsbecamenearlynon-existent.Yettheaccountofthesahibzadas'martyrdom remainsverymuchthesame.Ina1957versionoftheincidentwrittenbyGandaSingh,an eminenthistorianofPunjab,SherMuhammadKhanreturnstoamorecentralplace,buthis objectionsarestillnotpresentedinexplicitlyIslamicterms.AsinGianiGianSingh'srendition, amoregeneralizedethosofjusticeisinvoked.InGandaSingh'saccount,SherMuhammad Khanwasofferedthe'privilege'ofexecutingthesahibzadasoutofrevengeforthedeathsofhis brotherKhizrKhanandnephewNabhiKhanwhowerekilledinthesiegeofAnandpur.But accordingtoGandaSinghtheMalerkotlaNawabdidnotadvocateavengingthesedeathsby killingtheGuru'ssons;ratherhegaveanimpassionedprotest.Hedeclaredthattheboyswere innocentandthattheMughalforceswereatwarwiththeirfather,notthem.GandaSingh describestheeventthus: ButthebraveAfghanrefusedtokilltheinnocentchildren,oneofwhomwassix yearsold,andtheothereight.'BothIandmyfollowersaresoldiersandwhoever opposesusinopenwar,weeitherkillhimorarekilledourselves,butwhatyou propose,'saidSherMuhammadKhan,'isthebusinessofanexecutioner.'Saying thishelefttheDarbar[court]andwentaway.287 ThisversionemphasizestheNawab'sparticularobjectionstothemethodofkillingthe sahibzadas,whichhedismissesasunsoldierly.TheNawabdoesnotremaintopleadhiscase, however,butleavesthesceneratherrapidlyandabandonsthesahibzadastotheirfate.This emphasizesevenfurtherthebraveryofthetwoyoungboyswhoarenowwhollyfriendlessas

287

Ganda Singh, "The Boy Martyrs of Sirhind," The Sikh Review, (December 1957), p. 40. 212

theyfacetheirfate.GandaSinghsticksfairlycloselytoGianiGianSingh'sframestory,and doesnotelaborateupontheNawab'sroleintheevents.WrittentenyearsafterPartition,this shortessaycouldnothavebeenmuchconcernedwiththetotallyunnecessarytaskof differentiatingSikhsfromtherelativelynon-existentMuslimsnorwithcoalitionbuildingwith theMuslimpopulation.TheSikhReviewanditsreadershipweremerelybeingreminded(asthey werenearlyannually)ofthegreatsacrificethetwoboysmadefortheirfaith.Thisissignificant asaccountsbyotherSikhauthorsandbymembersoftheNawabifamilydoportraySher MuhammadKhan'sprotestasbasedinhisIslamicfaith. Thehaadanaaraisimbuedwithreligiousmotivationinanundated,butrecent, chapbookbyoneBachanSinghaboutFatehgarhSahib(thenamegiventoSirhindafterthese events,meaningtheplaceofvictory)entitledDivineVisionofFatehgarhSahib(Fatehgarh SahibdiDarshan).IngeneralthesceneissimilartothatportrayedbyGandaSingh,butismuch morefullyelaboratedandquotesversesfromSantokhSingh'sSriGurpratapSurajGranth (1843),acompendiumofSikhhistoryandhagiography.BachanSinghgoesintogreatdetailin depictingthescene,andwhenSherMuhammadKhanarisestoprotest,thedramaisatafever pitch.Offeredtheopportunitytokilltheboyshimselfoutofvengeanceforthedeathsofhis brotherandnephew,SherMuhammadKhanrefuses. ButSherMohammadKhanwasatender-heartedman.Hesaid,Mybrotherand nephewwerekilledinbattle.IcantakemyrevengefromGuruGobindSinghon thebattlefield.Ifthereisanydisagreementbetweenus,thenitiswithGuru GobindSingh,notwiththem.Theyareveryyoung[breast-feeding]children, whatsincouldbetheirs?Aboveandbeyondthis,itisagainsttheshar#a(law) ofIslam.ThereforeIcannotdothis. Sayingthis,SherMohammadKhangaveacallforjustice(haadanaara mariya)andrisingfromthedarbarheleft.BhaiSantokhSinghgivesthe followingopinionabouttheabovementioned: AlthoughyouaretheenemyoftheGuruspeople onbehalfoftheseinnocentsyourebelled Saying,donotkilltheseunweanedchildren

213

 Thecruelorderyouneitherjustifiednorfulfilled.288 BachanSinghportraysSherMuhammadKhaninaverydifferentlightthanearlierSikhtexts. Nolongermerelyaconsummatesoldier,willingtofacetheGuruonthebattlefieldbutnottokill children,heistender-hearted.Furthermore,headdstheobjectionthattoexecutethesahibzadas wouldviolatethelawsofshar#a,orIslamiclaw.TheversecitedfromSantokhSingh reinforcesthepowerofSherMuhammadKhan'sobjection.Heiscalledthe"enemyofthe Guru'speople,"intensifyingthepowerofhis"rebellion"againsthisowncommunityonbehalfof theinnocents.ThismakestheimportantmoveofseparatingtheMuslimswhoconspiretokill thechildrenfromtheMuslimwhorefusestodoso. Thisdifferentiationbetween"good"Muslimsand"bad"Muslimsisanimportantone, bespeakingasensitivitytothepeculiartensionsofminorityreligiouspoliticsandthe complicatednatureofMuslim-Sikhrelationsvis--vistheHindumajority.Hinduextremists havelongviewedSikhismaspartofHinduism.IndeedtheBJPpartynowrulingatthecenterof nationalpoliticshasoftenreferredtoSikhsasHindus,andtheVHPlistsSikhismasoneofthe religionsitconsiderswithintheHindufold.Sikhs,fortheirpart,havemostlyattemptedto distinguishthemselvesfromtheHindutraditions.Perhapsthemostfamousinstanceofthiswas thepublicationofBhaiKahnSinghNabha'stractHamHinduNahn(WeAreNotHindu)in 1898.289TheSikhshavealsofrequentlypressedforgreaterautonomypoliticallyfromthe centralgovernment.Therehavebeensignificantagitationsinthe1910'sforanindependentSikh state,acallthatwasrevivedduringPartition,andagaininthe1980's.Thefirstmovementwas
Bachan Singh, Fatehgarh Sahib di darshan, (unknown publisher and date), p. 23. Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha (1861- 1936) was one of the major ideologues of the Singh Sabha movement. He is also the author of the Mahan Kosh, Great Dictionary, an encyclopedic dictionary of Punjab. In the Mahan Kosh entry for Malerkotla, Nabha references the Guru's blessing: "It is from here that the ruler Sher Mohammad Khan having heard of the order to kill the small Sahibzadas at the fort in Sirhind raised a protest and told the Suba that to behead the children would be a sin, for this reason the Sikhs regard this kingdom with reverence (sanman). In the Gurpratap surya it is also written that the tenth guru declared, Let this Malerians roots be green. Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha, Gurushabad Ratnakara Mahan Kosh, (Chandigarh; Bhasha Vibhag Punjab, 1999).
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brutallysuppressedbytheBritishandthelastwasbrutallysuppressedbytheIndiangovernment underIndiraGandhi.290Facedwiththeneedtoconstantlydistinguishthemselvesfrom Hinduism,yetawareofthepossiblerepercussionsofdoingso,SikhslikeMuslimsmustwalka finelineinordertoberegardedas"good"Indiancitizens. NowadaysnumerousSikhwebsitesincludethehaadanaaraintheirdescriptionofthe

sahibzadasmartyrdom,testifyingtotheongoingpopularityoftheseevents.Thecontinuityof thecontentisremarkable,testifyingtothecurrencyoftheolderSikhsourcesformodern audiences.ASikhReviewarticlepostedinDecemberof2000describesthehaadanaarathus: Amidthisgrilling,NawabSherMuhammadKhanofMalerkotla,whohappened tobethere,earnestlyimploredthatthechildrenweretooyoungandinnocentto bepunishedandpleadedthatIslamdidnotsanctionsuchconduct.291 Thisisafairlytypicalmodernrenditionofthehaadanaara.InittheNawabisshownas objectingonthesamegroundsasinpreviousaccounts,withperhapsagreateremphasisonhis opposingtheexecutiononreligiousgrounds.Afewothersitesdramatizethescenefurther,such asthisversionontheSikhworldsite,whichisrepeatedverbatimonseveralothers: NawabWazirKhancalledSherMohammadKhan,theNawabofMalerkotla,and conveyedtheQazi'sorderstohim,"YourbrotherlosthislifeatthehandsofGuru GobindSingh.Hereisanopportunityforyoutowreakyourvengeance.TheQazi hassentencedthesetwosonsofGuruGobindSinghtodeathandhasfurther orderedthattheybebrickedalive.Wearehandingthemovertoyoufordoingthe needful"OnhearingthisSherMohammadKhanwasdumbfounded.Aftersome pausehesaidtotheNawabinafalteringvoice,"Thisiscruelty!mybrotherwas killedonthebattlefield.Theseinnocentboysarenotresponsibleforhisdeath.If wehavetotakerevengeitshallbefromthefather.Godsaveusfromthissinful act."Sayingthishegotupandremarkedinamournfultone,"OGod,how cruel!"292
Operation Blue Star authorized by Gandhi in 1984 was designed to rout out Sikh militants who had taken over the Golden Temple at Amritsar. However, the heavy handed firebombing and artillery barrage resulted in a massacre of hundreds, the wounding of many, many more, and the destruction of many priceless artifacts of the Sikh faith. 291 Dr. Manmohan Singh, "Nikian Jindan-Vada Saka: Story of Child Martyrs," December 2000, http://www.sikhreview.org/december2000/moral.htm, (April 19, 2002). 292 "Sikh Sacrifice: Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls," http://www.sikhworld.co.uk/page5.html, (June 19, 2002)
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 Again,SherMuhammadKhan'smotivationistheavoidanceofsinandtheprotectionofthe innocent,justasintheversionsofGianiGianSinghandGandaSingh. InonlyoneaccountdidIeverseetheeventportrayedinasubstantiallydifferentlight.

OnaninternetdiscussionsitedevotedtoSikhissues,thecaseofthesahibzadasexecutionwas presentedbyoneparticipantasevidenceof"howanimal-liketheMohammedansare,havebeen andineverylikelihoodwillbeinthefuture."InthisversionbyoneSukhaSinghinAprilof 2000,NawabSherMuhammadKhandoesprotest.SukhaSinghwritesthat theNawabofMalerkotla,SherMuhammad,stoodupandarguedthatIslam forbidsslaughterofinnocentchildren.Thatthesekidshavedonenowrongand theyshouldnotbepunishedforwrongsdonebytheirfather.Therewasafurore [sic]inthecourt.TheQazis,however,arguedandexpostulatedwithSher MuhammadaboutthetruemeaningofIslamandsaidthatSherMuhammaddid notknowtrueIslamandsoon.Thatthekidsshoulddie.Andfinally,theNawab agreedwiththeQazis.293 Thisaccountisclearlypartofapolemicalandinflammatoryposting.Nonetheless,thatthis eventissingledoutbytheauthor(whoinotherpostingsaddressesWomeninIslam,GaySexin MuslimParadise,andotherprovocativetopics)asthecrucialmomenttoprovethetruthofIslam toaSikhaudiencedemonstrateshowcentralthismomentisinSikh-Muslimrelations.Clearly drivenbyadesiretoundermineanypositiveopinionsoftheMuslimfaith,theauthordirectly attacksthecentralfeatureofthenarrative,SherMuhammadKhan'scouragetoopposethe executionofthechildren.InSukhaSingh'saccount,theNawabcavesunderpressurefromthe Qazis(judges)andcomestoagreewiththeirdeathsentence.Thisalsoimpliesanagreement withtheirinterpretationof"thetruemeaningofIslam."Havingforgedsuchaconsensusabout themeaningofIslamamongtheMuslimcharactersinthisnarrative,SukhaSinghisableto representthatconsensusastrueIslam.Interestingly,SuchaNand,theHinduministerwho
293

Sukha Singh, "In the Name of Islam," April 17, 2000, http://www.gillit.com/_disc2/000004b5.htm, (May 2003). 216

strengthensWazirKhan'sresolveinmostrenditions,disappearsaltogetherinthisversionandhis roleistakenupbytheQazis.ThusinanefforttodamageIslaminthemindsofSikhs,Sukha Singhattacksthemomentofsymbolicunitythatdemonstratesthepossibilityofrisingabove religiousdivisions.Itisbecauseofthepowerofthehaadanaaraasaunifyingnarrativethat thisreactionaryauthorattemptstodestroythebasisforthisexampleofcooperationandcommon humanity. TheseaccountsofthehaadanaarafromSikhsourcesdemonstratetheubiquityand powerofthisevent.Althoughcertainshiftsinemphasisareevident,thereisaremarkable consistencyinthestructureandsubstanceofthenarrativesfromthenineteenthcenturytothe present.InalloftheaccountsSherMuhammadKhan'spleagoesunheeded.Theexecution takesplace.ZorawarandFatehSinghwerenotonlykilled,theywereexecutedinatortuous fashion,brickedupaliveinawall.Theirgrandmother,MataGujri,alsodiedandisregardedasa martyrtothefaithaswell.294 Themostnotablechangetothestoryoccursinsomeoftheaccountswrittenafter Partition.ButthereisalsoapalpableshiftinthosewrittenafterOperationBluestarin1984 whentheIndianGovernmentforcesstormedtheGoldenTempletoroutoutagroupofradical Sikhs,killinghundredsanddesecratingthesacredsite.Thesubsequentdecadeofterrorismand separatistviolenceexacerbatedreligioustensionsinPunjabandheightenedthealreadypowerful senseofsectarianvulnerabilityoftheminorityreligionsinIndia.Therhetoricoftheselater accountsofthehaadanaaraismoreexplicitinportrayingNawabSherMuhammadKhanasa "goodMuslim"whosetsasideloyaltytohismastertheMughalEmperorandanysenseof

Some accounts assert that she died from exposure in the Thanda Burj. The Tawarikh Guru Khalsa asserts that she martyred herself by jumping from the tower or by passing out from the shock and falling to her death. "Hearing of their murder, Mata Gujri fainted and fell from the tower in which she was imprisoned and gave up her breath." Giani Gian Singh, op cit, p. 778.
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religioussolidarityinordertodefendthesahibzadas.Thisunderstandingofthemeaningofthe haadanaaraandtheGuru'sblessingcomestodominatenotonlymodernSikhversions,butalso mostpopularoralnarrativesthatIheardandtheMuslimoralandwrittenaccountsaswell.With theexceptionofSukhaSingh'svitriolicweblog,thismomentisemblematicofthepossibilityof asocietyinwhichreligiousaffiliationdoesnotdetermineloyaltyandenmity.Thisissignificant alsoasMalerkotlaisnowtheonlyMuslimregionremaininginIndianPunjabaspartoftheSikh drivetopurgetheregionofMuslims,accordingtoIanCopland,wasto"clearaterritorialspace fortheSikhhomelandaspacebereftofMuslimsthattheSikhscoulddominatebyvirtueof theirmilitarydominanceandcontrolovertheagrarianeconomy."295TheremainingMuslim regionmustbereconciledandincorporatedintothenewSikhdominatedpolity.These narrativesofthehaadanaaragiveevidenceofpastpointsofcooperation.Furthermore,and increasinglyasHindunationalistpoliticshavebeenascendant,SikhsandMuslimsareboth minorityreligiouspopulationscopingwithsimilarchallengesofbeingminorityreligious populations.Thusthiseventisanimportantexampleofthekindofcoalitionbuildingand preemptiveself-identificationaspeopleofconsciencefirstandreligionafterthattheymust assumeinordertoguaranteetheirsafetyascitizens.Laudingpastexamplesofinter-religious cooperationprovidesbothamotivatingidealforpeoplefromallcommunitiesandalsoasecurity strategyforminorityreligions.ThusthefactofMalerkotla'ssurvivalofthePartitioncrisis combinedwiththewhollynewdemographicandpoliticaldynamicinthePunjaballowsthis narrativerepresentationofMalerkotla'sethicofharmonytotakeonrealforceingeneratingthe kindofidealsocietyitrepresents.ThusthepoweroftheGuru'sblessingtopreserveMalerkotla

295

Copland, "The Master and the Maharajas," p. 696. 218

fromharminallsubsequentperiodsoftensionwithSikharmies,rulers,andmovements becomesquiterealandevermoreprominentinhistoriesoftheregion. ThehaadanaarainMuslimSources Muslimnarrativesofthehaadanaaratendtoemphasizethesoundreligiousbasisof SherMuhammadKhan'sobjectiontotheexecution.Althoughstructurallyquitesimilartothe Sikhaccounts,thiselementoftheprotestishighlightedtoaccentuatetheNawab'srighteousness. InhisHistoryoftheRulingFamilyofSheikhSadruddin,IftikharAliKhan,thelastNawabof Malerkotla,assertsthatafterthefailureofhishaadanaaraSherMuhammadKhanreturnedto hiskingdomanddidnotparticipateinanyfurthercampaignsagainsttheGuru.296IftikharAli KhangivesthreereasonsforSherMuhammadKhan'srefusaltorejointhebattle.First,Sher MuhammadKhan"wassomuchtouchedbythecalamitiesandhardshipsthatGuruGobind Singhhadtofacethathehadnotthehearttoaddtohistroublesandconsidereditacrimeto participateinanystruggleagainsthim."297ThisdescriptionofSherMuhammadKhan's motivationsreinforcestherepresentationofSherMuhammadKhan,andbyextensionhis descendents,asacompassionateandtender-heartedman.Second,lestthisimpressionleadtohis beingthoughtweakorunmilitary,IftikharAliKhanalsopointsoutthathechoseformilitaryand strategicreasonsnottosubjecthistroopstothehardshipsoftheparticularbattle.Third,"on

This assertion must be balanced against a contemporary account of Sher Muhammad Khan's presence and valor in battle against Banda Bahadur. Muhammad Qasim authored the Ibrtnma in about 1723, an account of the campaigns of Banda Bahadur. He specifically references Malerkotla and Sher Muhammad Khan's active defence of Wazir Khan in a battle against the Sikhs. Although Iftikhar Ali Khan is claiming only that Sher Muhammad Khan did not attack Guru Gobind Singh, still the fact of Sher Muhammad Khan's ongoing loyalty to the Mughal powers is undeniable. Qasim writes, "A great battle occurred twelve kurohs from Sahrind. The young men of the army of Islam, showing exemplary bravery, tasted martyrdom, after obtaining repute in the field of valour. Especially was heroism displayed in this battle by Sher Muhammad and Khwaja 'Ali, Afghans of Kotla Maler, who in this sarkar (i.e. district) were masters of a host and commanded trust. After much fighting, they stood firm like the Pole Star within that very circle and surrendered their lives to the Creator. You may say, they attained goodness and good name in that field of valour." It is also worth noting that Qasim makes no mention of the haa da naara. J.S. Grewal and Irfan Habib, eds. Sikh History from Persian Sources. New Delhi: Tulika, 2001), p. 116. 297 Khan, History, p. 37.
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hearingthattheGuruwaspleasedwithhimattheprotesthehadlaunchedwiththeChakladar [i.e.WazirKhan]tosparethelivesofhissons,hedidnotthinkitadvisabletoturnhisblessings intocurses."Althoughundated,theHistorywaslikelywrittenshortlyafterindependence,asthe lastchapterisIftikharAliKhan'sascensionspeechin1948.298ForIftikharAliKhan,writingin theimmediateaftermathofthetraumaandbloodshedofPartitionthatnearlyeradicatedevery Muslimfromthesurroundingregion,thereislittledoubtthathewouldbegreatlyconcernedto emphasizethepossibilityofinter-religiouscooperationandloyalty.Manyofhissubjectswere SikhandthekingdomofMalerkotlawassurroundedbytwomuchlargerSikhstates,Patialaand Nabha.Maintainingpositiverelationswithhisownpopulationaswellashisneighborswas evidentlyimportanttohimfromthewayinwhichhedepictsthehaadanaaraanditsimpacton Malerkotlahistory. AlthoughIftikharAliKhandoesdevoteaconsiderableamountoftexttothevalorof NawabSherMuhammadKhaninbattleagainsttheSikhs,evenmorespaceisgivenoverto descriptionsoftheNawabsbraveryinstandingupincourttoopposethemurderofGuru GobindSinghssons.Whenthetwoboyswerebroughtbeforethecourtandinvitedtoembrace Islam(andinsodoingsavetheirlives)theyaredepictedastenaciouslyholdingtheirgroundand theirfaith.Manytemptationswereplacedbeforethemandtheywerepersuadedinevery possiblewaytobecomeMuslims,buttheyrefusedtodoso.Theywereofferedtheentirejagr ofAnandpur,besidesthehighrankofanofficialwhichwouldeventuallybebestowedupon them,buttheyspurnedalltemptations.299WazirKhaneventuallydecidesthattheboysmust die,astheyarepotentialfuturerulersandpowerfulsymbolsfortheSikhcommunity.Notonly

There is no mention of his service as a representative to PEPSU (the Patiala and East Punjab States Union) immediately after the dissolution of the princely states in November of 1948, or as a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) after the demise of PEPSU in 1954. Iftikhar Ali Khan died in 1982. 299 Khan, History, p. 34-5.
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musttheybeexecuted,butitisdeterminedthattheyshouldbewalledupalive.Atthispoint, IftikharAliKhanwritesthatNawabSherMuhammadKhanobjectedmoststrenuouslytothis act, Hewasboldenoughtosaythatitwasagainstallprinciplesofequityandjustice thatthetwochildrenshouldbemadetosufferfornofaultoftheirownand shouldpayforthedeedsoftheirfather.Suchtyrannywasagainstthedictatesof ShariatandIslam.300 HeretheIslamicgroundsfortheobjectioncometotheforefront.Notonlyisthekillingofthe sahibzadasunjust,butitisalsoagainstshar#a,Islamiclaw.AlthoughIftikharAliKhanisnot specificaboutthecodesofIslamiclawthatwouldcontravenetheexecution,hedoesclearlystate thatthereisareligiousbasisforactingagainstone'sfellowMuslims.301 AlthoughtheNawabsbrotherandnephewwerekilledfightingtheGuru,Sher MuhammadKhanisnotinterestedinrevenge.Herepeatedlyinsiststhat,althoughhewould gladlymeettheGuruonanopenbattlefield,thekillingofcaptiveshasnohonor,andTrue Chivalrydoesnotlieintormentinghelplessprisonersbutliesintreatingthemwith compassion.302AccordingtoIftikharAliKhan,theNawabevenoffershimselfasguardianfor theboys,soastokeepacheckontheiractionsandmovementsandnottoallowthemto entertainanykindofideasofseditionordisloyaltyintheirminds.303InIftikharAliKhan's rendition,SherMuhammadKhan'sappealismuchmorefullyfleshedout,asmightbeexpected inanaccountbyhisdescendent.HereSherMuhammadKhanappearsjust,compassionate,and braveforstandinguptohiscommanderand,throughhim,totheMughalEmperor.WhenWazir

Ibid, p. 35. There is ample evidence from the Qur'an and the Hadith that the killing of noncombatants, especially women and children is expressly forbidden in the waging of war (usually called harb or qatl, rather than jihad). For example, Qur'an 5:32 states, "Whosoever kills an innocent human being, it shall be as if he has killed all mankind, and whosoever saves the life of one, it shall be as if he had saved the life of all mankind." 302 Khan, History, p. 34. 303 Ibid, p. 36.
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Khandecidestodisregardtheplea,noparticularmotivationforhisrefusalisgiven.SuchaNand isnotmentionedatallintheaccount,norisanyotherscapegoat. PerhapsmostremarkableisanadditionaldetailwhichappearsinIftikharAliKhan's History.HerewehavethefirstmentionofaletterpurportedlywrittenbytheNawabto Aurangzebonbehalfoftheboys,inwhichSherMuhammadKhanappealstotheEmperors senseofjusticeandhisfaithinIslamformercy.TheclaimthattheNawabactuallywrotealetter toAurangzebdescribinghisobjectionsisdubiousatbest.Averifiablecopyofthisletterisno longerextant.Translationsdoexistanditisamovingstatement,butmostscholarsofPunjab historyareskepticalofitsauthenticity.304AtameetingofthePunjabHistoricalSociety,an archivistfromtheNationalArchivesinDelhipresentedacopyofthesupposedletter.Thecopy hadbeenpresentedtoJawaharlalNehrubyNawabIftikharAliKhaninthe1950's.However, "onthebasisofacriticalappraisalofthedocumenttheConferenceexpresseditsstrongdoubts abouttheauthenticityofthepetition."305Inspiteofitsdoubtfulveracity,theletterhascometo bequiteimportantlocally.Forexample,agurdwaraknownastheHaaDaNaaraGurdwarawas builttwentyyearsago,onpropertyformerlybelongingtotheNawab.IthasaPunjabiand Englishtranslationoftheletterpostedinitscourtyard.Also,severalhistoriansofPunjabhave publishedtranslationsoftheletterinTheSikhReview.InJanuaryof1967areprintofthe Persianoriginalandatranslationappearedwithoutattribution.TheninDecemberof1968M.L. Peacepublishedapoeticrenditionoftheletterunderthetitle"HistoricEpistle."A2000history ofMalerkotla,Malerkotla:ItihaskeDarpanmein(Malerkotla:IntheMirrorofHistory)by KhalidZubairyincludesaHinditranslationoftheletter.Interestingly,earlieraccounts, includingtheSikhhistoriesoftheperiod,makenomentionofaletter,merelyoftheactof
304 305

The complete text of the letter as reproduced in the Nawab's history is attached as an appendix. Proceedings of the Punjab History Conference, Volume XVIII, p. 201. 222

protest.Itisdifficulttodeterminewhenthefirstreferencetoalettercameintocurrency.306 CertainlyitisastretchtoimaginethatinsuchasituationthataletterpostedtoAurangzebwho wascampaigningintheDeccan,manyhundredsofmilesaway,wouldhavehadanyefficacyor purpose. IftikharAliKhanpresentstheentiretyoftheletterinhisHistory.Whateverits authenticityitdoescontainthemostfullyarticulatedreligiousjustificationforsparingthe sahibzadasfoundinanyoftheaccountsofthehaadanaara.307Hewrites: Itwould,innowaybeconsistentwiththeprinciplesofsovereigntyandsupreme powertowreakthevengeanceofthemisdeedsofawholenationontwoinnocent childrenwho,onaccountoftheirtenderagearequiteinnocentandunabletotake astandagainsttheallpowerfulViceroy[ofSirhind].Thissortofaction obviouslyappearstobeabsolutelyagainstthedictatesofIslamandthelaws propoundedbythefounderofIslam(MayGod'sblessingsbeshoweredonhim) andyourMajestyshumbleservantisafraidthattheenactmentofsuchan atrociousactwouldperpetuallyremainanuglyblotonthefaceofyourMajestys renownedjusticeandrighteousness.308 TheNawabrealizeshisproposalsandhisprotestswilllikelygounheeded(thoughpossiblynot unpunished)ashethenasserts,thefearofGodandtheurgeoffaithdoesnotallowtheundue suppressionoftruths.Hegoesontodeclarethatifhispleaisdeprivedofthehonorof acceptance,stillyourMajestyshumbleanddevotedservantshallhavetheconsolationofhaving performedthesacreddutyofexpressingwhatwasrightandjustandnothavingallowedhispen todeviateintheexpressionoftruth.309TheprominenceoftheincidentintheHistoryis significantasanindicationthattheNawabssawtheirrelationshiptotheSikhpopulationof
Some locals speculate that it was about the time of the Kothala firings when the Praja Mandal movement against the princely states was active. As the preponderance of these freedom fighters were Sikhs, it is plausible that the Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan might have sought to shore up his support among this group by reviving this historical moment of Sikh-Muslim cooperation. However, no evidence exists to confirm or deny this speculation. 307 The phrase haa da naara simply means a cry for justice or a call of protest. It does not specifically indicate either an oral or a written objection. The verb it is usually paired with marna, means to strike. As a compound, haa da naara mariya, "He gave a cry for justice," is emphatic and indicates a force and conviction which the English translation does not fully indicate. 308 Khan, History, p. 36. 309 Ibid, p. 37.
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MalerkotlaandthePunjab,notasperpetuallycontentious,butaspotentiallycooperative.By emphasizingNawabSherMuhammadKhanscommitmenttojustice,andbasingthis commitmentinhisstrongfaithinIslam,theauthorplacesthepastintotheserviceofthepresent. WritingtheHistoryinaMuslimregionofaSikhmajoritystate,IftikharAliKhanremindshis readersofallfaithsthatIslamdoesnotcondoneinjusticeorindiscriminateslaughter.Onthe contrary,asevidencedinthecaseoftheNawabandtheGurussons,trueIslamisbasedon principlesofjusticeandrighteousnessthatsupersedebattlelinesandreligiousboundaries. IftikharAliKhanalsodescribesthemomentwhentheGuruhearsofthetragicfateofhissons, reportedlyaskingifanyonewastheretospeakforhischildren.OnhearingthatNawabSher MuhammadKhanhadstronglyprotestedandtriedhisbesttosavehissonsfromtheirawfulfate, thehandsoftheGuruwereraisedinprayerfortheNawabsprosperitysayingthatHisrootswill everremaingreen.AndthatfromnowonwardstheMughalEmpirewoulddecline.310Itisthis blessingthatbecomesoneofthemostpowerfulelementsofMalerkotla'sidentityinsubsequent years.IftikharAliKhanisthefirsttolinkinprinttheblessingoftheGurutoMalerkotla'speace. HeassertsthatinsubsequentbattlesandconfrontationswithSikharmiesandmovements MalerkotlawassparedthefullforceofSikhviolence.ThisisattributedtoNawabSher MuhammadKhansvigorousdefenseoftheGurussons. Bycontrast,InayatAliKhan,alsoadescendentofSherMuhammadKhanhadgivena

briefaccountofthehaadanaara,inhis1882bookDescriptionofthePrincipalKotlaAfghans. FarmorespaceisdevotedtothenumbersofvillagesacquiredandthebattleswagedbySher MuhammadKhan.Nonetheless,hedoesportraythesceneasamomentwhenhisancestorspoke courageouslyagainstaninjustice.Havingbeencaptured,thesahibzadas

Ibid, p. 35. This may well be an unattributed translation from of Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha's Mahankosh entry for Malerkotla.
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fellintothehandsoftheconquerorsandweretorturedtodeath,beingburied aliveunderthewallsofSirhindbytheorderoftheSubah.Atthetimeofthis horribleexecutionSherMahommedwaspresent:hebeingdisgustedatsucha shamefulandcowardlymanneroftakingrevengeupontheinnocent, remonstratedagainstit.Theimperialofficersdidnotpayheedtothe remonstrance;theywereresolutelydeterminedtosetasevereexample,andto carrythisintoeffecthaddecidedupontheabovemodeofpunishment.However, SherMahommed'seffortstodoawaywiththethatcruelpunishmentwerenot altogetherwithoutresult,seeingthattheywontheaffectionofGuruGovind Singhwho,onhearingthesadnewsofhissons'death,enquirediftherewasany onewhoadvocatedmercytothechildren,andbeingtoldthatSherMahommed hadusedeveryendeavourtoobtaintheirrelease,wassoinfluencedbyhis feelingsthatheoffereduphisferventprayersforSherMahommeddespitethe pasttroublesanddefeathehadreceivedattheKhan'shands.311 InayatAliKhan'saccountgoesintonodetailwhatsoeveraboutthesceneofthesahibzadas questioningandultimateexecution.SherMuhammadKhanisnotdepictedashavingany religiouslybasedobjections,thepunishmentismerelydescribedas"cruel"and"cowardly." WrittenlongbeforePartitioninaMuslimruledkingdom,InayatAliKhandoesnotseemtobe interestedatallinemphasizingthiseventasanexampleofinter-religioussolidarityorasa modelforpresentorfuturebehavior.Inhisviewthesignificantaspectsoftheeventarethat SherMuhammadKhanspokeagainstthekilling,andthatsubsequentlyGuruGobindSingh blessedhimforhismercy.Interestingly,nomentionismadeofaletterwrittentoAurangzebor anyother"endeavour"tosaveZorawarandFatehSinghfromtheirfates. InSufiIsmail'sBaghal-Anbiya"Punjab,thehaadanaaraisremarkedinabrief

footnote.SufiIsmail'sdescriptionseemstoserveseveralpurposes.First,hedetailsthe foundationofanearbytown,Sherpur,inthenameoftheruler.Second,heportraysthemercy andjusticeoftheNawabtherebyexplainingtheaffectionoftheSikhsforSherMuhammad Khan.Third,heremarksuponthesubsequentneglectofhisgrave.Hewrites:

311

Khan, (1882), p.p. 13-14. 225

ThetownofSherpurwasfoundedinthenameofNawabSherAliKhanSahib [sic]whoinSirhindinthecourtofWazirSubeKhanhadsympathyuponthe childrenofGuruGobindSinghandcalledfortheirrelease.Becauseofthisthe Sikhpeoplebelievestronglyinhimandrememberhim.Hisgraveisinthe MalerkotlaDhabiGategraveyardbutnownoonegoesthereatall.Nowallthe careofthegraveshasbeengiventotheIslamiyyaSchoolBranch.312 SufiIsmaildemonstrateslittleinterestintheseeventsotherthaninthemarktheyhaveleftonthe builtenvironmentoftheregion.HetakesnoteofthefactthatSikhsrememberthemartyrdomof thesahibzadasandthehaadanaaraofSherMuhammadKhan,buthealsoremarksupontheir neglectoftheNawab'sgrave.However,eventhismentionofSherMuhammadKhanisa sidebar.AsthebookisanUrdutazkra(biography)ofMuslimsaints,itisunlikelythiswasa concernforhim.ItisworthrememberingthattheprimarysignificanceofMalerkotlainthe bookisitsroleasGod'schosencustodianofIslaminIndianPunjabafterthePartition. IftikharAliKhanalsoemphasizestheIslamicaspectsofSherMuhammadKhan's

defense,butheattributesgreatsalvificpowertothehaadanaaraortheGuru'sblessing.For example,BandaBahadur,theSikhgeneralwhowagedcampaignsacrossPunjabafterGuru GobindSingh'sdeathapparentlyneverattackedMalerkotla.AlthoughNawabSherMuhammad Khan,hadmateriallyassistedtherulerofSirhindinthecampaignagainstGuruGobindSingh, Malerkotlawasunscathed.Ontheotherhand,Sirhind,wheretheexecutionoftheGuru'ssons tookplace,wasleveled.AccordingtoIftikharAliKhan,BandaBahadurdidnotinclude MalerkotlainhiscampaignofretributiveviolenceagainsttheenemiesoftheGurubecauseof theGuru'sblessing.InhisHistory,heexplainstheapparentmysteryofBahadur'savoidanceof Malerkotla: AfterthedestructionofSirhindthepoweroftheSikhsgrewenormouslyandthey werepracticallytheparamountpowerinthePanjab.ThesmallMuslimStatesof
312

Sufi Muhammad Ismail, Bagh Anbiy" Punjb, (Malerkotla; Janab Doctor Muhammad Nizamuddin Sahib, 1995), p. 173. 226

thePanjabwerescenesofhorrorandbloodshedandSikhatrocitieswerebeyond description.OnseveraloccasionsduringthesedisturbancestheSikhstriedto persuadetheirleadertoattackMalerkotlabuthealwayspacifiedthembysaying thatasNawabSherMuhammadKhanwasdeartoGuruGobindSinghhewould neverthinkofattackingtherulerofMalerkotla.Duringthecourseofthese upheavals,theSikharmyhadtopassthroughtheStateseveraltimesbutno damagewasdonetoanythingbelongingtoitsterritory.313 AlthoughIftikharAliKhanclearlyattributesBanda'savoidanceofMalerkotlatotheGuru's blessing,otherauthorsgiveadifferentreason.Severalaccountsreportthatuponreachingthe town,BandawasapproachedbyaHinduascetic,BabaAtmaRam,aBairagisadhu,andenjoined nottoattack.PriortohisconversiontoSikhismatthehandsofGuruGobindSingh,Bandahad beenaHinduascetic,possiblyofthesamelineage.314Thusentreatedbyhisgurubhai,or spiritualbrother,hecouldnotrefuse.FromallreportsBandaBahadurwasadeeplyspiritual manandmaywellhavebeeninfluencedbysuchaplea. Accordingtoarecentbiography,BahadurcametoMalerkotlawiththeobjectof punishingthekingdomforitsroleintheattackontheGuruatAnandpurandfortheseizingof AnupKaur.315AnupKaurwasawomanoftheGuru'shouseholdwhowasbelievedtohavebeen capturedandkeptbySherMuhammadKhan.SherefusedtoacceptIslamandtookherownlife ratherthansubmittoanyotherfate.Herbodywasburiedratherthanburnedandthisincident hasbeenusedasaprecipitatingexcuseforattackbyanumberofassailants,includingBanda BahadurandSahibSinghBedi.316VarinderSinghBhatia,ahistorianandprofessoratPunjabi University,Patiala,claimsthatBandaBahadursoughtAnupKaur'sremainsbutspared MalerkotlabecauseoftheGuru'sblessing.Inabriefarticleseekingtocounterthecommonview
Khan, History, p. 39. Khan, History, and Satinder Kaur, "History of Malerkotla State" (MA, Punjabi University, 1977). 315 Sohan Singh, Life and Exploits of Banda Singh Bahadur, (Patiala; Punjabi University Press, 2000). 316 See also, Satinder Kaur thesis, pp. 56-67. Kaur further asserts that a Shahukar sadhu, Atma Ram Bairagi gave Banda Bahadur rs. 4,000 not to destroy Malerkotla. She also reports that a fair is held at the site of this confrontation at Nimani Kadsi, a village one mile from Malerkotla. I was unable to confirm or deny this. Kaur also identifies the main reason for Bandas not damaging Malerkotla, in spite of passing through the Muslim principality many times, is the blessing of Guru Gobind Singh.
313 314

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thatBandaBahadurwasanti-Muslim,BhatiawritesofthiseventasevidenceofBanda's selectivecampaigningonlyagainstthosewhoparticipatedinanti-Sikhcampaigning.Inorderto refutetheclaimthatBandadesecratedthegravesofMuslims,Bhatiapointsoutthatthe monumentaltombsatSirhindremainintactandthatonlyinMalerkotlawasagravespecifically dugup. AsregardsthediggingofgraveswemaysaythatonlyatMalerkotlathegraveof BibiAnoopKaur,wasdugoutandherremainswerecrematedaccordingtoSikh rites,becauseshehadbeenforciblycarriedawaybySherMuhammadKhanfrom SirsarivuletinDecember1704andburiedinagraveaftershehadcommitted suicidetosaveherhonour.ThetownofMalerkotlawasalsosparedforSher MuhammadKhanwhohadappealedformercyforthesonsofGuruGovind SinghatthetimeoftheirexecutionatSirhind.317 Bhatia,writingin1996,thusreiteratesthewidelyheldbeliefthatSherMuhammadKhanhad capturedawomanfromthehouseoftheGuru,andthatshesubsequentlykilledherselftoavoid beingraped.Giventheprominenceofrumorsofsexualviolenceinpastandpresentincidentsof inter-religiousconflict,theexistenceofthisstrongtraditionregardingSherMuhammadKhanis quitesignificant.318Oftentherumororrealityofsuchincidentscanbeaprecipitatingcausefor theoutbreakofviolenceinahighlychargedcommunalatmosphere.Clearlyintheaftermathof theGuru'sdeathasBandaBahadurwagednumeroussuccessfulandbloodycampaignsacross Punjab,particularlytargetingthepastalliesoftheMughals,theatmospherewasindeedcharged. YetitisawidespreadbeliefthatthepoweroftheGuru'sblessingpreventedBandafrom attackingMalerkotla.ThestrengthofthisbeliefisalsosupportedbythehistorianGandaSingh, whoclaims,"theSikhshavealwaysrememberedthisprotestoftheNawabwithgratitude,and throughouttheirtroubledrelationswiththeMuslimpowerstheyhavealwayssparedthehouseof
Varinder Singh Bhatia, "Banda Singh's Attitude Towards the Muslims," Proceedings of the Punjab History Conference, (Volume XXVIII, 1996), p. 74. 318 See Sudhir Kakar, Colors of Violence; Brass, Theft of an Idol; Tambiah, Levelling Crowds ; Gyanendra Pandey, "The Long Life of Rumor," Alternatives (Volume 27, no. 2, 2002), all of which address the role of rumors of sexual violence in fueling inter-religious conflicts.
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Malerkotlafromtheirattacks."319TheGuru'sblessingofSherMuhammadKhanisbelievedby manyPunjabhistorians,Malerkotlaresidents,andvisitorstooutweightheNawab'sparticipation withtheMughalsinthecampaignsagainsttheGuruandthecaptureanddeathofAnupKaur demonstratesthecentralityofthisnarrativeinformingMalerkotla'sidentity.320 Althoughsomehistorians,suchasJ.S.Grewal,assertthatMalerkotlawassparedbecause Banda'scampaignsimplydidnottakehimthroughthekingdom,popularwisdomgenerally attributesMalerkotla'ssafetyatthisandothermomentstotheGuru'sblessing.Forexample,this istheassessmentofRameshWalia,ahistorianofthePrajaMandalmovement,whichsoughtthe endofprincelyruleinIndia.Hewrites: ThePhulkianrulers[i.e.,PatialaandJind]nevertriedtocapturethissmall MuslimStatebecauseofaninterestingfactofSikhhistory.NawabSher MohammadKhanwhocametopowerin1672hadremonstratedwiththeSirhind Faujdaragainstthecold-bloodedmurderoftheinnocentyoungerchildrenof GuruGobindSinghwhowerebutcheredtodeathinDecember1704.Soeven thisMuslimStatehadalinkwithSikhhistoryandclaimedblessingsofthe Gurus.321 Walia,likesomanyotherSikhhistorians,seestheblessingoftheGuruasasufficient explanationforMalerkotla'srelativesecurity.Althoughheisabsolutelyincorrectinhis viewthattheneighboringSikhstatesnevertriedtocaptureMalerkotla,Walia's

Ganda Singh and Teja Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs, p. 73, fn. 2. Sohan Singh, a biographer of Banda Bahadur, claimed that although he came seeking to recover the body of Anup Kaur, Banda encountered a former patron, rather than a gurubhai, who entreated him not to attack. Singh describes the events in the following way: But fortunately for the man and the place, there was a sahukar [wealthy man] at whose house Banda, in his days of asceticism had sojourned a kindness which he gratefully remembered. That sahukar implored him to spare the town as well as the life of the Nawab, and to accept from him a present of rs. 5000 besides homage as over-lord. Thus it was that Malerkotla escaped pillage which, but for the intercession of a friend of Bandas, was quite inevitable. Banda then demanded Anup Kaur's bones and had them properly cremated. Even with such provocation, it is said he did not attack. Although this is an interesting story, it is unsubstantiated, and some historians simply assert that Bandas route from Nabha on the campaign following Sirhind did not lead through Malerkotla. For whatever reason, Banda Bahadur did spare Malerkotla the wrath he visited upon Sirhind. Sohan Singh, Life and Exploits of Banda Singh Bahadur, (Patiala; Punjabi University Press, 2000), p. 66-67. 321 Walia, Praja Mandal Movement, p. 30.
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perspectiveonthepowerofthesimpleblessingisanimportantculturalfact.Eveninhis scholarlystudyitisnotoutofplacetoattributesalvificpowertothehaadanaaraand theGuru'sblessing. EstablishingtheoriginofthisexplanationforBanda'srestraintisdifficult,butitis possibletodeterminewheretheseaccountsappear.IftikharAliKhan'sHistoryexplainsBandas restraintasrespectfortheGurusblessing.Thisversionemphasizesthehonorofthegreatruler, SherMohammadKhan,andthenobleandjustroleheplayedatthecourtofSirhind. Interestingly,theNawabdoesnotemphasizethestrengthoftheStateortheMalerkotlaarmyas anyadditionaldeterrent.IndeedIftikharAliKhandescribesMalerkotladuringbothattacksas vulnerableandisolated.Furthermore,SherMohammadKhanisnotdepictedastraitoroustohis Muslimoverlords.Ratherheisajustandliberalrulerwhosewisdomcommandstherespectof peopleofallreligiousfaiths,eventhosewhowouldusuallybeenemies.Sikhaccountsalso assertthatMalerkotlawasunharmedprimarilyduetotheNawabsprotest.Thisaccentuatesthe extremeforbearanceoftheSikharmies,thatevenwitharighteouscauseandgreatprovocation, theyarenotanundisciplined,bloodthirstygang,buttheGuruskhalsa(thePure).Thusthese storiesutilizemultipleexplanatoryschemes,rangingfromthedivinepoweroftheGuru's blessing,tothepracticalappeasementoftheNawabs,totheinterventionofaHinduholyman. ThisvarietyofaccountsinvolvesthefullrangeofMalerkotla'sdiversepopulationascontributors andparticipantsinthiseventthatconcernedthesecurityofthekingdom.Indeedthereare severalotherpointsinMalerkotla'shistorywhentheinvolvementofallreligiouscommunitiesin thepreservationofthekingdomisrequired.Thesemomentsarehighlightedinhistoricaltexts, especiallytheHistoryofthelastNawabasatestimonytothepatriotismandpeaceofallthe residentcommunities.

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Thehaadanaarainpopularculture Oralaccountsofthehaadanaaraareremarkablysimilarintermsoftheintended significance,tothewrittenonesdiscussedabove.Punjabisofallreligionstellthisstory,usually citingitasevidenceofasharedhistoryofcommunalcooperation,aprecedentforcurrentshared practices,andajustificationforcontinuedexchange.ThismomentinwhichaMuslimrulerwith everypoliticalandpersonalreasontoexecutetheyoungsonsoftheSikhGuruinsteadchoseto exceedsectarianloyaltiesinthenameofjusticeisasingularlycompellingeventthatcontinuesto activatetheimaginationofPunjabistoday.Althoughtheseevents,ifindeedtheytookplaceas recounted,occurredthreehundredyearsago,theyarefarfrombeingrelegatedtoadimly recalledandhoarypast.Quitethecontrary,therangeandvarietyofoccasionsuponwhichthe storyofthehaadanaarawasandistoldtestifytoitsongoingrelevancetoPunjabi,notjust Malerkotla,identities.FormanyofthepeoplewithwhomIdiscussedtheseevents,itwasa grippingtaleofamomentthatexemplifiesanidealizedviewofPunjabsinter-religiousharmony andexchange.ThispluralisticidealispervasiveinPunjab,asisthestoryofthehaadanaara, andbothareintegraltoPunjabiidentity. Thewidespreadforceandappealofthehaadanaaraasacompellingnarrativeanda signifyingeventbecamevividlyapparenttomequitefarawayfromMalerkotlaorFatehgarh Sahib.IwasatafestivalforBabaFaridinFaridkot,some250kilometersawayfrom Malerkotla.MypurposetherewastoseehowSufisaintsarecelebratedbynon-Muslimsina totallynon-MuslimenvironmentastherearealmostnoMuslimsinFaridkotsincePartition.I wasinquiringfromthemostlySikhpilgrimsattheshrinestoBabaFaridabouttheirperceptions oftheMuslimsaintandtheirrelationshiptohistraditionasnon-Muslims.Asmallgroup

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gatheredaroundmeonthegrassatagurdwaradedicatedtoBabaFarid.322Ihadaskedseveral peoplewhatstoriestheyknewaboutthesaint.Althoughmanyknewpoeticcompositions attributedtohimthatareincludedintheGuruGranthSahib,fewknewaccountsofhislife. Thosethatdidknewabouthiscomingtotheareaandofseveralmiraclesheperformedthere.At onepointIremarkedthattherewerefewMuslimsinthearea.Anelderlymansittingacross frommeresponded,"ThereareMuslimsinMalerkotla."Then,awomannexttome,whohad earlierrecountedanumberoftalesaboutBabaFarid,chimedinsaying: AlsoinMalerkotla,whichisaMuslimcity,oneMuslimroseupagainstthe MuslimsandsaiddonotputthesonsofGuruGobindSinghintothewalls.If youwanttofight,fightdirectlywithGuruGobindSingh.Whyareyoukilling theseinnocentchildren?Sohegavethehaadanaara.Agurdwaraisbuiltthere inMalerkotla.AndGuruGobindSinghblessedthecity,sayingthattheruleof Muslimswillalwaysremain.Thatiswhy[Muslimsarethere].Onlyoneman gavethehaadanaara,andthey[i.e.thesahibzadas]werelaterkilled.That gurdwaraisnamedhaadanaara.Sohewasthemanwhostoodagainsthisown religionandsaidrightisrightandwrongiswrong.Otherwisepeoplesaythat theymightberightifsomeHinduhasdonesomethingandwewerealsoHindu, oraSikhmighthavesaidrighttowhataSikhhasdone.SotheGurugavehis blessingbecausethatmanwasagainsthisownreligion.GuruGobindSinghnot onlyupliftedthehonoroftheSikhs,butalsooftheHindus.Attheageofnine yearshegavehisfatherforthehelpandsecurityoftheHindus.323Hesaidyou cannotforciblyaskanybodytochangehisreligion. TheSikhwoman'snarrativeapplaudedtherighteousnessofthosewhostandupforjustice,even ifthecauseisnottheirown,asinthecaseofGuruGobindSingh,orevenagainsttheirown religion,asinthecaseoftheMuslimofMalerkotla.Thoughshedidnotgivethenameofthe MuslimwhostoodupforthesonsoftheGuru,sheknewtheeventasthehaadanaara,thecry forjustice.Shetoldthistaleinconnectionwithanongoingdiscussionabouthowreligionsrelate tooneanother.IhadnotmentionedMalerkotlaandmyresearchthere.Inordertomakeapoint

This gurdwara, Godri Sahib Gurdwara, is where Baba Farid is believed to have performed a chilla, or forty-day retreat. 323 According to Sikh tradition, Guru Gobind Singh's father, Guru Teg Bahadur, was killed defending the rights of Hindus to worship freely.
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aboutthepossibilityofhumanitysupercedingreligiousboundaries,thisSikhdevoteeofBaba FaridspontaneouslynarratedaneventinMalerkotla'spastthatisemblematicofsuchagesture. Furthermore,hernarrationindicatesthatthisisamomentofsymbolicimportancethroughoutthe Sikhcommunityandbeyond.Herperspectiveanddepthoffeelingabouttheeventandits significancewerebynomeansunique.Bytheendofmyresearchitwasapparenttomethatthe haadanaaraisperhapsthesinglemostfamousandpowerfulepisodeinMalerkotla'shistory, providinganimportantnarrativeelementintheconstructionofMalerkotla'speacefulpresent. InMalerkotlathehaadanaaraisanimportantpartoflocallore.Almostnopublic

gatheringgoesbywithoutmentionbeingmadeoftheevents.TheimpactofthegesturebySher MuhammadKhanmadethreehundredyearsagoisstillexpressedbymanyresidents.For example,thepresidentoftheSikhStudentsFederationinMalerkotlaclaimedthattheelectoral successesofthePathanMuslimswereduetoSikhsupport.HesaidthattheSikhsvoteforthe PathanNawabsbecausetheyaredescendentsoftherulerwhogavethehaadanaara.Because ofthisabidingrespectandgratitude,theSikhsvoteinabloc,whereasHindusaredivided betweenBJPandCongress.BecausebothMuslimsandSikhsvoteforthePathans,theywinin theelections.Thissameviewwasgivenbythegranthi(reciteroftheGuruGranthSahib)atthe HaadaNaaraGurdwara.Heclaimedthatbecauseofthehaadanaara,"AMuslimMLA (MemberoftheLegislativeAssembly)orMP(MemberofParliament)cangetelectedhere becauseofthis.InourareainDistrictSangrurfromheretheMLAisalwaysMuslim."Iasked whythiswasso,andthegranthirespondedthatitwas"BecauseSikhpeoplevoteforthem." NotonlydopeopleusethehaadanaaratoexplainSikhelectoralsupportforMuslim candidates,butalsotoaccountfortheenormouspowerandappealofHaiderShaikh.AsI describedintheprevioussection,manydevoteesatHaiderShaikh'sdargahconflateSher

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MuhammadKhanandHaiderShaikh,believingthatitwastheShaikhnottheNawabwho defendedthetwosonsofGuruGobindSingh.Yetthis"error"doesnotrevealafalsehistory. Rather,asAlessandroPortelliobserves,citingHansMagnusEnzenberger,history 'isaninventionwhichrealitysupplieswithrawmaterials.Itisnot,however,an arbitraryinvention,andtheinterestitarousesisrootedintheinterestsofthe teller.'Thisiswhy'wrong'talesaresoveryvaluable.Theyallowusto recognizetheinterestsofthetellers,andthedreamsanddesiresbeneaththem."324 Clearly,anytellingofhistoryrevealsinterest,andthenatureofthatinterestbecomes(more) apparentbystudyinghowthememoriesofaneventareorganized.Themeaningofthetelling changeswithalterationsinthetemporallocationorsequenceofevents,revealingtheinterestof theinterlocutor.Oneofthekeynarrativestrategiesemployedinmakingtheseshiftsiswhat Portellitermsdisplacementandcondensation.Insteadofmerelyhuntingforthe"truth"ofan incorrectlyreportedevent,"thecausesofthiscollectiveerrormustbesought,ratherthaninthe eventitself,inthemeaningwhichitderivedfromtheactors'stateofmindatthetime;fromits relationtosubsequenthistoricaldevelopments;andfromtheactivityofmemoryand imagination."325Thusthemeaningofahistoricalnarrativeismostclearlydiscernibleinthe wayspeopleuseit,notsolelyintherealityoftheeventsthemselves. InthecaseofHaiderShaikh'sconflationwithhisdescendentNawabSherMuhammad Khan,thistemporalandfiguraldisplacementandcondensationofmeaningintothefigureofthe ShaikhincreaseshisimportancefortheSikhpopulationinparticular.Inpartthisisduetothe exemplarymodelofthehaadanaaraasanincidentinwhichreligiousdivisionsweresecondary tohumanrights.OneHindumansaid,"ThispirofMalerkotlaraisedhisvoiceagainstthe wallingupofthechildren.Heroseabovereligiousdifferencestotherealmofhumanity."The

324 325

Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli, p. 2. Ibid, p. 15. 234

identificationofarealmbeyondreligiousdivisionsasa"realmofhumanity"isanimportant additiontoourunderstandingofthesignificanceofthehaadanaaraforlocalsandvisitorsto Malerkotla.Clearlyoneofthegreatappealsofthetownandtheshrineforthosewhoarepresent thereisitsidentityasamodelforsuchnon-sectarianbehavior.Thissentimentwasclearly expressedbyaSikhdevoteewhopulledmeasideatoneofthefestivalsforHaiderShaikhin May2001andsaid,"ThereisnoHindu,noSikh,thereisonlythecommonalityoftheprs(pran dasanjha).ThisprgavethehaadanaarawhenGuruGobindSingh'sson'swerebrickedup alive."326 NumerousdevoteesreportedthatHaiderShaikhiscapableoffulfillingthedesiresofthe faithfulbecauseofGuruGobindSingh'sblessing.BecauseHaiderShaikhisbelievedtohave protestedthesahibzadasexecutionhewasendowedwiththepowertoperformmiracles.ASikh mangaveadetailedbuttemporallyandhistoricallyincorrectaccountofHaiderShaikhthat expressedthisbeliefinthesourceoftheShaikh'spower. BabaShaikhSadruddinisfromaPathanfamily,Afghanswhocametoworshipat SirhindinthenameofGod.Twoofhissonsmarried,hehadoneothersonand onedaughter.WhenAurangzebwasactinglikeadespot,thenhewastheonly onetosaydonotdothis.Thesaintsaidwhyareyoudoingthis?WhenGuru GobindSinghcameandaskedwhohadprotestedhischildren'skilling,thenthey saidthatBabaHaiderShaikhdidandhewasblessedforeverafter.Becauseof thisblessing,HaiderShaikhhaspower.Hecanclearthemixedupmindand encourageconcentration,hecanhealdiseases,givechildren,helpstudies, improvebusiness.Youcanofferanything,butyoumustcomewithacleanheart, doingnowrong,harmingnoothers,followingGod.327 ThisexpressionofHaiderShaikh'spersonalityandpowerinmanywaysencapsulatesthereasons forhisenormousappealamongnon-Muslims.Whetherheisplacedinthefifteenthcenturyor theeighteenth,HaiderShaikhrepresentsaspiritofecumenicism.AsthefirstSikhdevotee

326 327

May 31, 2001. Personal interview, May 31, 2001. 235

remarked,heroseabovereligiontohumanity.Formanyofthedevotees,confusingHaider ShaikhwithSherMuhammadKhanandattributingthehaadanaaratotheShaikhintensifies thesequalities.Giventhattheelisionissocommonamongthevisitorstothetombitisclearthat thenon-sectarianspiritofthesaintisoneofthemajorreasonsthattensofthousandsofpeople attendhisfestivalsfivetimesayear. However,thehaadanaaraisnotalwayscreditedtoHaiderShaikh.Mostresidentsand

manydevoteesdoknowthestoryofSherMuhammadKhanandGuruGobindSingh.Some believethatthehaadanaaraandtheGuru'sblessinghavealonebeensufficienttopreserve Malerkotlafromallharm,particularlyatthehandsofSikhs.AsoneGurcharanjitSinghLamba fromLudhianapostedinawebsite,"MalerkotlaisamostrespectedhouseinPunjab.Theyhave earnedthisgratitudebytheactionoftheirancestors."Lambaalsopostedatranslationofthe purportedletteroftheNawabtothediscussiongroupandfolloweditupwiththispraiseand descriptionoftheevents.HedepictsSherMuhammadKhanashaving"lodgedvehement protestsagainstthisinhumanactandsaiditisagainsttheglorioustenetsofKoranandIslamand thehistorywillneverforgivethemforthisheinouscrime."Theresultofthispowerful declamationandthesubsequentblessingoftheGuruisthat"Itisahistoricfactthatduringthe 1947riotswhenthewholeofPunjabwasinflamesitwastheStateofMalerkotlawhichdidnot witnessasingleincidentofviolence.Itwasanislandofpeace.Thisisthetestimonytothefact thatthepowerofreligionormoralityismuchmorestrongandrealthananyotherpower."328 ThusintheperceptionofLambaandmanyothers,itisreligionwhichledSherMuhammad Khantoprotest.Ratherthanbeingasourceofsocialdivisiveness,deeplyfeltfaithwhether

Gurcharanjit S. Lamba, "Re: History-'Nawab Sher Mohammad Khan's Plea,'" December 4, 1999, http://www.sikhnet.com/sikhnet/discussion.nsf/0/FD37B42B9B26DA288725683D0064806B, (April 19, 2003).
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SikhorMuslimleadonetoactinajustandhumanemanner.Thiswebpostingisjustoneof countlessexamplesofthepervasiveimpactofthehaadanaaraonPunjabisociety. Still,thepeculiarpowerofthehaadanaaraishardtoexplain.Afterall,Sher

MuhammadKhanfailed.Theeventssurroundingtheescape,betrayal,imprisonment,and executionofZorawarandFatehSinghareamongthemostpoignantinSikhhistory.Perhapsthe appealisduetotheclarityofthemoraljudgmentagainstWazirKhan,thefaujdarofSirhind, andthosewhosupportedhimandencouragedhiminhisdecisiontokillthechildren.329The eventepitomizesthenadirofrelationsbetweentheMughalsandtheSikhs,givingclearproofto theSikhsofMughalintolerance,injusticeandcruelty.This,alongwiththecontinued persecutionoftheGuru,promotesaunitedfrontamongtheSikhswhoralliedaroundthisoutrage andcriedoutforretributiveaction.Indeed,asdiscussedabove,SirhindwasoneofBanda Bahadur'sfirststopsonhiscampaignthroughthePunjabafterGuruGobindSingh'sdeath. Sirhindwasbasicallyrazedtotheground,thoughnumerousmonumentaltombsremainstanding inthearea,allofwhichareemblemsofMuslimauthority,eitherreligiousorworldly.Formany yearsitwasapopularcustomamongSikhpilgrimstotakeoneofthetinyancientbricksfromthe remainingwallsandruinsawaywiththemtherebyobtainingarelicandhelpingtofurther demolishtheMughaledifice.330 Aswehaveseen,Sikhhistoriesdwellatsomelengthonthetragicmartyrdomofthe

Guru'ssonsandthesubsequentdeathofhismother,MataGujri.Intheseaccountsthepathosof thetalemergesintothewarrioridealoftheSikhs.ZorawarandFatehSingh'srefusaltoaccept
Grewal and Bal refer to Wazir Khan of Sirhind as a faujdar, that is an army commander, as opposed to a subedar, the governor of a province, or subah. 330 This practice of removing the bricks was noted by W.L McGregor in his History of the Sikhs (1846), cf. Grewal and Bal, p. 234, n.25. It also appears as a direct order from the Guru as depicted in the Tawarikh Guru Khalsa of Giani Gian Singh (1841). Singh writes, "The order was given that that city [i.e. Sirhind] should not dwell in peace. 'From such a great sin, my Sikhs will plunder and loot and devastate the place and every Sikh will take its bricks and throw them into the Sutlej.'" Giani Gian Singh, Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, p. 778.
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WazirKhan'sofferoftheirlivesiftheywouldonlyconverttoIslamisoftendrawnoutatsome length.Thedramaofthemomentincreasesandthebravetenacityofthesahibzadasgrowsas theboysarerepeatedlyinterrogatedandthensentbacktotheColdTowertocontemplatetheir fates.Yettheydonotbreakintheirfaith.Theirgrandmother,wholovesthemmorethanher ownlife,urgesthemtoremainstrongandsecureintheirknowledgethattheSikhfaithwill sustainthem,thattheirfathertheGuruisproudofthem,andthattheretrulyisnoalternativebut tostanduptooppressors.She,morethananyone,wasawareofthesacrificestheSikhshad madeinthecauseofjustice.Herownhusband,GuruTeghBahadur,hadbeenexecutedbythe MughalEmperorShahJahanfordefendingtherightsofHindustoworshipfreely.Andsothe boysandtheirgrandmothernightlyprayedandreinforcedtheircommitmenttothewayofthe Gurus. Ineveryaccountofthiseventthereisonemomentofhope,apointwhereintheeleventh

hourtheseeminglyinexorablemarchtowardsthechildren'sdeathissuspended.ButSher MuhammadKhanfails.Hisappealtojustice,commonsense,andtoIslamallfail.WazirKhan insomeaccountsappearsmomentarilymoved,buthisHinduministerSuchaNandrallies himaroundandrestoreshimtothepathtowardsthemurder.SotheNawabofMalerkotlafails. Hecannotturnthetide.Theboysarekilledandtheirexecutionisofthemostbrutalandpainful naturetheyarebrickedupaliveandthenbeheaded.331 WhyisthisstoryoftheNawab'sfailuretosavethesechildrensuchapowerfulnarrative,

knownbymosteverySikhintheworldandmanyothers?Hadtheprotestbeensuccessfuland theboysfreedorgivenovertotheNawab,wouldthestorybeasprevalentorasmeaningful?I wouldarguenot.Itisthefailureoftheefforttosavetheboys,theveryfutilityoftheattempt

By some accounts they are suffocated and then removed from the wall and beheaded, in other accounts they are stabbed through the wall and killed.
331

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thatgivesthemomentsuchacompellingpathos.TheNawabtriedtodowhatbymostmoral standardspastorpresentwastherightthing.Sevenandnineyearoldchildrendidnotpresent threatstothevastMughalEmpire.However,asmartyrsthesahibzadasbecomerallyingpoints tomobilizeandconsolidatetheSikhcommunityintheirname.Thustheirdeathmakesthemfar moresymbolicallypowerfulthantheywereinlife.AndsotheNawab'seffortontheirbehalf likewiserisesinitsimpactandtheextentofitsfame.Soalthoughhefailed,he,likethe martyredsahibzadassucceededonamuchbroaderplane.Heroseabovesectariandivisions,he refusedtosubmittothepressureofhisoverlordsandMughalmaster.Itwasasimpleact,amere gestureofconscience,butthehaadanaararemainsasoneofthemostpowerfulsymbolsofthe possibilitythathumanitymayonoccasionriseabovesectarianchauvinism,religiousprejudice, andthefearofreprisal.Partofthepowerofthisnarrativedoesinfactrelyonitsfailure.Hadhe hopedtosucceed,thenhismotivesmighthaveappearedlesspure.Perhapshehopedto eventuallyconverttheboys,ortogainprestigeastheircustodian,orusethemasbargaining chipswiththeirfather.Havingfailed,hismotivesremainuntaintedbysuchpossibilities.The Nawabcouldhaveexpectedtogainnothingbyhisprotest.Yetheseemstohavegainedan immeasurableboonforfuturegenerationsinMalerkotla. TheargumentthattheNawab'sfailureispartofthedramaandtheappealofthestoryis

alsostrengthenedbythefactthatassistancewasgiventotheGurubyMuslimsatothertimes, andtheywerelikewiseblessed,butwithremarkablydifferentresults.Forexample,after escapingfromtheverybattleinwhichhistwooldersonswerekilled,GuruGobindSingh arrivedatatowncalledMacchiwara.ThereMughalforcessurroundedhimandescapeseemed impossible.However,GobindSinghwassavedbytwoMuslimbrothers,GhaniandNabhi Khan,whodressedhimupinbluegarmentsand,placinghimonapalanquin,theycarriedhim

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outofthetownbetweentheranksofthesoldiersdeclaringhewasUchkaPirtheMuslimholy manfromaplacedcalledUch(nowinPakistan).TheGuruwasfreeandheblessedtheKhan brothers,muchashehadblessedtheNawabofMalerkotla.Thiseventisalsoprominently featuredinSikhartandhistoriesbutisnotmemorializedtotheextentthatthemartyrdomofthe sahibzadasis.Itisnotunusualtoseegalleriesofpaintingshousednexttomanyhistoric gurdwarasdisplayingaseriesofimagesdepictinggrotesquetorturescenesoftheSikhfaithfulby variousMuslimforces.SandwichedbetweenthemwillbeapictureoftheGuruonthepalanquin beingcarriedoutofMacchiwarabyGhaniandNabhiKhan.Thesegalleriesinvariablyalso displayanimageofZorawarandFatehSinghbeingbrickedupalive.Sometimestheimage includesaremonstratingfigureSherMuhammadKhanobjectingtotheexecution.Yetinthe collectivememoryofthePunjab,especiallyamongtheSikhpopulation,theprotestofSher MuhammadKhanfeaturesmuchmoreprominentlythantherescueoftheGuru.Thetraumaand dramaoftheboys'deathincreasesexponentiallythesignificanceoftheevent.Thesuccessful rescuemeritsgratitudeandaplaceinthegalleryofimportanteventsinGobindSingh'slife.Not onlydoestheeventplayalessprominentroleinSikhhistory,butalsotherewasconsiderable violenceinMacchiwaraatPartitionandmostoftheMuslimpopulationleft.TheGuru's goodwillhadlittleimpactthereandthebraveryofNabhiandGhaniKhandidnotsufficetosave thetown'sMuslims. ThisindicatesthattheMalerkotlaNawab'sprotestreceivesgreaterattentionbecauseof

thesubsequentpeaceinMalerkotlaatPartition.TheGuru'sblessingiswithoutquestionthe mostcommonexplanationamongSikhs,Hindus,andnon-residentsforMalerkotla'shavingbeen sparedtheviolencethathappenedelsewhere.AlthoughmanypeopleSikh,Hindu,Muslim willalsoattributepeacetoHaiderShaikhandthemanysaintsinMalerkotla,eventhosewhodo

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notbelieveinthesalvificpoweroftheGuru'sblessingdoacknowledgethatwhathasbeen effectiveinprotectingMalerkotlaistheverystrongbeliefoftheSikhsintheblessing.Bythis account,itisnotnecessarytopassjudgmentonthedivinepoweroftheGuru.Theblessing worksbecausethefaithful,especiallytheSikhs,respectitssentiment.Thesymbolicsignificance ofMalerkotlaasaplacewherereligiousdivisionsdonotobtainisgivenevengreaterforcewhen perceivedasadirectivefromtheGuruhimself. PeaceatPartition PerhapsthemostunusualaspectofMalerkotlashistoryisitsemergencerelatively

unscathedfromthehorrificviolencethatravagedtheSouthAsiansubcontinentduringthe Partitionof1947.Duringtheseterrifyingtimesitisestimatedthatanywherefrom200,000to onemillionpeoplewerekilled,ofteninthemostgruesomeofways.Entiretrainloadsof refugeestravelinginbothdirectionswereslaughtered.Neighborsturnedonneighbors.People killedtheirowndaughterstosparethembeingraped,tortured,andthenmurdered.Peoplekilled themselves. ThePunjabwasthestatemostradicallydividedonAugust15,1947.TheLandofthe

FiveRiversbecametwolands:Pakistansterritoryencompassesthreeriversandtwoarein modernIndia.Formonthsbefore,duringandafterthefifteenththeseriverswereredwithblood. AnelderlygentlemanwhoservedintheMalerkotlaarmyduringthetimerecallsthemain irrigationcanalwhichcrossedtheMalerkotlastateatAhmedgarh,fordaystogetherwasfullof bloateddeadbodies.Buttherewaslittlewecoulddoexceptwatchthemfloatby.332The displacedmigrantsnumberedaroundfifteenmillion,sevenmillionMuslimsandeightmillion HindusandSikhs.Thisrepresentsthelargestpopulationshifteverrecordedinhumanhistory.

332

Khushi Mohammad quoted in Asit Jolly, "Myth of Maler Kotla," The Asian Age 1997. 241

Theimpactonthelivingonallsidesofthebordersintheeastandwestcontinuestobefelt, memorialized,mourned,andremembered.Overfiftyyearslater,thereisnoendtothe introspectiveeffortstounderstandhowanationcoulddivideagainstitselfinsuchagruesome anddamagingway,leavingdeepscarsandabidingenmities. StudiesofPartitionanditsimpactonIndiansocietyproliferate,butinmanywaysthis

remainsoneofthemostincomprehensibleeventsinthehistoryoftheregion.333InPunjab,the puzzlementisincreasedduetothefactthatthestate,inspiteofaMuslimmajorityandaMuslim ChiefMinister,didnotsupportMohammadAliJinnahandtheMuslimLeaguesPakistan proposaluntil1946.TheUnionistgovernmentledbySikandarHayatKhanwasacoalitionof largelandlordsfromallreligiousgroups.TheMuslimLeaguesLahoreResolutionin1940 raisedthecallforPakistantoanationallevel,anditsimpactonPunjab,oneoftheMuslim majorityregions,wasclear.Clearly,PunjabiMuslimsdidnotsupportthisresolutionasthe MuslimLeaguewononlynominalsupportinPunjabuntil1946.334FollowingtheCripps Missionin1942itbecameapparentthatdistributionofpowerinanypost-Britishregimewould becommunallydividedandconstructed,whetherintermsofconfederatedstatesor,asultimately cametopass,inseparatenations.Thisattenuatedthesituationinanalreadyconflictedregion.

Many valuable studies of Partition are available. Some recent titles include Ritu Menon & Kamla Bhasin, Borders & Boundaries : Women in India's Partition, (New Delhi; Kali for Women, 1998);Urvashi Butalia, The Other Side of Silence : Voices from the Partition of India, (Durham, NC; Duke University Press, 2000); Mushirul Hasan, ed., Inventing Boundaries : Gender, Politics and the Partition of India, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 2000); Suvir Kaul, ed., The Partitions of Memory : The Afterlife of the Division of India, (Bloomington; Indiana University Press, 2002), Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering Partition, (New York; Cambridge University Press, 2001). 334 In a compelling article about the role of Muslim religious leaders in the eventual support of the Muslim League, David Gilmartin argues that the Unionist Government, caught between the interests of the rural landlords and the urban elite had tended for years to cultivate the landlords' support. For this reason the sajjida nishns who controlled the tomb shrines of the Punjab as well as large tracts of land that had been granted to those tomb shrines, tended to support the Unionist Party. But with the aggressive campaigning of the Muslim League whose appeal superceded the question of rural and urban interests focused on the question of religious identity, these leaders began to see a real possibility for gaining authority as landlords and as religious leaders within the party's structure and within any future Pakistani state. Se, David Gilmartin, "Religious Leadership and the Pakistan Movement in the Punjab," Modern Asian Studies (13, no. 3, 1979).
333

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InadditiontothenarrowMuslimmajority,thesizeableSikhpopulationwasincreasingly politicized.ThenotionofaSikhstate,imaginedasKhalistan,wasathemeinSikhpoliticsfrom theearlypartofthe20thcentury.Particularlyafterthemassacreofhundredsofpeaceful demonstratorsbytheBritishGeneralDyerattheJallianwallaBaghinAmritsar,Sikhsmobilized politically,creatingtheCentralSikhLeagueandtheShiromaniAkaliDal(SAD).TheSAD weretheprinciplearchitectsoftheKhalistanmovement,andgainedincreasinginfluence throughouttheindependencestruggle.However,theSikhswereamajorityinonlyonedistrict ofthestate,soevenvotingnearlyasablocfortheAkalipartyin1946,theyweredefeatedbythe MuslimLeagueatthestatelevel.Thisputthefinalnailinthecoffinofaunified,independent India. InstrikingcontrasttotherestofPunjab,thecommunityshandlingofthetraumaof

PartitionisapointofprideinMalerkotla.Fewpeopleleftandnoonedied.AtPartition,the onlypeoplewhomigratedfromMalerkotlatoPakistaninanysignificantnumberweremembers oftherulingfamily.Seeingtheinevitabilityofthedissolutionofthesemi-independentprincely states,someinthisalreadymuchdiminishedfamilyleftandreceivedsettlementsinPakistan. However,theNawabhimselfremainedandinapollconductedintheearly1990smostpeople citedtheirloyaltytotheNawabastheirreasonforstayinginMalerkotla.Othercommonreasons givenwereloyaltytootherlocalleaders,beliefinthegreaterviabilityoftheIndianstate,the expectationofgaininglandrightsinindependentIndia,faithintheirpersonalandeconomic securityinMalerkotla,andlovefortheirhomeland.Alsofrequentlymentioned,bothinthe

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earliersurveyandinmyowninterviewexperience,wastheabidingpowerofGuruGobind SinghsblessingthatwouldpreserveMalerkotlafromanyattackbySikhs.335 Thehaadanaaraemergesoneveryone'slipsasthefirstexplanationforMalerkotla's peaceduringtimesofcrisis,especiallyPartition.ItappearsthatIftikharAliKhanhimselfgave greatcredencetothepowerofthehaadanaaratopreserveMalerkotla'ssafety.AChristian missionarywhohaddiscussedthismatterwiththeNawabwrotealettertoPunjabhistorianC.H. LoehlininwhichhedescribedtheNawab'sviewofthematter. ItoohavebeeninterestedintheeffectofGuruGobindSingh'sreactionstothe concernexpressedbytheNawabinhisday.ItalkedwiththepresentNawabon twooccasionsaboutthisveryquestion.Hetoldmesomefactsthatverifythe influenceofGuruGobindSingh'sdeclarationsduringthePartition.Isuggested thatthepresenceoftheNawab'sarmylessenedtheattacksbySikhsonMuslims. HestatedthathecandocumentevidencetoshowthattheSikhsactually respondedtoprotectusMuslimsbybeliefinwhatGobindSinghhadcommanded. TheMuslimsenroutetoMalerkotlaviatrainwereattacked,butwhentheSikhs knewtheyweregoingtoMalerkotla,theysparedthemandpersonallyescorted themtoMalerkotla.ManyMuslimsfleeingfortheirliveswerebeingpursuedby Sikhs,tryingtokillthem,butwhentheycrossedtheborderofMalerkotlaState, theystoppedandgrantedthemtheirlives.ThereisnoquestionintheNawab's mindbutthattheMuslimsweresparedinMalerkotlaStatedirectlybecauseof GobindSingh'sdeclarationthattheMuslimsofthatStateweretobeprotected.336 Themissionary'sletterstronglyreinforcesthewidespreadbeliefintheprotectivepowerofthe Guru'sblessing.Interestingly,themissionaryalsoraisedthequestionoftheroleofthearmy, whichisregardedbymanywhorejectsentimentalorsuperstitiousreasoningasamoreviable explanationforpeace.YettheNawabdeniedthatthearmywasthekeyfactoranddismissedthis asanadequateexplanation.Itissignificantthatatthetimeofthewritingin1963andthetimeof theconversationbetweentheNawabandthemissionarythatMalerkotlawouldnolongerhave

Sultana, "Muslims of Malerkotla," p. 78. C. H. Loehlin, "Guru Gobind Singh and Islam," Proceedings of the Punjab History Conference (Volume 2, 1966), p. 95.
335 336

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hadastandingarmy.Thusthefuturesafetyofthetowncouldnolongerdependuponsucha resource,butmustlookelsewhereforsecurity. Lackingalocalarmyandundergoingincreasingfragmentationofpowerwiththeriseof democracyandpartypoliticsthehaadanaararemainsoneofthekeyresourcesofcommunity solidarity.Forexample,ascheduledcasteHinduandlocalpoliticianalsoassertedthatthe blessingoftheGuruhaspreservedthetownfromviolencein1947andduringtheperiodofSikh terrorisminthe1980'sand1990's: GuruGobindSinghstwoyoungsahibzadaswerekilledinSirhind.GuruGobind SinghwasinRaikotatthattime,andheaskedwhathadhappenedtohischildren. Hisarmysaidthatthetwosonswereassassinatedandthatnooneraisedavoice againsttheatrocitythatoccurred.ThenonepersonsaidthatNawabSahibSher MohammadKhanofMalerkotlaraisedavoiceinfavorofthesahibzadas.Then GuruGobindSinghexpressedtheviewthattherewillbepeaceinMalerkotla forever.ThisisthemainreasonthatthereispeaceinMalerkotlanowandinthe past.In1947becauseofthisblessing[ashrvad]therewasnokillinghere.The Sikhsdidntcomeagainsthereduringtheterrorismeither.337 Inthispolitician'sview,thesinglemostimportantfactorinMalerkotla'spreservationfromthe violencethatragedallaroundtheareaatthetimeofPartitionandagainduringtheperiodof terrorismisthehaadanaara.Thisindividualwasnotasuperstitiousman.Infactheclaimed thatheonlyvisitedHaiderShaikh'sdargahasagesturetodemonstratehislackofreligious prejudice.NorisheaSikhforwhomtheblessingoftheGuruwouldlikelybeadivinemandate. HisprimaryfocusofworshipisRavidas(d.ca1529),anuntouchablepoetsaintwhose compositionsareincludedintheGuruGranthSahib.Essentially,althoughitisbynomeans unusualforHindustorevereandworshiptheSikhGurus,theprecedencegiventotheGuru's blessinginpreservingMalerkotlabythisHinduresidentisanindicationofhowcentralthehaa danaaraistoallthecommunitiesinthetown.

337

Personal interview February 21, 2001. 245

However,thereareotherinterpretationsofthepeaceatPartition.Inadditiontothe

protectivepowerofHaiderShaikh,theblessingsoftheGuru,andthepresenceofsomanysaints ofallreligioustraditions,somelocalresidentsattributethepeacetothequalityofthepeoplein Malerkotla.Forexample,theimamofalocalmosquewhoalsorunsacharitablemadrasathat instructschildreninUrdu,Arabic,math,andotherbasicsubjectsassertedthatthereisnowayto becertainwhyMalerkotlaremainedpeacefulwhileotherplacesburned.Butifareasonmustbe given,itisthecompassionofthepeople.Hesaid Heretherewaspeace[atPartition].Wecannotknowwhyheretherewaspeace andelsewheretherewasnot.Peopleherearemorecompassionate(rehman-wale) thanotherplaces.Youwontencountersuchcompassionatepeopleinanyother place.Peopleeattogether;give[eachother]money.Therearenobeggarshere. Ifsomeonedoesnthaveaplacetostaywhoistraveling,heretheywillbetaken intothehouse. Althoughclearlyadeeplyreligiousman,theimam'sreasonforMalerkotla'speacewasoneofthe leastotherworldlygivenduringmyresearch.Ratherthanattributetheuniquesecurityofthe placetotheGuru,toHaiderShaikh,ortoGod,theimamsimplylaudedthepeopleofthetownas morecompassionate,morekindthaninanyotherplace.Thesearepeopleofsuchgenerositythat inMalerkotlathereisnohungerandnolackofhospitality.Importantlyhe,likemanyothers, remarksthatMalerkotlaresidentseattogether. Thisthemeofcommensalitywasfrequentlyrecountedtomeasevidenceofthepositive

stateofsocialrelationsinMalerkotla.CountlesstimeswhenIwasinvitedforteaorforamealat peoples'homes(whichhappenedwithheartwarmingregularity)neighborswouldcomeintovisit andmeettheforeignguest.Quiteoftentheseneighborswerefromavarietyofreligious backgroundsandtheyateanddranktogetherwithimpunity.WeddingsIattendedinvariably madeprovisionforvegetarians.FuneralprayersIwitnessedwereregularlyattendedbypeople ofallfaiths.ManypeopleIinterviewedsaidthattheyexchangedsweetsandfoodwiththeir

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neighborsandfriendsofallreligionsonfestivaloccasionsandforlifecycleritualssuchas births,deaths,andweddings.Theabilitytoeattogetherisakeyindexofthelevelofintegration inIndiansociety.Duetothevarietyofdietaryandpurityrestrictionsinthethreemainreligions inMalerkotla,itwouldnotbesurprisingiffewpeopleexchangedfoodoratewithmembersof anotherfaith.Hindupuritylawsaresuchthatcertainhighercasteindividualsareunderstoodto beactuallybarredfromsharingfood,notonlywithnon-Hindus,butwithHindusofalower status.Inaddition,someHindusarevegetariansandwillnoteatoutofvesselsthathaveever beenusedtocontainmeat.Sikhshavenoexplicitrestrictionsintheseterms,butarerequiredto eatmeatthathasbeenkilledinamannercalledjhakawheretheheadoftheanimalis completelyseveredinoneblow.NeitherHindusnorSikhsaresupposedtoeatbeef.Muslims, ontheotherhand,eatbeefbutdonoteatpork.Theyalsoshouldonlyconsumehalalmeatthatis killedbyslicingthejugularveinandallowingthebloodtodrainfromthebody.Muslimsare barredfromdrinkingalcohol,butnosuchexplicitrestrictionexistsforSikhsormanyHindus.In additiontothesereligiousstricturesonfood,therearenumerousculturalprejudices.Evenin ostensiblyegalitarianMuslimhouseholds,oftenservantsarenotallowedtousethesamevessels andutensils.OneSunniyouthImetsaidthathismotherandothershadtoldhimnevertoeatin thehouseofhisShi'ifriend,adirectiveheignored. Thisabundanceofregulationsandcustomscouldcertainlyimpedethelikelihoodof

Muslims,Sikhs,andHinduseatingtogether.Anditistruethatsomemembersofallthese religionswillavoidsuchoccasions.However,theavoidanceappearstobeoneinwhichoffered foodstuffsareacceptedandnotconsumedsoasnottooffend.Furthermore,peopletakecareto providefoodthatwillnotberefused,suchassweetsmadeinalocalshopthatisknowntobe

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cleanratherthanhomemadeitemsthatmaycausetherecipientpause.Inaddition,someMuslim residentsreportthatHindusandSikhswhoarenotstrictwilltakehalalmeatifitisoffered. Justaswedonttakejhakameat,therigidSikhsdonottakehalalmeat.Butour HinduandSikhfriendswhocometoourhouse,theytakemeatwithus.Thatis alwayshalal.Theyeatmorethanwedo.Buttherigidonesdonottakeitandwe dontinsistthattheydo.Ifsomebodywantstoeathecan,ifnotitisuptohim. Wedontinsisttheyeatbecauseifsomebodyinsistedthatwetakejhakameat wewouldfeelbad.338 HerethisMuslimschoolteachermadethepointthatwherethereisrigidity,badfeelingsmay ariseifthesituationisforced.Butitwouldbewrongtopresssomeonetoviolatetheirsenseof whatisrightwithintheirownbeliefsystem.Symbolically,theactofeatingtogetherandeven transgressingnormativerulesregardingdietandcommensality,becomesanimportantindexof Malerkotla'sintegratedsociety.Suchseeminglysmall,dailyexchangesareinfactintegralto sustainingthelevelofcommunalharmonyinMalerkotlathatenablesthecommunitytorise abovesuchcrisesasPartitionandtheterrorism. ThehospitalityandcommensalityofMalerkotlawasputtothetestduringtheperiodof transitionin1947whenwellover200,000refugeesdescendeduponthetown.339Strainedtothe limitsbythisdramaticincreaseinpopulation,theStatemaderepeatedcriesforhelptothe British,butwererefused.CertainlythehumanitariancrisisinthecampsatMalerkotlawas nothingcomparedtothebloodshedinPatiala,Nabha,Jind,andotherdistrictsoftheMalwa region,andwasdoubtlessloweronthelistofthetroublespotsinneedofwhateversupportmight havebeenavailable.Campsweresetupalloverthearea,includingintheNawab'sown residence.AretiredMuslimschoolteacherdepictsatownstretchedtothebreakingpointbythe needsoftherefugees.
338 339

Personal interview, January 22, 2001. Punjab State Archives, File 1/1-C/47-a/1947, "Disturbances and Refugees." 1947. 248

Peopledidnotmigratefromhere,butpeoplefromotherstatescamehere,they werekeptincampsandwhenthesituationpacified,theyweresenton.Firstthey werestayinginpeopleshouses,sodiseasesspread,likediarrhea.Notmuchwas leftwithpeopletofeedthem.Thentheystartedgivingthemporridge.Thenan orderwasgiventhatthepeopleshouldbeputincamps.Theywereforciblytaken outofhouses,thecampswerefirstputontheNabharoad,thenaswatercame theresothecampswereshiftedtoId-Gahroad.Thenfromtheretheywere shiftedtoPakistan.FoodwasbroughtfromoutsideMalerkotla. Theschoolteacherassertsthatatfirstrefugeeswereshelteredintheirownhomes,this resultedsooninthespreadofdiseaseandafoodshortageasmoreandmorepeople came.Althoughthepeopleweremovedtocamps,stillgreateffortsweremadetohelp andsustainthemasspacesweremadeandfoodwasbroughtinuntiltheycouldbe movedtoPakistan.Thisseemstoechotheimam'sstatementpresentedaboveinwhich hedeclaredthatanyvisitortoMalerkotlawouldbetakenintosomebody'shouse. DuringPartition,itseemsthatthismaximwasinmanywaystrue. Thistimeisrememberedwithpridebyresidentswhoclaim,Notasingleshotwasfired inthekingdomduringthePartitionyear.340LocalsreportedthatsomeHindusandSikhsdid abandontheirhomesoutofconcernforthelargeinfluxofMuslimrefugeesintransittoPakistan. YettheydeclaredtheirpropertywasperfectlysafeandtheNawabhimselfguaranteedtheirsafe returntoMalerkotlaafterthecrisis.KhushiMohammad,whoservedinthearmyin1947, affirmsthis,Notonlydidwehavetoguardthestatefromoutsideaggression,butwehadbeen orderedtoprotectnon-Muslimpropertyfromlocalattemptsatarsonorlooting.Theretired schoolteachercitedaboveinreferencetothecampsconfirmsthis,sayingthat"fromMalerkotla Hindusmigratedorranaway,leavingtheirhouses.TheNawabpostedpoliceattheirhouses,but nobodydidanydamagetotheirhousesorbelongings."Hinduresidentsaswellreportthatthere

340

Faujdar Khushi Mohammad, quoted in Jolly, "Myth of Maler Kotla." 249

wasazerotolerancepolicyforlootingofSikhandHinduproperty,andthattheNawabmade effortstobevisibleamongallthesecommunitiesduringthecrisis. IndeedPartitionbroughtoutasolidaritybetweenHindusandMuslimsthathadnot existedtothesameextentpreviously.AsillustratedinChapterTwo,Malerkotla'shistoryis repletewithstrainsanddifficultiesbetweenreligions.Perhapsespeciallyintheperiod immediatelyprecedingPartition,tensionswereatahighlevelinMalerkotlaastheywere throughoutIndia.Inthe1930'stherewereaseriesofminorriotsbetweenHindusandMuslims overtheperennialissueoftimingprayersatanadjoiningmosqueandtemple.Yetinthe troubledtimesthecommunitydrewtogether.Contrarytotheschoolteacher'sassertion,byno meansdidalltheHindusleaveMalerkotla.InonecasetheHindumistricitedintheprevious sectionactuallymadeweaponstosellintheneighborhood,includingtoMuslims. Everyoneranaway.Mymotherwasillandweneededmoney,soImadesome weaponsfromabigpieceofironlyingathomemeantforcuttingcotton.The headof[alocalHinduorganization]calledmeandasked,"Youareselling weaponstoMuslims?"Isaid,"Thereisnodifference.IfaMuslimdies,then alsowewilldie.IfaHindudiesthenstillwearesittingbetweentheMuslims [i.e.surroundedbyMuslims]." Themistri'sdecisiontomakeandsellweaponstoMuslimswascalledintoquestionbylocal Hinduleaders,yethefeltthatatthatpointalloftheirfateswereunitedinthefaceofthechaos aroundthem.Interestingly,inhisconversationwithmein2001themistricontinuedtoexpress somestronglyanti-Muslimviews.Nonetheless,intheperiodofcrisisin1947,hiscommunity identitysupersededhissectarianidentityapowerfultestimonytotheintegrativeimpactof PartitiononMalerkotlaandtheself-perceptionoftheresidents. NawabIftikharAliKhansbehaviorduringthechaosisuniversallypraised.Although

hisagingfather,AhmadAliKhan,wasstillnominallyruler,IftikharAliKhanwasfunctionally theheadofstate.Heissaidtohaveriddenoutdayandnight,watchingtheborders,patrolling

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therefugeecamps,visitingtheneighborhoods,andconstantlyreassuringpeopleoftheirsafety. ThemistripraisedtheNawab'sbehavioraswell,saying AtthetimeoftheNawabIftikharAliKhan[i.e.in1947],mydutywasinatent. Westoppedhim,heaskedmyname,I[toldhim]andhesaid,"Whosesonare you?"MyteacherwastheNawabscarpenter,soItookhisname.Hesaid,"I hopeyoudonothaveanyproblems?Doyouneedsomeweapons?"Isaidno, therewasnothreat.Heusedtomeetusdaily. TheNawabencouragedpeopletoremain,insistingthatIndiawastheirhomeland.Inhisspeech uponascensiontothethrone,IftikharAliKhancreditshisfatherslongreignandsecularpolicies withthepreservationofpeaceinMalerkotla.AlthoughresidentsrememberIftikharAliKhan's presenceandbehaviorduringthecrisisasasignificantreasonforMalerkotla'scalm,IftikharAli KhanassertsthattherootsofMalerkotla'ssecularismlayinhisfather'spracticesduringhis reign. HislateHighnessduringhislongreignof44yearsneverletthesentimentsof religioninfluencehistaskasRuler.Healwaysconsideredreligionasaprivate linkbetweenmanandGodandruledtheStateasanIndianPrince.Iamgladto saythatthisspiritoftoleranceprovedtobetheinevitable,asbehinditlaylatent thewholeheartedsupportandgoodwillofthepeopleasatokenoftheirfullest cooperationwiththeirbelovedRulerinmaintainingpeaceandsecuritywithinthe state,whenduringtherecentterribledisturbancesthefireofarsonpillageand murderfannedbycommunalhatredragedallround.341 ThiseloquentpraiseofhislatefatherhighlightshowtheexemplarymodelofAhmadAliKhan's beliefthatreligionwasaprivatematterpromotedasimilarsentimentamongthepopulace. However,weknowfromoralsourcesandBritishrecordsthattherewereseveralreligious disputesinMalerkotlaunderAhmadAliKhan'srule.Speakingin1948inthewakeofPartition, IftikharAliKhanunsurprisinglypresentsanidealizedversionofthepastinordertocreatethe possibilityfortherealsuccessofinter-religiousrelationsinMalerkotlain1947tocontinue.
341

Khan, History, p. 145. 251

ThesafetyoftheMuslimsinMalerkotlaisalsothemainthemeofSufiIsmail'streatment ofPartitioninBaghal-Anbiya'Punjab,althoughthereasongivenfortheirsafetyisquite different.ForSufiIsmail,MalerkotlawaspreservedbyGodinordertobeabastionofthe Islamicfaith.Todramatizetheimportanceofthisrole,SufiIsmaildescribesthechaosthat plaguedtherestofPunjabandthedirerefugeesituationinMalerkotla.Hedepictsingruesome detailthekindofviolencethatoccurredaswomenwererapedandchildrenwerekilled. In1947whenPakistanwasmade,inthatterrifyingtimerefugeesfledthemurder anddestructionthatwasgoingoninotherkingdomsandcities.Theyfledto Malerkotla,whenoutsideMalerkotlasbordersthemurderofMuslimswas becominganormalthing.Theywerebeingrobbed,theirwomenandyounggirls weredisrespectedandwerestrippednaked,playedholiwiththeirblood342and rolledtheirchildrensheadslikeballsandburnedtheirhouses.Sothelootedand ravagedrefugeescameincaravanloadsfillingMalerkotla.Therewasnota singleunoccupiedspace. Aftersettingthegrimscene,SufiIsmailturnstoMalerkotlaanditssalvationfromthefatethatso manyotherPunjabisendured.InhismindthereisnoquestionastowhyMalerkotlaofallplaces waspreserved:thewillofGod. InallofPunjab,onlyinMalerkotladidpeaceandsecurityremain.Thewholeof PunjabtodayisemptyofMuslims.AllofHaryanaandHimachaltoo,which wereoncepartofPunjab.ThisisentirelythankstoAllahmosthighandHis specialdesirethatthisportionofMuslimsremainandsavetherest.TheGreat Master,fromHismercy,commandedtheprotectionofusandourbelovedcity. FromHisdoing,everythingbecomeseasy.HeisVictorious,HeistheLord,the Protector,theHelper.VerilyAllahhaspowerovereverything.Godisoneand thereisnothinglikeHim,Hehaspoweroverallthings.Heisthekingofkings. ThereisnodoubtthatHemakesthosewhomHechoosesrichandthosewhom Hechoosespoor.IftheMercifulGodhadnotdesiredorcausedit,thentoday MalerkotlaalsowouldbeemptyofMuslims.ItwasHisdesirethattheyprotect therestbecauseduetoHissovereignpowerHedesiredsomeworktobedonefor Hisreligion.ThereforehereallofusMuslimsneedtoworktoexpandthe religionofIslam.Andtoourotherbrotherswemustbringforwardthemessage ofGodandhisProphet.InthisweMuslimsmustupliftthisworldandthenext. Theother[reasonforpeace]isthebuzurgHazratSheikhSadruddinSadriJahans powerandmiracles.Hewhoseoriginalthronethisis.Hebecauseofwhomin
342

Holi is a Hindu holiday in which colored powder, often red, is thrown in a carnivalesque street festival.
252

thiswholeplaceIslamhascomeandfromthistownofMalerthe(kingdom)city ofMalerkotlawasmade.GodbestowsHisgraceonwhomHechooses. Otherwisewhenonallsidesfireburned,thenandnow,howwerewe savedinthemiddleofthis?Yes,notunlessGodhadsavedusfromthis[would webesaved]andGodpreservesusfromthisstill.343 SufiIsmailarguesthatMalerkotlawassaveddueasGodwilledthatthereshouldremaina MuslimareainPunjab.WithoutGod'sprotection,noforcescouldhavewithstoodtheonslaught thatwasravagingtheotherareasintheregion.ButbecauseMalerkotlawassaved,andbecause MalerkotlaisaMuslimarea,theMuslimsofthatareamustrealizethattheyhavebeencharged withamission.TheirmissionistoworkfortheglorificationandexpansionofGod.Forwhat otherreasonweretheypreservedfromthehorrificfatethatmettheMuslimsinsomanyother placesinEastPunjab?SufiIsmailvehementlycontendsthatMalerkotla'sMuslimsarethe custodiansofIslaminPunjab.HadGodwilled,theywouldhavebeenkilledorbeenrefugees, thustheirsafetywaspartofGod'sdesign.InadditiontoGod'sdirectjudgment,SufiIsmail attributesthepreservationofMalerkotlatothebarakat,orspiritualpower,ofHaiderShaikh,and hiskaramat,ormiracles.SufiIsmailalsocreditsHaiderShaikhwiththeIslamicizationofthe regionandthefoundationofthesettlement.Yetthesethingstooarepossibleonlybecause"God bestowsHisgraceonwhomHechooses."ThisisaQur"anicformula,aphrasethatappearsin numerousplacesthroughoutboththeQur"anandSufiIsmail'stext.Suchreiteratedexpressions functiontoevoketheIslamictradition,placingtheeventsoftherecentpastintoacontinuum withtheeventsintheQur"an.SufiIsmailisseekingtoremindhislargelyMuslimaudienceof theimportanceofstudyingthepasttobecomeawareofGod'swill.Thisistheprincipleactivity ofagoodMuslim,toobserveandlearnandcometoknowasclearlyaspossiblewhatGod intendsforusashumans.BecauseMalerkotlaistheonlyplaceinEastPunjabthatdidnotsuffer

343

Ismail, pp. 176-177. 253

violenceduringPartitionandMalerkotlaistheonlyplaceinEastPunjabwherethereisa Muslimpopulation,forSufiIsmail,God'swillisblazinglyapparent.Malerkotlawassavedin orderthat"someworkbedoneforGod'sreligion." Conclusion AllofthesenarrativesaremeansofsymbolicallyreversingtheprocessofPartition,of

reweavingwhatwastornapart.Theanxietyanddestabilizationof1947hasleftscarredand fragmentedpeople,unabletoaccountfortheirneighborsandtheirownactionsduringthe transition.Effortsmadetoreconcileandputtorestthelingeringpsychictraumaincludeactive effortstoforgetandtobrushover,obsessiverepetitionofthehorrors,fictionalized representations,committeesofinquiry,andsoon.InMalerkotlatherepetitionofstoriesabout HaiderShaikh,thehaadanaara,andPartitionaresymbolicrefusalsofthedivisionofIndia,and thedivisionofPunjabiculture.Throughstoriesthathighlightandforegroundpastmomentsof cooperationthecommunityauthorizesthesemomentsasemblematicofMalerkotla'sethicof harmony.Byretellingsuchexemplarystoriesofthepastinthepresent,theidentityof Malerkotlaasazoneofpeaceisconsolidatedandconfirmedandthepresentrealityisextended intothepast,furtherstrengtheningit.Thesemultivocalnarrativesneednotbeuniform.Their coherenceasarepertoireaboutthepastandpresentrealityofMalerkotlaliesintheiroverall impactandthefactoftheirrepetitionwhichstrengthensthisunityinmultiplicity.The reiterationofthesestoriesisevidencethatMalerkotlaresidentsandvisitorsvaluetheshared aspectsoftheircultureandhistory. ThereisnouniformityinthesenarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhandMalerkotla. Perspectives,details,facts,characters,etc.allchange.Yetthereremainsanoverwhelming consistencyofmeaning.Anetworkofnarrativesemergesthatconnectandbindtogether

254

multiplefeelingsandmultiplefaiths.HindusandSikhstellstoriesthatintegratethemintothe lifeofHaiderShaikhasalivingentitywhosespiritcontinuestoactivatethesacredspaceofhis dargahandallthespacesintowhichhisspiritissummoned.Muslimsnegotiatethetricky terrainofmaintainingtheirprideandcommunityintegritywithoutbecomingoverlysubjectto scrutinyfromtheSikhandHindumajorities.Throughthestoriestheytell,peopleinMalerkotla useHaiderShaikhandthehistoryofMalerkotlatogiveshapetotheirsharedculturalidentity. Shiftingandalteringthepast,peoplecreateabasisforasharedcommunityinthepresent. Thoughitisoftensaidthatactionsspeaklouderthanwords,spokenwordscanhavethe powerofactions.Thatistosaythatonceanideaisarticulated,madepubliclyavailable,and reinforcedthroughcontinualrepetition,theideabecomesamotivatingideal:inspiringaction, facilitatingitsrealization,andperpetuatingitsimaginativeforce.Theconception,articulation, andperpetuationoftheidealofcommunalharmonyinMalerkotlarestsinnosmallpartonthe raisedvoiceofoneoftherulersofthestate,NawabSherMohammadKhan(ruled1672-1712). Italsorestsonthesharedtraditionsassociatedwiththesaintwhofoundedthesettlementfive hundredyearsago.TheperpetuationofpeacealsodependsupontheexperienceofPartitionand itsactiverememberingbyelderswhoexperienceditandtheirdescendentswhocontinuetopass ontheirstories.Farfrombeingcheap,talkis,inthewordsofwriterandstatesman,Shashi Tharoor,"thenecessaryprecursorforaction."Inanop-edpieceinTheNewYorkTimesinJuly of2002,Tharoorwroteagainstthosenaysayerswhodenigratethepowerofwordsasempty.On thecontrary,talkisthepreconditionforimagininganewpossiblewayofbeing.Hewrote,"talk laysdownmarkers,articulatesaspirations,identifiescommonapproaches,revealsgapsandhelps

255

bridgethem."344Mostimportantly,talkdoesnotnecessitateunanimityorperfectagreementat all.Instead,thecrucialaspectoftalkisthatitopensupprospectsforaccord. Evenwhentalkdoesnotleadtoagreementevenwhenitdegeneratesinto receivedwisdom,time-honoredconventions,tiredformulasand,perhapsworstof all,insiderjargonitstillhelpschangeperceptionsandestablishnewlevelsof acceptabilityforbothfamiliarandunfamiliarideas.Repeatedtalkaltersthe substantivethresholdinthetalkers'minds:asyoulisten,positionsyouwould neverthinkofadoptingbecomecomprehensibletoyou;theprocessofreactingto whatissaidrevealsyouownassumptionstoyou. AlthoughIbelievethatTharoorundervaluestheutilityofreceivedwisdomandtiredformulas, whichinsomecircumstancescanhelptoestablishacommonbaseofcommunication,he beautifullyexpressestheimportanceofsimplyhavingtheconversation.Throughcontinued exposuretopeopleofavarietyofviewsandfaiths,suchasthroughparticipationattheshrineor inanycommunityforum,thealienandunfamiliarbecomesimaginable.Fedwithmediareports andscholarlystudiesthatpresumeconstructedorprimordialenmitiesbetweenreligionsinIndia, weforgethowtolookatapeacefulcommunity.Weareweightedbytheassumptionthat Hindus,Muslims,andSikhscannotlivetogether,thatpeaceisonlystasisorakindofdtente. ButinMalerkotlawefindthatthroughtalk,throughnarrativesbothwrittenandoral,old formulasandtheclichofpeacebecomeresourcesformakingithappen.Furthermore,although insomecases,suchasthatofSufiIsmail,thepeaceisseenasbeingparticularlyfororbecause ofonespecialcommunity,mostoften,Malerkotlaresidentsandvisitorsincorporatethenarrative ofMalerkotla'speaceanditsvariouscausesintotheirownnarrativesandlives.This incorporationhelpstosustainahighlevelofintegrationinwhichSikhsandMuslimsshare storiesandsharemeals.Thenarrativescreateawell-definedspaceinwhichpeopleareableto situatethemselvesaslongastheyadheretotheframestoryofMalerkotla'scommunalharmony.

344

Shashi Tharoor, "In Defense of Gabfests," The New York Times, July 29,2002. 256

ResidentswalkacarefullinebetweenadheringtoaparticularviewofwhyMalerkotla

hasmanagedtomaintainitspeaceandallowingforavarietyofotherperspectivesonthatpeace. ThisisexemplifiedbyastatementfromaMuslimschoolteacherinwhichheacknowledgesthe powerandimportanceofthecommonexplanationstheblessingsofHaiderShaikhandthe blessingofGuruGobindSinghandyetmaintainshisownopinionthattheultimatecredit belongswithGod.Nonetheless,heacknowledgesthattheexistenceandpopularityoftheother accountsarecrucialtotheestablishmentofbrotherhoodandtheperpetuationofpeace. SeeaboutGuruGobindSinghitissaidthathisblessingsareonthiskingdom. Anditisalsosaidthisisalandofbuzurgs,onallsidesarebuzurgs.Botharethe reasons[forthepeace].SikhpeoplesaythatbecauseoftheGurusblessing, Malerkotlaissafe.MuslimssayitisbecauseofthesepirsthatMalerkotlaissafe. Myviewsarethese,whetheritistheblessingoftheGuruortheblessingofthe buzurgs,Godwantedtopreservethisplace.Itissafe.Thereasonmaybeanyof these.Inpeople,thesethingsaremoreprevalent.IntheSikhsitismoreprevalent thattokeepgoodrelationswiththeMuslimstheysaythis,thatourGurushad relationswiththesepeople.TheNawabofthisplacesavedthechildrenofour GuruandourGurugaveablessingtothiscityandthiscitywassaved.Withthis comesbrotherhood,andwecansaythereiscommonunity.345 InMalerkotlathedominantideologyofbhaichar(brotherhood)hasbeeninternalizedand becomereadilymanifestintimesofstressoruponqueryfromananthropologist.The communityidentityasanislandofpeaceisahegemonicnarrative,leavinglittlespaceforradical departure.ThisdominanceistheresultoftheMuslimmajority'sinterestinself-preservation. Asasuspectminority,Muslimsmustmanifestpubliclyandconstantlythattheyareloyalcitizens andabovesuspicion.Hindusasanumericalminoritymustalsoperpetuatethedominantidentity fortheirowncontinuedcomfort.Sikhs,caughtinthemiddleasalocalandnationalminoritybut aregionalmajority,alsohaveinterestinmaintainingtheidentityofpeace.Yetnoneofthese expedientpoliticalrealitiesexplainwhythesocietyshouldbesodeeplyintegrated,whyHindus

345

Personal interview, January 22, 2001. 257

andSikhsattendaMuslimsaint'sshrineandtransmithislore,orwhyMalerkotlaaloneinPunjab shouldhavetranscendedthechallengeofPartition. ItemergesthattheimpactofPartitionuponMalerkotlawaspreciselytheoppositeofits

effectelsewhere.Heretheabilityofthecommunitytoriseabovereligiousdivisionsandprovide fortheircommondefensemakesPartitionamomentofsharedsuccesswhichhasanintegrating influenceonthelocalpopulation.Sustainedbyseveralclustersofnarrativesthatarticulatethe motivatingidealofbhaichar,orbrotherhood,thatcharacterizesthecommunity,Malerkotlais abletoinmanywaysrealizeitsutopianvisionofitself.Motivatedbytheirroleasreligious minorities,allthelocalreligiousgroupshaveaninterestinmaximizingtheefficacyofthis idealizedidentity.Bymaintaininganactiverepertoireoftalesconcerningthehaadanaaraand Partition,inadditiontothecomplexofnarrativesassociatedwithHaiderShaikhandtheother localsaints,Malerkotlaresidentsandvisitorscreatetheconditionsnecessaryforthetypeof coalitionbuilding,trust,andnon-sectarianpoliticaleconomythatsustainsthemulti-religious community.

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PartTwo: RitualizingPeace

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Introduction IntheprevioussectionIexaminedwaysinwhichthemulti-perspectivalnarrativesabout HaiderShaykhandMalerkotlaexpandandcontracttoallowformultipleinterlocutorstolocate themselveswithinthedominantsymbolicidentityofthetownasazoneofpeace.Thisis reflectedinthetypesofstoriesabouttheshrineandthetownthatdominate,suchasthehaada naaraandthepeaceatPartition,whichemphasizeaconsistentmessageinwhichhumanityand justicearenotconfinedtoreligiousidentification.Inthiswaythesenarrativetraditions symbolicallyreversetheprocessofPartition,reunitingHindusandSikhswithMuslimsby remembering,reiterating,andreplicatingthesharedpast. ThedominantidentityofthedargahofHaiderShaykhandthetownofMalerkotlaas placesofinter-religiousharmonyisconstructednotonlythroughnarratives,butthroughritual practicesaswell.Thespacesoftheshrineandthetownareactivatedbyritualperformancesthat reinforcethisidentity.Theseritualizationsrevealthecomplexinteractionofindividualinterest withmultipletheologiesandritualsystems.Malerkotlaisthemeetingpointofnumerous vectorsofpowerandsubjectionasitisbothasubordinateMuslim-majoritycommunityinHindu nationalistdominatedIndia,andadominantcommunityofMuslimswithasubordinate communityofSikhsandHindus.Asdocumentedinthepreviouschapter,thetensionsofthese dualandduelingdominationsgivenrisetoamultivocalnarrativetraditioncapableofarticulating theprevailinglocalidentityofpeace.Likewise,theritualrepertoireoftheshrineandthetownis richandcomplex,comprisingarangeofpracticesappropriatetothemulti-religiouscommunity. InthissectionIwilldetailtheseritualsanddemonstratehowtheyfunctionwithinthesemultiple structuringframeworksandhowdevoteesandresidentsrituallyenacttheinter-religious exchangenecessarytotheconstructionandmaintenanceofMalerkotla'speacefulcommunity.

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Aswiththeuniversalformofthenarrativewhich,followingHaydenWhite,generatesthe requisitedegreeofrealitytoempoweraneventasanidentity-shapingsymbolicstructure,ritual isanimportantactofmeaningmaking.Ritualpracticeisdensewithmeaning,bothconscious andunconscious.Thesignificanceofritualrangesfromthedivinetothemundane,personalto thepolitical,thepsychictothesocial.As,atleastinpart,intentionalaction,ritualmarksout arenasofsignificationinwhichbehaviorsbothprescribedandinnovatedcombinetoachieve intereststhatmaybeobligatoryorvoluntary,personalorsocial,publicorprivate,orallofthe above.AccordingtoEmileDurkheim,ritualisameansofrenewingthebeliefsofacommunity andgeneratingthecollectiveeffervescencenecessaryforengenderingsolidarity.346Asafait typique,ortotalsocialfact,aritualisalsoarepresentationandcondensationofthesocialsystem thatproducedit,akindofhypostasizationthroughwhichthatsystemismademanifest.Clifford Geertzperceivedritualasasymbolicfusionofthe"worldaslivedandtheworldasimagined."347 Structuralistanthropologists,mostnotablyArnoldvanGennepandVictorTurnerseeritualasa meansofmediatingtransitions,particularlyinregardtolifecycleobservations.Deceptively simpleisJ.Z.Smith'sarticulationthat"ritualis,aboveall,anassertionofdifference,"between thesacredandprofane.348RitualtheoristCatherineBellalsoadvancesthisperspective,writing thatritualpracticeis"thewayinwhichcertainsocialactionsstrategicallydistinguishthemselves inrelationtootheractions."349She,likeSmith,alsoseesthemakingofthisdistinctionas predicateduponadistinctionbetweenthesacredandprofane.Bellalsopointsoutthatwhethera theoristregardsritualasawindowthroughwhichthebasicstructuresofasocietycanbeviewed,
Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, translated by Karen E. Fields, (New York; Free Press, 1995), see especially Chapters Five and Six "The Origins of these Beliefs." 347 Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures . New York: Basic Books, 1973), especially Chapter Six, "Ritual and Social Change," and Chapter 15, "Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight." 348 Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual, (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1987), p. 109. 349 Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice , (New York; Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 74.
346

261

orasameansofreconcilingopposedsocialandculturalelements,orasameansofdisplaying reinscribingsocialnorms,ritualisoftendefinedinordertoestablishthetheoreticalpremisesof thescholargeneratingthedefinition.Bell'sstudyattemptstomovebeyondsuchtautological definitionsandseekstodefinetheparametersofwhatshecallsritualization,orritualpractice. Althoughheranalysisispronetosomeofthesameproblemsasthosewhomshecritiques andexpandsupon,Bell'sintegrationofritualandpracticetheoryprovidesanexcellentstarting pointformyowndiscussionoftheritualsinMalerkotla.Ofparticularinterestisherinsightinto thestrategicaspectsofritualpracticeandthepotentialforritualstobothconstructand reconstructthepowerconfigurationsinaculture.InMalerkotla,asinBell'sview,ritualpractice isastrategy"fortheconstructionofcertaintypesofpowerrelationshipseffectivewithin particularsocialorganizations."350Thusritualizationbothreinforcessocialstructureandcreates theconditionspossibleforthatstructuretobechanged.Throughtheprocessofritualization, peoplecometomasterthetechniquesofcontrolthatareparticulartoaritualcontext.Mastering ritualtechniquesisakintomasteringtechniquesofsocialcontrol.Furthermoreritualization cultivatestechniquesofself-control,leadingtoaconditionofsubjectionnotunlikethatdescribed byFoucaultinwhichanindividualinternalizesthecoerciveforceofthepowerstructureand bothdisciplinesherselftoconformtothesystemandfindswaystocreativelythwartandalterthe system.351Cognizantoftheparametersofacceptablebehavior,micro-strategiesofresistance becomeavailabletoapractitioner.Theconstantdialoguebetweendominationandresistanceis acrucialaspectofaritualsystem.

Ibid, p. 197. See Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller, eds., The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1991); Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, (New York; Vintage, 1977) and Power/Knowledge. New York; Pantheon, 1972).
350 351

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Ritualpracticeispartofthestrategicrepertoireofactionavailabletoagentiveactors operatingwithinaculturalmilieu.Bellcorrectlydoesnotoverstatethedegreeofagency availabletoactors,nordoessherelegatethemtoanunrelentingstaticsystemofdominanceand hegemony.FollowingGramsci,sheseeshegemonyasdialogic,andfollowingFoucault, dominanceasperpetuallyresisted,indeedaspredicateduponresistance.Thedialogicand resistednatureofahegemonicsystemopensituptothepossibilityofchangeandthepossibility ofsustainingmultiplemodesofexperienceandinterpretation.InMalerkotla,thedualpower structuresatthenationalandlocallevelcreateacomplexarenaforritualizationandadynamicin whichactorsmustnegotiatetheirowninterestsinrelationtopotentiallyconflictingpower structures.Onewayinwhichthetensionbetweenthedivineandthemundane,thenationaland thelocal,andthepublicandthepersonalismediatedisthroughritualpractice.Attheshrine thesepracticesconcernHaiderShaykhandtheotherdevotees,inthetownritualpractices concernthecommunityatlargeanditscollectiveidentity. AccordingtoBell,ritualpracticeentailsfourelements."Practiceissituational,strategic, embeddedinamisrecognitionofwhatitisinfactdoing,andabletoreproduceorreconfigurea visionoftheorderofpowerintheworld."352Whilethefirsttwoelementsareself-evident ritualiscontextbasedandpurposivetheselasttwopointsbearsomediscussion.The misrecognitionofapracticeisakeyelementinaritualevent.Misrecognitionmeansthatritual efficacy,whataritualdoes,istovaryingdegreesconcealedfromthepractitioner,butalsofrom theritualsystemitselfandthepowerrelationsthatconfigureit.Whentheoristsattemptto dissectthelayersofstrategyandactivityintotheirconstitutiveelements,themeaningofthe ritualislostandreducedtoasetofreversiblestructures,devoidofthemysteriouspowerthat

352

Bell, p. 81. 263

animatestheritual.353Theoreticalreconstructionsreduceritualtoamodeofreplicatingsocial structures,asapsychicbreakintoaliminalspace,andsoon.Yetritualpractitioners,including thoseconsciousoffunctionalistexplanationsoftheirbehavior,donotceasetopractice,orcease tohavefaithintheefficacyoftheritualtoachieveaparticulargoal.Becauseofthis misrecognition,aritualmaintainsitsapparentefficacy,ambiguityandmystery.Thisinsightis usefulasitallowsthe"reality"ofritualpracticesandtheirabilitytoshapedivineandhuman realitiestopersist. MichaelTaussigalsoillustratesthispointinhisarticle,"Viscerality,Faith,and Skepticism."ForTaussig,thedifferencebetweenthe"real"andthe"reallymadeup"isa misleadingone.354Inafunctioningritualsystem,suchaswitchdoctoringinhisexample, skepticismanddoubtareintegralpartsofthesystem'sperpetuation.Theexistenceoffakeryis widelyacknowledgedasisthefactthatritualsfailallthetime.Yettheseopensecretsdonot underminethepracticeofwitchdoctoringasawhole,nordoesitaccountfortheempirical realityofitsefficacy.Ritualpracticeenablesthesemisrecognitions.Iwouldaddthat misrecognitionalsofunctionsaspartoftheritualperformer'sstrategicengagementswiththe powerstructurestheyexperience.Thepurposesandprocessesofritualpracticesasameansof experiencingandalteringthosestructuresmustoftenbedeliberatelyconcealed,notmerelyfrom theactorsthemselvesinordertobeeffective,butalsofromthedominantculture,inorderto effectchangeormaximizethespaceforauthoritativeactionavailabletotheritualpractitioner. ThisisindicatedbyBell'sfourthelementofritualpracticewhichpointsoutthatritualsmayboth reproduceandreconfigurepowerstructures,neithersuccumbingtoabsolutedeterminismnor capableofabsolutefreeagency.Bellcallsthisconceptredemptivehegemony,"astrategicand
Ibid, pp. 82-83. Taussig, Michael, "Viscerality, Faith, and Skepticism: Another Theory of Magic," in In near Ruins: Cultural Theory at the End of the Century, edited by Nicholas B. Dirks, (Minneapolis; University of Minnesota Press, 1998).
353 354

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practicalorientationforacting,aframeworkpossibleonlyinsofarasitisembeddedintheact itself.Assuch,ofcourse,theredemptivehegemonyofpracticedoesnotreflectrealitymoreor lesseffectively;itcreatesitmoreorlesseffectively."355 Themisrecognitionofritualpracticeanditscapacitytobringaboutchangeindicatesthe possibilitythatritualsmayfunctionasactsofresistance.Thepersistent,everyday,banal transactionsatsharedsacredsitesmaybeunderstoodasa"weaponoftheweak,"partofthe "hiddentranscript"ofnon-dominantgroupsinacontextinwhichhighlydivisivesocialand religiouspoliticsaretheorderoftheday.InJamesScott'sformulation,theseartsofresistance neednotbeformaloreveneffective.356Veryoftenresistancetoahegemonicsystemismasked byacquiescenceandisonlyintelligibleinfragmentsofahiddentranscript.357Thisisanother dimensionofthemisrecognitionofritualpracticeinwhichnotonlyaremanyofthefunctionsof ritualconcealedfromtheconsciousnessofthepractitionerwhoisenactinganinternalized behavior,butalsothemeaningandinterestsoftheritualareconcealedfromthepowerstructure anditsregulators.Thustheperformanceofritualtakesonanotherstrategicdimension,opening upthepossibilitythattacitlyorovertly,participationinaparticularritualsystemmaybeanact ofresistancetoahegemonicpowerstructure.InthecaseofHaiderShaykh,thispotential functionofritualisactivatedaspractitionersarefullyconsciousofthechallengestotheir presenceattheshrinebyreformistelementsineachmajorreligioustraditionandfromwithout bytheprevailingenvironmentofreligiousfactionalisminthecountry.Likewise,residentsand visitorstoMalerkotlaareunavoidablyawareofthetown'suniquedemographicsanditssymbolic identityasazoneofpeace,therebyimbuingtheirbehaviorwithinthisspacewithadditional
Ibid, p. 85. Scott, James C., Weapons of the Weak : Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, (New Haven; Yale University Press, 1985). 357 Scott, James C., Domination and the Arts of Resistance : Hidden Transcripts, (New Haven; Yale University Press, 1990).
355 356

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layersofsignification.MerelybeingpresentinMalerkotlaoratHaiderShaykh'sdargahdoes notnecessarilymeanthatagivenactoradherestotheprevailingethicofharmony,oradvocates inter-religiousinteraction,orsupportsIslamperse,butitismycontentionthataperson's presenceandpracticedohaveamaterialeffectontheconstitutionofthesymbolicidentityof theseplaces. OneoftheshortcomingsofBell'sstudyisthatitsfocusonthetheoryofritualanditsrole insocialandculturalformationdoesnotallowformanysustainedexamplesoftheapplicationof thattheory.Yetthecriticalinsightsintothenatureofritualpracticeasmisrecognizedandas capableofsimultaneouslysustainingandchangingthepowerregimeinitscontextareimportant toworkoutontheground.AtthedargahofHaiderShaykhandinMalerkotla,ritualsare numerous,multivocalandmultivalent.Inthischapter,Iwilldiscusstheritualpracticesatthe shrinethatoccuronthedevotionalandsociallevelsandritualpracticesinthetownoccurringon socialandpoliticallevels.Theseritualsarenotmerely,asBelldescribes,"awayofactingthat setsitselfofffromotherwaysofactingbyvirtueofthewayinwhichitdoeswhatitdoes."358 ManyritualsatHaiderShaykharenotsoreadilydistinctiveorsoobservablyeffective.Onthe contrary,especiallyonordinarydaysattheshrine,ritualpracticesoftenlackthecoherence necessaryforsuchasettingoff.Peoplefrequentlyinterrupttheirproceduresofinteractingwith thesaintinordertoconsultwithoneanotherorthekhalifahpresent,todiscussmundane concernssuchasthepaymentofcertainperformers,toseetothecomfortofchildren,ortomake arrangementsforthenextmeal.Theresidueoftheseovertlyreligiousandapparentlymundane exchangesinterpenetrates.Thedistinctionsarenotabsolute.ThusmakinganofferingatHaider Shaykh'stombisembeddedinabroadercontextofinter-religiousencounterandthequalityof

358

Ibid, p. 140. 266

theoneexperienceinevitablyimpactstheother.Therefore,inadditiontothehopethata particularritualwillbringadesiredresult,anoften-misrecognizedcollateraleffectofritual practicesistheestablishmentofinter-religiouscontactandrelations.Theserelationsmaybe seenaspartoftheredemptivehegemonyoftheritualpracticesatthesite,bothconstructingand reproducinganintegratedreligiousculture.Althoughthiseffectisrarelydescribedbydevotees asoneoftheintendedpurposesoftheritualitself,devoteesoftendocitetheopportunityfor exchangewithotherdevoteesasoneofthepleasuresandpurposesofthevisitationmore generally.ForthisreasonIapproachtheritualtransactionsattheshrineonboththedevotional andsociallevels.Similarly,inMalerkotla,localeventsenactingthesymbolicidentityofthe townareritualizedthroughthesamelogicthatidentifiesritualpracticewithinasacredspace. Throughtheirperformanceasocialorpoliticaleventbecomesasymbolicenactmentofthe communityethosofharmony.Inparticularthroughcommemorativepracticesthatreiterateand reinstitutetheexemplarybehaviorsofpastgenerations,Malerkotlaisrituallyconstitutedasa zoneofpeace.

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ChapterFour: RitualPerformancesatthedargahofHaiderShaikh ToattendthedargahofHaiderShaikhistowalkbackwardsintime.Hereisitpossible toimaginethatPartitionneverhappened,thattheMuslimswereneverdrivenfromtheEastand HindusandSikhsneverfledfortheirlivesfromtheWest.Reachingthedargahnecessitates comingthroughaneighborhoodthatisalmostwhollyMuslim.ExceptonaThursdayevenings orafestivalday,fewnon-Muslimsarepresentinthestreetsleadinguptotheshrine.ForHindus andSikhscomingfromoutsideMalerkotla,thiscouldbeanunusualandpossiblyintimidating experiencesinceforthelastfifty-fiveyears,therehavebeenalmostnoMuslimsinPunjabatall. Yethavingreachedthedargah,onefinds(onanon-festivalday)anatmosphereofcalmand welcomingserenity.Movingthroughthespace,pilgrimsandcaretakers,residentsandvisitors findthemselvesfacetofacewiththesaintandwitheachother.Maintainingthemulticonfessionalcommunityofthesaintrequiresthattheseinteractionsbeconductedsothatboththe devotionalandsocialpurposesofthepilgrimagearesupported.Giventhevarietyofpractices andpractitionersatthedargah,thisisanintenseandinterestingchoreography. RitualsatthedargahofHaiderShaikh,suchasofferings,prostrations,vows,obeisance tothesaint'sdescendentscalledkhalfahsandhisinterlocutorsknownaschelas,lightinglamps, feedingthefaqirsandbeggars,cleaningthearea,etc.,havetwolevelsofstrategicintentionand resultingeffects.Thefirstlevelofritualpracticeisdevotional.Atthislevel,theintentionisto properlyengagethesaintinordertogainthedesiredresult.Thedesiredresultsofthepilgrimage rangefromobtainingchildren,jobs,sanity,familyharmony,successinanexamination, fulfillmentofavowetc.tothesimpleinvocationofblessingsuponthesoulofthedeadsaint. TherulesofproperengagementatHaiderShaikharelargelygeneratedorganically.Although

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manualsofproperetiquetteforshrinevisitation,knownasziyarat,doexist,theyarelargely knowntoonlyasmallsectorofhighlyliterateMuslims.359ThemassofdevoteesMuslim, Sikh,andHindulearnstheprotocolsforsuchpilgrimagesthroughexperience,observation,and inquiry.Thisprocessofparticipationandobservationlikelyoccurundertheguidanceofoneof thetwocategoriesofritualspecialistsatthetomb,thekhalfahswhoaredescendedfromthe ShaikhorthechelaswhoarepossessedbythespiritoftheShaikh. Thesecondlevelofritualpracticeissocial.Bothpractitionersandobserversoften misrecognizethisleveloftheritual.Thissociallevelofritualpracticesoccursasmultipleactors engageinaseriesofexchangesverbal,physical,andvisualthatrequirecontactbetween individuals.Atamulti-confessionalsitelikeHaiderShaikh'stomb,theseexchangesarealmost inevitablyinter-religious.360ForHindusandSikhsboththefirstandsecondlevelsofritual practiceareinter-religious.AlthoughMuslimattendeesarenotcrossingreligiousboundariesin termsoftheidentityoftheshrine,theyareinevitablygoingtocontactoratleastobserve,the practicesofHindusandSikhswhohavecometothesitetoaccomplishoftenquitesimilargoals. Theunavoidabilityofthisproximityconstitutesthesociallevelofritualpracticewhereinthe

For studies of these manuals kitab adab al- ziyrat, see: Averil Cameron, "On Defining the Holy Man," in The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution of Peter Brown, edited by James Howard-Johnston and Paul Antony Hayward, (New York; Oxford University Press, 1999); Tewfik Canaan, Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries in Palestine. Jerusalem: Ariel Publishing House, 1927); Carl W. Ernst, "An Indo-Persian Guide to Sufi Shrine Pilgrimage," in Manifestations of Sainthood in Islam, edited by Grace Martin Smith and Carl W. Ernst, (Istanbul; The Isis Press, 1993); Josef W. Meri, "The Etiquette of Devotion in the Islamic Cult of Saints," in The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution of Peter Brown, edited by James Howard-Johnston and Paul Antony Hayward, (New York; Oxford University Press, 1999); Christopher, Taylor, In the Vicinity of the Righteous: Ziyara and the Veneration of Muslim Saints in Late Medieval Egypt, (Leiden; Brill, 1999). 360 There is one group who may be able to avoid most inter-religious encounters in their dealings with the tomb the small clique of Muslims mostly khalfahs , who attend the shrine very early in the morning after the dawn prayer. At this time there is less of a crowd at Haider Shaikh's tomb. However, this is also the time when morning worship begins at many temples and gurdwaras and the streets are by no means empty. On several occasions I witnessed people who had clearly just visited a temple (bearing a red tikka mark on their foreheads) come into the dargh to pay their respects at the beginning of the day. Although several khalfahs who habitually came to Haider Shaikh early, especially women, told me they did so to avoid the crowds, no one ever claimed they did so in order to avoid meeting Hindus and Sikhs.
359

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conditionsforexchangebetweenandamongdevoteesandritualspecialistsbecomespossibleand evenlikely.Infact,formanythiscontactwitharitualspecialistispartofthefirstlevelof devotionalpracticeandisnecessarytoguaranteeritualefficacy.Somemaychoosetofollow whollypersonalpracticesandavoidcontactwitheitherkhalfahsorchelas.Yeteventhosewho avoidphysicalordirectcontactwithsuchregulatorypersonnelareconsciousofthepresenceof thesepersonnelanddevoteesandmostlikelyobserveatleastsomeoftheirbehaviors. Atthedevotionallevel,therituallifeatHaiderShaikhseekstoestablishandmaintain positiverelationswiththeburiedsaint.Giventherangeoftheologicalandhistorical perspectivesonwhoexactlyHaiderShaikhis,themeansofinteractingwithandunderstanding theShaikharebynomeanshomogenous.Forallthecommunitieswhoengagetheshrine,the keytoritualefficacyisinternaltothepilgrim,dependinguponeachindividual'spurityofheart. Althoughthenatureofthatpurityisvariouslydefined,theinternallocationofthiscritical elementisconducivetotheco-presenceofcompetingandconflictingideasaboutthesaintand theshrine.AsdiscussedinrelationtothestoriestoldaboutHaiderShaikhbyhisvarious interlocutors,thetraditionoftheshrineandthesaintismultivocal.Thismultivocalityisalso expressedritually.TheentiretraditionofHaiderShaikhandthedargahisactivated,narratively andritually,bythepluralityoftheconstituentcommunity.Thusgiventhefreedomofmost devoteesinattendancetogoelsewhere,itisclearfromthemerepresenceofsuchnumbersof peopleinthespaceofthetombandthearrayofstoriestoldbysuchavarietyofnarratorsthat HaiderShaikh'straditionisgroundedinthismultivocality.Multiplicity,therefore,isintegralto thenatureandefficacyoftheshrine.Thenarrativeandritualvariationsdonotdestabilizethe co-presenceandsimultaneityofthecommunity.FromtheBritishsourcesweknowthatatleast

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by1883theshrinewasextremelypopularamongnon-Muslims.361Thiswasneitherunusualnor novel.Indeed,thereissubstantialevidencefromtherecordsofmoreprominentshrinesofHindu attendanceandpatronagefromearlierperiods.362Itemergesthatoneofthegreatestsourcesof continuityattheshrineisthediversityofadherents,narratives,andritualpractices.Thequestion becomeshowtoaccountforthisdiversityofbeliefandpracticeonthedevotionalandsocial levelsandhowthesedifferencesaremanaged. Ishouldbeclearthatdifferencesareneverresolved.Thereisnofusionintoa homogenouscommunity.Themultiplicityitself,thesuspendedtensionsofcontradictorybeliefs andpractices,andthegatheringpowerofspatialandnarrativesymbolsconstitute,inpart,the significanceofsharedsacredsites.Theco-presenceofmultiplemeaningsseemstoincreasethe perceptionoftheshrinesefficacyinfulfillingdesires,andtoaddanothercompellingfeature theopportunitytobehaveasifandimaginethatPartitionneveroccurred. MostofHaiderShaikh'sdevoteesdonotconsiderhimtobedeadinthesenseofbeingno longersentient.Onthecontrary,althoughhisphysicalbodyisinterred,HaiderShaikh'sspirit remainsverymuchalive.Allthreemajorreligioustraditionsrepresentedatthesiteaccountfor thisconditionindifferentways,butthereisasharedbeliefintheongoingpresenceofthesaint andtheimportanceandefficacyofpilgrimagetothedargah.Inordertounderstandthenature oftheencounterbetweenMuslims,SikhsandHindusatsuchaspaceitisimportanttoknowhow thesetraditionsviewtheholydead.Thereisnoenforcementorconcernwithpromotinga unitarybeliefsystemalongwitharitualpractice.AsCatherineBellpointsout,thisispartofthe natureofritualitdoesnotdemandunanimityofbelief,merelyaminimumrecognitionofits

Denzil Ibbetson, et al., A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab. See, for example, Currie, The Shrine and Cult of Mu`in Al-Din Chishti of Ajmer and Eaton, "Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam in India," and "Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States," in Essays on Islam and Indian History, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 2000).
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formalfeatures.Shewrites,"ritualizedactivitiesspecificallydonotpromotebeliefor conviction.Onthecontrary,ritualizedpracticesaffordagreatdiversityofinterpretationin exchangeforlittlemorethanconsenttotheformoftheactivities."363YetatHaiderShaikh's dargah,eventheformofworshipvariesgreatlyaccordingtofactorssuchasthepractitioner's religiousaffiliation,gender,age,andwealthaswellasaccordingtotheirparticularmotivationin attending,theamountoftimenecessaryandavailablefortheactofworship,andtheirpersonal proclivities.364Giventhevarietyofritualsandbeliefs,itisimportanttocomprehendnotonly howthesebeliefsystemsdifferbutalsohowthesereligionsperceiveoneanotherastheyperform avarietyofritualsatthetomb.FirstIwilldiscussthedevotionallevel,assessingsomeofthe centralideasabouttombshrinesineachfaithandthenaddressthesecondquestionconcerning thesociallevelofmutualperceptions. MuslimPilgrims Pilgrimagetosaints'tombs,ziyarat,inIslamisacontroversialtopic,infactsignificantly moresothanintheHinduorSikhtraditions.Partisansonbothsideshavewrittenandargued extensivelyaboutthepermissibilityoftombvisitationsandtheappropriateformofworshipif attendanceisindeedallowed.ReformistgroupssuchasTablighiJama'atandJamaat-iIslami, whichhavebeendiscussedinChapterTwo,staunchlyopposesuchpractices.Althoughthey advocaterespectandprayerforthesoulsofthedepartedpiouspeople,anyformofregularritual observanceisviewedastantamounttoassigningcomparisonstoGod,orshirk.Thesegroups andotherswhoopposeziyaratcitehadith,versesoftheQur"anandlegaljudgmentsbyreputable #ulama"tosupporttheirargument.Muslimadvocatesofshrinevisitationusethesamesources tomaketheircaseforthepermissibilityofziyarat.Thepositionsadoptedwithinthisdebate
Bell, Ritual Theory, p. 186. Variation in practice is generally tolerated. The only person I ever saw turned back from the shrine was someone who attempted to wear their shoes into its precincts.
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rangewidelyfromconservativeviewsendorsingaqualifiedacceptanceofvisitation,usuallyin ordertorecollectone'sowninevitabledeathandthewisdomofpreparingforitspirituallyin advance,orforthepurposeofinvokingblessingsuponthedeceased.MoreliberalMuslims advocateziyaratasbeneficialforallworldlyproblems.Thesaint,inhiscapacityasawalallah orfriendofGod,isabletobringone'sprayersclosertoGodthancanalessspirituallyrealized humanbeing.365Thecomparisonisoftendrawntotheattempttomeetanypowerfulpersonsuch asthePrimeMinister.Inordertogainanaudienceonemustgothroughhisentourageof familiars.Likewise,Godismosteasilyapproachedthroughthemediatingpresenceofthe auliya",thosewhoareclosetoHim.Thisisoftenlikenedtotheprincipleofsafarish,a recommendationorinfluentialconnectionwithoutwhichverylittleinSouthAsiawouldget done.HavingthisinsidetracktoGodthroughthedeadsaintexpeditesallprayers,whateverthey maybe.StillmanyMuslimssaythataskingthesaintforboonssuchaschildrenoremployment isinappropriate.Othersflatlystatethatsuchdesiresarealwaysgrantedifthesupplicantasks withapureheart. OpponentsofziyaratinIndiadrawfromseveralsources.Astronganti-ziyarattradition reliesheavilyonthefourteenth-centuryscholarIbnTaymiyya(1263-1328)whoseideological heirinSouthAsiaisShahWaliullah(d.1762)and,throughhim,organizationssuchasthe Jamaat-iIslamiandTablghJama#'at.IbnTaymiyyawroteseveraltractsdenouncingthe practiceofziyarat.366HefeltthatprayertoasainttomediateorintercedewithGodwas tantamounttounbelief,becauseitsupposesthatthesaintisclosertoonethanGod,whois "nearertohimthanhisjugularvein."(Qur"an50:16)ThereforepresumingGodhasnotheard

A wl (pl. auliy"') whether living or dead is understood to be close to God, indeed that is the literal meaning of the word which indicates proximity and closeness. Living prs, as well as dead ones are unconstrained by the bodily and mental barriers that confine normal humans. 366 See especially his " ziyrat al-qubur," in Majmu't al-Ris"il w'al-mas"il , (Cairo: Lajnat al-Tuath al-Arab).
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ourprayersissubjectingGodtohumanlimitations.IbnTaymiyyadismissesthejustifications fortombvisitationasbida#orunlawfulinnovationbyfocusingonhadiththatindicate Muhammad'sdisapprovalofthepractice.Forexample,heandothersoftencitethefollowing hadithfromthecanonicalcollectionSahhBukharwhichreferencesthehabitofChristiansof buildingtombshrinestotheirholydead:"Ifanyreligiousmandiesamongstthosepeoplethey wouldbuildaplaceofworshipathisgraveandmakethesepicturesinit.Theywillbetheworst creatureinthesightofAllahontheDayofResurrection."367AlthoughIbnTaymiyya unequivocallycondemnsthebuildingandvisitationofmonumentaltombshrines,hegives qualifiedapprovaltoattendinggraves.Suchvisitationscouldbeundertakenprovidedits purposewastoremindoneofone'sowndeath,topraytoGodonbehalfofthedead,ortosimply greetthedeadinagestureofrespect. InhisstudyofziyaratinmedievalCairo,ChristopherTaylorpointsoutthateveninhis owntimeIbnTaymiyya'sviewwasnotsharedbythemajorityofscholars,ulama'.Indeed,he diedwhileimprisonedinDamascusforpublishingapolemicaltractagainstziyarat.368Although hisviewsonthissubjectmayhavebeenunpopularinhisday,IbnTaymiyya'sinfluenceonlater influentialreformmovementssuchastheWahhabisisundeniable.Histhoughtwasalso admiredbyShahWaliullah,theeighteenthcenturyDelhibasedreformistSufiandscholarwhose ideologicaldescendentsinclude,amongothers,thefoundersoftheextraordinarilyinfluentialDar ul-UlumDeoband.369ShahWaliullahsharedIbnTaymiyya'sreservationsabouttheacceptability ofgravevisitation.LikeIbnTaymiyyaheabsolutelydenouncedthebuildingofmonumental
Sahih Bukhari, 8:419. Taylor, p. 172. 369 Several excellent studies of Deoband are available. Barbara Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1982), and "The Madrasa at Deoband: A Model for Religious Education in Modern India," Modern Asian Studies 12, no. 1 (1978). Less specific to Deoband, but an important study of the supposedly recalcitrant ulama' is Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 2002).
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shrinesandthepracticeofdirectsupplicationtothesaintforbenefitsormaterialgains.Yet, especiallyintheearlierperiodofhiswritings,ShahWaliullahaffirmedtheongoinglinks betweenthesaintlydeadandthephenomenalworldoflivinghumans.Hewrites,whenthe spiritsofperfectpeopleareseparatedfromtheirbodiestheybecomelikebillowsrootedonthe spot.Notonlyarethespiritsofthesaintspresent,indeedrooted,attheplaceoftheirinterment, butthesespiritsareavailableandaccessibletothosewhoseekwithapurehearttocommune withthem.ShahWaliullahassertsthatthespiritisnotboundwithinthecorporealityofan individual.Ratherconnectionandcommunicationbetweensoulsispossible,particularlyforthe pureofheart.ShahWaliullahexplainsthisphenomenoninthefollowingway:soulsnearto thosespiritsmayearnestlyendeavortoclingtothem,andalightinashapethatcorrespondswith thosespiritsmayarisewithinthem.AnallusiontothisismadebythesayingoftheProphet:'no onewillgreetmewithoutreturningmyspirittomesothatImayreplytohisgreeting.'370 Therefore,thebelieveratadargahwhosincerelyandrespectfullyapproachesthetombandits inhabitantwillmeettheupliftingandbeneficentspiritofthesaint.Thisreciprocalexchange exaltsthevisitortothetombofthesaintlydead,ashisorherspiritrisesinaneffortto adequatelyencountertothespiritofthesaint.ThisexperienceislikenedtotheProphet's example,inwhichthefullestexpressionofthesimpleactofgreetinganotherpersoninvolvesa reachingforthnotonlyofhands,butalsohearts. Proponentsofziyarat,likeitsopponents,fallonaspectrumfromtheobviouslypartisan custodiansoftombshrinestomanyamongthe#ulama"who,likeShahWaliullah,acknowledge thepiousmerit,orqurba,ofsuchvisitations.Theseadvocatesofziyaratalsocitehadithto validatetheirposition,suchasthefollowingfromanothercanonicalcollection,SahihMuslim,in
J.M.S. Baljon, "Shah Waliullah and the Dargah," in Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance, ed. Christian W. Troll (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989).
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whichtheProphetstates,"Iforbadeyoutovisitgraves,butyoumaynowvisitthem."371They alsoreferencestrongtraditionsdescribingtheProphet'svisittohismother'stombandawidely reportedaccountthattheProphetappearedafterhisdeathinthedreamofoneofhisclose companions,Bilal,summoninghimtohisgrave.Oneofthekeyelementsoftheargumentmade bytheseadvocatesisbasedonthenotionthatthedeadarenotinsentientatallbutshouldbe treatedwiththesame,ifnotgreater,respectandcourtesythatoneprofferstotheliving.Thisties inwithIbnTaymiyya'sacknowledgmentthatvisitingtombsforthepurposeofgreetingthedead ispermissible.TherenownedSufischolarAbuHamidal-Ghazali(d.1111)makesthesame pointinBookFourofhisclassicworkIhya#Ulumal-Din(TheRevivificationoftheReligious Sciences).Inthistext,whichinmanywaysvalidatedSufismwithinIslam,al-Ghazaliexplains theeternityofthesoulthus: Deathcannotdestroythesoul,whichistheplaceofAllah'sma'rifat(gnosis), becauseitissomethingspiritual.Deathcausesthechangeoftheconditionof soul,andrelievesitfromtheprisonofitsbodilycage.ItdoesnotendasAllah says:ThinknotofthosewhoareslaininAllah'swayasdead.Nay,theylive, findingtheirsustenanceinthepresenceoftheirLord;theyrejoiceinthebounty providedbyAllah.Andwithregardtothoseleftbehind,whohavenotyetjoined them(intheirbliss),the(Martyrs)gloryinthefactthatonthemisnofear,nor havethey(causeto)grieve.TheygloryintheGraceandthebountyfromAllah, andinthefactthatAllahsuffersnottherewardoftheFaithfultobelost(inthe least).Oneshouldnotthinkthatthispositionisacquiredonlybythosethatare martyredonthebattlefield,becauseeverybreathofan#arif(onewhohasgained knowledge)isamartyr.372 Althoughal-Ghazaliisprimarilydescribingthesoulsoftherighteousdead,hisunderstandingof thenatureofdeathisthatitmerelywreaks"achangeoftheconditionofthesoul,andrelievesit fromtheprisonofitsbodilycage."Therefore,tovisitthedeadistoencounterthesamebeing thatoncewalkedtheearthinanalteredform,butnolessawareofthedoingsoftheliving.

371 372

Sahih Muslim, 4:2131. Al-Ghazali, Ihya 'ulum al-din, (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-Alamiya, 1992).
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Forthefaithfulwhoapproachthetombsofthedead,greetingisanessentialelementof theencounter.ShahWaliullahsetforththeappropriatewaystoapproachthetombofthesaintly dead.Oneshouldenterthetombinastateofritualpurity,approachthetombandrecitethe fatia.373Subsequently,onemustperformtworakat(cyclesofprayer),squatdownfacingthe deadwithone'sbackinthedirectionofMecca,recitetheSuratal-Mulk,thetakbr(Allahu Akbar,GodisSupreme),professtheshahada(confessionoffaith),againrecitethefatihaeleven times,approachthetombcallingouttwenty-onetimesyarabb(OhLord!)andrepeatyaruh(Oh Spirit!)intotheearofthedead.Finally,thevisitorrelaxesandwaitstoseeiftheirpresenceand invokingofblessingsuponthesaintwillbewelcomedandmeetwitharesponse.374Someof thesedirectivesarehighlydetailed(suchastheabove)andextensivelyannotated,justifyingeach prayerandpracticewithevidencefromQur"anandHadith.Certaindargahspossessrulesand customsofbehaviorexclusivetothatshrineandsaint,oftenreflectingparticulareventsor attributesascribedtothesaint.ThusatsomedargahsinIndia,alcoholisofferedortimepieces orpadlocks,allreflectingtheparticularcharacterofthesaintandthetypeofblessingheorsheis renownedforbestowing.375

The fatiha refers both to the opening verse of the Qur'an and also denotes prayers on behalf of the deceased. Baljon, pp. 189-190. 375 For more on Sufi shrines in South Asia, see: P. M. Currie, The Shrine and Cult of Mu`in Al-Din Chishti of Ajmer, (Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1989); Richard M. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India, (Delhi; Munshiram Manoharlal, 1996 (1978)); Ernst, Carl W., Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center, (Albany; State University of New York Press, 1992); Carl W. Ernst and Bruce B. Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love, (New York; Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); Miles Irving, "The Shrine of Baba Farid Shakarganj at Pakpattan," in Notes on Punjab and Mughal India: Selections from Journal of the Punjab Historical Society, edited by Zulfiqar Ahmed, (Lahore; Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1988); Claudia Liebskind, Piety on Its Knees: Three Sufi Traditions in South Asia in Modern Times, (Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1998); Desiderio Pinto, Piri-Muridi Relationship: A Study of the Nizamuddin dargh, (Delhi; Manohar, 1995); John A. Subhan, Sufism: Its Shrines and Saints, (New York; Samuel A. Weiser, Inc., 1970 (1938)); Christian W. Troll, ed., Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance, (Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1989); Peter van der Veer, "Playing or Praying: A Sufi Saint's Day in Surat," The Journal of Asian Studies (51, no. 3 1992); Kerrin Von Schwerin, "Saint Worship in Indian Islam: The Legend of the Martyr Salar Masud Ghazi," in Ritual and Religion among Muslims of the Subcontinent,, edited by Imtiaz Ahmad, (Lahore; Vanguard, 1985); Pnina Werbner and Helene Basu, eds., Embodying Charisma: Modernity, Locality and the Performance of Emotion in Sufi Cults, (London; Routledge, 1998).
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AlmosttwohundredandfiftyyearsafterShahWaliullahlaidouthisversionofthe appropriatecodeofconductduringziyarat(shrinepilgrimage),theresidentsofMalerkotlaand visitorstothedargahofHaiderShaikhenacttheirunderstandingoftheadab,orappropriate conduct,ofdevotion.Thoughmostattendeesobservefarlesscomplicatedrites,somevisitorsdo prescribesimilarlyprecisebehaviors.Anelderlyhafiz(onewhohasmemorizedtheQur"an) explainedthatitisessentialtoapproachagraveyardofanykind,whetherashrineoracommon burialground,inastateofpurityhavingperformedwuz(ritualcleansing)andwithanattitude ofhumilityandrespect.Hafizjisaid,whereveryougoyoushoulddowuz.Amandoesno wrongwhenhehasdonewuz,heispure.376Healsoaffirmedthecriticalimportanceof properlygreetingthedenizensofaplaceofburial.Uponenteringthegrounds,firstonemust declareSalaamAlaykum(PeaceBeUponYou)sothatthosepresentwillnotbesurprisedor offendedbyone'ssuddenappearanceintheirmidst.Hafizjiadvised, WheneveryougotoagraveyardyousaySalaamAlaykum.Itmeansmaythe mercyofGodbeuponyou,Oburiedones,uponthemuslimn[Muslims]andthe mu"minn[truebelievers,adegreeaboveaverageMuslims].Youhavegoneto thegravebeforeusandwewillcomeafteryou.Thisistheprayerforgoingto qabrstans[graveyards].Youhavegonebeforeus,andwearecomingafter. Everybodyhastogo.Thatisourprayer.Sofirstwesalaamtothegrave. Arespectfulgreetingandsalutationpriortocommencementofprayersiscrucialbecausethe soulsofthoseburiedremainpresentatthegravesite.Afterthegreeting,theHafizinstructedthat oneshouldrecitethefatiha,thedhurudsharf(aprayerlitanyinvokingblessingsonthe followersofIbrahimandMuhammad),andthenanyspecialprayeraccordingtoone'sneedsor knowledge. WhereasShahWaliullahindicatedthatthesoulsofburiedsaintsarelikerootedbillowsat theplaceofinterment,Hafizjiextendedthisbyaffirmingthelivingpresenceofallthosewhodie
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untiltheDayofJudgment.Untilthattime,allofGod'ssentientcreations,thatishumansand jinn,areunderstoodtobealiveinawaydistinctfromtheirpreviouscorporealexistence,but nonethelesspresentandactiveinthisplaneofbeing.Hafizjiexplaineditthus: Allofthemarealive,nooneisdead,theyareallalive.Whosoeverdiedisstill alivefromwhatsoevercommunity.Becausethepointisthathewhodiesisheld accountable.Godhasplacedthisaccountabilityonhumansandjinn.Onthejinn thereisanaccounting.Onhumansthereisanaccounting. Hafizji'sviewthatphysicaldeathisnotthetruedeathisawidespreadone.AlthoughIslamic thoughtholdsavarietyofpositionsregardingthestatusofthedead,thisperceptionisquite common.Thesoulsofthedeadareawareoftheworld,buttheyhaveenteredaliminalzone calledbarzakh.Herethesoulisseparatetoadegreefromthebody.However,priortotheDay ofJudgmentitisfullywithinGod'spowertochangetheconditionofthedeadandaltertheir salvationstatus.Therefore,prayersonbehalfofanyofthesedeceasedpersonsmayhavea positiveimpactontheirultimatesalvation.Therelativeefficacyofthisisalsodebatedbetween thosewhoquantifytheexponentialrewardsreapedthroughsuchprayersandthosewhomerely suggesttheiradvisabilityandgeneralmerit.ThefinalityofdeathdoesnotcomeuntiltheDayof Judgment,atwhichpointthosewhoaredamnedwillwishinsteadfordeath. ThespiritofHaiderShaikhisthereforepresentatthedargah.Furthermore,hisspirit continuestocommunicatewiththelivingthroughtheritualspecialistswhochannelthesaintfor hisdevotees.Amemberofthekhalfahfamilywhodoesnotsitatthedargahexplainsthis possibilityinthefollowingway: PeoplethinkHaiderShaikhdied,[but]hissoulistherealive.Whensomedisciple ofBabaji'splays[i.e.becomepossessedbythespiritofthesaint]hispaun[spirit] comes.Soheisnotdead.Noheisnotdead.ThisisintheQur'anSharifand Hadith.HewholinkshimselftoGod,hedoesnotdie.Heonlyhideshimself fromtheworld.

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Thekhalfah'sperceptionthatthroughlinkingoneselftoGodapersondoesnotdieisaclear referencetothepassageintheQur'anthatisoftencitedasevidenceoftheongoingrelationship betweenthelivingandtherighteousdead.Qur'anSura3:169declaresthatthosewhodie strivinginthewayofAllaharenotdead,butliveon.Althoughtheapparentreferenceisto martyrsinbattle,manySufis,aswesawwithal-Ghazaliabove,prefertheesoteric,orbatin, interpretionthatthemujahidun(holywarriors)inquestionarethosewhodiewhilestrivinginthe greaterjihad,thestrugglewiththeirnafs,theirownbasenatureandworldlydesires.377The greatBihariSufisaintSharafuddinb.YahyaManeri(d.1381)explainsthisverypassageinthe followingway: ConcerningthefriendsofGodithasbeensaid:'Thosewhoarekilledalongthe WaytoGoddonotnumberthemamongthedead,fortheylivethroughtheir Lord!'ApersonshouldbereadytogivehislifeattheheadoftheWayandwalk alongitstrippedofhisownlife,sothatthisspecialsituationmightarisewherein 'theylivethroughtheirLord.'whoeversetsoutalongthisWayafterhaving sacrificedhislife,andcontinuestowalkinlove,hastopassbynoother intermediary.Thisgroupconsistsoffriendswhoseemtobeannihilatedbutwho reallylive,whiletheothergroupiscomprisedofstrangerswhoareseemingly alivebutactuallydead.378 Thus,thoseindividualswhoareabletosupercedeworldlyattachmentsthroughtheirquestfor essential,spiritualknowledgeorma#rifatdonotdiebutremainawakeinthegraveandtheir soulsremainactiveintheworld.Manerispecificallyidentifiesthisgroupas'friends'orauliya" whomerelyappeartobedead,butareinrealitymorealivethanmostwhoseemtoliveandare accessibletotheliving.Thedargahprovidesapointofexchange,afocusforritualactivitythat
In Islam, there are two degrees of what is usually termed the 'soul' in English. The nafs is the baser level of spirit which animates our material selves. Nafs is also possessed by other sentient beings such as animals and humans are believed to be constantly struggling against their nafs in order to curb instincts and impulses that lead us away from God. The higher degree of spirit, termed ruh, is a more subtle essence. The goal of much spiritual practice is to separate the ruh from the nafs , thereby freeing it to unite with God. Until the last day, the ruh remains 'alive' in the sense that it is still possible to pray on behalf of the departed and hope that they will receive the rewards of that prayer. For those, such as the saints, who were perfected in life, the ruh of the saint is able to perform intercessory prayers on behalf of the living. This last point is an issue of some dispute among Muslims. 378 Sharafuddin Maneri, Letter 86: Coming to Terms with Oneself, in Paul Jackson, Sharafuddin Maneri: The Hundred Letters (New York: Paulist Press, 1980).
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maintainstheactiveconnectionbetweenthephysicallydeadbutspirituallyalivesaintandthe inhabitantsofhiswilayat,orspiritualterritory. TheactualformofMuslimritualatHaiderShaikh'stombvaries,dependinguponthe particularschoolofthoughttheMuslimbelongstowithregardtoziyarat.ForthoseoftheIbn Taymiyya/ShahWaliullahreformistmindset,shouldsuchavisitationoccuratallitoughttobe briefandsimple.FortravelersontheSufipaththeproceduresmaybequiteelaborateandtime consuming.Fewvisitorstothesetombsknoworfollowthedirectivesgivenintheelaborate manualsofetiquettedescribedabove.TheessentialelementsformostMuslimsarequitesimilar tothedescriptiongivenbytheHafizinMalerkotla.Onemustenterinastateofritualpurity, havingperformedwuz,theablutionspriortoprayer.Shoesareneverwornandmostpeople, menandwomen,willcovertheirheads.Enteringthetombareaitisnotnecessaryto circumambulateorbow,butmanydo.Eventuallyonecomestofacethesideofthetombthat facesMecca.379Standingorsittingonerecitesthefatiha,theopeningchapteroftheQur'an, whichisanappropriaterecitationforanyoccasion.Afterwards,anyotherpartoftheQur'an, especiallythethirty-sixthchapterYaSinortheThroneVerse(Qur'an2:254),mayberecitedif desired.380Thisisfollowedbyanyformulaicorpersonaldu'a,asupplicatoryprayer.Manyof thesedu'asarecommonlyandwidelyknown,suchasthedhurudsharif,aprayerthatinvokes blessingsonthepersonsandpeopleofIbrahimandMuhammad.Improvised,extemporaneous personalsupplicationsmaythenbemade. Uponcompletingtheprayers,theMuslimpassesherhandsoverherfaceandhead, distributingwhateverblessingmighthavebeenreceivedandphysicallymarkingthecompletion

In Islam corpses are always buried facing Mecca, thus to address the deceased properly one must approach the head of the tomb on the western side. 380Y Sn, the thirty-sixth sra of the Qur"n is often recited as a memorial for the dead. See Juan E. Campo, "Burial," in Jane Macauliffe, editor, Encyclopedia of the Qur"n, (Leiden; Brill, 2001), pp. 263-265.
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oftheformalprayers.Afterthisthevisitordeparts,someretreatingbackwardssoasnotto disrespectthesaintbyturningaway,andotherssimplywalkingout.Thisformofvisitationis themostbasic.ThoseMuslimswhochoosetomakeofferingsofmoney,flowers,sweets,or clothgravecoveringknownaschadars,willtypicallydosoimmediatelyuponenteringthetomb space.Thisisaccomplishedbyapproachingthebaseofthetomb,whichinHaiderShaikh'scase isstraightaheaduponenteringtheinnerspace.Atanygiventime,twototenmembersofthe khalfahfamilywilllikelybepresentatthedargah.381Thekhalfahsinattendancesitthere, facingthosewhoentertheinnertombarea,andreceivewhateverisoffered.Ifflowersorcloth coversaregiven,thekhalfahpresentwillplacethemonthetombonbehalfofthedevoteeif asked,butsomedevoteesprefertodosothemselves.AtHaiderShaikh'stombthisisacceptable, butatsomeothertombsthisisonlydonebytheshrineservants.382Aftercompletingtheir prayersandofferingsthevisitorswillreturntothefootofthetombandreceivebackaportionof theofferingsmade,nowblessedduetotheirproximitytothesaint.Thisisknownastabarruk,a termforanysubstancewhichhascomeincontactwiththebarakatladentombandtherefore retainssomeportionofthatspiritualpower.Thistabarrukisthenbroughtbackbythepilgrim anddistributedamongfamilyandfriends.Ifagreatdealoffoodisoffered,onlyasmallpart willbeleftatthetomb,asmallpartretainedbythepilgrim,andtheremainderisdistributed amongstallthoseinattendance,particularlyfaqirsandbeggars.Thenumbersofthesegroups aresmallatHaiderShaikh'stomb,butatsomedargahslikethoseinAjmerSharifor NizamuddininDelhi,vastnumbersofpoorandhungrypeoplearefedbythevisitingpilgrims.

There is a schedule, more or less formal, which determines which branch of the family is responsible for officiating at the site during which hours of the day. On Thursdays and for festivals when the attendance at the shrine is greater, typically representatives of all the khalfah families are there. 382 At the shrine of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti in Ajmer, for example, khud m or shrine servants are the only ones who may directly contact the tomb of the saint.
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AtHaiderShaikh'sdargahandtheotherdargahsinMalerkotlathefullgamutofMuslim perspectivesandpracticesonziyaratarerepresented.Somebelievethatattendance,recitationof thefatiha,andsayingsomedua"isthemaximumappropriatebehavior.Stillotherswillbring offeringsofflowers,sweets,chadars,andwillbowtothetomb,evenpressingtheirhands,eyes, andheadstoitorkissingit.OnelocalscholarofMalerkotla'shistoryassertsthatduetothe risinginfluenceofJama#at-iIslamandTablghJama#atintownthatfewerandfewerlocal Muslimsattendsaint'stombs.383Myownobservationsandinterviewsconfirmthatfewer MuslimsthanHindusandSikhsareinattendance,butmanyMuslimsintownreportthatthisis notappreciablychangedfromearlierperiods.384AlmostalltheMuslimswhoattendtheshrine arelocal.VeryfewMuslimsfromoutsidethestatecomeonpilgrimagehere.Accordingtothe khalfahsandotherlocals,thishasbeenevenmorepronouncedinrecentyearsastensionswith Pakistanhaveoftenresultedintravelrestrictionsbetweenthetwocountries.385Therefore MuslimsfromthisregionofPunjabwhomayhaveattendedthetombpriorto1947areunableto visitthisshrineoranyotherinIndia.Inanyaccount,themajorityofthedevoteesatHaider ShaikhareSikhandHindu.386

HinduandSikhPilgrims

Sultana, 1993, pp. 158-170, also Sultana, 1996. There are many other darghs in Malerkotla. Several of these are located in predominantly Muslim neighborhoods and are quite out of the public eye, therefore they have a larger Muslim constituency. Other sites such as the shrine to Lakhdata pr is managed by a Sikh and attended by almost no Muslims whatsoever. Still others demonstrate a relatively equal mix of religions. 385 During the period of my research the border with Pakistan was largely closed. A bus service that had briefly operated was closed and only just reinstituted in July 2003. Furthermore, visas for Pakistani pilgrims to come to India are often difficult to obtain, no matter what the state of relations between the two countries. 386 However, the smaller dargh s in Malerkotla are visited mostly by locals of all religious groups and the numbers there appear to be more balanced, even favoring Muslims.
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ForHinduandSikhdevoteesattheshrine,thereisfarlessneedtojustifytheirconviction thatthespiritofthesaintisaccessibletothematthisplace.387HindusandSikhsperformnearly identicalritualsandofferingsatdargahsandthesepracticesarequitesimilartotheformal actionsoftheMuslims.HinduandSikhconceptsofthestatusoftheholydeadarefairlysimilar, buttheHinduliteratureonthenatureofdeathandtransmigrationisinfinitelylarger.Both HindusandSikhsadheretothenotionofsamsara,theprincipleofcyclictimethroughwhich soulsarereincarnated.IntheHinduperspective,thesouloratmancontinuestoberebornuntil suchatimeasthewholeofcosmictimeendsoruntilthesoulachievesperfectknowledge, enlightenmentknownasmoka.Atthispointthecycleofsamsaraceasesandtheindividual soul,oratman,isunitedwithacosmictman.388Thosewhoachievemokaduringtheir lifetimesaresaidtobejvanmuktiordeadwhilealive,existinginastateofpureconsciousness nolongerfetteredinanywaybytheirgross,subtle,orcosmicbody.Uponphysicaldeath,which occursatthewilloftheonewhohasachievedjvanmukti,thebodymaybeburiedratherthan burned.ParticularlyinyogictraditionsofHinduism,physicaldeathforthosewhohaveachieved perfectknowledgeismerelyanotherstateofbeing.389Thephysical,orgross,bodyisso

Hindu death rituals and understandings of the nature of the soul are highly elaborated in countless sources. The Sikh tradition, on the other hand, has paid little attention to this matter. Beyond a general belief in reincarnation and a priority upon cremation of the dead, there seems to be little material indicating a concern with the status of the dead. There is, however, a highly active cult of the powerful dead, particularly of martyrs of the faith. See Stuart Blackburn, "Death and Deification: Folk Cults in Hinduism," History of Religions Volume, 24, no. 3 (1985); Louis Fenech, Martyrdom in the Sikh Tradition, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 2000); Victor Turner, "Death and the Dead in the Pilgrimage Process," in Religious Encounters with Death: Insights from the History and Anthropology of Religions, edited by Frank Reynolds, (University Park; Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977). 388 This is the Vendantin perspective, only one of several schools of thought about the nature of human life and death and the status of the soul in the Hindu traditions. Other conceptions maintain there will always be a distinction between the soul of a human and the divine soul, and that the stae of perfect enlightenment is a state of pure devotion to the divine principle a relationship of reciprocity that requires that distinction to remain. 389 Particularly interesting studies of death in Hindu traditions have been done by Jonathan Parry. See "Death and Digestion: The Symbolism of Food and Eating in North Indian Mortuary Rites," Man (Volume 20, 1985); Death in Banaras, (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1994); "The End of the Body," in Fragments for a History of the Human Body, edited by Michel Feher, (New York; UrZone, Inc., 1989); "Ghost, Greed and Sin: The Occupational Identity of Benares Funeral Priests," Man (Volume, 15, 1980); "Sacrificial Death and the Necrophagous Ascetic," in
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completelycontrolledbythemindoftheyogicadept,thatdeathofthebodymerelysignalsa changeofconsciousness.Buryingthebodyfulfillsaformofyogicpracticeinwhichbreathand bodilycontrolaresocompletethatthepractitionerismerelyinastateofeternalmeditationor samadhi,describedbyJonathanParryasaperpetualcatalepticconditionofsuspended animation."390BurialsitesforHindusaintsareknownassamadhisandarefoundthroughout India.Atthesesitestheincrediblebeneficentpowerofthesaintremainsavailabletodevotees. Thesesitesoftenbecomeshrines.InMalerkotla,theDeraofBabaAtmaRamisonesuchplace inwhichBabaAtmaRamandseveralofhisdisciplesareinterredinsmallbuildingswithsmall markersplacedtoindicatetheplaceofburialandtoprovideafocalpointforritualactivity. ThereisalonghistoryofdevotiontosaintsintheHindutraditions.InNorthIndiathe roughlycontemporarymedievalpoet-saintssuchasKabir,Ravidas,Namdev,Surdas,Nanakand otherscametobeknownastheSanttradition(signifyingtheguidingroleofsaintsorsants),or thebhaktimovement(highlightingthedevotionorbhaktiinvolved).Thisbroadbasedgroupof poetsaintsdidnotworkinanykindofcoordinatedfashion,eithertogetherorwithinaparticular religioustradition.Rathertheysharedanethosthatopposedconventionalreligion,inparticular thecastesystemandreligiousformalism.Theyalsotendedtodismisstherelevanceofreligious distinctions.Theseindividualsdidnotconstituteafomalgroup,merelyasharedorientation towardsthedivinethattendedtoignoreorevendeliberatelyattacksectarianism.391Thisisborn outtodayatthedargahofHaiderShaikhmostfrequentlycitetheShaikh'slackofbeliefin

Death and the Regeneration of Life, edited by M. Bloch and J. Parry, (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1982). 390 Both Hindus and Muslims believe that the body of the saintly dead do not corrupt in the grave. This is due to the perfection of their relationship with Allah in the case of Islam and to the complete mastery of the phenomenal world on the part of the Hindu yogi. Parry, Jonathan, "Sacrificial Death and the Necrophagous Ascetic," in Death and the Regeneration of Life, edited by Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry, (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 96 391 In the both the case of Kabir and Guru Nanak, religious communities independent from Hinduism and Islam arose, that of Nanak in particular becoming a wholly unique tradition.
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religioussectarianismandcastediscrimination(ja-pah)asoneoftheirmainexplanationsfor theirownattendanceattheshrineandforthemulti-confessionalappealofthesaint.Thepoetic compositionsofthesesaints,orsants,revealthattheyhadachievedauniquelevelofrealization oftheultimaterealityorcommunionwithGod.392Aftertheirphysicaldeaths,thesesants throughtheirpoetryandtherichbodiesofloreconcerningthemcontinuetoactivatethereligious livesofcountlesspeoplethroughoutIndiaregardlessofreligiousaffiliation.Muchofthislore directlychallengesreligiousseparatism.Forexample,thereisawidelyknownstorythatis associatedwithbothKabirandGuruNanak,thefirstteacheroftheSikhtradition,abouttheir deaths.HavingappealedtobothHinduandMuslimcommunities,bothsantshadlarge followingsaffiliatedtothosereligions.Aftertheydied,theHindusandMuslimsbeganto disputeoverwhichgroupshoulddisposeofthebody.Whentheyraisedtheclothshroud,they discoveredthatthebodyhadturnedintoaheapofflowers.Eachcommunitytookhalfofthe flowers,theHindusburnedtheirsandtheMuslimsburiedtheirshare.Clearlybothgroups missedthepoint,butthroughthemercyofthesaintconflictwasaverted. ForHindus,theMuslimsaintisunderstoodtobealivewhiledead,stillverymuch presentandavailabletothedevotees.Thisstateofbeinginwhichthespiritisnolongerbound byphysicalrestrictionsisunderstoodbyHindustobeakintothestateofultimaterealization. Havingthustranscendedtheselimits,thesaintisineffect,joinedwithGod.Thusmany devoteesunderstoodHaiderShaikh,asGod,statingunequivocally,"vohhamarebhagwanhai," "HeisourGod."ThisisextendedbyaHinduchelawhoispossessedbythespiritoftheShaikh

For example, the Banaras based poet Kabir composed the following: The Hindu says Rama is the Beloved, The Turk says Rahim. Then they kill each other. No one knows the secret. Hess, Linda, The Bijak of Kabir, (San Francisco; North Point Press,1983), page 42.
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whomIaskedwhatthedifferencebetweenbelievinginthepowerofasaintandbelievinginGod was.Heresponded,"AsItoldyou,heisourGod.WebelieveinhimlikeGod.Heisaformof God."Understoodinthisway,thesaintmaybeprevailedupontofulfilltheneedsandprayersof hisdevotees,ifproperlyworshipped.IntheHinduunderstanding,itisHaiderShaikhhimself whoiscapableoffulfillingthedesiresofhisconstituency.Thisisanimportantdistinctionfrom theMuslimperspectiveinwhichitisveryclearlyGodandGodalonewhomaygrantanydesire, notHaiderShaikh,whoisago-betweenormediatorwhocarriestheprayerofthesupplicantto God.Hindus,ontheotherhand,believethatasthesainthastranscendedtherestrictionsof humanbodilyandspirituallife,heisnolongersubjecttothelawsandrestrictionsthatpertainto normalhumans.HehasunitedwithGod.Thusheiscapableofalteringthephysicaland spiritualconditionofanyone,ifhesodesires. IntheHinduconceptionthespiritsofenlightenedbeingshaveamaterialimpactonthe atmosphereinwhichtheypracticedtheirdevotions.393Suchaplaceisqualitativelysuperiorto otherareas,andprovidesapointofaccesstodivinerealmsknownastrth,orcrossingplace. Travelingtosuchplacesisanactofmeritandritualsobservedintheseshrinesarebeneficialto one'sownkarmaandtothegeneralmaintenanceofdharma.Intheuniversalsense,dharma signifiestherightorderofthings.Thusbyparticipatinginritualsthataffirmthebenefitof prayerandworshipatholyplaces,thegeneralwelfareofsocietyisalsoservedbothsocially,as peopleareperformingtheirproperduties,andspiritually.394

Note Sax, mountain goddess A heightened consciousness of the importance of Hindu sacred space is discernible in the movement to "liberate" Hindu sacred sites from Muslim "occupation." Books such as Sita Ram Goel's Hindu Temples: What Happened to Them? fuel the fire of groups such as the VHP, Bajrang Dal, and Shiv Sena. In particular three sites have been targeted as major shrines in need of liberation, along with vague estimates of 30,000 other such places. A survey and index of some of these sites is part of Goel's book.
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TheSikhperspectiveondeathandthedeadissimilarbutfarlesselaboratedthanthe Hindu.TheSikhfaithwasbornfromthesanttraditionofpoetswhodedicatedthemselvesto seekingGodandforwhomreligiouscategoriesanddivisionswerelargelyirrelevant.Guru NanakthefirstSikhGuruwasbornintothetypeofmulticulturalmilieuthatwascommonatthat period.HisfatherwasapatwarioraccountantfortheMughalgovernmentatTalwandi,in presentdayPakistan.NanakwastrainedinPersianandSanskritandworkedbrieflyasa bookkeeper.AfterexperiencingadirectrevelationofGod,Nanakbegantotravelandpreachof hisnewknowledgeofthenatureofthedivine.Histeachingsstressedtheonenessandeternality ofGod,theequalityofhumanity,andtheabsurdityofsectarianism.Thereisastrongtradition thathisfirstdeclarationfollowinghisexperienceofGodwas,"ThereisnoHindu,thereisno Muslim."Althoughmanysantsgaveuptheirworldlylives,thiswasnottobethepathofthe Sikhs.Onthecontrary,GuruNanakopposedasceticismandwithdrawalfromtheworld,instead encouragingacongregationalandcommunitybasedhouseholderlifestyle.Atthetimeofhis deathhedesignatedoneofhisclosestdisciples,ratherthanhisson,tobethenextGuru.395After thetenthGuru,GobindSingh,thelineageofhumangurusfornormativeSikhismcametoanend andtheGuruwasunderstoodtobetransmogrifiedintotheGuruGranth-GuruPanth.This formularepresentstheenshriningoftheGuruintwoforms:theGuruGranthSahibbeingthe collectedhymnsoftheGurusandothersants,andtheGuruPanthintheformofthecommunity ofbelievers.TheunderstandingisthatthesetwocollectivitiesembodytheGuruwhois,inan ultimatesense,God. TheSikhtraditionisoftenregardedasanamalgamofHinduismandIslam,thoughthis formulationunderminestheuniquenessofthefaithandthesenseofidentityandsolidarity
This lead to the first schism among the Sikhs as some clustered around Nanak's son. This was the first of what became a large fellowship of Sikh groups outside the normative tradition, often designated collectively Nanak panthis. However, the majority of the followers adhered to the lineage of Guruship traced through Angad.
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amongSikhs.Thatsaid,thereisadegreeofecumenicismintegraltothetraditionfromits formativeperiod.Evidenceofthisnon-sectarianethosintheSikhfaithisample.OneofGuru Nanak'sclosestcompanionswhoaccompaniedhimonhistravelswasaMuslimmusician Mardana.ThefoundationstoneofthecentralSikhshrineknownastheGoldenTemplewaslaid byaMuslimsaint,MianMir.TheGuruGranthSahibcontainspoeticcompositionsattributedto numerouspoetsaintsincludingseveralMuslims,mostnotablyBabaFaridShakarganj. However,fromatleastthetimeofthefifthGuru,theSikhcommunitycameintoincreasing conflictwiththeMughalrulersatDelhi. ManySikhlifecycleritualsresembleHindurituals,fromtheweddingceremonyinwhich theGuruGranthSahibiscircumambulatedratherthanasacredfiretothecremationofthedead. However,thetreatmentofthedeadandtheunderstandingofdeathinSikhtraditionisquite unique.Hindudeathritualsinvolveelaboratemechanismstoexpediteandamelioratethe deceased'stransitiontothenextlife.Therearenumerousceremoniesdesignedtopropitiatethe deadspirit,buildforita"body"intheafterlife,andtoguaranteeitapositiverebirth.396 Furthermore,fortherelativesofthedeceasedespecially,contactwiththedeadorthedying processrequirescarefulritualsofpurification.Sikhsontheotherhand,thoughtheyadhereto thenotionofrebirth,havesimpleceremonies,committingthedeadtothepyreanddisposalof theashescantakeplaceinanybodyofwater.397TheSikhRehatMaryada,orcodeofconduct, thenadvocatesasimpleceremonyinwhichtheentireGuruGranthSahibisrecited,called AkhandPath.398

Knipe, David, "Sapindikarana," in Frank Reynolds, ed. Religious Encounters with Death: Insights from the History and Anthropology of Religions, (University Park; Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977). 397 Many Sikhs do prefer to bring their dead to the gurdwara at Kiratpur at the foot of the Himalayas, but this is not regarded as prescriptive to the same degree that immersion in the Ganges is the optimal end of life for Hindus. 398 On the rehat see W. H. Mcleod, The Chaupa Singh Rahit-Nama, (Dunedin, NZ; University of Otago Press, 1987).
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YettheRehatMaryada,whichbegantobeexplicitlyformulatedintheearlytomidnineteenthcentury,alsoemphasizesthepointsofdistinctionbetweenHinduismandIslam.399In particular,attendanceatnon-Sikhshrinesisstrenuouslyopposed.TheRehatexplicitlyinstructs, "WorshipshouldberenderedonlytotheOneTimelessBeingandtonogodorgoddess." Furthermore,nograveissupposedtobecomeaplaceofworship.Theseformalobjectionsstand insometensionwiththeactualpracticeofmanySikhs.Itwouldbeenormouslyunusualtovisit oneoftheseveralmajorgoddesstemplesinPunjabandfindnoSikhsthere.Inaddition,Sikhs arepresentinenormousnumbersnotonlyatHaiderShaikh'sdargah,butatotherdargahs throughoutthecountry.Finally,thereisastrongreverenceforSikhmartyrs.Thisisevident fromthemartyr'sgalleriesthatadjoinmanygurdwarasfeaturingpaintingsgruesomelyrecreating scenesoftortureofSikhherossuchasGuruArjan,GuruTeghBahadur,BabaDeepSingh,and soon.TherearealsocountlesssmallwhitememorialmonumentsplacedoverthegravesofSikh martyrsknownasshahdswhodiedunjustly.Thesemonumentslitterthelandscape,asdo Muslimgraves.Theytooareplowedaroundinfields,placedwithinthecourtyardsoftemples andhousesandincorporatedintothedailylifeofmanypeople.400Inspiteoftheexplicit injunctionsagainstsuchmemorialsandagainsttheutilityofpilgrimagetothem,theseplaces thriveandproliferate,indicatingthatthemassofSikhfaithfularenotcomfortablewiththe absolutecessationofrelationsbetweenthelivingandthedeadthatispromulgatedbyofficial bodiessuchastheShiromaniGurdwaraPrabandhakCommitteethatoverseeshistoricgurdwaras. Thereisagreatdealofsimilarityincertainaspectsofritualpracticesattheshrine.One

ofthemostcommonritualsinvolvestakingvows,ormakingprayersandthenreturningtomake
An excellent assessment of the process of formulating the Rehat and the process of creating unique rituals in order to foster a sense of religious identity can be found in Oberoi. 400 In some cases these shrines also become more substantial places of worship as do the sites where revered Sikh leaders died or were killed, such as the Gurdwara Rakab Ganj in Delhi marking the place where Guru Tegh Bahadur's body was burned after his head was taken by a faithful disciple to Anandpur in Punjab.
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anofferingingratitude.Hindus,Sikhs,andMuslimsallengageinthispracticeandtheir fulfillment(sukha)ofthevowistypicallythesame.Themaindifferencebetweenvowsand prayersiswhetherthedesire,saythebirthofason,issimplyprayedforandanofferingmadein hopesofthegoodintentionsandproperetiquettefindingfavorwiththesaint,orifakindof bargainismadebyadeclarationthatifthedesireisfulfilled,inreturnacertainamountof money,food,orcharitywillbegiven.Otherstakeonobligationsorpracticesuntilthedesireis fulfilledsuchasabstentionfrommeatoralcohol,orweeklyprayers,orevenfasts(thoughthisis notundertakenbyMuslims).Somedevoteesengageinmoredemandingfulfillmentsuchas proceedingtothetombfromagreatdistanceinserialprostrations,advancingonlythelengthof one'sbodyateachstage.NewlymarriedSikhandHinducouplesfrequentlycometothetombat thefirstfestivalforHaiderShaikhor,ifthatisnotpossible,atthefirstopportunityaftertheir marriage.Thebridewillwearherweddingdupaa(scarf),whichisthentiedtoaclothworn bythegroom.Thisisbelievedtoguaranteeoffspringandmaritalhappiness.Childrenborn throughHaiderShaikh'sblessingarepresentedatthetombandofferingsaremade.Asitis believedthattouchingthechildtothegraveitselfisauspicious,thesceneatthechaoticand crowdedmela,orfestival,becomesquitehazardousasbabiesaredanglednearthetombfroma distance. Inaddition,somepeople,especiallythekhalfahs,haveparticularritualsthatmustoccur

attheshrine.UnlikeSikhandHinducouples,thekhalfahbrideandgroommustcometothe shrinebeforethenika(Muslimmarriageservice).Thisisexplainedbyawomanfromthe khalfahfamily: Begum:Yes,after[HinduorSikh]marriagebothbridegroomandbrideare broughthere,tofulfillthewish.Nowwhenwe[i.e.thekhalfahs]havea marriagefirstwewillgothereandthenperformthemarriage. AB: Andforachild?

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Begum:Firstthemothersalaams(prostrates)andthenthechild. AB: DoHindupeoplealsodothis? Begum:Theyalsodoitbuttolesserextent.Ifsomebodyhasmadeavowthen theycome,ifsomebodyhasnothedoesnotcome,butwenecessarily come. AB: Sowhatdoyouofferthere? Begum:Likesomesweets,wetakesomecandles,incense,etc.Ifwefirsthad saidthatwewilldoniyaz[sweetrice],thenwedothedegh[acauldronfor makingalargeamountofniyaztogivetothedervishesandtheneedy]. AB: Doyourecitesomespecialprayer? Begum:Yes,afterreadingQur'anSharif,Iaskblessingsonhim[HaiderShaikh]. Thisexampledemonstratesthattheslightdifferencesinritualandpracticeareknown,butinno waymutuallyexclusiveorproblematicfortheBegumoranyoneelseinterviewed.However, someritualsaresimplyparticulartoHaiderShaikh'sdescendants.Forexample,British ethnographersreportedthatsilverequalinweighttoachild'sfirsthaircutisgivenhereandan offeringismadeatthetimeofcircumcision.401Somekhalfahsassertthatbeforetheytravelout ofMalerkotlatheycomeandtakeleavefromtheirDadajiastheywouldfromalltheirrespected elders.Accordingtoaseniormemberofthekhalfahs,theMalerkotlaarmyusedtocometopay obeisancepriortogoingtobattle: ThisMalerkotlawasmanagedbytheNawabandthearmyoftheNawab. WheneverthearmyoftheNawabwastogoforwar,theforcesusedtofirstvisit HaiderShaikh.TheyusedtosaluteandoffersalaamtoHaiderShaikh.When thesetwowarsbrokeout,theFirstWorldWarandWorldWarII,firstin1914 andsecondin1939-45,theMalerkotlaforceswereonthesideofEnglandand AmericawhowerecalledtheAllies.TheopponentswereGermany-thatisAxis. Whenevertheforcesusedtogoforwar,theyusedtocomefirsttoHaiderShaikh, marchingallaroundinlinesofone,two,three,four.Millionsofpeoplerespect HaiderShaikhandtheforcesusedalsotorespecthim.Theseforcesusedtotake theblessingsofHaiderShaikhandthatcustomisstillpracticedthesedays. Wheneverpeoplegosomewhereorthestudentsgofortheirexamstheycomefor hisblessingfirst.Wheneverthereisamarriage,thebridegroombeforegoingto thebride'shouse,thegroomgoesforblessingfromHaiderShaikh.

These practices and others are all recorded in Ibbetson's Ethnography. Ibbetson, et al., A Glossary of the Punjab Castes.
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Manyoftheseparticularritualsarediminishing.Thereisnostatearmynowandmanylocal Muslimsnolongercometotheshrinebeforemarriage.402However,HinduandSikhdevotees continueingreatnumberstoobservethetraditionsthattheirownparentsandgrandparentshad observed.AsonemaleHindudevoteeexplains,mymotherdidn'thaveanychildren,shehad fourorfive,buttheydied.ThenaBabajitoldhertocometoBaba[HaiderShaikh]andshe cameandIwasborn.OurancestorsalsobelievedinBabaji,butafterthatourbeliefbecame complete.Imetanumberofdevoteesnowsettledabroad,inSingapore,theUSA,Canada,etc. whocamebackwiththeirbabiesortheirnewlywedchildrentoshowtheirgratitudeforthe continuedblessingsofHaiderShaikh.ASikhgentlemanfromSingaporesaidhisgreatgrandfatherhadprayedhereforasonandreceivedseven.Hiswife,whogrewupinSingapore, isnowalsoabelieverandlightscandlesandsingssongsforHaiderShaikheveryThursdayin theirhome. AtHaiderShaikh'sdargahthereisampletextualevidencefromthelatenineteenth centuryBritishrecordsofmultipleusersandusages.IbbetsonandRose'sGlossaryoftheTribes andCastesofthePunjab,aswellasseveraltextsonthefolkloreofthePunjaballmake referencetothelargenumberofHindusandotherswhocometotheshrinetoprayforchildren andforrelieffrompossession.IbbetsonandRoseobservethattheattendanceatthefairof HazratShaikhisverylarge,peopleofallcreedsandagesandofbothsexesbeingattractedtoit fromalongdistances.403TheMalerkotlaStateGazetteerfrom1904remarksthatevery ThursdaypeoplegatherattheshrineinthethousandsonthefirstThursdayofthelunarmonth aswellasatseverallargefairsduringthemonthofJeth(aHindumonthfallinginMay-June).

The disappearance of some traditional rituals and practices is noted by Anila Sultana, a college professor and Malerkotla native whose unpublished dissertation, "Muslims of Malerkotla," addresses this very subject. 403 D. Ibbetson, E.D. MacLagan, and H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, (Lahore: Government Printing House, 1919 (1883)), p. 645.
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TheBritishgazetteers,thelocalhistories,andtheaccountsoftherulingfamilyalltestifytothe centralityofHaiderShaikhandhisshrineintheformationandperpetuationofMalerkotlaasa territoryanditsidentityasaplaceofinter-religiouspeace. Ultimatelyitisclearthatalthougheachofthethreemajortraditionshaveinternal discourseschallengingthepracticeofvisitingdargahs,theseobjectionsorrestrictionsare whollyignoredbyvastnumbersofpeople.Thisdemonstratesthattheconsiderablediversityof beliefintermsoftheologicalstatusofthedead,doesnotunderminetheunityofbeliefaboutthe functionofthesaintlydead.ToreiterateBell'spoint,nounanimityofbeliefisnecessary.Inthe perceptionofallthreeofthemajorreligioustraditionsrepresentedatthedargah,thesaintlydead areuniquelycapableofaddressingtheconcernsofhumans.Havingbeenhumanthemselvesat onestage,eventhoughtheyachievedinlifeasuper-humandegreeofawarenessandcloserthan usualrelationshiptothedivine,thesaintlydeadarecapableofdeepempathy,compassion,and mercyfortheirfellowhumans. RITUALPRACTICE Althoughthereareconsiderabletheologicaldifferencesthereislittleobservablevariation betweenHindus,Sikhs,andMuslimsintermsofdailyritualpracticeatHaiderShaikh'sdargah. AlthoughMuslimsaremorelikelytoofferprayersandnottoprostrateorgivefoodormoney, thatisbynomeansalwaysthecase.Anybodycananddoesoffersweets,agreenorbluecloth coverorchadarforthetomb,smallclayhorses,incense,oillamps,money,goats,orobjectsfor themaintenanceoftheshrine.Liketheofferings,theritualspecialistsarealsomultiple,asspace ismadeattheplaceforvariousmodesofinteractionwithHaiderShaikhthroughhis descendants,thekhalfahsandthroughvisitingdisciples,orchelas,whomhepossesses. ADayatthedargah

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AsinmostMuslimcommunities,thedayinMalerkotlabeginsformanyresidentsafter thefajrprayeratdawn.Thoughsomepeoplereturntosleepafterprayerandsomedonotstirat all(particularlyoncoldwintermornings)forearlyrisersandpanchnamazis(thosewho habituallyprayfivetimesaday)theyaremovingthroughtheirhomesandstreetsinthefirstgrey light.ManyHindusandSikhsarealsooutandaboutearly,someduetothepracticalhabitsof workingbeforetheheatofthedayandkeepingthehoursofthesun.Othersattendtemplesand gurdwarasformorningprayerwhichoccursatthistimeaswell.Inmixedneighborhoodsone maybeoverwhelmedbythecombinedsoundsoftheMuslimcalltoprayer,azan,Hindu devotionalsongs,bhajans,andthehymnsoftheSikhgurus,krtan,allbroadcastover loudspeakers.404Inallthreetraditionsthisisapowerfulmomentwhenthelinesbetweenwaking andsleeping,consciousnessandunconsciousness,thedivineandthehumanareintransitionand indistinct. Fromthishouron,thereisnotimewhenthedargahisdeserted.Amemberofoneofthe fivebranchesofthekhalfahfamilyisalwayspresent.405Inthisfamily,womenoftentakeon thisrolethoughatmanydargahsthisisunheardof,evenforbidden.Theentireareaaroundthe dargah,calleduperwallamohallaorthe'highneighborhood,'duetoitssituationonahill,is inhabitedalmostexclusivelybymembersofthecaretakingfamilieskhalfahfamilies, descendantsofHaiderShaikh,andmujawwarfamilies,descendantsofthosewhoservedHaider Shaikhinhislife.Itismostlythesepeoplewhocomeintheearlymorning.

It is worth noting that prior to Partition in Malerkotla there was a significant controversy over the sounds broadcasting from a Hindu temple in proximity to a mosque during the times for prayer that led to riots and at least one death. This will be discussed in detail in the next chapter. Since Partition no such disputes have occurred, but the problem is noted by many from the British colonial authorities to postcolonial theorists such as Partha Chatterjee. 405 This arrangement will be discussed further in Chapter 6.
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Attheseearlyhours,visitorsarefewandmostly,butnotexclusivelyMuslim.Many comedailyatthistimetoprayandmostofthosepresentarekhalfahs.Thesepeoplehave varioushabitsofprayer,buttherearesomestandards.Priortoenteringthedargah,everyone removeshisorhershoes.Onlymenstruatingwomenareexpectednottocomein,butthereisno signorpostingregardingthisasisfoundinsomeHindutemples.Onentrymostpeopleproceed directlytothetomb.Somewillbowandpresstheirforeheadorsometimeseacheyetothe marblesurface.Somereachunderthechadar(coveringcloth)tocontactthetombitselforlift thecoveruptotheireyesandlips.Thensomepeoplewillwalkaroundthetomb,otherssimply sit.406SomeMuslimsdonotbow,believingthistobeshirkorplacingsomethingelseona comparablelevelwithAllah.407MostMuslimswhostaytoofferprayerswilldoso,ifspace

An interesting anomaly at Haider Shaikh is that the tomb is always circumambulated counterclockwise. At no other dargh in India that I attended does this occur. Furthermore, no one I asked had any explanation for this variation on common practice. All the major dargh s I visited are circumambulated clockwise: Ajmer, Gulbarga, Nizamuddin, Panipat, etc. In India, Hindus, Buddhists, and Sikhs walk around their holy places clockwise, indeed some view doing other wise as inauspicious and even dangerous. In Punjab only the Nihangs, a groups of somewhat antinomian Sikhs, habitually walk against the flow. This, I was informed, is because as the army of the Guru they must be forever prepared for battle and thus they wear multiple weapons on their person at all times, including a sword. Should the need arise, they must draw this sword away from the Guru Granth Sahib, both to protect it and to show it no disrespect. In the case of Haider Shaikh's dargh, however, this is hardly applicable. Several possibilities exist. The first, and most probable, explanation is that the route to the left is somewhat impeded by a tree and two large mazrs , tombs. Although there are four additional mazrs on the right, they are less obtrusive. Another possible, and more appealing to a religious studies scholar, is that the Ka'aba in Mecca is circled to the right. This perhaps is a link, direct or indirect, with the awf of the hajj. Reasons for that direction are legion, but none particularly conclusive. Some say that keeping the left side closer to the Ka'aba, one's heart is closer to the holy place. Another possible explanation is that as left is associated with evil and right with good, perhaps moving to the left is inauspicious in a holy place. This was suggested to me by Valerie Hoffman who also reported that in Egypt, saint's tombs are commonly circled counter clockwise. However, one reason sometimes given in India for the clockwise rotation in temples is that the impure left side should never be presented towards the sanctuary. Finally, Professor Gordon Newby proposed that 'Semitic' circumambulation is always counterclockwise and he witnessed Jewish women at Rachel's Tomb circling in this fashion, binding threads around the tomb and subsequently around their own waists as a blessing for fertility. At Haider Shaikh's dargh, appealing as the Hajj explanation might be, I am inclined to reject it. Although ziyrat to some saint's tombs is often said to be a substitute for the Hajj for those unable to afford the journey, in India this association is usually reserved for the tomb of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti in Ajmer, Rajasthan. Indeed, numerous people at Ajmer and elsewhere informed me of the acceptability of this replacement 'hajj.' However, I never observed anyone at Ajmer circling to the right with any clear intention. No one at Haider Shaikh suggested to me that pilgrimage there could be a substitute Hajj. In the end, we may have to say, God knows everything, and leave it at that. 407 The Muslim term for saluting the tomb is salm, a generic term for greeting, as distinguished from the word for bowing which is sajda and is reserved solely for prostration during prayer. Sikhs call bowing matta tekhana which is
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permits,ontheleftsideofthetombwheretheysitwiththeirbackstotheqibla(thedirectionof Mecca).AsthedeadinIslamareinterredwiththeirfacesturnedtowardsMecca,sittingatthis pointmeanstheyarefacingthesaint,whichisviewedasnotonlyproperadab(etiquette)but alsoprovidesthemostdirectcontactandpointofcommunication.HindusandSikhsarelikely tositanywhere,butmostseemtopreferthespaceatthefootofthetomb.Manypeoplebring someoffering,thosethatdonotarealsousuallyMuslim.Theseofferingsincludemoney, sweets,smallclayhorses,uncookedwheatorrice,andgoats.Manypeoplewillplaceincense and/orsmalloillampsinasmallstructuredirectlybehindthemaintombastheenclosureis entered.Somedevoteesalsoplaceofferingsontheothergravesinthecomplexbelongingto HaiderShaikh'swives,sonsHassan,#Isa,andMusaandthreeservants.Thereareadditional tombsoutsidetheinnerenclosurewallbutwithintheshrinecompoundbelongingtomembersof thekhalfahormujawwarfamilies.Theofferingsmadeatthesetombsbelongtothedescendants ofthetomb'soccupant. Onatypicalmorningatthedargahafternamazthereareusuallyatleastthreeorfour

peoplepresentatthedargah,atleastoneofwhomisamemberofthekhalfahfamily.Outside visitorscomeandgo,butusuallyspendonlyafewminutestoperformaperfunctoryobeisance, circlethetomb,receivesometabarrukorprasad,anddepart.408Thekhalfahsusetheirtimeat theshrineasmuchtobewiththeirfamilymembersandexchangenewsastocommunewiththe saintorperformanydevotions.Mundanetopicsaswellasreligiousmattersarediscussedfreely.

Punjabi for touching the head. Hindus in Punjab will also say matta tekhan, or also pran m or nmaskr, both of which indicate obeisance. 408 Tabarruk from the Arabic and prasd from the Sanskrit both denote the materials given to devotees that has previously been offered at a shrine. In the Muslim perception, through proximity to the saint's barakat (from the same Arabic root, b-r-k) the substance, usually food or flowers, acquires a degree of that spiritual power and may confer it to the devotee. In Hindu and Sikh thought, pras d is the leftover of the Guru, deity, or holy person to whom it was offered. The essence of the offering having been consumed, the remainder is returned to the faithful, bearing some trace of that divine contact. 297

Devoteescomeandgoandaregiventabarruk,blessedbycontactwithakhalfah,and occasionallyobtainedadviceorsomeconsultation.SomeMuslimsbringcontainersofwaterand recitecertainayat(verses)fromtheQur'an,especiallytheayatal-kurs,theThroneVerse,which isbelievedtobeespeciallypowerfulforhealing.Astheyrecite,theyperiodicallyblowonthe water.Thiswaterisusuallyforhouseholdusetomanageproblemswithhealth,business,or personalmatterssuchasfamilyacrimonyordepression.Muslimswhoattendsaint'sshrines believethatthehealingpowerofthewater,oroccasionallyriceorpulses,isincreasedby recitationinproximitytothedargah.Non-shrinegoingMuslimsbelievethattheefficacyof suchprayersdependsmoreuponthepietyoftheonewhorecitesthanontheplaceinwhichitis recited.409 Asinmanyreligiousplaces,somepeoplecomeandstayforlongperiodsinprayer,

dependingupontheirparticularspiritualpracticeorsomepersonaldifficulty.Someseeksolace fromtheotherspresent,somekeeptothemselves.Somecomelookingforadviceandsolutions, othersdonot.OnemorningatthedargahanelderlyMuslimmanarrivedandsatutteringa prayerinthetraditionalposturewithhisopenhandsraisedbeforehisface.Aftersignalingthe completionofhisrecitationbypassinghishandsoverhisfaceandhead,heturnedtoanelderly khalfahwomansittingnexttohimontheleftsideofthetomb.Theybegantoconverseandit emergedthathiswife,daughteranddaughter-in-lawhadalldiedinrapidsuccessionafter consumingbadmustardoil.Asthedevastatingtaleunfolded,thetwoelderlypeoplewept periodicallyandraisedtheirhandstowardstheskyingesturesofsilent,helplesssupplication.

For example, following a meeting (ijtima') of women Tablgh Jam'atis, the leader of the weekly group, a young and earnest hafiza, was asked for such help by a concerned mother whose son was not doing well in school. She recited the ayat al-kurs over some rice which she instructed the woman to feed only to her son. The Hafiza asserted that it is the prayers of the living which can have some effect, not a misguided belief in the intercessory powers of the dead.
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Soonthesisterofthekhalfahwomanarrivedandalsoofferedhercondolences,promptinga retellingofthetragedyandfurtherweeping. Astheirconversationwentonacrossthetomb,peopleoccasionallycameintopray,some obviouslyHinduorSikhandsomeapparentlyMuslim.Amiddle-agedHinduwomanarrived, offeredelevenrupees410andsomesweets,pressedthetombwithherhands,bowed,andthen circledthegraves,tossinggrainsofwheat.Receivingsomeprasadfromthekhalfahwoman andbowingtoher,shesatcross-leggedtoonesideandprayedwithherhandsupraisedinthe Muslimstyleforaboutfiveminutesandthenleft.Aftertheelderlymanwhosefamilyhaddied haddeparted,twowell-dressedSikhmenarrived.Theybowedtothetombthenturnedtothe khalfahwomanandexpressedinterestindoingsomekindofservice,orsevaforBabaji[i.e., HaiderShaikh].Achildwassenttoretrieveoneoftheheadmalekhalfahswhoarrivedshortly. Theysatunderthetreeanddiscussedthemen'sintentions.Afterabittheyallleft,asdidthe Muslimmanwhosefamilyhaddied. Theshrinewasnotemptyofpilgrimsforlong.SoontwomoreHinduwomenarrived. Theyappearedunsureofhowtoproceedandcamecautiouslyuptothetombwherethetwo elderlykhalfahwomenweresitting.Theygaveafewrupeesandsomesweetsandbowedtothe tomb,walkedaroundandlittwooillampsintheareabehindthegrave.Returningtothefootof thetomb(thefootendwherethesetransactionstakeplace),theyreceivedsometabarrukthen hesitantlyaskedthekhalfahsforhelpwiththeirparticulardilemma.TheyoungerHinduwoman wastheelder'sdaughter-in-lawandshehadnotconceivedaftertwoyearsofmarriage.Oneof thekhalfahwomantoldthemtopraytoHazratjiandtheywillsurelygetason.Theolder womanrepliedthatisallwellandgood,shebelieves,butherdaughter-in-lawdoesnot.The

410

It is believed by many Hindus that offering even amounts of money is inauspicious. 299

daughter-in-lawsaidthatshedoesn'tsomuchnotbelieve,shesimplydoesn'tknowifshedoesor notyet.Sheknewonlythathermother-in-lawhasgreatfaithinthesaint.Thekhalfahtoldher thatsomanywomenhavehadsonsfromprayinghere,shecanbesurethatshewillalsobe blessedifshepraysfromtheheart.Thewomenaskediftheyshouldmakesomeparticularvow, oroffering.Theyaretoldno,theyshoulddowhatevertheyfeelintheirhearts,andgive accordingtotheirneedandability.Thethreewomenthenstarttalkinggenerallyaboutthe daughter-in-law'sdiet,health,andhabits.Thetwoolderwomencontinuetoexchangeadvice whiletheyoungermostlylistens.Theseexchangesarecommonplace,mundane,evendull. Exceptthattheyarenot.Theydemonstratetherangeofencountersofmutualsupportspiritual, personal,andfinancial-thatoccurwithintheboundsofthedargah.Thoughsomeofthese experiencesaremomentary,evenfleeting,theirimpactonthelivesoftheparticipantsaswellas onthelifeofthecommunityendures. Themulti-religiousconstituencyisapointofgreatprideamongthekhalfahsandother localMuslimsaroundtheshrine.Mostofthemajorcapitalimprovementprojectsundertakenat thetombhavebeensponsoredbynon-Muslims,somefromNon-ResidentIndians(NRIs)living inCanadaandtheUSA.Thesestructuresandstoriesareintegraltotheexperienceofvisiting thistomb.ThereputationofHaiderShaikhandthedargahamongdevoteesisnotbuiltuponthe storiesofthepastbutonthetestimonyofthepresent.Theobviouspopularityoftheshrineis validatingevidenceoftheplace'spowerandthematerialboonsobtainedbyvisitation.Themere presenceofpilgrimsfromdiversereligious,caste,age,gender,andsocio-economicbackgrounds provesthenon-sectariansentimentsoftheShaikhwhoclearlyrewardsthosewhoattendwitha pureheartnomatterwhattheirreligiousidentitymaybe.

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ItisthisquestionofthepureheartthatliesatthecenteroftheconstitutionofHaider

Shaikh'sdevotionalcommunity.Thepureheartofthevisitorisdeterminedbythecombined influencesofthereligiousstructuresofthepilgrim'sfaithandthoseoftheShaikhandhisshrine. ThusthereissomevariationindefiningthispurityasformostMuslimsitisimportanttoclarify thattheydonotpraytothesaintbutforhimandthroughhim.Thoughofferingreverenceand respect,therecanbenoquestionthatpeople'sneedsarefulfilledbyGodalone.Thisgeneratesa moralcodeamongsomeMuslimsthatiscriticalofthosewhocometotheshrinetoaskfor material,physical,orspiritualassistance.Purityofheartmeansthatonepraysformercyupon thedeceasedanduponone'sselfandotherswithoutattachingvowsorconditions.These Muslimsregardvowswhichstipulatesomeofferingordevotionalpracticeinreturnforaboonas aformofcoercionandthereforetotallyinappropriate.ForotherMuslimspuritydoesnot precludemakingknowntothesaintandthroughhimtoGodthedesiresofone'sheart,butmay meanthatcoercivevowsareoffensive.Bycontrast,purityofheartformostHindusandSikhs requiresabsolutefaithintheShaikh'spowertofulfillalldesires,cureallills,andrevealall truths.Doubtandskepticismmustbeabandoned,astheyarethemostlikelycausesforthe failureofprayersmadeattheshrine.Likewisevowsstipulatingcertainofferingsorbehaviors arenotseenascoercionbutassignsofgoodfaith.Thisisalsoconsistentwiththesacrificial modelofHindureligiouspractice.TheclassicalHindunotionofsacrificeemphasizesa reciprocalandsymbioticrelationshipbetweenhumansandthedivine.Divineforcesinthisview requiresupportandsustenancegainedbythesacrificialritualsofhumans.thusritualsmustbe performedcorrectlyinordertobeefficaciousandforthedivinetoreceivethesustainingessence ofthesubstancesofferedwhetheranimal,vegetable,ormineralorthemetaphysicalresultsof humanbehaviorssuchasfasting,asceticism,prostrations,etc.Expectingthatdivineforceswill

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thereforeblesshumanitybyfulfillingtheneedsanddesiresofthepeoplewhosupportthemis notcoercive,itisrighteous.ThisexchangeisthereforeintegraltotheethicalsystemofdivinehumanrelationsintheHinducosmology. Justasinthecaseofthetheologyofsaintworshipdiscussedabove,HindusandMuslims

holdradicallyopposedviewsofwhatconstitutesapureheart.Notonlydotheyunderstandthe statusofthedeadsaintandthereasonfortheefficacyofprayeratthetombquitedifferently,but alsothenatureandqualityoftheexchangeispredicatedoncontradictorynotionsaboutthe purityofone'sheart.Thatthesecomplicatedandconflictingideasdonotprecludeco-presence attheshrineispartofthemagicofplace.Onceagainweareremindedthatuniformityofbelief isnotrequiredwithinaritualsystem. Theessentialaspectofthisvariationfromtheperspectiveofreducingconflictisthat

manypilgrimstoHaiderShaikhareawareofthesecontradictions.Thisemergedslowlyfrom numerousinterviewswithdevotees.Manyvisitorsinitiallyrespondedtomyqueryconcerning theritualandconceptualdifferenceswithstockphrasessuggestingvaguelythatallreligionsare thesame,thepathsaremanybutthegoalisone,andthelike.Onfurtherdiscussion,most peoplewouldpointoutseveralexternaldistinctionssuchasstylesofprayer.Inparticular, pilgrimsremarkedthatmanyMuslimsdonotbowtothetombbutthatallHindusandSikhswill touchtheirforeheads,matthaekna.Severalnon-Muslimvisitorsexpandedonthisby confirmingthedistinctionthatMuslimspraythroughthesainttoAllahwhereasHindusand Sikhspraydirectlytothesaint.IntheconfinesoftheshrineInevermetapersonwhofeltthat thisvariationwasaproblemofanykind.Mostmerelyshrugged,unconcernedbythe implicationsofthelogicalinconsistencyfortheefficacyofprayeratthetomb.Instead,the majorvariablethatdeterminedtheefficacyofshrineworshipwasnotritualprecision,butthe

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purityofheartamongtheshrinevisitors.Theprevalentattitudewassummedupbyonedevotee whosaid,"whatsoeverreligionapersonisborninto,theyshouldholdfasttothatone."This indicatesthattheformalitiesoffaithandpracticepertainlessthanthesinceritywithwhichone dedicatesoneselftothatfaithandpractice.Clearlythemulti-confessionalspacethathasbeen workedoutatHaiderShaikhisnotbasedonnaveconsensusorthereconciliationofmany traditionsintoone.Ratheritisahighlycomplexsystemthatencouragesthosepresenttobefully Hindu,Muslim,orSikhandtoadherestronglytotheirownfaiths.Onlyinthiswayisitpossible foreachindividualtoachievethepurityofheartnecessaryforritualefficacy. Thecommunitygatheredatthetombisnotmostfundamentallyboundbyasharedbelief

intheefficacyoftheirprayers.Afterall,aspreviouslydiscussed,theideasaboutthenatureof thesaint,thereasonsfortheefficacyandtheappropriateformofprayercanbequitedifferent. Instead,thegreatestsourcesofunityamongvisitorsarethesharedreasonsfortheirpresence. Thereisnodistinctionbetweenreligionsinmatterssuchasthedesireforchildren,health, financialsecurity,domestictranquility,spiritualfulfillment,respectforancestralcustom,the pleasureofcompanionship,andsoon.Attendingthedargahwiththeseconcernsinmindinno wayabrogatesmakingsimilarsupplicationsintemples,mosques,gurdwaras,othershrines,and homes.Nonethelessthetombisparticularlyeffectiveplacetodosoforseveralreasons.First,it isacommonbeliefthatthesaintasahumanbeinghimself,willhavegreatersympathyand mercyforthepilgrim'splight.AsStuartBlackburnpointsoutinhisworkondeifyingthedead, themesofhumanstrugglerequirehumaninterventionandthereforeneedhumangods.411Thisis intensifiedbytheHinduandSikhviewthatlifeiscyclical,makingthedeadintimatelyconnected

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Blackburn, 1985. 303

withtheprocessofrebirthastheyareinthetransitionalworldbetweentheserealms.412Muslim pilgrimsregardsaintsascloserinproximitytoGodthanthemselves,andclosertothemselvesas theyarealsohuman.Second,asmanyafflictionsareunderstoodtobedemonicallycaused,the aidofsaintswhohavesuchforcesincontrolisindispensable.413CertainlyGodiscapableofthis aswell,butsuchtrivialmattersmayalsobeworkedoutatalowerlevel.Inaddition,formany SikhsandHindus,suchdemonicafflictionsareoftenunderstoodtobecausedbyMuslimghosts orjinn.414Therefore,theymustalsobemanagedbyMuslims.Third,thetestamentaryevidence ofefficacyforsuchavastandwiderangingpopulationofdevoteesshouldnotbe underestimated.Thisisexemplifiedbythemostcommonresponsegivenbydevoteestomy queriesaboutprayerfulfillment.Mostwouldsimplygesturetowardsthethrongsaroundthem, asiftosaycansomanypeoplebewrong?Fourthis,Ithinkamongthemostsignificant misrecognizedreasonsforshrineattendance.Theseplacesprovidetheopportunityforencounter andexchangeacrossreligious,ethnic,gender,age,andclasslines.Thiscarnivalesquequalityof thedargahmakesitatrulyopenspaceinwhichsocialdistinctionsandhierarchiesexist primarilyinrelationtothesaints'descendents.Otherwisenoonehasaprivilegedstatusinterms ofaccess.InsidethetombeveryoneisequallyexposedbeforetheShaikhandequallydependent uponthepurityoftheirheartstobringanswersfortheirprayers.
Victor Turner makes the point that the communitas of the living and the dead that is accessible in the liminal worlds of initiatory ritual and pilgrimage is connected with death and regeneration, fertility. The dead defy strict categories and are therefore dangerous, polluting and potentially contaminating. Yet they are also regenerative, fructifying and part of communitas. See, Turner, 1977. There is also a stereotype of Muslims as incredibly fertile, which is fed by anti-Muslim tract literature such as The Muslim Population Explosion in India and more recently through heavily publicized studies sponsored and approved by the BJP government asserting that the eighty percent majority Hindu population will become a minority in fifty years. This is patently false. Psychoanalyst Sudhir Kakar claims that this association of Muslims with fertility may also influence non-Muslims to attend Muslim shrines for such purposes. See Sudhir Kakar, Shamans, Mystics, and Doctors: A Psychological Inquiry into India and Its Healing Traditions, (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1991). 413 There is an entire body of literature in ayurvedic medicine that discusses the various forms of spirit possession that may cause certain ailments. See Dominic Wujastyk, The Roots of Ayurveda, (New Delhi; Penguin, 1998). Furthermore, the Hafizji discussed previously has in the past used his influence with certain deceased saints to relieve people of possession afflictions. 414 This is discussed in Kakar, 1991.
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FESTIVALSMELAS: Therearefivelargemelas(festivals)forHaiderShaikhduringtheyear.Fourofthese

occurafterthetwoharvestseasonsintheSikhcalendarmonthsofJethandMagh(Mayand December).FortwosequentialThursdaysdevoteescomeinlargenumbers,onthefirsttheytend tocomefromthewestandareoverwhelminglySikh,onthesecondtheytendtodrawmorefrom theeastandthereisalargernumberofHindusrepresented.415ThefirstThursdayofeverylunar monthalsobringsalargerthanusualcrowd.Otherthanafewitinerantdervishes,thereisno increasedMuslimpresenceattheseevents;infactlocalsofallreligionstendtoavoidthechaos oftheshrineduringthesetimes.ThelargestfestivalisheldforafewdaysinJune.Duringthis timepossiblyonehundredthousandpeoplecametopayrespects,receivetheblessingofthe saint,andparticipateinthefestivalatmosphereofMalerkotla. Themelasareaccompaniedbytheefflorescenceofthelocalmarket.Thestreetsare

coveredwithcanopiesandtablesbearingcolorfulmerchandiseviewithfoodstandsandshop doorways,rickshawsandbuffalosforspaceonthestreet.Nearlyeverythingimaginableisfor salefromcheaptrinketstogemstones,householdgoodstochildren'stoys.Outsidethestreet leadingtothedargah,manyhouseholditemsareforsale,particularlytheironworksforwhich theMuslimcraftsmenofMalerkotlaareparticularlyfamous.Closertothetomb,tablesare gearedtowardsthemelaitself,bearingpicturesofvarioussaintsespeciallyLakhdataPir, KhwajaMuinuddinChishtiandBabaFarid.Althoughmostpeople,includingthekhalfahs, declarethattherearenoimagesofHaiderShaikh,someunscrupuloussalespeopleattempttosell thestylizedimagesassociatedwithothersaintstocustomersclaimingtheyareHaiderShaikh.416

I inquired but no one had an explanation for this pattern. The only place I ever saw a picture that was actually labeled as Pir Maler Kotla was at a dargh in Faridkot where it was prominently displayed leaning against the foot of another pr's tomb. The walls in this shrine were covered with images of deities and saints as well as the chela of the shrine and his followers. The chief caretaker was
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Extremelypopularinthebazaararecassettescontainingsongsofdevotiontothissaintand others.SomearebyfamoussingersoftheIslamicdevotionalmusicalstyleknownasqawwali, suchasNusratFatehAliKhanortheSabriBrothers.Othersarelocallyproducedandrecorded, mostlybySikhs.Thelyricsoftheserecordingstendtoemphasizetheimportanceofattendance atthedargahsoasnottoangerHaiderShaikhorinordertohaveone'sdesiresfulfilled.They singthepraisesofHaiderShaikhinageneralway,andarefairlyformulaic.Mostcassettes containsongsthatrefergenerallytoapirorBabaanddonotexplicitlylinkwithHaiderShaikh. TheperformersaremostlySikhs.Alsofoundinthebazaarsareinnumerablemedallionsand mass-producedamuletscalledtaw#z. Somestallssellthingstotakehomefromthemelaandotherssellthingstotaketothe shrine.Clothcoversforthetomb,flowers,clayoillamps,smallclayhorses,driedhennaand smallclaycontainersforit,varioussweets,especiallythesweetyellowriceknownasniyazor zardawhichistypicallyofferedatallsaintstombs.Thecloths,usuallygreenorblue,flowers, sweets,andtheoillampsaretypicalofferingsatmostdargah.Thesmallhorsesarenot common,however,andthoughIaskednumerousvendors,pilgrims,andcaretakers,nooneknew theirsignificance.417 HinduandSikhgroupsfromoutsideMalerkotlamostoftenundertakecharitable

distributionoffoodanddrinkatthemelasforHaiderShaikh.However,atlocalfestivalsfor otherevents,groupsfromallreligionswilldothis.Forexample,attheextremelypopularHindu festivalofDussehra,thereweretwostandsgivingwaterandteatothecrowdthatwereoperated

a Hindu chela who was sitting on an antelope skin wearing purple velvet and pink nail polish. He did not know any stories about Haider Shaikh. After asking me if I had brought him a tohfa (gift) and learning that I had not, the chela took out a bottle of perfume and began to spritz himself. I concluded that the interview was over. 417 Some speculated that Haider Shaikh had come as a warrior on a horse. A few khal fahs suggested that it represented Bahlol Lodhi's gift of a horse and Haider Shaikh's miracle in bringing it back from the dead and replicating it. 306

byMuslimorganizations.FortheShi'iprocessionduringMuharram,Hindus,Sikhs,andSunni Muslimsofferhalwa(asweetdishofwheatflour,driedfruits,andnuts)andsabl(abeverage, usuallysweetenedwater)totheShi'imarchers.Theseactsareseenasmeritoriousandthe sponsorsclaimtheydosooutoffaithandalsoinkeepingwithMalerkotla'sethicofharmony. Thus,onemightattributethelackofsuchactivitiesbyresidentsatHaiderShaikh'smelatoa disapprovalofthepracticeofziyaratbytheoverwhelminglyMuslimpopulation,butitseems equallylikelythatasignificantfactoristhatthepilgrimsarenotfromMalerkotla.Thesupport andcharitablesustenanceoffestivalgoersofallfaithsbyMuslimsatothereventsindicatesthat farfrombeingindifferentorhostiletothepiouspurposesorpersonaltravailsofthesechaotic publicevents,Malerkotlaresidentsaresimplymoreorientedtowardsthesupportoftheirown community,regardlessofreligiousidentity.ItisalsopossiblethatHaiderShaikh'smelasbring insomuchrevenuetomanyindustriesandbusinessesintownthatitislargelyacommercial ratherthanaspiritualeventformostresidents.Furthermore,thoseresidents,Hindu,Sikh,and Muslim,whodogotothedargah,saythattheyavoiditatfestivaltimesduetotheundeniably oppressivecrowds. ConspicuouslyabsentfromthebazaarsceneisanykindofIslamicparaphernalia,from

bookstoprayerbeadstoskullcapsoreventheperfumesandincensetypicalofIslamicshops noneofthismakesitswaytothebazaararoundthedargah.Contrastingthissituationwiththe sceneatNizamuddin'stombinNewDelhiorMuinuddinChishti'satAjmer,thisabsenceis striking.Atthosemajorshrinestherearecountlessvideos,cassettes,books,pamphlets,clothing, andtrinketsthatappealtoboththesaint'sdevoteesandthoseinterestedinIslamingeneraland Sufisminparticular.Onemightassumethat,asmostpilgrimsatHaiderShaikharenotMuslim, suchitemsarenotofinteresttothepopulation.Buttherearenoreligiousbookstoresinthearea

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aroundHaiderShaikhatall.Therearegeneralstores,sweetshops,printingshops,electricaland householdsupplystores,andmedicalshopsbutnotasinglebookstoreofanykindisnearbythe tomb.Aspreviouslymentioned,mostbookstores,whereonealsofindsprayerrugs,Qur'an standsandthelike,areintheneighborhoodaroundtheJama'Masjidatsomedistancefromthe dargah.AstheJama'MasjidareaisthelocalcenterofthereformistgroupTablighiJama'at, thesevendorsareMuslimswhowouldbeunlikelytovisitthetombasamatterofprinciple.In fact,mostlocalMuslimsofallgroups,unlesscommerciallyinvolved,leavethemelaalone. However,neitherdotheyinterferebyorganizingco-incidenteventsorralliestodrawpeople awayormobilizepublicopinionagainstthiseventorthepopularityofHaiderShaikh's pilgrimage.Unlikesomemassgatheringsatwhichoneseesopposingpartiesusingthe opportunityoftheeventtopublicizetheirposition,herenosuchactivismoccurs. Bothatfestivalandnon-festivaltimesthereareritualspecialistswithinandwithoutthe

dargah'sspaceandinstitutionalstructurewhofacilitatethedevotionalpracticesofthedevotees. InadditiontokhalfahsandthedescendentsofHaiderShaikh'sclosedisciples,themujawwars, therearemanydevoteesfromoutsideMalerkotla,mostlyHindusandSikhs,whoclaimaspecial relationshiptothesaintandtheabilitytochannelhisspirit.418Insidethedargah,khalfahs acceptofferings,giveblessingsandadvice,andreturntabarruk/prasad.Themujawwarsell goatsandoperatemanyofthestallssetupwithotheritemstobeofferedattheshrine.The chelas,aSanskritictermfordisciples,enterintotrancestatesduringwhichtheyareeither possessedbyorabletocommunicatewithHaiderShaikh.ThustheShaikhhimselfispresentat thedargahintwoways.Throughhisblooddescendantshisbarakatisstillpresentandis transmittabletothedevoteesthroughcontact.Eveniftheonlykhalfahpresentisayoungchild,
In fact in a year and a half I never witnessed or heard of a Muslim who was played by the spirit of the saint at this shrine. A common term for being possessed by the saint is khelna, or playing.
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manyofHaiderShaikh'sdevotees,primarilyHindusandSikhs,willseekoutphysicalcontactin ordertoobtainthisresidualpower.TheotherwayinwhichHaiderShaikhcontinuestobe presentisthroughhisspirit(thetermspaun,Hindiforbreathandruh,Arabicforspiritareboth used),whichenterscertainofhisdevotees.ThespiritofHaiderShaikhbecomesmanifestand accessiblethroughthesechelas,dispensingadvice,treatments,andblessings. Insideandoutsidetheshrine,thechelaswhoconnecttoHaiderShaikhspiritsetup satelliteritualspaces.ThesechelasareoverwhelminglySikhandHindu.TheSikhandHindu chelascometotheshrineforfestivalsand,inlessernumbers,onThursdaynightsalongwith groupsoffollowers,rangingfromafewtoafewhundred.Althoughthesechelaspayrespectsat thedargahandreceiveblessingsfromthekhalfahs,themainfocusofthesechelasandtheir entouragesarethesesatelliteritualspaces,calledchaunkis.Somegroupshavebannersmadeand setupcampsandfooddistributioncentersthroughoutMalerkotla.Thefollowersofthechelas calltheirleaderBaba,PirBaba,Guru,orsometimesPresident.Atagivenmomentduringthe melatheremaybehundredsofpeopleinsideandoutsidethetombwhoare'playing.'Atone pointwithinthetombenclosureitselfIcountedsevenpeopleinstatesofactivepossessionand severalothersexhibitingalltheparaphernaliaofthechela.Theseincludewearingthegarbofa renunciant,oftengreenorbluethecolorstypicallyassociatedwithSufisaints,butalmostequally oftenachelawillwearthepinkishsaffronofaHindusadhu.Manychelasarriveinprocessions accompaniedbyadrummerandaretinueofdisciples.Theyoftencarrywiththemironrodsor chainswhichmaybeusedtoflaythemselvesduringtheperiodofpossession.Somechelas approachthetombinastateofpossession,othersgointotranceuponarrival,andsomecome, bow,circleandleavewithnodemonstrationofanyalteredstate.Occasionallypilgrimswhodo notappeartobechelas,lackingaccompanistsoranymarkingclothing,gointostatesof

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possessionatthetomb.Theseeventsaretakeninstrideandthoseinproximitywillacknowledge thepresenceofthesaintwithraisedhandsandbowedheads,listeningforanymessagesthat mightbeintelligible.Usuallythepossessionpassesandthepersonpossessedbowstothetomb andisstruckfirmlyontheback,releasingthespiritfromthehuman. However,mostofthereallyinvolvedworkofthechelasoccursoutsidethetomb

enclosureinthestructuredsettingsknownaschaunki,darbar,ordiwan(allthesetermssignifya formalperiodofaudience).Thesetakeplaceinthesheltersbythetomb,inthestreetsunder tents,inroomsrentedoutbylocals,whereverthereisspace.Theformatofthechaunkiisfairly standard.Themainchelaoraseniordisciplewouldsetupasmallaltar,usuallyontheflooror ground.Thealtarconsistsofseveralsmalllamps,somesweets(usuallyladdu,madeofsugar andgramflour),andmaybeafewrupees.AfterabriefprayerinpraiseofHaiderShaikh,then musiciansplayadevotionalsong.Thereisalwaysadrummer(usuallyplayingthelargetwo sideddrumcalledadhol,orthesmallerdholak).Sometimesalsoanektarordotar(one-ortwostringedbowedinstrument)playerisinvolvedandthosegatheredmayalsoplaysmallcymbals orotherdrums.Afterthisfirstsong,oneofthecongregationwillcomeforwardandbowtothe altar.Dependingonthesizeofthegroupthismaybetheprinciplechelaorpossiblyoneofhis orherseniordiscipleswhoalsoexperiencepossessionbyHaiderShaikh.IfHaiderShaikhisso inclined,theinvocationissuccessful,andtheindividualisafitvehicle,thenthechaunkibegins. Thespiritofthesaintispresent(parvesh). ThepresenceofHaiderShaikhissignaledinanumberofways,mosttypicallybyhead

rollingofvaryingdegreesofintensity.Thisrangesfromslightnoddingtoaviolentwhirlingof theentiretorso.Mostchelashavelonghair,bothmenandwomen,makingthisanespecially dramaticevent.ThispracticeisalsonotedinIbbetson's1883ethnography,Atfirstthewoman

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sitssilentwithherheadloweredandthenbeginstorollherheadwithhairdisheveled.419After someperiodofheadrotationthechelastopsandsodoesthemusic.Thechelaspeaks,first callingdownpraiseonHaiderShaikh,inspiringresponsesfromthegatheringofjayBabaji victorytoHaiderShaikhfromthegathering.Themusicresumesandtheheadrollingbegins againaswell,usuallyforashorterperiod.Thechelastops,themusicstops,andthequestionand answerperiod(puch-batan)commences.Thechelausuallyaskswhattheconcernsofthe assemblyare.Heorsheinquireswhohascomewithchildwork,bacchekakamorjobrelated issuesorhealthproblems.420Somememberswillriseandonewillbeselected.Themusic resumesandthechela'sheadrolls.Thenthemusicstopsandthechelaaddressesthequerant bothtellingabouttheirsituationandaskingaboutthem.Thesupplicant'ssituationisclarified sometimeswithalternatingroundsofmusicaccompaniedtranceandquestioninguntilallare satisfiedthattheproblemhasbeendiscoveredandanappropriateremedyprescribed.Thesource oftheproblemmaybefromanyoneofmultiplecauses,blackmagicandcurses,failureto properlypropitiatetheShaikhorsomedeity,badpersonalhabits,ornegativerelations. RemediestendtoinvolveprayertoHaiderShaikh,attendanceatleastonceayearatthedargah, offeringsofacertainkind(suchasgoatsoraparticularkindoramountofagrainorpulse), givinganamountofmoney,forsakingmeatandalcohol,etcOnceoneperson'sproblemhas cometoaclose,thechelareentersthetrancebriefly,andtheninquiresforthenextpersonto presenttheirproblem.Thisgoesonuntilthespiritleaves.Sometimesthesesessionsjustend. OthertimesHaiderShaikh'sdeparturebecomesapparentifthechelamakesrepeatedassertions thatthesupplicantsaysareincorrect.Somepuch-batansessionsordiwanlasthours,othersjust
Ibbetson, 1883, page 644-645. The use of the term kam or work to describe the desires of the devotee is further evidence of the transactional understanding of the relationship between human and divine in the Hindu view. The devotee has come expecting to be assigned some task or work in order to have his or her needs met. Likewise, if properly performed with a pure heart, Haider Shaikh is obliged to fulfill his end of the contract.
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afewminutes.Attheendthemusiciansarepaid,andtheyareoftenofferedsmallamounts throughout. Occasionally,HaiderShaikhdoesnotcomewheninvitedorcomeswithsuchforcethat

thecheladoesnothavethecapacitytoendureormanagethespirit.Thisisusuallyunderstoodto indicatethatthechelaisnotreadyoranimpurevehicleforthesaint.Duringpossession,some butnotallchelaswillatsomepointintheproceedingsstrikethemselveswithironchainsor rods.Onecheladescribedthisflagellationasphulorflowersandallclaimtofeelnopain. Somechelasareconsciousofwhatisgoingonandothersremembernothing.Generallythe chelasarebelievedtobecapableofreadingthemindsoftheassembled,predictthefuture,and givedirectionsthat,iffollowedprecisely,willsecuresomedesiredgoal.Thechelasthemselves describetheirexperienceofembodyingthespiritofthesaintinanumberofways.ASikhchela fromBhatindasaidtheHaiderShaikhisalwaysavailablebecausehehimselfisabsolutelypure ofheartandatotaldevotee.HesaidhehadbeenafollowerofBhindranwale,thecharismatic leaderoftheviolentmovementtoestablishaSikhstatethatterrorizedPunjabinthe1980'sand 1990's.ThenHaiderShaikhcameintohimandhegaveupthelifeofviolence,alcohol,andmeat anddedicatedhislifetoservingthesaint.HeexplainedthatitispossibleforHaiderShaikhto besimultaneouslypresentinanumberofpeoplesimultaneouslybecausehisspiritislikethe wind,itiseverywhereandnowhere.Althoughhismannerofpossessionwasquiteviolent,he claimedtoexperiencenopainordiscomfortorevenconsciousnessduringthepossession. TheSikhchela'sstylecontrastedsharplywiththatofaHinduchelafromDhabiwali,a towneastofMalerkotla.Thisgentlemanhadbeenchannelingthesaintforovertwentyyears. Thephysicalsignalsofthischela'spossessionwerequiteminimal:aslightnoddingofthehead andtappingofhisfingerintimewiththedrumbeat.TheDhabiwalicheladidnotexperiencea

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lossofhisownconsciousnessastheSikhcheladid.Forhim,"therearetwotypesoffeelings. Oneisavoicefrominsidelikeatelephone.Andthisisasupernaturalpower,evenIdon'tknow whatthisis.Andtheothertypesomethinghappensinfrontofme."TheHinduchela'smodeis muchmoreinteractive.Hecommunicatesconversationallyorexperiencesavision.Inaddition tohelpinghisdisciplestoovercometheirproblems,thechelahasexperiencedpropheticvisions fromHaiderShaikh.Infactheclaimedtohaveforeseentheperiodofterrorismthroughthe poweroftheShaikh: Iwilltellyouanoldstory.Therewasadivan[gathering]organizedatGidarvan. IwassittinginacarandIsawagreatfireinfrontofme.IaskedBabaji,whatis this?Hesaid,suchatimewillcomewhenthewholeofPunjabwillburndueto terrorism.Thentheothersevadars[thosewhoperformservice]sittingbymesaid whathappenedandItoldthemandsaidthepirsaidthis,youcanbelievemeor not.AftersixmonthsthewholeofPunjabwasengulfedbyterrorism. Thesechelasandtheirfollowershaveveryfluidnotionsofreligiousidentity.Thisis

apparentnotonlyintheirpresenceatthetombofaMuslimsaint,butalsointhelanguagethey usetodescribetheiraffiliation.Althoughtheirnamesandcertainaspectsoftheirappearance mayreflectaHinduorSikhethnicandculturalidentification,mostchelasandtheirentourages activelyresistbeinglabeled.Theymixuptraditionsandlanguages,storiesandpracticesand arguethatthisisthetruenatureofreligion.Forexample,theDhabiwalichelaexplainshowhe gothisguru(aHindutitle)whoinitiatedhimintothetraditionoftheShaikh: chela: Wemetatadiwan(gathering).Iexpressedmydesire[forinitiation]andhesaid okayIwillbeyourguru. AB: Whattypeofinstructiondidyougetfromhim? chela: AwaytorememberthepraswerememberGod.Thisisour#ibadat(devotional practices). AB: Doyouhavesomejapa(repetitiveformula)ormantra? chela: Yesitisjapaorinpr'slanguageitiskalam.InHinduismitiscalledmantra. AB; Howdoyouteachyourdisciples? chela: Thereisnotatraining.Wesay,justservethepr,dothejapaandcleaveyour hearttohisheart.

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 Thisdialoguedemonstratesbeautifullyhowthevariousstreamsfromdifferentreligionsbecome synthesized.Havingmetatadiwan(aPersianderivedterm),thechelaacquiresaguru.The guruteacheshim#ibadat,anArabictermfordevotionalpracticesandhabits.InmyresponseI mistakenlyassumedIshoulduseHindutermsforrecitationpractices,butthechelagently correctedme,explainingthatinpr'slanguage,itiskalamanArabictermforreligious language.Thisisanexcellentexampleofhowparticularwords,practices,andbeliefsare employedthatareappropriatetothisparticularreligiouscontext.Similarly,HinduandSikh devoteesoftenemployMuslimstyleofprayeratadargah,holdingtheirhandsbeforetheirfaces, sotheHinduchelaassertedthattheproperlanguageforworshipingHaiderShaikhshouldbe IslamicinderivationevenifthespeakerisnotMuslim. Anotherchela,fromSirsa,refusedaltogethertotakeonasingularreligiousidentity.He

claimedtobeHinduandMuslimandalsonottodistinguishbetweencastesandclasses.He validatedthispracticesayingthatallareequalintheeyesofHaiderShaikhwhomhedescribed ashisguru. AB: YouareHindu,buttheBabaisMuslim Sirsachela:IamalsoMuslim AB: Pleaseexplain. Sirsachela:Iamexplaining,heisalsoMuslim,IamalsoMuslim.IfheisHindu IamalsoHindu AB: Thenthereisnodifference? Sirsachela:Idonothaveanyproblem. AB: SothereisnodifferencebetweenHinduandMuslimreligions? Sirsachela:TheyallareHinduwhoarebowingtheirheads. AB: Dotheyfollowdifferentrituals? Sirsachela:No. AB: Everyonecomes,butdotheyholddifferentviews? Sirsachela:No. Follower: Itislike,whicheverreligionourheartsfollow,wefollowthat.We seewhichreligionhasgoodthingsandweadoptthegoodthingsof thatreligion.Wearenotconcernedwithwhetherthereligionin HinduorMuslim,weareconcernedwithhumanityonly.In

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whicheverreligionweseegoodpoints,wefollowthat.Wefind powerinthispirsowecome. TheSirsachelathencontinued,saying"IalsotakefoodfromMuslimhouses,fromHindu housesItake.IdonotthinkwhetherheisaMuslim,Hindu,sweeperorchamar[leatherworker]. Inmyguru'seyesallareequal,soIfeelthiswayalso."TheSirsachela,hisfollower,andmany othersdodgedquestionsthatwouldrequirethemtoreducetheirreligiousbeliefs,practices,and identitiestoasinglelabel.Thefollowerdidthisbyexplainingthatreligionisamatterofthe heartandhumanity.TheSirsachelareinforcedhislackofdistinctioninrelationtotheShaikh byassertingthathehimselftakesfoodfromanyone,asdiscussedinChapterThree, commensalityisoneofthemajorindicatorsofinter-religiousrelations.Thuswhenthischela saysheeatsanywhere,heisindicatingadeepconvictionthatcaste,ethnic,andreligious distinctionsdonothaveanyultimatemeaning.Thislackofcasteorreligiousdivisionisthe reasonmostcommonlygivenbyHindustoexplainHaiderShaikh'spluralappeal. AtthefestivalsforHaiderShaikh,byfarthemostfrequentexplanationforthesaint's

pluralappealgivenbyHindusandSikhswasthelackofreligiousdistinctions.HaiderShaikh wasidentifiedasourcommonprorastheprofallanditwasclaimedthathedidnotbelievein ja-pah,casteandsect.FortheoverwhelminglySikhandHindupilgrims,theMuslimsaint's traditionfreedthemfromtheobligationsandrestrictionsofadominantfaithbentondefining theiradherentsanddistinguishfromothers.AtleastforthedurationoftheirvoyagetoHaider Shaikh'sdargah,thepilgrimsparticipateinthetypeoftrulypluralisticsocietythatsimplydoes notexistelsewhereinPunjab.Thustheyenjoytheopportunitytonotonlyremedytheirpersonal needsbutalsotohealtemporarilythe1947eviscerationoftheregion.

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#URS Unlikethemelas,the#ursisnotverycrowdedandisattendedbymanymoreMuslims

thanHindusorSikhs,thoughmembersofallcommunitiesarepresent.An#ursmarksasaint's deathdayuponwhichhewasjoinedwithGod.HaiderShaikh's#ursfallsonthefourteenthof Ramadan.421Itiscelebratedwithconsiderableformalityandsobrietycomparedtothefestivals inJune,springandfall.Thekindofcrowdandspectaclethatprevailsatthemelasisseenas inappropriateduringtheholymonthofRamadan.DuringthismonthMuslimsaresupposedto rededicatethemselvestoAllah.Anysuperogatoryprayer,practice,charity,orgooddeedreaps additionalsawab(spiritualbenefit),whichmaybededicatedtoothers,includingthesaintlydead suchasHaiderShaikh.Farmorepeoplethanusualperformthefivedailyprayers,andan atmosphereofmixedpietyandcelebrationprevailsfortheduration.Therefore,the#ursin RamadanisafairlysolemnandsubstantiallymoreIslamiceventthanthemelas.Although HindusandSikhscananddoattendandparticipateasobserversduringtheceremoniesandthey makeofferingsatthedargah,thenumberofMuslimspresentcomparedtothemelasis significant.Mostarethekhalfahsandmujawwars,butlocalMuslimsalsoattendasdoa numberofitinerantdervishes.Atthe#ursinDecemberof2000,reportedlyforthefirsttimeone oftheofficiants,akhadimorshrinecustodian,fromKhwajaMuinuddinChishti'stombatAjmer wasthechiefguestinattendance.Itiscommonfortheretobeanexchangeofkhalfahsatthe timeofan#urs,especiallywithinasilsilaanditisnotuncommonforSufisaffiliatedor

It is worth noting that the death anniversaries of saints are often not celebrated at all and another date might be observed in association with the saint. Generally ceremonies of any sort are avoided, marriages are not performed and other occasions such as births receive minimal attention. The Thursday night observations at the tomb during Ramadan are minimal and even the first Thursday of the lunar month is lowkey, though some Hindus and Sikhs come. In 2000 when I witnessed the 'urs there was no conjunction of one of the major harvest festivals as Ramadan fell in December. No one mentioned past difficulties in relation to such a convergence.
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primarilyaffiliatedwithotherlineagestoattendthe#ursofasaintfromanothersilsila.422Thus thepresenceofthekhadimfromAjmerSharif(astheChishtidargahisknown)atthedargahof theSuhrawardiHaiderShaikhisnotpeculiar.MoreremarkablewasthefactthatnoSuhrawardi Shaikhswerepresent.AlthoughtherewasnorepresentativefromthegreatNaqshbandidargah ofShaikhAhmadSirhindi,whichislittlemorethananhouraway,423therewereNaqshbandi faqrspresent.Nonetheless,thekhalfahsatHaiderShaikhseemedwellpleasedwiththe presenceoftheyoungrepresentativefromAjmer,anddeferredtohimtoleadtheceremonies. HehadbroughtatombcoveringclothorchadarfromAjmerSharifandwasdressedinwhite silkrobesandanelaboratelyembroideredhat.Hecarriedhimselfwithgreatpoiseandledthe proceedingswithauthorityanddignity,althoughhewasonlytwenty-twoyearsold. Theceremoniesbeganbeforethemaghribprayeratdusk,whichalsosignalthetimeto

openthefastduringRamadan.Thekhalfahs,faqrs,andafewinvitedguests(severalSikhsand aHinduwhoaremajorpatronsofthedargah)gatheredjustoutsidetheinnergateonaplatform. WiththekhadimfromAjmeratthecenter,acirclewasformedaroundthechadarhehadbrought andtwomorewhichwereembroideredbywomenofthekhalfahs.Severalofthemostsenior khalfahsandmujawwar(thoughnotthesajjidanishnhimself)satnexttothekhadim.Theytoo wereverywelldressed,wearingwhitegarments,andevenChishtistyleheadwear.Astheysat aroundthechadarstobeoffered,theproceedingswereinitiatedbythemar-etakbr,thegiving ofthecall'Allahu$kbar,'GodisGreat.ThentheAjmerikhadimcommencedthefatiha,the

For the 'urs of a major figure in a lineage such as Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti or his disciple Khwaja Nizamuddin Auliya, a large number of representatives from Chishti shrines all over the world will arrive to reaffirm their spiritual allegiance and reverence for the founding Shaikhs. These events can be somewhat fraught with tension as the Shaikhs of these centers must both demonstrate and be given the appropriate amount of respect and honor according to their status within the silsila and the acknowledged level of their spiritual attainment. It is sometimes visibly awkward when a Shaikh arrives at an 'urs to ensure that he is placed properly in relation to the tomb and the head of the host dargh. Not showing or being shown the proper deference, giving inadequate offerings, or failing to observe the etiquette of the hierarchy may result in all kinds of difficulties, even fractures within the communities. For example, see Liebskind (1998). 423 I was unable to determine if any invitations to such figures had been made.
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openingsraoftheQur'an.Thedhurudsharfisalwaysrecited,asitisateveryprayertime. ThisshortprayercallsdownblessingsonIbrahimandtheProphetMohammadanduponthe peopleofIbrahimandMohammad.Afterthis,thekhadimprayedforallthesaintsinalineage fromtheProphetandespeciallyforHaiderShaikharerecited.Heimploredblessingsforall thosepresent,especiallythekhalfahs,thedescendantsoftheShaikh,andforalltheSufiprs andspiritualguides,murshids.ThentheprayeraffirmedAllah'sknowledgeofallthingsand powertograntallthingsandbeggedthatGod,whoknowswhatisintheheart,wouldbestow mercyandgoodnessoneveryoneatthisauspiciousoccasion. Afterthekhadimcompletedthesesalutations,invocations,andsupplications,severalof

thefaqrspresentcommencedrecitingpartsoftheQur"an.Asonedervishreachedtheendof hisrecitation,anotherbegan.Aftersometimethisgavewaytothechantingofna"ats,poemsin praiseoftheProphet.ThesecompositionsmaybedescriptionsoftheProphet'sbeautyor wisdom,expressionsofjoyuponseeingthehillsofMedinaorcompletingtheHajj,or declarationsofthedesiretodevoteoneselfwhollytoworshipingthegreatnessofAllah.Onthis occasion,themainthemesofthena"'atsrecitedweretheDayofJudgmentandthedesireofthe supplicantstobecountedamongtheauliya"Allah,thoseclosetoGod,onthatday: Yaillahihasharmeinkhairauliyakesathho Rahinke'alamjagahmeinmustafakesathho OhAllah,letmebeamongyourfriendsontheDayofJudgment Attheplacewheretheworldisgivenmercy,letmebewithMustafa(theProphet) Asthesena#atproceeded,thekhadimofAjmerandthekhalfahsroseandproceededtothe tomb,bearingaloftandoverheadthechadartobeoffered.Atthetombanotherbriefprayerwas givenandnumerouschadarswereplacedonthetomb.Thereisthenaprocessionofdevotees,

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manyHinduandSikh,whocometomakeofferingsandpayobeisancetothekhalfahsandthe saint. Afterthemaghribprayerandtheiftarmeal,therewasanotherceremonyatthedargah calledroshniwhichinvolveslightingsmalllampsandelectriclightsaroundthetomb.Ashort seriesofprayerswasmadeandrosewaterissprinkledoverthetombofthesaintandthoseofhis familyandservantswithinthecomplex.Afterthisasteadybutnotoverwhelmingstreamof devoteescontinuedintothenight.Noticeablyabsentwereanychelasandnopossessionrituals tookplaceeitherattheshrineorwithinitsenvironsatthistime.Reportedly,therearenever possessioneventsatthe#urs. Thenextday,betweenelevena.m.andtwelvep.m.,forasinglehour,thefewrelicsof

HaiderShaikharepubliclydisplayed.Theseincludehisvest,beltandapairofshoes.Againthe gatheringwasmoderateinsizeasasmallbutsteadystreamofvisitors,Hindu,SikhandMuslim, cametoviewtheitems. Theiftar,ormealendingthedailyfastinRamadan,onthenightofthe#urswasan

elaborateaffair,withallthekhalfahfamiliescomingtogether.TheAjmerikhadimwasgiven prideofplaceandtherewasobviouspleasureonthepartofthefamilytoreceivethishonored guest.Althoughyoung,hewasverywellspokenandconsiderateofhishosts,showinggreat politesseandreceivingthehonorandrespectshownhimwithgrace.Inhisprayers,invocations andconversation,thekhadimdrewlittledistinctionbetweentheChishtiandSuhrawardisilsilas. HestressedtheChishtiloveformusicandsama#,audition,theChishtisilsilapermitsqawwali, theessenceoftheChishtiisthatunlesstheyhearqawwaltheyremainhungry.Qawwaliisa spiritualgift.Otherthanthisdifference,thekhadimasserted(incorrectly)thattheothersilsilas, Suhrawardi,Naqshbandi,andQadiri,arealloffshootsoftheChishtiyya.Hefurtherdrewthe

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MalerkotladargahintothepurviewofAjmerbysayingthatjustasziyarattoAjmersubstitutes fortheHajjforthoseunabletotraveltoMecca,sopilgrimagetoMalerkotlamaysubstitutefor goingtoAjmer: Whoevercomeshere,hefeelshehasgonetoAjmerSharif,thosewhocan'tgo there,comehere.Theybelievethatiftheycan'tgothere,itdoesn'tmatter,butmy sarkar[i.e.ruler,itisunclearifhemeansAllahorKhwajaMuinuddinChishti] hascalledmeheretoMalerkotla.ItisasifIwaspresentthere.Whateveris prayedhereitisacceptedinAjmer.ThenitisacceptedinMedina.Ifitis acceptedinMedina,thenitisacceptedintheKa#ba,thecenterofprayerandthe oceanofbeneficence.ItisacceptedinthehouseofGod. ThisdiscursivechainlinksHaiderShaikh,asmallandsomewhatmarginaldargahofadifferent primaryspirituallineagetotheAjmerishrineofIndia'smostpopularlineage,andthroughthatto theaxisoftheMuslimworld:Mecca.TheinvitationandpresenceofthekhadimfromAjmer substantiallyboostedthestatusoftheMalerkotlashrineanditscaretakers,authenticatedthe tombwithinthepurviewofSufiIslam,andpotentiallyforgedalinkwiththatpowerfuland populardargah. ThekhadimalsonotedthepopularityofboththisshrineandAjmerSharifamongnon-

Muslims.LikethekhalfahsandthepilgrimsatHaiderShaikhhefeltthatthereislittle differencebetweenthedevotionofthevariousreligions.Rather,allwhocomewithfaithand loveareviewedasoneandtheirdesiresarefulfilled.Furthermore,althoughsomemightview thisasanopportunitytospreadIslam,thisshouldinnowaybeforceduponnon-Muslimvisitors: TheHindusaremuchmoredevotedthere[Ajmer]thantheMuslims.TheHindus andsardars[i.e.Sikhs]aremorefaithfulhere,tothemtheSufi[Khwaja MuinuudinChishti]saidthattoallcommunitiesshowloveandhonorwhatever religiontheyare.Ifyoucanhelpthemthendoitbutdonotgiveanyonetrouble. ThisistheobligationofeveryMuslim. Thissentimentechoesoneofthemostcommonlycitedpassageinrelationtopluralismfromthe Qur"an2:250:Lettherebenocompulsioninreligion:TruthstandsoutclearfromError:

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whoeverrejectsevilandbelievesinAllahhathgraspedthemosttrustworthyhand-hold,that neverbreaks.AndAllahhearethandknowethallthings.ForthefaithfulMuslim,itis obligatorytohelpotherstowardsIslamifpossible,butthathelpshouldneverbecomeanonerous pressureordifficulty.TheopennessandavailabilityofshrineslikeAjmerSharifandthedargah inMalerkotlatonon-Muslimshasresultedinacuriouspuzzleinwhichthespiritualbenefitsof thesitearebeingreapedbymanyHindusandSikhs.Thekhadimexplainsitthus: Asyouseebycominghere,thatthoughhe[HaiderShaikh]isaMuslimthatmore HindusoffergiftsthanMuslims.Youcanseethatthelargestgroupmaking offeringsisHindu,Muslimsarefewer.Thosewhoaskforsupportmoreare Hindus.Thesedaysthenon-Muslimsareobtainingbenefitfromsarkardarbar [thecourtoftheruler,i.e.thedargah].TheHindustakethebenefitsfromthe darbar. NotonlyareHindusgainingthesebenefitsthroughtheirofferingsanddevotions,butMuslims arebecomingdangerouslyegotisticalandself-reliant.Inthekhadim'sview,theemphasison individualpracticeencouragedbyreformistgroupssuchasTablghJama#atisarrogantand pridefultothepointthatitthreatenstoalienatenotonlythepr,butAllahhimself: Muslimsthinktheycandoitthemselves:saynamaz[thefivetimesdailyprayer], readQur'an,goonretreat.WithoutadoubtnamazisnecessaryforMuslims, thereforethosewhosaynamazdeclarethatfromsayingnamazyournamazwill beaccepted[byGod].Butfirstifyouareshowntheway,thebuzurganedin[the saints],theirnamazhasalreadybeenacceptedbyGod.Ifyoufollowthem,then khuda[God]willalsoacceptyournamaz.Ifweturnourfacefromtheseprs, thenGodwillturnhisfacefromusandhewillnotacceptournamaz.Namazis nodoubtnecessary,butwemusttakeholdoftheseprsalso.Ifwedon'ttake them,ourreligionisnothing.Aslongasyouarewiththebuzurgan,youwillbe savedatqiyamat[theDayofJudgment],andinthisworldandinthehereafteryou willbehappy. ThekhadimfromAjmerinvokedanumberofestablishedIslamicprinciplesinhisdefenseof saintveneration,inparticulartheimitationofworthyexemplars.Althoughoftentheprincipleof imitation,ortaqld,isreferencedbySufistodenouncetheblindobediencetothelawseenas prevalentamongreligiousscholarsorulamawhocriticizeSufism.Hereitisusedtoshowthat

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followinginthewayofthepioussaintswhohavealreadyfoundfavorwithGodisasurewayto findfavoroneself.Thebeliefthatonedoesnotneedsuchmodelsisattackedasevidenceofthe sinofpride.FortheSufi,humblepiety(taqwa),repentance(tauba),andaboveallconstantly seekingAllah'sforgiveness(istighfar)forone'shumanfailingsareamongthemostessential statesofbeing.Byrejectingthehelpofthosewhohaveshowntheway,anarrogantMuslim turnsawayfromtheprsandlikewisefromthepathofGod.Thekhadim'sdiscourseonSufism andtheimportanceofsaintswasamajorelementinmakingthe#ursamarkedlyIslamicevent unlikethemelas. The#ursofHaiderShaikhisaqualitativelydifferentritualthanthedailypracticesand

occasionalfestivals.ItishighlyIslamicinitscontentandformat.Itinvolvesallthelocal khalfahs,invitedguestsfromotherSufishrines,anddervishesandfaqrsfromalloverthe region.AlthoughtheprincipleHinduandSikhpatronsoftheshrinearepresenttheyclearlytake abackseatandareobservers.TheydonotknoworrecitetheprayersandQur"anicverses. However,theformalityoftheceremonyisimpressiveandconveystothesenon-Muslimpatrons thepowerandmysteryofanothersystemofbelief.AmiddleagedmaleSikhdevoteefroma nearbyvillagedeclaredthathecameeveryyear,thoughheunderstoodlittleoftheproceedings. Itissignificantthatthe#ursiskeptdistinctlyseparatefromtheothermelas,thoughinsome yearsitmayfallsimultaneouslyduetothelunarcalendaroftheMuslimyear.Thecelebratory atmosphereissubduedoutofrespectforRamadan.Perhapsalsoalargeandchaoticmelaatthis timeofyearwouldbeviewedlesstolerantlyamongconservativeelementsoftheMuslim community.Itisclearhowever,thattheappealofthisceremonytothelocalMuslimpopulation inmuchgreaterthantheotherfestivalsforHaiderShaikh.Throughstrategicperformancessuch asthis,andtheinnovationofinvitingarepresentativefromthegreatdargahatAjmer,the

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khalfahsatHaiderShaikh'stombreestablishtheirorthodoxcredentials,andgainauthorityand dignityintheeyesoftheMuslimmajorityofMalerkotla. Conclusion Althougheventslikethe#ursrepresentatimewhentheIslamiccharacterofthesaintand theshrinecometothefore,theMuslimcaretakersoftheshrinesmoreoftenmustmediatethe devotionsofHindusandSikhs.Furthermore,theydosoinfullconsciousnessoftheirconflicting ideasaboutthenatureofthesaint.Theguardiansoftheshrinesarewellawarethatintheminds ofnon-Muslimsprayersmadetothesaintarefulfilledbythesainthimself,andnotbyAllah throughthesaint'sintercession.Yettheyfindwaystovalidatethesepractices.Thechelaswho channeltheShaikhknowthatthekhalfahsandtheMuslimsinattendanceunderstandthenature oftheholydeadwhollydifferently.Yettheyoperatewithintheirownritualidiomwithout changingorchallengingoppositionalperspectives.Bymarkingoutthespaceofthesaint throughritualpractice,pilgrimstransactbetweenthesetwosystemsofspiritualauthority, validatingbothandcreatingaspacethataffirmstheprevailingethicofharmony. Furthermore,asasitethatservestoinvertthedailyexperienceofmostPunjabisinterms oftheMuslimpopulationintheirhomecommunities,HaiderShaikh'sdargahisapowerfulplace thatinvokesthedaysbeforePartition.Inthetwogenerationssince1947inmanyplacesin PunjabthelongheritageofMuslimcultureisonlyperceptibleintheformofconvertedbuildings andintheongoingtraditionsofthedargahs.Therelativeubiquityofthelatterindicatesthatpr worshippershaveanenormousselectionintermsofthetombstheymightchoosetovisit. Thereforeitissignificantthatnon-residentpilgrimsinsuchvastnumberschoosetocontinueor toestablishaconnectionwiththetombofHaiderShaikhinaplacewhereIslamstillflourishes.

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Indeed,itseemsthatthenumbersofpilgrimshaveonlyincreasedovertheyears.Asone memberofthekhalfahfamilywhodoesnotattendtheshrinehimselfdescribed, Thereisalotofdifferencebetweenthemelasofthosedaysandthemelasof today.Thereusedbealotofgatheringinthosedays,butthesedaysthereiseven moreofacrowd.Moreofthepublicarecomingthesedays.Thesedaysthe offeringsaregreater.And[forexample]thoseofferingsthatareintheformof chadars,theseclothsareofsilk.Inthosedaysthesewerenotgiven.Atthat time,handspuncottonwasusedandtherupeewasalsonotthere.Atthattime coinswereused,tenpaisa,twentypaisausedtobeoffered.Thesedayspeople havemoremoneysotheygivemore.Theyaremoreprosperous,thatiswhythey offermore. ThustheappealandwealthofHaiderShaikh'sdargahhasgrownsincePartition.Itisclearfrom thestatementsfromdevoteesandkhalfahsthatthisincreasedpopularityisdueinparttoits emblematicstatusasan"authentic"Muslimshrinewithalivinglineageofkhalfahs.Butthe appealisalsobecauseoftheincrediblerealityoflifeinMalerkotlawhichcontinuesasmixed andfluidasitwasinthedayswhenPunjabwaswhole.Formany,thisisaprecious,unique,and evensacredexperience. Inmanywaystheblendingofreligions,ethnicities,ages,genders,andclassesispartof

thenatureofthetombshrine.WritingofsuchsitesinmedievalCairo,ChristopherTaylor describesasceneofwhathecalls"vitalsocialmixing."Hewrites, Itwasherethatalotofvitalsocialmixingtookplace;herethelivingmixedwiththe dead,therichmixedwiththepoor,thepowerfulwiththepowerless,menwith women,theformallyeducatedwiththeilliterate,believerswithnonbelievers, authoritieswithoutlaws,andthemundanemixedwiththesacred.424 WhatwastrueofAl-Qarafa,theCairocemetery,inthefourteenthcenturyistrueofHaider Shaikh'sdargahtodayasthesamerangeofpilgrimsmaketheirwaytothetomb.Some,aswe sawintheexampleofthescheduledcasteHinduleader,comeforsocialpurposes,publicly

424

Taylor, p. 224. 324

demonstratinganon-sectarianethosthroughtheperformanceofaritualpilgrimagetoaMuslim shrine.Otherscomefordevotionalreasons,tofulfilltheirvowsandtheirpersonalneeds.These ritualengagementsoftenblurthelinesbetweentypicallySikh,Hindu,orMuslimpractice, therebymanifestingafaithintheefficacyofprayerthatisbasedmoreonthepurityofintention thanonthepurityoftradition. Furthermore,Taylorassertsthatthevitalsocialmixingthattookplaceatal-Qarafawasa

liminoidphenomenon,"anessentialinstrumentofnormativecommunitas,orsocialantistructure, whichplayeditsownimportantroleinintegratingthecommunallifeofthisgreatmetropolis."425 AlthoughMalerkotlacanhardlybedescribedasametropolis,havingapopulationofjustover onehundredthousand,theritualexchangesatthedargahdoindeedintegratethepopulationon bothdevotionalandsociallevels.Onthedevotionallevel,inspiteoftheenormousvariationin beliefandpractice,thecommoninterestsandconcernsofthepilgrimsfacilitatetheco-presence ofconflictingviewsandrituals.Iffromatheologicalperspectivethecrucialelementinensuring theefficacyofritualsattheshrineisthepurityofheartofthedevotee,thenthemeaningofthe practiceislargelyself-determinedandtendsatmostsharedshrinestominimizeovertconflicts thatwouldnecessitateexclusion,definition,andsegregation.Thesocialimplicationofthis theologicalperspectiveistheestablishmentofafunctioningsharedreligiousenvironment, provingthatsuchintimateexchangeisnotonlypossiblebutdesirable.Thisisreinforcedatthe tombbytheactivitiesofkhalfahsandresidentsastheyfacilitatethedevotionsandpresenceof non-residentsandnon-Muslims.ThustheformalandinformalencountersatsitessuchasHaider Shaikh'sdargahactivatethemotivatingidealsofcommunityandcooperationaspeoplegrapple

425

Op cit. 325

withthemundanerealityandnecessityofforgingrelationshipswitheachother,withthedivine, andwiththedeadinashiftinganduncertainworld.

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ChapterFive: RitualConflictsandResolutionsinMalerkotla ItisclearthatMalerkotla'sintegrationpersistsbeyondthemiraculouswallsofthetomb. Indeed,muchasthedargahisafocusforsharedreligiousactivity,interactionsinthe neighborhoodsandstreetsofthetownpromoteandprovideastructurethatreinforcestheethos ofharmonythatisalsorootedinthesaint'stradition.Justastheshrine'sunifyingpoweris activatedandobservableintheritualpracticesthatanimateit,sotheengagedpluralismof Malerkotla'scivicspaceisactivatedandobservableinthecommunity'smemorializationofits sharedsocialmemoryasazoneofpeaceanditsmanagementofpublicdisplaysofreligiosity thatcouldpotentiallytriggerconflict.InthischapterIwillelucidatetwomodesofritualpractice inthetown.Thefirstinvolvesritualproduction,thepublicperformanceofMalerkotla'sidentity asazoneofpeace.Thefirstmodeofritualproductionrevealsthewaysinwhichreligious, regionalornationaloccasionssuchas#IdorIndependenceDayaremadelocallymeaningful throughtheincorporationofsymboliceventsfromthepast.Thesecondentailsthemanagement ofMalerkotla'srituallifeandpublicreligiosity.Iwillexaminecasesinwhichtheritualuseof Malerkotla'spublicspacewascontested,bothbeforeandafterPartition,andhowthoseconflicts weremanaged.Thesecondmodeofritualmanagementshowshowtherituallyinvokedidentity ofpeaceischallengedandreconciledthroughsuccessfullynegotiatedconflictoverritualspace andpractice. RitualProductionandMemorialization BothbeforeandafterPartitionmemorializingpracticesatthestateandciviclevelshave ritualizedMalerkotla'shistoryandsocialmemory,rootingitinparticularplacesandpractices. Thesecommemorativeactivitiesgenerateacommunityofmemoryandaritualizedpatternof

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harmony,regularlyreestablishingandrevitalizingtheresourcesofthepasttoservetheinterests ofthepresent.Atthedargahtheseinterestswereovertlydevotionalandpersonal,withan unrecognizedbutnonethelesseffectivesocialandpoliticalimpactthatpromotedreligiouscoexistence.Ritualcommemorationofthecommunityidentityoutsidethedargahrevealsovertly socialandpoliticalinterestswithacovertdevotionalandpersonaleffect. CommemorationsofthepastsuchasthetwoMuslim#Idfestivals,themartyrdom observationsoftheKukaSikhs,IndependenceDay,andsoonserveseveralfunctions.Ritual memorialsareoftwogeneraltypes:celebrationandmourning.Celebratorymemorialsevoke positivehistories,aggregatingandconcentratingthevaluesrepresentedbythoseeventsthata communityseekstoretain,reinvigorate,andperpetuate.Mourningmemorialsrememberand reconcilepasttraumas,therebymaintainingmemoriesthatremindthoseinthepresentofpast sacrifices,heroisms,andtribulations.Overtimecertainmemorializationscomeintobeingand othersmayfallaway,revealingtheshiftingneedsandcentralthemesofacommunity'sprocess ofself-identification.Inthecaseoftraumaticevents,effectivememorializationmaycontribute tothecommunity'shealing.Thefailuretoaccountforpasttraumatodeny,repress,orrejectthe eventsmayhavepathologicalresults.SociologistsAlexanderandMargareteMitsherlichterm thistheinabilitytomournanditslegacyisapopulationpathologicallyfixatedonthetrauma.426 InIndia,andperhapsespeciallyinPunjab,commemoratingPartitionhasbeendifficult.There arenopublicobservations,nodaysofremembranceasthereareforotherdisastrousevents.427 Onthecontrary,thehorrorsofPartitionarewhollysubsumedbythenationalisticprideinvoked
This concept was first put forward in the context of coping with the violence committed and experienced by Germans in WWII by Alexander and Margarete Mitscherlich in their book The Inability to Mourn: Principles of Collective Behavior, (New York; Grove Press, 1975). 427 The events of Operation Bluestar are often marked by events in gurdwaras throughout the region. A closer parallel would be the Jewish observance of Yom Hashoa, the day of mourning for the victims of the Nazi program of extermination. This memorialization of the trauma of mass death is often a key element in community healing. Conversely, the failure to find a collective means of reconciling such trauma, particularly when accompanied by denial of the events themselves as often happens in South Asia, can result in a pathological "inability to mourn."
426

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throughstate-sponsoredIndependenceDayfestivalsbeingtheorderoftheday.AsGyanPandey haspointedout,theviolenceandtraumaofPartitioniserasedandsublimatedinthemakingof theIndiannation-state.Partition'sdevastationisaestheticizedbythestateandbecomes Independence,clean,free,andnoble.Although"Partitionwasviolence,acataclycsm,aworld (orworlds)tornapart,"itistreatedasanunfortunatebutnecessarybyproductoftheconcomitant realizationofIndependence,whichiscastastheculminationofthehistoricalmetanarrativeof India.428ButPartition'sviolencemustbeaccountedfor,itcannotbe"disappeared"assomany ofitsvictimswere.AccordingtoPandey,thelegacyoftheviolenceisverymuchpresent,even ifoftendisplacedfromwithinacommunity,intheboundariesofbelongingthatdefinethe communityonalocal,regionalandnationallevel.429 InMalerkotla,thisprocessispresentbutitisalsoinvertedastheremustbealayingto accountofthenon-eventofviolenceinthetown.Theobviousprideinthetown'semergence relativelyunscathedfromthehorrorsistemperedbyresidents'awarenessoftheterrifying violenceanddeaththatsurroundedthem,andthevulnerabilityandexposureasthesoleMuslim communityafterwards.Thereforepride,guilt,fear,andhopeintermingleintheemotions swirlingaroundPartition'slocallegacy.JustasthecommunitiesanalyzedbyPandeytendto downplayanddisplacetheviolence,soinMalerkotlathefeelingsofprideandpurposeare foregroundedinthememoriesof1947andextendedtothepresentdayasevidenceofthe Muslimtown'srightfulplaceinpost-IndependenceIndia.InPandey'scasestheviolenceis reconciledbybeingdisplaced.Italwayshappens"outthere,"neverwithinthecommunity.The displacementmarksthebordersbetweengroupsandplaces,creatingasafespaceofdenial.In Malerkotla,repeatedritualisticinvocationsofcommunityprideinthewayPartitiondidnot
428 429

Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering Partition, (New York; Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 7. See Pandey, Remembering Partition, especially Chapter 8: Constructing Community. 329

happenrelievestheirsenseofvulnerabilitythroughpublicdemonstrationsoftheirpacificpast. TheevocationofPartitionmemoriesinMalerkotlajustifies,validates,andassimilatesthe MuslimprincipalityintotheIndianpolitythroughanidealizedrepresentationofthecommunity asamodelofsuccessfulinter-religiousintegrationpastandpresent. AsdiscussedinPartOneconcerningthenarrativeinvocationsofthelegacyofharmony thatdominatesMalerkotla'scollectivememory,thecommunity'sself-perceptionandprojected identityisasazoneofpeace.Notonlydoesthisidentitytakediscursiveform,butitalso emergesinstrategicpracticesthatconjureupandenacttheethosofharmony.Throughthese practices,inparticulartheformulaicinvocationofthesymboliceventsoftheNawab'shaada naaraprotestandthepeaceatPartition,theseusefulelementsofthepastaremadeavailableto thepresent.AsphenomenologistEdwardCaseyasserts,"commemorationcanbeconsideredthe layingtoaccountofperishings,theconsolidatingandcontinuingofendings.Itisthecreatingof memorializationsinthemediaofritual,text,andpsyche;itenablesustohonorthepastby carryingitintactintonewandlastingformsofallianceandparticipation."430Bothbeforeand afterPartition,Malerkotla'sleadersandcitizenshavecreatedwaystomemorializethepast emphasizingthecooperativeandminimizingtheconflictual.Thehistoriesofthestatethatare activelyrecountedinoralandwrittenformtendtofocusonthesharedpastofthecommunity.In particulartheyemphasizethoseeventswhichmaximizetheabilityofallresidentstoidentify withtheevents,suchasthecomingoftheterritory'sfounderHaiderShaikhandtheNawab's protestovertheexecutionoftheGuru'ssons.Theseeventsdominatetheimaginativelandscape ofthecommunityandunsurprisinglyemergeascentralmotifsinmostpublicaffairs,particularly

Edward S. Casey, Remembering: A Phenomenological Study, (Bloomington; Indiana University Press, 1987), p. 257.
430

330

majorreligiousfestivalsandotherceremoniesinvolvinglargepublicgatheringssuchas#Idand IndependenceDay. Linkinglocallysignificanteventstoregional,national,andreligiousevents,forgesa connectionbetweenMalerkotla'shistoryasaplaceofpeaceandinter-religiousharmonyand Malerkotla'sidentityasanintegralpartofapluralPunjabandIndia.Repetitionofintegralacts suchasthehaadanaara,HaiderShaikh'sarrival,orthepeaceatPartitionhelptorenewand regeneratetheirpowertogiveshapetoMalerkotla'sidentity.Inadditiontomyriadandfrequent referencestothesesymboliceventsineverydayandformaldiscursiveinteractions,the importanceofthesemomentstakesritualformatthedargahandinthetown.HaiderShaikh's festivalsand#ursrituallymemorializethepowerofthesaint.Althoughtherearenoseparate ceremoniesforthehaadanaaraorthepeaceatPartition,almostnopublicgatheringin Malerkotlagoesbywithoutreferencetooneorbothevents.Thiseffectivelyturnsnearlyevery assemblyintoaformofmemorialobservanceofthesetwomomentsinhistory,eachofwhich exemplifiesMalerkotla'sidealizedmoralfibre.AccordingtoCasey,suchcommemorations involve"rememberingthroughspecificcommemorativevehiclessuchasritualsortexts,"a processwhich"solemnizesbycommunalizinginaceremony"acollectivelysignificantevent.431 Inthisway,certainelementsofthepastaremadetoresonatewithandvalidatepresentinterests andpurposes.Attheciviclevel,theseinterestsinvolvetheestablishmentandperpetuationofa stablecommunity.Asritualpractices,publiccommemorationsofthepastthatincorporate invocationsofthesesymboliceventsalsohavethemisrecognizedeffectofsacralizingthe communityanditsethosofharmony,givingpublicandpresentformtothesharedpast.

431

Ibid, p. 225. 331

Thesignificanceofthesecommemorativeactsisapparentinasmuchassuchreferences

areubiquitousandintegraltotheefficacyofallpublicceremonies.Inoverayearofattending Malerkotlahappeningsofallsorts,eitherpassingmentionorafullaccountwasmadeofeither thequalityofthecommunity'smoralfiberinresistingviolenceduringPartitionortheNawab's protest(orboth)ateverysingleceremony.Theseeventsrangedfromreligiousfestivalsand parades,politicalrallies,regional,state,ornationalholidays,toseminarsandconferences,poetry readingsandfestschrifts,tolocalcharityevents.Therangeofceremoniesandtheinevitability ofsuchinvocationsindicatesthecentralimportanceoftheseidentityshapingsymbolsinthelife ofMalerkotla. Significantly,thepublicceremoniesatwhichtheseeventsarecommemoratedhavebeen andcontinuetobesponsoredbythestate,themunicipality,byreligiousorganizations,political parties,andcivicgroups.TheuseofthehaadanaaraandthepeaceatPartitionasrecurring symbolicmotifsbylocal,regionalandnationalpowerelitesfurtherdemonstrateshowthese momentsfunctionaskeyidentitymarkersoftheMalerkotlacommunity.Thestrategic deploymentandlinkageoftheeventsof1947andthehaadanaarapromotesandmanufactures Malerkotla'sidealizedidentity.Theinvocationsassociatethoseeventsandtheidealsthey representwiththepowereliteswhoarticulatethesevaluesatsocial,political,andreligious events.SuchaprocessisalsodocumentedinaJapanesecaseinarecentarticle"SocialMemory asRitualPractice"concerningpost-WorldWarIIJapan.Inthisstudy,JohnNelsonpointsout thateverydaysocioculturalpracticespromotedbypowerelitesshapethemeaningofsocial memory,givingthepracticesritualsignificance. Someofthemostcriticalwaysthatshapethemeaningofindividualmemories arethoseinstitutional,organizational,andpoliticalentitiesandprocessesimbued with(andoftenaffordedanexcessof)religiouslegitimacy.Althoughreligious orientationsmay,ofcourse,beexplicitlydoctrinal,morerecentstudieshave

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shownhowtheymayalsobediffusenetworksofpowerrelationsthatactonand oftenbypassindividualconsciousnessandarepromotedthrougheveryday socioculturalpractices.432 Theseeverydaysocioculturalpracticestakeontheforceofritualastheyarepromotedbylocal andextralocalpowerelites.InthecaseofJapan,thegovernment'ssupportofmuseumsinwhich toenshrineandfixtheambivalenthistoriesofJapan'swarhistorywasameansofcopingwith therealitiesofhumanlossandtheideologicaldefeatthataccompaniedthemilitarydevastation. Byincorporatingthewardeadintotherealmofthespiritswhoguidethenationandcreatinga spaceinwhichmemory,history,andthespiritworldcouldbeunited,thegovernment-inneed ofstability-andthepopulation-inneedofhealing-combinedtocreateamoralcommunityof memory.Havingbeenthusestablished, Atanabstractlevel,thespiritsofthefoundingfathersandmothersofthenation areeverpresentasguidesandcoerciveexamplesforpresent-daycorrectpolicy andbehavior.Thewaythattheyarereferencedthroughsocialmemoryand commemorativeritualsinteractsnotonlywithtraditionalreligiousvaluesbut also,asweshallsee,withthenation'shighestpoliticalleadersandtheirnetworks ofallianceandpower.433 InMalerkotla,wehaveseenhowthefoundingfatherHaiderShaikhisenshrinedandmade presentasaguideandcoerciveexample.Similarly,NawabSherMuhammadKhanandthehaa danaaraareconstantlyinvokedaspositivemodels.Furthermore,thepeaceatPartitionis attributedtoaconstellationofcausesrangingfromHaiderShaikh'sblessing,totheeffective policiesofNawabIftikharAliKhan,tothebraveperformanceofthearmy,tothesound characterofthecommunityatlarge.Thisdiffusenetworkofparticipatoryactorsextendsthe creditandthepowerofthecalmin1947toawidecircleoffoundingfathersandmothers.By investingeverypublicgatheringwiththecollectiveremembranceofthesemomentsofinter-

432 433

Nelson, John. "Social Memory as Ritual Practice." Journal of Asian Studies 62, no. 2 (2003), p. 445. Op cit. 333

religiouscooperation,andtheindividualswhoperpetratedthem,Malerkotla'scommunity identityasazoneofpeaceisactivelyproducedandreinforced. PriortoPartition,governmentalmemorializationofthefoundingspiritsofthestateand establishmentasexemplaryguideswasundertakenbytheNawabs.Ateverycoronation,before everyroyalwedding,priortogoingtobattle,at#Idal-Fitr,Baqr#Id,andatthe#urstheNawab wouldvisitthedargah.Inhisdescriptionoftheshrineofhisancestor,thelastNawabIftikhar AliKhandescribesthesite'sroleinimportantstateevents,hispatronageoftheshrine,andthe overwhelmingpopularityandimportanceofthedargahtothegeneralpopulation.Althoughhe acknowledges,andevendefends,thehealingpowersoftheShaikhsdargah,thereisnolitanyof miraclesinNawabsaccount.Heaffirmsthepowerandefficacyoftheshrine,theveracityof miracles,andtheobviousandoverwhelmingfaithofthepeople,butthesignificanceofthe shrinetotherulersasalocusofstateceremonyandasmulti-confessionalsiteisemphasized: UtmostreverenceispaidtotheshrineoftheirancestorbytheRulersoftheState. Ontheoccasionofaccessiontothethroneoronthecelebrationofthetwo#Ids, offeringsofhorses,robesandmoneyaremadeatthetombonbehalfoftheState. Manyatimethegraveisresortedtoincasesofpersonaldifferenceswhenanoath astotruthorfalsityofacaseistobetaken.Astotheextenttowhichthegeneral publicirrespectiveoftheirreligion,imposeafaithinthesupernaturalpowersof theshrine,itissufficientheretosaythatinmonthofno-chandialargefairisheld andthestreetsofMalerkotlaarethrongedwiththousandsofmen,womenand childrenwhoassembleandcelebratetheday.Offeringsofsuchvariednatureas corn,cereal,sweets,rice,clothandgoatsaregenerallymadeandnotinfrequently wishesareheldinmindswhenofferingsaremadeatthegrave.434 Thispassageencompassesawiderangeoftheshrine'susagebytherulers,thecitizenry,andthe devotees.Clearlystatevisitstotheshrinemarkedthemostsignificantreligiouseventssuchas #Idal-FitrandBaqr#Id,andthemostsignificantseculareventssuchasaccessiontothe

434

Khan (2000), p. 9. 334

throne.435TheauthorityandimportanceofHaiderShaikhwasalsoreinforcedbyitsroleasan arbiterorhonestbrokerintheresolutionofdisputes.436Thestate,throughitssponsorshipofthe shrine,drewauthorityfromregularacknowledgmentsoftheintimatelinkbetweenthesaintand therulersandcultivating,byextension,thecontinuedloyaltyofthesaint'sdevotees,who, significantly,wereHinduandSikhaswellasMuslim.437 Theseceremoniesarealsodescribedbyeldermembersofthekhalifahfamilywhoare

descendentsofthesheikh.Furthermore,olderMalerkotlaresidentsreportedthatpriorto departingfordutyinWorldWarsIandII,thestatearmyasabodyprocessedthroughthedargah toreceiveHaiderShaikh'sblessingsbeforegoingtowar.Accordingtoatleastoneresident, becauseofthisblessing,"EvenduringtheFirstWorldWarandSecondWorldWartherewasno personallossinMalerkotla." Afterthedissolutionoftheprincelystate,theshrinecontinuedtohaveaprominentrole

forlocalandregionalleaders.NotonlyhavetheelectedrepresentativesfromMalerkotla,many ofwhomsharethesaint'sbloodline,madehighprofilevisitstothetomb,butsoalsodo politiciansfromaroundthestate,includingthepresentChiefMinisterCaptainAmrinderSingh, thepastChiefMinisterPrakashSinghBadal,andthepastGovernor,LieutenantGeneralJ.F.R. Jacob.Suchvisitsbothacknowledgeandattempttogarnerthepoweroftheshrineasaplaceof universalappeal. Outsideoftheshrine,politiciansandleaderspastandpresentmakeuseoftheothertwo commonelementsofMalerkotla'secumenicalidentitythehaadanaaraprotestoverthe

These are the two major festivals of Islam: 'Id al-Adha or Baqr 'Id marking Ibrahim's willingness to sacrifice his son Ismail, and 'Id al-Fitr marking the end of the fasting month of Ramadan. 436 This is a function commonly associated with darghs throughout South Asia, but is not a primary nowadays at Haider Shaikh's tomb. 437 Remember that Inayat Ali Khan in his book A Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans had lamented the absence of Sufi followers to provide a reliable support base for Haider Shaikh and his household. As it emerges, the clientele of the shrine are loyal to the Saint's descendents.
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executionofGuruGobindSingh'ssonsandthepeaceofPartition,oftenlinkingthetwo.The centralityofthehaadanaarainMalerkotla'sidentityformationbecameevidentduringthe celebrationsforthetwo#Ids.Both#IdsareimportanttimesinMalerkotla.TheChiefMinister ofPunjabalmostalwayscomesforthe#Idprayers,afterwhichhemakesaspeechpromisingthe communityallsortsofthings.Atboth#IdprayersinDecember2000andMarch2001,theChief Ministeratthetime,PrakashSinghBadal,promisedfundstoexpandMalerkotla'soverflowing #idgah,thespecial#Idprayergrounds.HealsoprofessedsupportforanUrduacademy.During thesefestivals,MalerkotlabecomesthemostimportantplaceinPunjabandallthepowerelites whohaveaninterestincultivatingthisMuslimmajorityconstituencymustcometotown.#Id, therefore,isanopportunityforMalerkotlaresidentstopubliclydemonstratetheirsenseoftheir ownimportanceinPunjabandbeyond.Theseareidentity-shapingevents. AttheendofRamadaninDecember2000,thepaceoflifeinMalerkotlapickedup sharply.Thewinterdayshadbeenwarmenoughthatpeopledidnotmovearoundmuchand therehadbeenaperceptibleslowingofdailylifeduringtheholymonth.Intheeveningsassoon asthefastwasbrokenandprayersweresaidthebazaarsfilledwithpeopleshopping,eating,and goingtocommunaliftarmeals.438On#Idal-Fitr,thedatemarkingtheendofthefast,andfor severaldaysafterwards,thesocialandpoliticallifeofMalerkotlawasbusyfromdawntodark with#IdMilans.#IdMilansareformalgatherings,sponsoredbyvariousorganizations,forthe purposeofacknowledgingtheendofthisimportantreligiousobligation.Manycivicgroupsand politicalpartiesorganized#IdMilansandtherewasclearlyapriorityonbringingthemost distinguishedpersonavailabletoattendaschiefguest.Localdignitariesdidnotsuffice,nordid

Also in Malerkotla many non-religious groups such as the Rotary Club sponsor iftrs as a gesture of support to the Muslim community. Similarly, President Bush ingratiated himself to the Muslim world by holding iftrs during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq in 2002 and 2003.
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theyneedto.AstheonlyMuslimconstituencyinPunjabprominentpoliticiansfromalloverthe regionaremorethanwillingtopreside.In2000thePunjabStateWaqfBoardsponsoredan#Id MilaninMalerkotlaatwhichthechiefguestwasSurjitSinghBarnala,thenGovernorofthe newlycreatedneighboringstateofUttaranchalPradesh.TheShiromaniAkaliDal-Mannhosted aneventatwhichtheparty'sleaderandtheMemberofParliamentfromMalerkotla'sdistrict SardarSimranjitSinghMannwasthemainattraction.TheJama#at-iIslamorganizedan#Id MilanintheneighboringtownofNabha,wheretherearefewMuslims,usingtheopportunityto reachouttoandeducatenon-Muslims.SajidaBegum,whoisthelastNawab'syoungestwife,a formerMLA,andalocalCongressPartyleader,hostedan#IdMilanattheDiwanKhanapalace presidedoverbyCaptainAmrinderSingh,thencampaigningforthepositionofChiefMinisterto whichhewassubsequentlyelected.AlloftheseeventsbeganwithaQur'anrecitationandthe performanceofna#ats,liturgiesinpraiseoftheProphetMuhammad.Poetsrecitedtheirown worksthatoften,butnotalways,focusedonIslamicthemes.Religiousleadersexhortedthe gatheringtogreaterpiety.Prominentcommunitymembersspokeonallmanneroftopics.One subjectwasalwaysthehaadanaara. Becauseoftheheightenedsignificanceandprofileofthe'IdMilancontext,Iwasstruck

bytheconstantrepetitionofthiskeymomentinMalerkotla'shistory.Nearlyeveryspeaker Muslimandnon-MuslimmentionedthebraveryofNawabSherMuhammadKhanwhenhe stoodupforjusticeandtrueIslamagainstthepressureofhisMughalsuperiors.Theinnocence ofthechildren,therapacityoftheSirhindchiefWazirKhan,thetenacityofSherMuhammad KhanallofthesethemesreverberateforseveraldaysthroughthestreetsofMalerkotlaover cracklingpublicaddresssystems.Thehaadanaaraisliterallyubiquitous,impossibletoescape, toldbyonespeakerevenwhenthepreviousspeakerhaddescribedthesameevent.Thereislittle

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variationordetailgiveninmostspeechesandtheemphasisisconsistentlyupontheNawab's braveryinconfrontinghisco-religionistsandcallingthemtotaskforajustcause.IftheNawab insuchdifficultconditionscouldputjusticeoverblindloyaltytohisconfessionalcommunity, thenwhatshouldstoppeopletodayfromdoingthesame?Therelentlessrepetitionofthetale forcestheaudiencestorecognizethehaadanaaraasapowerfulprecedentforpresentdayinterreligiousrelations.Thesymboliceventislinkedtoacallforpeopletoriseabovereligious sectarianismandjointogethertoforgeaunitedIndia(undertheSAD,theCongressParty,on behalfofMalerkotla,etc.).Forexample,in2000theleaderofPunjab'sCongressparty,Captain AmrinderSingh,spokeonthesethemesatan'IdMilan.Ashewasinthemiddleofcampaigning forthe2001elections,Singhwasobviouslyconcernedtogarnerthesupportofthiskey constituency.439Furthermore,SinghwastheerstwhileMaharajaofPatiala,oneofthelargest andmostpowerfulofPunjab'sprincelystatesandneighboringstatetoMalerkotla.Throughout hisspeechhereferencedthekinshipbetweenthetwokingdoms,accentuatingtheirsimilaritiesas royalhousesandtheirpastcooperation.Significantly,heopenedhisaddresswithareferenceto thehaadanaara. Firstofall,onthisspecialoccasionIcongratulateyou.Myfamilyhasanold relationshipwiththiscity.NawabSherKhanSahibgavethehaadanaarafor ourinnocentsahibzadas.Thisishistory.IftheHindu,MuslimsandSikhs maintaintheirunity,Indiacanbecomeamarvelouscountry.Ifwedosomething withourwholehearts,wecandoanything.Punjabislikeafamily.
The Muslim community is generally seen, in Punjab and in India at large, as a fairly reliable Congress Party bloc. However, in the last elections, the Muslim MLA was elected from the Shiromani Akali Dal (a Sikh nationalist party) which was ascendant on the state level. In addition, Sikhs are ambivalent about the Congress Party as it is strongly associated with oppressive central government regimes. Congress PM Indira Gandhi was responsible for the infamous Operation Bluestar in 1984 that firebombed the Golden Temple and killed and wounded hundreds of Sikh militants who had holed up there as well as bystanders. The subsequent period of militancy in Punjab was brutally repressed by Congress leaders at the center. Thus, the Congress Party's fortunes in Punjab were closely linked to the national government's will to impose Congress rule in the state. Unsurprisingly, since the first elections after the end of the period of terrorism in the early 1990's the Shiromani Akali Dal had been ascendant. Meanwhile, Congress has typically enjoyed considerable support among India's Muslim population, having successfully projected itself as a secular party. This cause has been materially assisted by the rise of the Hindu nationalist BJP as the chief opposition and eventual ruling party.
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 CaptainAmrinderSingh,aSikhonthecampaigntrailinaMuslimtownataMuslim celebration,clearlyfeltthathecouldmosteffectivelydrawinthelargelyMuslim assemblybyremindingthemthatthebondsbetweenSikhsandtheMuslimsofthistown gobackforgenerations.Heextendedthepastsolidaritytothepresent,andthenasserted thatitisinreligiousunitythatIndia'sfuturelies. Iaskedmanylocalswhattheythoughtabouttheubiquityofthehaadanaaraat

allpublicaffairs.MostpeoplerespondedthatitwasonlynaturalthatSikhandHindu politicianswouldtrytofindcommongroundwiththeMuslimpopulationthroughsuch referencesandviceversa.SomesawitasevidenceofSikhfaithandobediencetothe willoftheirGuru.Othersextendedthepoliticalandsocialinvocationsofthehaada naaratoincludethepeaceatPartition,citingitasthereasonwhySikhsdidnotattack theprincipality.Overwhelminglypeoplefeltthatthereferenceswereagiven,anatural andinevitablefeatureofeverypublicassembly.Theverynaturalnessandunquestioning acceptanceoftheinvocationindicatedthatthehaadanaaraisasintegraltothe community'sself-perceptionasitistotheperceptionofoutsiderssuchasCaptain AmrinderSingh.Thiswasevidentfromthefollowingtypicalexchange.Iapproached oneofthegranthiswhoofficiatesattheHaadaNaaraGurdwarainMalerkotla,asking, AB: IneverypoliticalorreligiousprogramhereinMalerkotla,atevery function,peopletalkaboutthehaadanaaraandNawabSher MohammadKhan.Whyisthisstorysoimportant? Granthi: Thisisimportantbecausewhenthechildren[ofGuruGobind Singh]werebeingwalled,theirkneesandfeetwerecutsothebricks couldbesetstraight.TheNawabsaid,whyareyoubeingsocruel?Why suchbrutality?Thesechildrenarelikeourchildren.Youshouldfight withthosewhoarefightingyou,notwiththesechildren.Andheleftthe gathering.Thatisthestoryofthehaadanaara.Thisallcomesinthe DasamGranthofGuruji.Itiswritteninthesakhi[i.e.thestoriesofhis life]anditcomesintheGuruswritings.Thatiswhyitissowellknown.

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AMuslimMLAorMPcangetelectedherebecauseofthis.Inourarea inDistrictSangrurfromheretheMLAisalwaysMuslim. AB: Like[NusratIkramKhan,thecurrentMLAandSportsMinisterfromthe SAD]? Granthi: Yes,alwaysaMuslimfromthiscommunity. AB: Why? Granthi: BecauseSikhpeoplevoteforthem. Althoughhisaccountaddsapreviouslyunheardlevelofgruesomedetailandmistakenly identifiesthesourceofthestoryastheDasamGranthofGuruGobindSingh,hisunderstanding ofthepowerofthehaadanaaraisquitetypicalofMalerkotlaresidents.Thisparticulargranthi wasquiteelderlyandfromavillagethathadbeenwithinMalerkotlastateterritoryin1947.He recollectedthosetimesandassertedthatMalerkotlawaspreservedfromSikhviolencebecause theplacewasbelovedbySikhsoutofrespectfortheNawab'sprotestandtheGuru'sblessing.In thistellingitbecomesclearhowintimatelyboundupwithoneanotheralloftheseeventsareand howelementaltoMalerkotla'scollectiveidentitytherepetitiousinvocationofthehaadanaara isfortheresidents. TheubiquityofthehaadanaaraduringMalerkotlapubliceventscontrastssharplywith

itsabsenceattheShahdiJorMela,thefestivalmarkingthemartyrdom(shahdi)ofthetwosons ofGuruGobindSingh,ZorawarandFatehSingh.ThiseventgoesonforthreedaysinSirhind, thesiteoftheirexecution.TheentiredistrictinwhichSirhindliesiscalledFatehgarhSahib,the PlaceofVictoryafterthemoralandspiritualvictoryofthesahibzadasovertheircaptors.The ShahdiJorMela,evenmorethanthe#IdeventsinMalerkotla,istheplacewherePunjab's politicalagendaisset.Everypoliticalpartyputsupanenormoustentinwhichendlessspeeches aremadeandhonoredguestsofnationalprominence,suchasthemostfamousIndianactorand

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erstwhilepoliticianAmitabhBachhan,givestumpspeeches.440YethereinSirhind,justmeters awayfromthegurdwarathatdisplaysapieceoftheverywallinwhichtheGuru'ssonswere executed,herethehaadanaaraallbutdisappears.IonlyonceheardmentionoftheNawab's protestbyaMuslimfromMalerkotlawhowasasupporteroftheSangrurMPSimranjitSingh Mann.ThisrenegadeMPwhosemajorplatformpositionconcernsminorityreligiousrightsis veryinterestedinMalerkotlaandsupportiveofMuslimissues.Itisnotsurprisingthatreference tothehaadanaarawouldbemadeinhistent.Theabsenceofanyothermentionsduringthe memorialeventcanbeattributedtothelackofanyMuslimpopulation,obviatingtheneedto generatecommonground.InMalerkotla,communalharmonyisanecessityforgroupsurvival. Thereisnochanceofonegrouppushingoutorwhollydominatinganother.Notonlydoesthe mutualminoritystatusofallthereligiouscommunitiesprecludethis,butalsotheweightof rituallyreenactedcollectivememoriesprovidesastructureofreinforcementforthecommunity identityofpeace.HavingsurvivedandsurmountedthehorrorsofPartition,thekeysymbolic eventsofMalerkotla'shistoryhavebecomerepositoriesforacollectivedesiretoembodyand practicetheidealizedidentity.Aswithsomanyothermajorreligiousevents,politicsand religionblendattheShahdiJorMelainSirhindandatthe#IdMilansinMalerkotla.This interweavingofpartyplatformandmoralethosisasubtleexchange,balancingdeeplyheld convictionwithpoliticallyexpedientslogans. Suchpubliceventsprovidecriticalopportunitiesforresidentsofmultiplereligious

orientationstoengageinsymbolicinteractions.Thisopportunityisnotunlikethataffordedby thedargahs.Theseencountersareintensifiedaspublicdemonstrationsofmutualsupport,such asthewayinwhichHindus,Sikhs,andSunniMuslimssupporttheShi'iMuharramprocession

Bachhan was elected to Parliament in 1984 for the Allahabad District in Uttar Pradesh. He resigned before completing the five year term.
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byofferingdrinksandfoodtotheparticipants.Thisistypicalofthesupportofferedin acknowledgmentofotherreligiousevents.AccordingtoaMuslimresident,"When#Idcomesin thehotsummer,HinduandSikhbrothersmakestallsforcoldwaterfortheirMuslimbrothers. Similarlyontheiroccasions,oursociety[Muslims]dothisservice."Thiswasbornoutatseveral majorfestivalsatwhichIobservedsuchprovisions.Forexample,oneofthemostwidely attendedeventsinMalerkotlaisthecelebrationforDussehra,whenagianteffigyofthedemon kingRavanaisburned,havingbeendefeatedbytheHindugod-kingRama.Attheburning, nearlytheentirepopulationofMalerkotlagathersattheHinduDeraBabaAtmaRam,theshrine toaHinduascetic.Althoughinsomewaysmorecarnivalthanspiritual,nonethelesstheeventis regardedasasharedexperienceandoneofthemostimportanteventsintheHindureligious calendar.AttheDerain2001twoboothsweresetupbyMuslimassociationstoprovidecool, cleanwatertotheassembly. Thismutualsupportandparticipationisechoedonasmallerscaleatritual

acknowledgementsoflifepassages.Aspreviouslymentioned,Malerkotla'sintegrationis manifestatweddingpartiesandfuneralsaspeopleofallreligiousfaithsarepresentand provisionisinvariablymadefordietarydifferences.AsaMuslimschoolteacherexplains,the factthatthereligionsdonotshareallofthesamedailyreligiouspractices(thoughmanymay jointlyparticipateinSufishrineworship)isnotthemeasureofinter-religiousrelations.Thereis noneedforHindusorSikhstoprayinamosqueorforMuslimstoprayinatemple.Thedepth ofconnectionismanifestintherespectfordifferenceandintheparticipationinoneanother's significantlifetransitions. Iam45yearsold,andIhaveneverseenaHinduorSikhofferingnamaz.Butif thereissomegathering,supposesomebodydied,andonthethirddaypeople gathered,butthespacenearbythehouseisnotenough,soarrangementswere madeinsomemosque,soHindu,Sikhfriendscomethereandifthereissome

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gatheringintheGurdwaraorMandirwegothere.Butneithertheynorwesayto eachothertofolloworperformeachother'swaysofworship.Theirreligionis forthem,oursisforus,andifwewillcompelthem,thentherewillbeafight.441 ThiscommonsenseapproachtolivingwithreligiousdiversityisthenorminMalerkotla,butthe approachismadenormalthroughpracticeandperpetuation.Throughpublicparticipationin eventsofritualsignificancetothetown,tooneofitsreligiouscommunities,ortoaparticular familyorindividual,theinter-religiousfiberofMalerkotlaremainsinterwovenandbecomes moredifficulttofray.Tensioninotherpartsofthestateorthecountryaremetwithactive effortstopreventsuchdivisionsfromtakingrootlocally.Localproblemsareeitherprojected outsidebybeingblamedonexternal,politicalinfluencesacommonstrategyasPandeypoints outoraddresseddirectlythroughmeetings,committees,andreparations.Aswewillseeinthe nextsection,thisrepertoireofpeacestrategiesisnecessaryinMalerkotlaasinter-religious relationsherehavenotalwaysbeenpositive. RitualConflict ItwouldbepossibletoacceptuncriticallythecommonperceptionthatMalerkotlaisa

placewherenothingbadhaseverhappenedbetweenMuslims,Sikhs,andHindus.Onecouldsee thestorefrontnamesinthebazaarsalternateNarendraSinghCloth,JindalGlass,Hussain Sweets,JainBooksandbelievethatsuchintegrationisthewholestory.Onecouldobservethe varietyofturbans,caps,beards,andveilsinatea,sweet,orsnackshopandassumethatpeople ofallreligionspatronizeeachother'sbusinessesregardlessofsectorethnicgroup.Membership inpoliticalparties,localbusinesses,andcivicgroupsisusuallyquiteintegrated.Thestatusquo inthetownappearstobeprettyhealthyintermsofallobservableindices.Likewise,media reportsaboutMalerkotlarevealaremarkablyhomogeneouscatalogueofstoriesabout

This last line also resonates with two Qur"n verses: Sra 113 which closes "to them their religion and to you yours," and the 254th line of the second Sra which enjoins, "Let there be no compulsion in religion."
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Malerkotlaasapeacefultown.ItwasafterIpublishedanewspaperarticleonthedeplorable stateofmanyofMalerkotla'sheritagesitesthatIwasconfrontedwiththemorecomplicated historyofthetown.442Aretiredschoolteacher,aMuslimmanfromtheweavercaste,spent severalhourswithmegoingintogreatdetailaboutpasteventsofreligioustension.Fromthis discussionemergedseveralnewpointstoresearch,mostlydealingwithpre-Partitionevents. InMalerkotla,andthroughoutthesubcontinent,the1920'sand1930'swerefullofunrest.

Asdiscussedearlier,becauseMalerkotlawasaprincelystatewithanindependentstandingarmy, littleagitationagainsttheBritishwastolerated.UnderBritishprotectionsince1809,Malerkotla wasnotonlyloyaltothecrown,butalsowasdeeplyintheirdebt.Malerkotlabattalionsfought withtheBritishinthemid-nineteenthcenturyAfghanwars,WorldWarI,andWorldWarII.As discussedinChapterOne,althoughthePrajaMandalmovementagainsttheprincelystateswas weakinMalerkotla,thestruggletobringaboutrepresentativedemocracyhadasubstantial impactthereaswell.Thefeebleeffortstoorganizeagainsttheroyalhousewerequickly subduedanddemonstrations,suchasthatatKothalainJulyof1927,wereviolentlydispersed. YetthepolarizingreligiouspoliticsthatweredeepeninginIndiawerealsofeltinMalerkotla.In thekingdomwherepoliticalactivismwaslargelyimpossible,religiousissuescouldbeafocus forMalerkotla'spopulation.DuringthisperiodinMalerkotlatherewereatleasttwomurders, tworiots,twoinvestigationsbyBritishandlocalofficialsintoreligiousdisputes,andthree incidentswhenlargegroupsleftthestateenmassetoprotesttheNawab'spoliciesonreligious issues.TheNawabduringthistimewasAhmadAliKhan,byallaccountsamodernizingruler whohadbuiltschools,acollege,hospitalsandbroughttherailroadtoMalerkotla.YetBritish recordsalsodescribehimasaweak-willedman,pronetooverspendingandconstantlyindebt.
Anna Bigelow, "Malerkotla: A Heritage Going to Seed," The Tribune, (Chandigarh, December 12, 2000). The unfortunate title is not mine. The article is also available online: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2000/20001202/windows/main1.htm
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Furthermore,itisclearfromboththePunjabStateArchivesandtheBritishthatAhmadAli KhanhadanunfortunatetendencytofleeforSimlatheBritishsummercapitalinthe Himalayanfoothillsatthefirstsignoftrouble.Forexample,inaFortnightlyReport chroniclingthegoingsonthroughouttheregiondatedSeptember30,1935theNawab'sbehavior isstronglycriticized. ThebehaviorofHisHighnesstheNawabofMalerkotladuringtherecenttroubles inhisstatecannotbepassedoverwithoutmention.Hechangedorderswhen pressedbyrelatives,showedabjectfearofhissubjectsandafterreleasingthe arresteddisturbersofthepeacefledontheexcuseofillhealthtoSimlawhena MuhammadandemonstrationwasmadeatthepalaceatMalerkotla.443 NawabAhmadAliKhan'scowardiceinthefaceofprotestsandtensioninhiskingdom cannotbuthaveexacerbatedthesituation.Thedisputesinquestionwereoverthetiming ofnamazandvariousHinduritualsattwodifferentmosques,thereleaseofHindus believedtohavekilledaMuslimgirl,theprosecutionofMuslimyouthsforkillinga Hinduman,andthedismissalofthelocalMufti.TheNawabandhisgovernmentwere accusedbyturnsoffavoringonecommunityortheothertheMuslimsashiscoreligionistsortheHindusashewasafraidofthemanddeeplyintheirfinancialdebt.His managementofthesedisputesleavesmuchtobedesired,butitistothecreditofthe communitythattheseinflammatoryeventsdidnotcausegreatertroubleandthatthey wereeventuallysatisfactorilyandapparentlypermanentlyresolved.Therangeand seriousnessoftheconflictsthatspannedaperiodfrom1923to1940indicatethat Malerkotlawashardlythetrouble-freezonethatitsmorerecentpresswouldleadoneto believe.InthissectionIwillexamineindepththemostprotractedoftheseconflictsand itsresolutionandthenindicatehowthelessonslearnedinthisdisputecombinedwiththe

443

IOC, L/P&S/13/1345 Malerkotla affairs. 345

post-1947situationofMalerkotlahaveallbuteliminatedvirulentreligiousdisputesfrom Malerkotla'sciviclife. OnMay7,1935onePeshawriMalwassponsoringakatha,therecitationofaHindu

scripture,onbehalfofasickwomanofhishousehold.444Thespacechosenwasarooftop, ownedbyakinsman,overlookingamosque.Themosque,calledtheLohar's(ironworker's) mosquebelongstotheAhl-eHadithsect.OfallIslamicsects,theAhl-eHaditharetheleast likelytotoleratethesoundofmusicorsingingwhateveritssourceduringtheirprayers.445 OnthisparticularnightagroupofMuslimsobjectedthatthekathawasclearlyaudibleduring the#Ishaprayers,thelastofthefiveobligatoryprayersoftheday.Negotiationsensuedto arrangethetimesfortherecitationortoreduceitsvolumeduringnamaz,butthenextnighta largegroupofMuslimshadgatheredandclaimedthesoundwasstillinvadingtheirprayerspace andaviolentclashensued.Bothcommunitiesclaimedthatpastprecedentvalidatedtheir position.TheMuslimsdeclaredthatnosuchkathahadevertakenplacethereandtherewasno reasonwhyitshouldhavetobesoloudduringtheirprayers.TheHindusretortedthatindeed kathashadoccurredwithinearshotofthatmosqueandothersandthattheirperformanceinno waypreventedMuslimsfrompraying.Somemonthslater,inmid-July,anearlyidentical problemcroppedupbetweenanothertempleandamosqueelsewhereinMalerkotla.The temple,ownedbythefamilyoftheabove-mentionedPeshawriMal,performeditsevening worship,calledarati,insuchawayandatsuchatimeastobeclearlyaudibletotheMuslimsat
A katha is the public performance of a holy Hindu text. The term literally means story or telling, but in a religious context it applies specifically to sacred texts. One of the most common kathas is the recitation of the Ramayana, the epic story of the god-king Rama's activities restoring righteous rule on earth. A katha would typically be chanted, but there may also be some instrumentation and the occasional interjection of songs, often based on the poetry of the text. 445 Termed the "piety people" by historian of Islam Marshall Hodgson, the Ahl-e Hadith reject the binding authority of the four canonical schools of Sunni law as they do not give reliable credence to the principles of qiys, analogical reasoning, or ijm', consensus of the community. Rather they are textual literalists who strive to base every decision and all lifestyle practices solely on the Qur'an and the Sunnah of the Prophet.
444

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prayerinanadjacentmosque.446Bothgroupsclaimedthattheirworshipserviceshad traditionallybeenperformedeitherfirstor,atmost,simultaneously.TheHindussaidthey alwaysperformedaratijustatsundown,andifthiswasthetimeofmaghribnamaz,thenthat wasthewayithadalwaysbeenandtheMuslimswereonlymakingitaproblemnow.The Muslimsdeclaredthatthearatihadalwaysbegunsometimeaftertheirprayers,andthat beginningearlierwasadeliberatelyprovocativeinnovation.Againnegotiationsfailedanda largegroupofMuslimsgatheredtoprotest.Reportsvary,butitseemsthatanumberofpeople wereinjured,likelylessthanadozen.Thearatiwasshutdownanddiscussionsbeganbetween theaggrievedparties.OnJuly22thepujari(priest)ofthetempleandtheimam(prayerleader) ofthemosqueweresummonedtotheNawab'scourttosettlethematter.Thenextdayina swornstatementbeforetheDistrictMagistrate,thepujariandtheimambothdeclaredthatthe aratialwaysbeganafterthethreeaudiblerakats,orprostrationsequences,andcontinuedasthe Muslimcongregationwouldtypicallyperformtwomoresilentrakats.Interestinglyneither communityacceptedthepronouncementoftheirleaders.447TheNawabruledthatthispast practiceshouldberestored.SubsequentlytheentireHinducommunityofMalerkotlawentona sortofspiritualstrike,refusingtoholdaratiatall.Restrictionsontheperformanceofkathas resultedinasimilarboycottofthoseritualpractices. AlthoughtheNawabdeclaredanendtothematterandfixedthatthearatishouldbegin

aftermaghrib,healsosolicitedanindependentinvestigationfromtheBritishgovernmentin ordertoforestallaccusationsofbiastowardshisowncommunity.Havingmadethisrequest,the

$rati is the evening worship of the deities during which the pujri, or priest, of the temple will perform the worship of the deities to the accompaniment of hymns to the deities, ringing bells, and sometimes other instrumentation. 447 Donaldson observes the contradictions in evidence given by the Imam and the Pujari saying, "It is rather distressing that it should be possible for the whole peace of the town to be disturbed by a dispute between two little hedge-priests of this type and their congregations." Ibid, file page 93 (report page 29).
446

347

NawableftMalerkotlaforSimla.Inhisabsence,fromSeptember9to17,J.C.Donaldsonofthe IndianCivilService(ICS)conductedaninquiryintotwomattersofthekathaandaraticonflicts withnamaz.Theguidingfocusofhisinquirywasthatpriortothesedisputesrelationsbetween HindusandMuslimsinMalerkotlahadbeenlargelypacific.Hismaininterestwasthereforeto discoverthepastpracticethathadbeeninforceandtoendeavortoreturnthetwocommunities tothoseprinciplesofbehavior.Afterquestioningoverfortywitnessesandexpressing satisfactionwiththecooperationandcompetenceofthepolice,legalcounsel,andother administratorswhoassistedtheinquiry,DonaldsonaffirmedtheNawab'sdecision.Hestated thattherewasampletimefortheperformanceofbotharatiandnamazwithintheprescribed periodsoftime.Althoughhesawnoprohibitiononnamazattheneighboringmosquebeing performedafterthearati,Donaldsondidassertthatitwouldbestrange,aswellasunlikelyto havebeen'pastpractice,'forthislonemosquetopraysometwentyminuteslaterthanallthe othersintown. DonaldsonconcludedthataratiattheChaudrianMandirusedtoandshouldagaintake

placelateinthetwilightafternamazintheMasjidBafindagan.Inhisassessmentofthesituation healsoremarkedthatthemattersunderdisputeareactuallyofminorreligioussignificance.He furtherrecommendedthatifconsultationdoesnotresultinanagreement,thestateshould interveneandregulatefairpractice."Itisdeplorablethattheformeradmirablegoodrelationsof thecommunitiesinthispeaceful,welladministered,and,toallappearances,prosperousState, wherereligioustolerationandrespectforthefeelingsofotherswereobservedbothbythe authoritiesandpublic,shouldhavebeendisturbedinthisway."448Donaldson'sestimationof goodgovernancewasgeneroustosaytheleast.Bythelate1930'stheBritishhadbrokered

448

Ibid, page 101 (report page 37). 348

severalsubstantialloanstoMalerkotlafromBahawalpurState.SeveralfilesintheIndiaOffice Collection(IOC)pertainonlytothestate'sdebt.Furthermore,whateverthepastpracticeof religioustolerancehadbeen,theimmediatefutureturnedouttobeliehisconfidence.The situationinfactdeteriorated. InOctoberof1935therestrictionsonkathawerelifted,withtheresultthattheLohar's

mosquewasvirtuallysurroundedbyhousesholdingsuchgatherings,aclearprovocation.The reactionbytheMuslimswasequallyoutofproportionaslargegroupstooktothestreetsin clashesthatandresultedinthedeathofonePuranMal,aprominentHinduandkinsmanof PeshawriMalwhohadbeenatthecenteroftheearlierdisputes.449FourMuslimyouthswere detainedandeventuallytwowereexecuted.Notlongafterthisshockingturnofeventsanother bodywasdiscovered.ItseemsthatawallcollapsedintherainsandthebodyofayoungMuslim girlsaidtobeclutchingacopyoftheQur"anwasunearthed.TheHinduownersoftheproperty wherethewallcamedownweredetained,buteventuallyreleased.Thisfueledaccusationsof biasfromsomeintheMuslimcommunity,particularlytheMuftiofthestate,ShafiqAhmad.In 1936,inprotestovertheperceivedleniencytotheHindusaccusedofmurderingthegirl,a substantialnumberofMuslimsleftMalerkotlainaprotestmarchforLahore.Thesemuhajirn, meaningpeopleonahijraormigration,remainedoutofthestateforoveramonth.450 Meanwhile,theNawableftforSimla,leavinghisnewChiefMinister,JamilAhmad,todealwith thesituation.451SubsequentlyastateofrelativedisquietmusthavepersistedinMalerkotla,now

IOC, L/P&J/170, Puran Mal Murder. IOC, R/1/2860, Report on Muslim Agitation in Malerkotla State and Proposals for Future Administration of the State and IOC, R/1/2936, Muslim Agitation at Malerkotla. 451 Ultimately they returned, Mufti Shafiq Ahmad was dismissed and a new Mufti appointed. I heard a fascinating story about this hijra from a resident, whose father had been a supporter of the Mufti's, in which as the people left on the road towards Ludhiana a great storm arose. The Mufti and the muh jirn stopped and recited the ftiha and durd sharf and the rain fell on either side of the road, allowing the party to pass comfortably.
449 450

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knownasthetownwherenothingbadeverhappens,sincearatiappearsnottohavetakenplace forfivemoreyears. TheMalerkotlaChiefMinister'srecordspickupwhereJ.C.Donaldson'sreportleavesoff.

NumerousletterstotheNawabfromoneMohanLalSharma,theSecretaryoftheMalerkotla branchoftheHinduSabhafillthefile.SeveralofthesewereclearlyforwardedontoMajorB. Woods-Ballard,theSecretarytotheResidentforthePunjabStates.Theemphasisintheletteris thatanyandallrestrictionsonthetimingofaratimustbeliftedimmediately.InSharma's words, ItwillnotbeunreasonableandoutoftimetosubmittoYourHighnessthatOur Grievanceatthismomentispurelyareligiousone.Thepetitionershavenothing todowiththepoliticsoftheState.Thepetitionersdonotaspireforjobsnorfor anyotherpoliticalfavourtotheircommunity.Thepetitioner'scommunitycan tolerateandsufferforanywrongdonetothembutitisalmostentirelyimpossible forthemtohaveanylegalrestrictionontheirreligiousrightswhichtheyhave beenalreadyenjoyingfromthetimesimmemorial. YourPetitionersthereforehumblypraythatthebanimposedontheperformance oftheirArtiwhichhasgivenrisetotheprotestcontinuedoveraperiodoffive years,mayberemoved.452 Sharma'scarefulphrasingallowshimtolodgetheverycomplaintsheclaimsnottobesuingfor jobsorpoliticalpower.Yethealsourgentlyrequeststheliftingoftheenforcedmandatethat theNawabhadmadein1935andthatwasconfirmedbyDonaldsonthatthearatishouldbe postponeduntilthecompletionofthemaghribnamaz.Afterfiveyearsoftension,amurder,a trial,twoexecutions,anexodus,andaccusationsofbiasfromallparties,theChiefMinisterwas readytodealwiththesituation. Afterseveralroundsofsuggestedagreements,aproposalwasfloatedthatusedasa

modelapreviouscompromisereachedbytheHindusand"Mohammedans"ofAgrain1934over

Letter from Mohan Lal Sharma, Secretary Hindu Sabha, Malerkotla to H.H. the Nawab, Malerkotla, dated June 8, 1940, Punjab State Archives, Malerkotla Chief Minster File 10 of 1936.
452

350

asimilarissue.453ThatagreementsimplystatedthattheHindusandMuslimswouldrevertto pastpracticeoftoleranceandgoodwillintheperformanceoftheircustomaryworship.The accordalsostipulatedthattherestrictionsonworshipinthetempleinquestionbelifted.454This model,alongwiththeexhaustionintownovertheprolongedtensions,apparentlyprovided sufficientimpetusthatreconciliationcouldtakeplace.Asuccessfulagreementwasfinally reachedbetweentheHindusandMuslimsofMalerkotlaonSeptember20,1940. WetheHindusandMuslimsofMalerkotlaarenotsatisfiedwiththeordersofthe Darbar[i.e.theNawab'scourt]datedthe9thOctober,1935,regardingthedispute aboutthecoincidenceofthetimesofKathainMotiBazar,ArtiinChaudhrian TempleandNamazinWeavers'Mosque.Withaviewtorestoreourunityand cordialrelations,webymutualconsiderationhavecometotheunderstandingthat theHinduswillnotbytheirconductinperformingtheirKathaandArtigiveany occasionwhichmaybelikelytocreateinterferenceintheNamaz,andthe Muslimsinviewoftheaboveassurance,willnotinterfereintheperformanceof ArtiandKatha.455 Thethirty-onesignatoriestothisagreementrepresentarangeofreligiousandethnic communities,andtheprocessleadinguptotheresolutionappearstohavewroughtthenecessary changeinlocalsentiment.Althoughimmediatelyfollowingtheagreementsomedisquiet resultedinthedetentionofthreeindividuals,soonthesituationstabilized.Inaletterdated February9,1941toMajorWoods-Ballard,ChiefMinisterJamilAhmadreportsasignificantly improvedatmosphere.Hegivesaccountofactiontakenagainstthetroublemakers,butsaysthat

The text of the Agra agreement reads: We the Hindus and Moslems of Agra have composed our differences and will perform our customary worship and prayers according to our established and recognized usages in our temples and mosques with our mutual goodwill and without interference from either side. We further desire that the restriction of sec. 144 Cr. P.C. be withdrawn from the temple of L. Kokomal. Reprinted in Punjab State Archives, Malerkotla Chief Minister's file 10, page 55-6. 454 Section 144 of the Criminal Procedures Code allowed for the unilateral imposition of curfews and restrictions to preserve public safety. The same section of code was applied to the temple in the rati-namz dispute and to the performance of kaths . Maghrib namaz was also prohibited in the Masjid Bafindagan. Text of the Agra agreement is on page 55 of the Punjab State Archives, Malerkotla Chief Minister File 10, 1936. 455 Ibid, pp. 63-66.
453

351

lateronwhenitwasfoundthattherelationsbetweenthetwocommunitieshad greatlyimprovedandreligiouscontroversywhichwasastandingmenacetothe peaceandtranquilityofthisplacewasgraduallydisappearing,ageneralpardon wasgrantedtoallpersonsaccusedofoffencesofpoliticalorcommunalnature includingtheabovepersons,withaviewtoencouragingtheabovespiritof accordandharmony.Sincethennothinguntowardhashappenedandboththe communitiesaredulyperformingtheirreligiousworshipwithoutcausingoffence toeachother.456 Inthisreport,writtenafewmonthsaftertheagreementwasreached,thesituationremains quiescent.Thegeneralpardonhadthedesiredeffectofbringingaboutreconciliationratherthan releasingfrustratedandangryelementsintothecommunity. Perhapsmostimportantly,thepositiveresolutionofthedisputeseemstohavehada

lastingimpact.In1942thereweresomedisturbancesoverthesellingofmeatduringaJain festival.TheJainsbeingdevoutvegetarians,ithadbeenrequestedthatthebutchers,mostly Muslims,closeshopfortheday.Theyrefused.Discussionstookplaceoverthenextyear, however,andintheFortnightlyReportofSeptember15,1943,theauthorofthereportdeclared thathewassatisfiedthat therehasbeennoinjurytoMuslimreligioussensibilitiesintheclosingofthe butchers'shopsontheoccasionofJainprocessionsinconnectionwiththe Samatsarifestivals,theseprocessionsthisyearhadtogooutontwodays,the thirdandfourthSeptember.Thebutchers'shopswereclosedonbothdaysand thebutchersdeclinedtoacceptcompensationfromtheJainsforclosingtheir shops.Theysoldmeatfromtheirhousesasusual,however,andthefestival passedoffquitepeacefullyinspiteofallapprehensiontothecontrary.457 ThusclosesthisdarkchapterinMalerkotla'sinter-religioushistory,andjustinthenickoftime. OnlysixyearslaterthePartitionofPunjabbroughtsuchdevastationtothoserelationsthatonlya strongfoundationcouldhavewithstoodthechallenge.

456 457

Ibid, p. 73. IOC, L/P&S/13/1345 Malerkotla affairs. 352

Significantly,thefinalresolutiontothearati/katha-namazdisputesinMalerkotlaseemto

havecomenotsomuchfromtheNawab'smandateortheBritishofficer'sadjudication.Rather, theinitiativetoreachafinalresolutionseemstohavebeentakenbyleadersofthecommunities involved.Theauthoritiesattemptedheavy-handedtacticsonseveraloccasionsbydeploying policeandthensummarilyexecutingtheMuslimyouthsforthedeathofPuranMal.Theytried leniencybyrelaxingrestrictionsontheperformanceofkathasandreleasingtheaccusedina forensicallyunpursuablecase.TheyattemptedthirdpartynegotiationsbringinginaBritish officer.Inshort,theyranthegamutoftraditionalapproachestoresolvingconflicts.Butitis clearfromJamilAhmad'sreportsthattheroleofcommunitymemberswasthecrucialingredient inbringingaboutanagreementthatcouldeffectivelyendthetension.Althoughtheroleofelites andinstitutionalwilltoeffectacompromisearealsofactors,thetextoftheresolutiontestifiesto communityresentmentoftheseheavyhandedtacticsandplacestheonusofmaintainingorderin theirholyplacesuponthepeopleofMalerkotla.Interestingly,thereislittleactivecommunity memoryoftheseevents,whichseemtohavebeenovershadowedbytimeanddwarfedbythe eventsrelatingtoPartition.Thosethatdiddiscussitoftenmisidentifiedthemosquesandtemple involved(whichofcoursemightbeveryrevealingifexploredfurther)orattributingtheultimate resolutiontotheNawab. OnepointofagreementbetweenthepeopleofMalerkotlaandDonaldson'sassessmentis

thatpriortothesummerof1935inter-religiousrelationsinMalerkotlawerequitepositive.He beginshisreportsayingthat Therewashoweverneitherevidencenorassertionthatpriortotheseeventsthe HindusofMalerkotlaStatehadbeensubjecttoanyadversediscrimination,or hadhadanylegitimategroundsofcomplaintthattheirreligiouslibertieshadbeen interferedwithbytheauthorities.Infact,withtheexceptionofacomparatively

353

minorincidentitisanadmittedfactthattherehasbeennoHindu-Muslim troubleinthisStatewithinlivingmemory,untilthepresentyear.458 Donaldsonalsoremarksfavorablyupontheskillwithwhichresidentsandofficialsmanagedthe ritualconfluenceofMuharramandDusehrain1918,aneventthatresultedinviolencein numerousotherregionsofIndia.Hedismissedoneofthemaincomplaintsinthe1935 disruptioninMalerkotlathattherulingMuslimswereprejudicedagainsttheHindusinresolving thematter.Infact,Donaldsonpraisesnotonlytheofficialswhomanagedthetensedisputes,but mostsignificantlyhecreditstheentirepopulaceofMalerkotlawithkeepingthesituationfrom spiralingoutofcontrol.Hewrites, TheevidencebeforemehasnotshownthattheStateauthoritiesoranyofficial displayedanycommunalbiasintheofficialactsbywhichtheydealtwiththose disorders.Somedifficultsituationsappeartohavebeenhandledwithatactand discretionwhichwascreditabletotheofficersconcerned.Thefactthatmuch moreserioustroublewasavertedisacreditnotonlytothembuttothepopulation ingeneral.459 Afterpraisingmostoftheparticipants,Donaldsongoesontoseekoutwhatthepastpracticehad beenthathadsosuccessfullymanagedsimilarproblemsupto1935.Itemergesthatpreviously themeansofcopingwithallpotentialcoincidencesorconflictsbetweenworshipservicesand publicprocessions"seemstohavebeentoarrangethemwithmutualforbearanceandgood will."460 DonaldsonalsoremarksonamatterofparamountconcerntotheBritish,thepossibility

thatthereligiousagitationsweremerelyacoverforanti-colonialoranti-governmental movements.Hewarns TheleadersofallcommunitiesinthisStateshouldbewareofallowing themselvestobeusedaspawnsinanystruggleforpowerwhichmaybe proceedingbetweenthecommunitiesinBritishIndia.Theywouldbeverywise

IOC, L/P&S/1345, Malerkotla file, file page 68 (report page 4). Ibid, file p. 69-70 (report pp. 5-6). 460 Ibid, file p. 73 (report p. 9).
458 459

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nottosacrificetheirownhappinessandprosperityinordertopleasepeoplewho selfishlydesiretomakeuseofthemaspartoftheirstrategyinthatstruggleand carenothingforthewelfareoftheresidentsofMalerkotla461 Thiswarningspeaksofthebroaderpoliticalcontextof1930'sIndia.In1929theIndianNational Congress(INC)ledbyMohandasGandhiandJawaharlalNehrucalledforfullindependence fromBritain.1930sawthefirstmajorexpressionofadesireforaseparateMuslimstateinan addressbythepoetandphilosopherAllamaIqbal.In1932Gandhiinitiatedacivildisobedience campaignsdesignedtofillthejailswithnon-violentresisterstotheBritishregime.These campaignsoftenledtoheightenedtensionsasauthorities,boththeBritishandtheprincelystates, soughttosuppressthefreedomfighters.AlthoughthemovementwasminimalinMalerkotla,it wouldhavebeenimpossibleforsuchasmallprincipalitytoremainwhollyisolatedfromthese activities.462ThatthesituationinMalerkotlafrom1935-40declinedisconsistentwiththe deterioratingrelationsbetweentheINCandthevariousMusliminterests,mostespeciallythe MuslimLeague(ML).Newspaperclippingsabouttheevents,especiallyfromthepartisanHindu paperTheNationalCallprintedinflammatoryreportsofdeathsandoppressionbytheNawab. ThereisalsoevidenceofanincreasinginterestfromnationalgroupssuchastheHindu Mahasabhainthelate1930'sandearly1940's.TheHinduMahasabhawascloselyaffiliatedand alliedwiththeINC,oneofthemanyreasonswhytheMLalliancewiththeINCerodedsome yearsearlier.VisitsfromMahasabha,Congress,andMuslimLeagueactivistsriddlethestate recordsfromthisperiod,demonstratingthateveninthekingdomofMalerkotla,thepoliticsof thedaywereverymuchpresent.Thelate1930'sbroughtambientissuesintosharpreliefand createdthepotentialtolinktheselocalproblemswithnationallevelpolitics,somethingthe Nawabclearlywishedtoavoid.
461 462

Ibid, file p. 101, (report p. 37). IOC, R/1/1/3006, Congress Activities in Malerkotla. 355

AsagoodcivilservantDonaldsonlamentsthefactthatpastsuccessfularrangements

wereneverfixedasstatepolicy,norweretheydocumented.Certainlythedevelopmentsin1935 indicatethathavinghadsuchpoliciesandstrategiesreadytoimplementmighthavehelpedtonip tensionsinthebudafterthefirstincidentsinMaywiththekathaandnamazdispute.Nodoubt mostpoliticalscientistsandmanyconflictresolutionexpertswouldalsomourntheabsenceof definiteproceduresinplaceinthekingdom.YetDonaldsonshowsasignificantdegreeof sensitivitytothesituation,acknowledgingasoundreasonfornotdocumentingandlegalizing pastresolutionsofsuchissues.Hewrites, Itcannotalwaysbeassumedthateverybodywillactinallcircumstancesexactly accordingtothecorrectroutine.Theexcusesgivenbytheofficialsfornot havingpreparedarecord[ofpastdisputesandtheirresolutions]arebynomeans unlikelyones.Atthefirstsignofacommunaldisturbanceofficersareusually anxioustominimizeitsimportanceinordertopreventtheexcitementspreading andnottoputideasintopeople'sheads.Whenasettlementhadbeenreached theymightwellhavethoughtitbesttoletsleepingdogslieandleavetheparties alone.463 Althoughregrettableinlightofthepotentialutilityofsuchagreementstohelpresolvelater conflicts,thereisastrongargumenttobemadefornotcreatingfixedpolicieswhoseformation wouldinevitablyraisethestakesinvolvedinapresentdisputetothestatusofalegalprecedent uponwhichfuturelegislationwouldbebased.TheNawab'sgovernmenthadoptedinthepastto retainflexibilityinsuchmattersandtoseektominimizetheirimpactbykeepingthemfrom becomingpointsformorebindingdisputation.Itissoundconflictresolutionpracticeto proactivelyobviatefuturecontestationsratherthanreactivelylegislatinginresponsetovery particularandthereforeverypersonalissues.Althoughmostmodernwesternlegalsystems operateonthebasisofprecedentsettingcases,manytraditionalmodesofgovernanceandlegal systemsarefarmorecontextuallybased,withprecedingcasesfunctioningaspotentially
463

Ibid, file p. 86 (report p. 22). 356

analogousguidelinesratherthanasprescriptionsforallsubsequentsituationsbearingapassing resemblance. WhethertheNawab'sgovernmentwasfollowingthistraditionaltendencyorwasmore

deliberatelyattemptingtobrushpastproblemsunderthecarpetishardtoknow.Althoughmany localsdoattributeMalerkotla'sinter-religiousharmonyinparttotheNawab'ssound managementofthestate,thewrittenlegacyisactuallymuchmorecomplicated.Notonlydid NawabAhmadAliKhanleavetownwhenunrestamonghispeoplebecameapparent,buthealso onseveraloccasionsexacerbatedtensions.First,inthemiddleofthearati/katha-namazconflict, inJune1935theNawabalsomeddledintheprocessionsforMuharram,compromisingthe abilityofhisShi'ikinsman,IhsanAliKhan,totakeouthisprocessionsaspreviouslyarranged. ThereisthesuggestionintheBritishrecordthathesoughttothwartthisrivalbranchofthe familybyincitingtheSunnisagainstIhsan.Second,theKothalafiringincidentin1927,though notreligiouslymotivated,primarilypittedtheMuslimrulingandlandlordfamiliesagainstSikh andHindulandtenants.Third,thestatewasinconsiderablefinancialdebt,mostlytoHindu moneylenders,whichfuelledthehijraof1936andaccusationsofapostasyandpro-Hindu policies.Fourth,thisarati/katha-namazdisputedraggedonfrom1935to1941.Althoughit mustbeacknowledgedthatcivicunrestwaspervasivethroughoutIndiainthisperiod,thisisa longtimeforadisputetoremainunresolved.Giventhelengthofthedispute,itisallthemore surprisingthatinter-religiousrelationsdidnotworsenandthatrelativelyspeakingMalerkotla wasnotbadlyafflicted,evenduringtheparticularlyhorrificriotsinPunjabin1946. TriggeringEvents

357

Inaninterestingthoughbriefdocument,the"CommissionedReportonCommunal

Disturbances,"publishedbytheBritishGovernmentinabout1928,severalofthemostcommon problemsleadingtoHindu-Muslimconflictareidentified.Thelistofproximatecausesof disorderareremarkablysimilartothoseproposedbyscholarssuchasPaulBrass,Stanley Tambiah,andSudhirKakartoday.The"Report"citesconflictovercowslaughter,festival coincidence,rivalprocessions,andtheplayingofmusicnearmosquesasinevitably inflammatoryacts.However,theanonymousauthoralsonotesthatriotsmayoccurwithfarless provocation,"ifexplosivematerialhasbeenstoredup,asparkwilligniteit;ifcommunal feelingsarestrained,thesmallestpretextwillsufficetostartaconflagrationwhicheachside accusestheotherofhavingprovoked."464Oneoftheseisritualconflictconcerningthetimingof worshipbetweentwoproximatereligiousspaces.ThecoincidenceofMuslimprayerwithHindu worship,whichtendstoinvolvesingingandmusic,easilybecometriggeringincidentsfor conflict.Duringthesemomentsofheightenedreligioussignificance,latentreligiousidentities becomecentral.Ifthecompetitionfordominanceofthespiritualsoundandlandscapeis effectivelytiedtoperceivedimbalancesofcontroloverothersharedarenasofciviclife,suchas thepolitical,economic,social,orreligiousspheres,thenthepossibilitythatviolencecouldoccur issubstantiallyincreased. AsimilardynamicisdocumentedinAllenFeldman'sbookFormationsofViolencewhich

documentstheconflictsinNorthernIreland.Feldmandemonstrateshowpublicprocessions performedbyCatholicRepublicansandProtestantLoyalistsalloweachgrouptosymbolically dominatethelandscapeofBelfastfortheperiodofthemarch.Inthesetimesthepublicspaceof BelfastbecomeseffectivelyCatholicorProtestant,antiorpro-British.Eacheventservesto

464

L/P&J/7/132, Commissioned Report on Communal Disturbances: IOR, 1928? 358

makephysicallymanifesttheproprietaryclaimovertheterritorymadebyeachgroupand justifiedbyradicallyopposedunderstandingsofNorthernIreland'sidentity.ParadesinBelfast byeachgroupentailmovementfromthecenterofeachcommunitytotheboundaryzones betweenLoyalistandRepublicanareasandthenback.Theroute transformstheadjacentcommunityintoaninvoluntaryaudienceandanobjectof defilementthroughtheaggressivedisplayofpoliticalsymbolsandmusic.In periodsofpeacefulcoexistencetheOrangeOrder(Protestant)paradeswere occasionsofgreatentertainmentforCatholics,whooftentactfullyattendedthese eventsfromthesidelines.Butduringperiodsofethnictension,marchingatthe interfacewasapredictableandintentionaltriggerofviolencebasedonthe formationofaschismedaudience.465 Feldmandescribeshowtheinvoluntaryauditionandwitnessofanothercommunity'spublic displayofanexclusionaryidentitymaybeeithertheobjectofcuriosityandobservationora triggeringeventforviolence.Thedifferencebetweenpeacefulobservationandhostilereaction isconditionedbythecurrentstateoftensionbetweentherepresentativecommunities.Locating theturningpointisadifficultalchemy,oftenapparentonlyinhindsight.Althoughitisclearthat suchpublicdisplaysmaybeprovocative,especiallyduringtimesoftension,itisnotwell understoodhowpotentiallyintegrativeprocessions,festivals,andceremoniesmayalsobe. AcarefulreadingofthereportauthoredbyDonaldsonontheMalerkotlariotsreveals

numerousreferencestopositivelymanageddisputationsoverthearrangementsforpublic displaysofreligioussentiment.Inonecasehenoteshowevenin1918whenMuharramand DussehracoincidedandclashesoccurredinmanyplacesinIndiathatMalerkotlaeffectively managedthepotentiallycalamitousconfluenceofrituals.Inhisreport,Donaldsonnotesthe degradationincommunityrelationsthatprecipitatedtheclashesof1935.Heobserves,

Allen Feldman, Formations of Violence: The Narrative of the Body and Political Terror in Northern Ireland, (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1991), p. 29.
465

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Suchmattershaveinthepastbeenadjusted(whateverformtheactualadjustment mayhavetaken)bymutualgoodsenseandforbearancewithouttheneedof interventionbytheauthorities.Evenin1918whenMoharramandDasehra coincided,andextensiveandelaborateprecautionshadtobetakeninBritish India,arrangementshereweremadebymutualagreementandtheeffectofthe agreementwasnotembodiedinanyformalorder,butmerelycontainedina directionissuedtoofficialswhichhadnolegaleffectuponeithercommunity. (pp.68-69,reportpages4-5) Inspiteoftheagreementbeinginformal,itwasapparentlyeffectiveas,inthosedays,no disturbanceensued.InmyownexperienceinMalerkotlain2001,anotherritualconfluencealso wentsmoothlywhenMuharram,Navaratri,andoneofHaiderShaikh'smoresubstantialmelas allconvergedforseveraldaysinearlyApril.Inspiteofthecrowdsandthechaos,noviolence occurredandthepolicereportedthattheonlydetentionsmadewereofpettythieves.The questionremains,whathappenedinMalerkotlabetween1918and2001inorderforthe seeminglyminortriggeringeventofmutualauditiontobecomeinflammatory? FromPartitiontothePresent AsPartitionandIndependencebecameinevitable,NawabAhmadAliKhan'sroleinthe

dailyoperationsofthestatediminished.Althoughnoneoftherecordsofthe1935arti/kathanamazproblemsorthe1936hijramentionAhmad'sson,bythe1940'smoststateaffairswere managedbyIftikharAliKhan,thelastNawabofMalerkotla.Inhisownhistoryofthestate, IftikharAliKhandoesnotmentionanyoftheabove-discussedcontroversiesexceptabrief referencetotheKothalafiringincident.Apparentlyrevertingtotheadage"leastsaid,soonest mended,"IftikharAliKhanclearlywascapableofshoringupanyerosionincommunitytrustin theperiodpriortoPartition.Asdiscussedinpreviouschapters,Muslim,Sikh,andHindu residentsalmostuniversallypraisehimforhismanagementofthatchaotictime.Thefactthathe wasrepeatedlyelectedtothePunjabLegislativeAssemblycouldindicatemorethanmerelythe residueofsomeroyalcharisma.

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Clearlyhisfather'smismanagementoftheconflictsofthe1930'sdidnottaintthe

reputationofIftikharAliKhansincePartitioninMalerkotlaisrememberedtodayasa resoundingsuccess.AsdiscussedinChaptersTwoandThree,residentspraisetheNawab,the army,thesaints,andthepeopleforthepeaceduringthetraumaof1947.Since1947therehave beennoopenconflictsbetweenreligiouscommunities.Electoraldisputes,businesscompetition, landrightsissuesandsoondooccur,buttheytendnottotakeontheadditionalpatinaof communalism.InthetimethatIlivedinMalerkotlaIlearnedaboutanumberofpotentially inflammatoryissuesthataroseandwereeffectivelyandefficientlydispelled.HereIwillbriefly discussthosethatpertaindirectlytothepracticesofconflictmanagementinMalerkotla. ThepatternofpracticeinMalerkotlaproceedsfromthetriggeringeventtotheinevitable

reactionamongtheresidents.Atthispointthereisaproventrackrecordofspeedyactiononthe partofalocalPeaceCommittee,madeupofleadersofvariousgroupsandcommunitiesaswell astownofficialsrangingfromtheMunicipalCommitteetotheDistrictMagistrates.The willingnessoftheseindividualstonegotiateandtotakedecisiveactionisclearlythekeyto preventingescalationofconflicts.Thedecisiveactionmaytaketheformofinformal agreements,publicdemonstrations,orjointresolutions.Itisalwaysfollowedupwiththe concertedinter-personalcontactsascommunitymemberskeeptabsonaggressiveindividualsin theirownneighborhoodsandassociations.Peoplealsotakecaretopubliclydemonstrate conciliatoryandcooperativebehavior,visitingoneanother'shomesandactivelydiscouraging inflammatorydiscussions.Suchpublicexchangesmayincludecasual,butdeliberate,visitsin thehomesorbusinessesofmembersofanotherreligiouscommunity.Peoplemayattenda religiousorsocialcelebration,orimportantlyasitesacredtoanotherreligion.Onatleast oneoccasionanEktaSammelan,orUnityGatheringwassponsoredbymembersoftheShi'i

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communitythatbroughtreligiousleadersfromallreligionstogethertodiscusstheircentral tenetsandraisegeneralawareness.Thesepracticesmaterialimprovetheatmosphereof bhaicharbrotherlyloveandreinforcetheethosofharmonythatdefinesthetown. Themostcrucialmomentimmediatelyfollowstheinitialreactiontosometriggering

event.Failuretotakerapidandperceivableactioninresponsetoaprovocativeincidentleaves themanagementofitssignificanceupforgrabs.IfMalerkotlawerethekindofplacewhere individualssuchastheincendiaryVHPleaderPraveenTogadia(whowasrecentlyarrestedfor distributingtrishuls,thetridentshapedweaponassociatedwiththegodShivatocrowdsin Rajasthan)hadasubstantialaudience,thentherehavebeenseveralmomentswhenthetown couldhavebecomepolarized.Instead,Malerkotlahasrespondedrelativelycalmlyto inflammatoryeventssuchastheSikhnationalistterrorismofthe1980'sand1990's,theAyodhya disputeandthedestructionoftheBabriMasjidin1992,arumoredcow-killing,thedestruction oftheBamiyanBuddhasbyAfghanistan'sTalibanregimein2000,theanti-Muslimreactionin otherareasofPunjabtotheBuddhas'demolition,andmostrecentlythehorrorsoftheGujarat violenceinthespringof2002.Alloftheseeventscould,andinotherplacesdid,resultininterreligiousconflictandviolence. InMalerkotla,thereisaritualizedpeacesystemthatsustainsthecommunitythrough suchstresses.OneofthemostcrucialthreadsinthewarpandwoofofMalerkotla'sfabricisthe internalpolicingofthecommunitiesthatoccurs.Attimesofstress,bothinternalandexternal, eachreligiousgroupactstochecktheirco-religionists,thusobviatingtheneedforthe correctionstobemadebymembersofotherreligiouscommunitiesorbytheauthorities.This self-governancereducestheriskofdevelopingthekindsofgrudgesorfeudsthatprovidefuelto thosewhomayseektocultivatedivision.Bynippinganytroublemakersinthebud,theirimpact

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onthelargercommunityismitigatedandtheleveloftrustisincreased.Forexample,therewas anincidentinthemid1980'sinMalerkotlawhenacowturnedupdead.Cowslaughterhasbeen illegalinMalerkotlasincethelatenineteenthcentury,andneitherbeefnorporkisreadily availableintowntothisday.Nonetheless,thecowwasdeadandarumorbeganthatithadbeen maltreatedandthenkilledbysomeMuslimyouths.Soonacrowdgatheredandtensions increased.ThepoliceandtheDeputyCommissioner(thehighestrankingcivilservant)arrived. Alongwithleadersofallthelocalreligiouscommunitiestheymadeeffortstoresolvethe problemanddispersetheassembly,buttonoavail.TheheadofthelocalJamaat-iIslami,Abdul Rauf,describedtheincidentthus: Therewasa(Hindu)boy,hecreatedthemischiefbyspreadingtherumorthat someMuslimshadslaughteredacow.Muslimsthenweredeterminedthatbefore theywouldleave,heshouldapologize.Buthewouldnotapologize.TheDC triedveryhardbutinvain.Hesaid,"Iwillhavetotakethecourseoflaw." Somethingcameinmymind,Isuddenlystoodupandsaid,"IswearbyGodthat ifIhavemadeamistake,forgiveme,nevereverwillIdosuchathingagain, whichcancauseriotsinacity."AfterIsaidthis,twopeoplefromtheRSSstood upandsaidalsothat"IsweartoGod,andsaythatifIhavemadesomemistake forgivemeforthat."Likethis,one,two,three,peopleturnbyturnstoodupand thenthatpersonsturn[i.e.theonewhohadspreadtherumor]cameandhealso saidIswearbyGod,ifIhavemadesomemistake,forgiveme,Iwillneverever dosuchathingwhichcanspoilthepeaceofthecity.Theneverybodywas happy;fromallsidespeoplesaidcongratulations.TheDCcameoutandsaidthe matterissolved. Thisaccountdemonstratesaneffectivelyfunctioningpeacesystem.AsAbdulRaufobservedin aquotationcitedearlier,eachcommunitypolicesthemselves,correctingtheirownmembers whenthingsgowrong.Intheexampleabove,althoughAbdulRaufplacestheresponsibilityfor theincidentonaHindurumor-mongerandemphasizeshisownroleindefusingthetension,he alsohighlightstheroleofRSSleadersinimmediatelyfollowinghisinitiative.Bysharingcredit formitigatingthetensionwithmembersofaHindupartisanorganizationAbdulRauf

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acknowledgesthatpeacemakingisacollectiveproject.ThewillingnessoftheRSSleadersto putthemselvesonthelinebyaskingforpublicwitnessestotheircommitmenttointer-religious peacecreatedspacefortheHinduwhowasguiltyofspreadingtherumortoaskforforgiveness. Anothercrucialelementofthestrategy'sefficacywasthewillingnessofallsidestovalidatethe resolutionandacknowledgeitassufficientreparationtobringtheconflicttoaclose.The activitiesofindividuals,suchasAbdulRauf,workinginconcertwithcivilandpoliticalsocietal associationsandwiththestategeneratesapositiveformofgovernmentalityinwhichconflicts arespeedilyandeasilyresolvable. Duringtimesofinter-religiouscrisisinIndiaorPunjab,themutualsupportbetween

religiouscommunitiesbecomesevenmoreimportant,andtheyareremembered.Forexample, duringtheperiodofterrorisminPunjabwhencurfewsandkillingsmadelifedifficulton numerouslevels,Malerkotlahadtheparticularproblemofcopingwiththefastingmonthof Ramadan.Asagriculturaldistributionwascurtailedandconstrainedandcurfewoftenimposed atsundownwhenMuslimswouldbreaktheirfastandthengotothemarketstogetfoodandgo fromhousetohousetoexchangefelicitations,theseyearsweredifficultforMalerkotlaina differentwaythaninotherregions.AlthoughlocallytherewaslittleSikhextremism,Sangrur Districtingeneralwashardlyfreeofstrife.466DuringthistenseperiodMalerkotla'sMuslims weresupportedbySikhswhoweremorecapableofmovingaboutduringthehotdayswithout discomfort.FromwithinandwithoutthetownSikhsbroughtfoodtothestreetsofMalerkotla forfastingMuslimstopreparetheirmeals. Inmorerecentyearslocalsolidarityhasbeenmanifestedonseveralkeyoccasions.After

thedestructionoftheBamiyanBuddhastherewereseveralanti-MuslimattacksinPunjaband
Sangrur District was home to Sant Harchand Singh Longowal who was a leader of the Akali Dal (Sikh nationalist political party) during the tensest period. After signing a treaty with Rajiv Gandhi, Longowal was assassinated on August 20, 1985 in Sherpur, a village formerly in Malerkotla State named for Sher Muhammad Khan.
466

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otherareasofIndia.Inresponsetothisstress,Malerkotlaresidentsandshopkeepersofall religionsobservedaonedayhartalorclosureofshopsandoffices.Againaftertheviolencein Gujaratinspring2002killedtwothousandMuslimsandHindus,Malerkotla'scitizensbanded togetherinoppositiontothedivisiveviolence.AftertherumoredkillingofacowinMalerkotla duringthe1980's,thereweremeetingsofreligiousandcommunityleadersandreconciliation tookplacewithoutviolence. Perhapsmostsignificantly,in1992whentheBabriMasjidatAyodhyawastorndownby

Hinduextremists,Malerkotlawassweptintothemaelstromofviolence.Accordingtolocal reportsMuslimyouthswentoutintothestreetsandmarchedtoaVishvakarmaTempleinthe BhumsineighborhoodofMalerkotla.ThistempleislocatedinalargelyMuslimneighborhood andhasamostlylow-casteHinduconstituentpopulation.Perhapsregardedasaneasytargetfor thesereasons,oneofthewallsofthetemplewastorndown.Thepolicecamequickly, communityleadersgatheredandthedestructionwasstopped.Theyouthsmostresponsible were,reportedly,disciplinedandeventuallyexiled.467AlocalMuslimindustrialistimmediately providedfundsfortherepairofthetemple.Alsointheaftermath,alocalJaincenterintheMoti Bazaarburneddown.Conflictingreportsexistaboutthecausesofthis.JainsandHindusclaim thatMuslimsburnedthebuilding,thoughnooneisclearlyidentified.Muslimseitherhedgethe questionorbelievethatthebuildingwasburntfortheinsurancemoneyorbecausetheJains wantedtobuildalargerfacility.TheMLAfromMalerkotlaatthetime,AbdulGhafar,also participatedinthereconciliationprocess,returningfromthestatecapitaltoexaminethedamage Conclusion:
At least everyone whom I discussed the matter with said that those responsible had "left" town. The matter remains somewhat mysterious.
467

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RitualsattheshrineofHaiderShaikhandinthetownofMalerkotlabothconstituteand

areconstitutedbytheprevailingsymbolicidentitiesofbotharenasaszonesofpeace. Importantly,thesepersonallymeaningfulactsofpietyaresituatedwithinalargercontext.In Malerkotlathereareatleasttwolevelsofpowerstructuresonthesociallevelthenationaland thelocal.OnthenationalleveltheprevailingideologyofHindutvarequireseverycitizento considerthemselvesinsomesenseHindu.Non-Hinduswhoacceptthisdemandsuchasthe brahmacharinMuslimPresidentAbdulKalamarerewarded.Non-Hinduswhorefuseare labeledunpatriotic,suspectedofextra-territorialloyalties,andtheiractivitiesaremonitored.The localpowerstructure,determinedbythenational,demandsconstantevidencethatMalerkotla's populationisnotthreatening.ThustherituallifeofHaiderShaikh'sdargahandthetownof Malerkotlaoperatesonseverallevels.First,theritualenactmentofecumenicismisastrategyfor survivalasaminoritycommunity.Second,theseritualpracticesareameansofsymbolically reversingtheprocessofPartition.BychoosingtoattendthedargahofHaiderShaikhoverany ofthemyriadotherSufipirsthatproliferateinPunjabandchoosingtoinhabitorvisit Malerkotla,peoplefrominsideandoutsideofMalerkotlaencounterthetypeofmulticonfessionalcommunitythatexistedthroughoutPunjabpriorto1947.Finally,thepublic performanceofpeacebothgeneratesafoundationforthatpeacebyfacilitatinginter-religious businesslinks,devotionalpractices,andelectoralpolitics,andenforcesitbycultivatingand regulatingsubjectcitizenswhoadheretothedominantideologyofpeaceandpracticeintheir ownlives.

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PartThree: RegulatingPeace

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InadditiontothenarrativeandritualexchangesatthedargahofHaiderShaikhandinthe

townofMalerkotlathatsustaintheintegratedatmosphere,thereisanimportantregulatory dimensionaswell.Theregulationoftheshrineconsistsofthemanagementofthetime,space, economy,andcommunityofthedargah.Likewise,theregulationofMalerkotlaentailsthe managementofthetime,space,economyandcommunityofthetown.Inboththeshrineandthe towntherearetwotypesofregulatoryauthorities:formal-hereditaryandsemiformal-elective.In botharenastherearevalidatingprocessesthatsignifyandauthenticatethepowerofthe regulatoryauthorities.Theseprocessesofvalidationareenactedbytheconstituentcommunities oftheshrineandthetownandservetodefinethetermsofacceptableorappropriateconduct withinthetwospheres.Theseregulatoryauthoritieshavetheirownstrategiesthatestablish, validate,andmanifesttheirauthority,andtheconstituentcommunitieslikewisehavetechniques thatrecognize,verify,andinsomecasescontestthegoverningproceduresandpurposes.Inthis chapterIexaminehowthedargahandthetownhavebeenandcontinuetoberegulatedby overlappingauthoritiesandmanagerialsystemsinwaysthatallowformaximumparticipationby multipleinterestgroupswithaminimumoftension. Thekeytothisprocessisthedialoguebetweenregulatoryauthoritiesandtheregulated communities.Attheshrinetheauthoritiesconsistprimarilyoftwotypesofritualandregulatory authorities:theformal-hereditarykhalfahsandthesemiformal-electivechelas,themostlynonMuslimdevoteeswhoarepossessedbythespiritofHaiderShaikh.Theconstituentcommunity isthedevoteesSikh,Hindu,andMuslimwhoattendtheshrine.Inthetowntheregulatory authoritiesarealsotwofold.Asanerstwhileprincelystatetheresidueofroyalpowerremained withformal-hereditaryleaders.Thustheformerrulingclanandtheirkinspeoplewhodescend fromHaiderShaikhretainmuchlocalpower.Theothertypeofauthorityinthesemiformal-

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electivearenaismoreopentomultiplereligiousandethnicgroupsatthelevelofpoliticaland civilsociety.Bothauthoritiesareinvolvedinshapingthelocalpublicsphere,asisthe constituentcommunity,whichencompassestheentiretownofMalerkotla.Atboththeshrine andtownlevels,therepertoiresofengagementbetweenmulti-religiousandmulti-ethnic authoritiesandcommunitiesfunctiontogeneratewhatPaulBrasshascalledan"institutionalized peacesystem."468Inthissystem,themodesofinteractionandvalidationbetweenreligionsand betweenauthoritiesandthosetheygovernarestructuredtofacilitateastablesociety. Inordertounderstandthedialogicprocessofregulationinboththetownandtheshrine, thenotionofgovernmentalityisextremelyhelpful.AsconceivedbyMichelFoucault, governmentalityisthedualprocessbywhichtherelationsofindividualstothestateare regulatedbothbytheindividualswithinthestateandbythestateitself.ThomasLemkeexplains theFoucauldianconceptofgovernmentthus,"Foucaultdefinesgovernmentasconduct,or,more precisely,as'theconductofconduct'andthusasatermwhichrangesfrom'governingtheself'to 'governingothers.'"469Thisgovernanceentailsthepowertostructureandshapethe"fieldof possibleactionsofsubjects."470ThusforFoucault,governmentistheresultofthecombined effectsofself-regulatedindividualsandthecoercivestructuresofthestate.Theconfigurationof governmentisnotmonolithicandunchanging,butdynamic,complicatedbythe"strategic games"ofactorswhoareneverwhollydeterminedbythestate. Wemustdistinguishtherelationshipsofpowerasstrategicgamesbetween libertiesstrategicgamesthatresultinthefactthatsomepeopletrytodetermine theconductofothersandthestatesofdomination,whicharewhatwe

Paul Brass, The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India, (Seattle; University of Washington Press, 2003). 469 Thomas Lemke, "Foucault, Governmentality, and Critique," paper presented at the Rethinking Marxism Conference, (University of Massachusetts, Amherst 2000), p. 2. 470 Ibid, p. 3.
468

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ordinarilycallpower.And,betweenthetwo,betweenthegamesofpowerand thestatesofdomination,youhavegovernmentaltechnologies.471 Thefieldinwhichgovernmentaltechnologiesandstrategicgamesoccurrangesfromthe personal,indeedthepsychic,tothestate,thatisfromtheradicalinteriortothemostbroadly understoodexterior.Withthisinsight,weobtainthemeanstoseeamoresubtleandnuanced playbetweenthecoercivestateandthecoerciveself.Byrecognizingthatgovernedselves constitutecivilsociety,politicalsociety,andtherealmoftheeveryday(individual,family, population,etc.)weobtainthemeansnecessarytounderstandtheroleoftheinternallyand externallyguidedindividualsinformingaparticularsociety.RecallingPandey'simportantwork onthecarefulself-positioningdemandedofIndianMuslims,thetechniquesofgovernmentin MalerkotlarevealhowMuslims,Sikhs,andHindusfindwaystooptimallystructuretheirsociety andtheirinteractions. However,thisgoverningpowerisnotthesolepropertyofthestatenordoitsoperations

occuronlywithintheconfinesofthestateortheself.HereIwillpresentthemodesofregulating conductandthestrategiesforengagingorcontestingtheregulationswithintwogovernedspaces: thedargahofHaiderShaykhandthetownofMalerkotla.Throughthecoercivepowersofthe regulatoryauthoritiesattheshrineandinthetowninexchangewiththecoercivepowersofthe individualswhomakeuptheconstituentcommunitiesinbotharenas,thecontinuitiesand contestationsofpositiveinter-religiousinteractionsandtheidentityoftheregionasazoneof peaceisrealized.Theseprocessesaredependentuponbothinter-personalinteractionsand institutionalizedstructuresofpower.

Michel Foucault, "The Ethic of Care for the Self as the Practice of Freedom," in The Final Foucault, edited by J. Bernauer and D. Rasmussen, (Boston, MA; MIT Press, 1988), p. 19, quoted in Lemke, p. 5.
471

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ChapterSix: RegulatingtheShrine AtthemelafestivalsforHaiderShaikhthekhalfahssurroundthetombofthesaint.

Theymonitoreveryrupee,everyclothgraveshroud,eachgoat,pieceofjewelry,andother objectofferedtotheShaikh.Thekhalfahsdirect,guide,andfacilitatethedevoteeswhotake blessings,givegiftsandmoney,andreceiveblessedofferingscalledtabarruktotakehome. Oftenduringmelaslargegroupsofdevoteesarriveintheentourageofachela.Chelaliterally meansdisciple,butinthiscasethenamesignifiesthosewhoarepossessedbyorcommunicate withthespiritofthesaint.ThusatthesemomentsHaiderShaikhispresentinthearenaofthe dargahinthreeways:inhisgrave,throughhisblooddescendents,andthroughthechelas.Itisa momentinwhichitmaybeunclearwhichofthethreemightbethemostauthenticrepresentation ofthesaint.Thedevoteesengagingthetomb,thekhalfahs,andthechelaseachhaveameansof physicallysignifyingtheirjudgmentonthisquestion.Contactwiththetombisgenerally understoodtobemandatory.Contactwiththekhalfahsorchelasisnot.Nonetheless,most devoteesseekoutoneorbothsourcesofauthority,transactingfreelybetweenallthreenodesof spiritualpower.Ontheotherhand,interactionsbetweenkhalfahsandchelasareoftenminimal. Somechelaswillseekcontactwithandpersonalblessingsfromthekhalfahs.Othersmove directlytothetomb,pressingtheirhandsandsometimestheirfacestothecenotaphorascloseas possibletoitdependingonthecrowds.Chelasfrequentlygointostatesofpossessionin proximitytothetomb.Thismaybesignifiedthroughdramaticheadrolling,occasionallyby vocaloutbursts,andinsomecasesbyatotalphysicalcollapse.Withintheinnerspaceofthe dargahdrumsarenotallowed,thoughtherhythmicbeatisclearlyaudiblefromtheinterior.

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Duringthesemomentsthekhalfahsandmujawwars(descendentsoftheShaikh's

followers)rarelyinterferewiththechelasandtheirassemblies.Theymayobservethe possessioneventaslongasitsdramapersistsortheirowntaskspermit,buthavingwitnessed countlesssuchevents,onlythemostextrememanifestationswillholdakhalfah'sattentionfor long.Forthedurationofthepossessionthechelaismanagedbythegroupwithwhomheorshe came.Thesepeoplecreateaspaceinwhichtheperiodofpossessioncankhalfahsitscourse withoutcausingharmtoeitherthechelaortotheassembly.Occasionallyakhalfahwillinstruct theentouragestoshiftiftheirlocationisblockingtrafficoraccesstothetomb.Outsidethe shrineitself,manykhalfahfamilieshousethechelasandtheirretinuesduringtheirpilgrimage andinsomecasesestablishongoingrelationshipswiththem.Butintermsoftheirritual authority,thetwogroupsremaindistinct. Transactingbetweenthekhalfahsandthechelasandacknowledgingbothauthoritiesare

thedevoteesforwhomcontactwithoneorbothisanessentialingredientintheefficacyoftheir pilgrimage.Pilgrimsoftenseekoutthekhalfahs,presstheirhands,feet,oranyotherbodypart thatisinreach,offergesturesandsalutationsofrespecttothem,andmayseekcounselfrom them.Afterattendingtheshrinetheymayattendthechaunkis(possessionevents)472inwhich thechela'sauthorityiscentral.Herethedevoteesmayprostrate,touchthechela'sfeet,andseek counsel.BeforeleavingMalerkotla,boththevisitingdevoteesandthechelaswillreturntothe shrinetotakeleave.Ateachpoint,offeringsmaybemadeandfromeachauthorityblessings maybesought.Inthechaunkis,thedevoteesaskingforadviceandhealingarefrequently advisedbyHaiderShaikhthroughthechelatomakemonetaryandsubstantiveofferingsatthe shrine.Theyalsoareinstructedtoreturntotheshrineinsubsequentyearstomaintaintheirstate

472

These events are also known as diwn or darbr, terms which designate a royal court. 372

ofgracewiththeShaikh.Indeedmanydevoteesreportthattheyhaveattendedtheshrineforas longastheyrememberandthisisacontinuationoftheirfamily'slongpastpractice. Thesetwosetsofauthoritiesthekhalfahsandthechelasoperateindifferent

conceptualframesaboutthenatureofthesaintandthesiteandtheirrelationshiptothem,butin asinglephysicalspace.Inordertomaintainthismultiplicity,theregulationoftheshrinemust achieveanidealcombinationofgovernanceandopennessofconduct.Boththeformalhereditaryandsemiformal-electiveauthoritiesareengagedinmaximizingtheirauthority,a processwhichrequiresmakingspaceforoneanother,andallowingthefreetransactionofthe communityofthesaintbetweenthem.Thecommunity,likewise,mustdemonstratetheir recognitionoftheformal-hereditaryauthoritiesand,iftheychoosetoparticipateintheirforums, thesemiformal-electiveaswell.Appropriateconductisdeterminedbyallthreepopulations,and isasmuchaninternalprocessfortheconstituentcommunitiesasanexternalone.Thegoverning technologiesoftheshrine,touseFoucault'sterminology,arethesystemsofinteractionwhich defineappropriateconductatthetomb.Bothsetsofauthoritiesprovideinstructiontothe attendantdevoteesintheproperwayofbehavingandbelieving,someofwhichcontrastwithone another.Thedevotees,meanwhile,acceptorrejecttheseprescriptions,engaginginstrategic gamestofindtheiridealbalanceofinternalandexternalgovernance.Eachsphereofregulatory specialistshasaparticularmodeofestablishing,validating,andmanifestingtheirauthority. Whohastheauthoritytorepresentandcontrolthedargahandmanageitsmeaningfor theconstituentcommunity?Howisthatauthoritymanifestedandacknowledged?Howdo multipleregulatoryauthoritiesnegotiate,establish,andmaintaintheirarenasofpower?Howdo thegroupsconnectedwiththeshrineparticipateinitsongoingregulation?Toanswerthese questions,firstIaddressthetwomodalitiesofmanagerialauthorityattheshrine:theformal-

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hereditary,andsemiformal-elective.Atatombshrine,formal-hereditarylinksareoftwokinds, throughaspirituallineageandthroughbloodconnections.Theseare,toanextent,selfauthenticatingmechanismsinasmuchasbothrelationscarryforwardthehistoricalandtemporal authorityoflong-standingtraditionsandpossessformalmechanismsofvalidationwithina spiritualorfamiliallineage.Althoughcertainlytheircontinuedrelevancedependsuponthe ongoingsupportoftheconstituentcommunityofthesaint,theirauthorityisprimarilysignified bytheirmerepresenceinproximitytotheshrine.Forthoseprofessingaspiritualconnection withthesaint,sometimesmoreevidenceofaffiliationisrequiredsuchasthewearingofSufi dress,themanifestationofhealingormiraculouspowers,oravisibledemonstrationofprofound piety.AtHaiderShaikh'sdargah,theformal-hereditaryauthoritiesarethekhalfahsand mujawwarswhoarethedescendentsofthesaint'sfollowers.Idealprimarilywiththekhalfahs asthemujawwarsdonotgenerallyperformanyritualfunctions.473 Thesemiformal-electiveauthoritiesassociatedwiththeongoingmaintenanceofthe shrineincludeallthosewhoparticipateinthemaintenanceofanactivetraditionofdevotionat thedargah:thechelas,patronswhofinanciallysupporttheshrine,andsevadarswhodo voluntarybutorganizedlaboronbehalfoftheshrine.Beyondmereattendance,thesegroupsand individualssupporttheshrinethroughdonations,ritualexchanges,andmanifestationofthe powerofthesaintandthesite.Unliketheformal-hereditaryauthoritiesabove,these semiformal-electiveauthoritiesrequireauthenticationbothwithintheconfinesoftheshrineand bythecommunityofdevotees.Semiformal-electiveaffiliationisbynomeansanunsystematic modeofauthority.Forthechelas,theirpowermustbemademanifestastheysignifytotheir audiencethattheyareingenuinecontactwiththespiritofthesaintandcapableof
As will be discussed below, the mujawwars by long arrangement have received a lesser portion of the offerings made at the shrine. In return they are responsible for some of the maintenance, but generally speaking are not involved in the daily activities at the shrine or in the same degree of exchanges with the chelas or devotees.
473

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communicatinghiswisdomandcounseltotheassembly.474Reputation,popularity,attendance atthechaunkipossessionsessionsorganizedbyachelaandhisorherentourageareamongthe validatingmechanismsofauthority.Forthepatrons,theirfinancialandstructuralsupportmust beauthorizedbythekhalfahsasownersoftheshrine.Structuralcontributionssuchasthe buildingofabathingtankoraresthouseinproximitytothedargahcannotoccurwithout permissionfromthekhalfahs.Forsubstantialmaterialdonations,consultationandapprovalis alsonecessaryandthetermsandexpectationsofthegiftnegotiated.Likewise,thesevadarswho wishtocontributetheirtimeandlabortotheshrine'supkeepmustbeacceptabletothekhalfahs. Somechelasandsevadarsclaimaspirituallinktothesaint.Thiscanbeprovidegroundsto contesttheauthorityofthekhalfahswhobyandlargedonotdemonstratedeepspiritual knowledgeorinterest. TheinteractionbetweenthecodifiedstructuresofauthorityembeddedinaSufisilsilaor afamilyofkhalfahsandthecommunityofdevoteesandtheirleaderswhopatronizethesiteis oftenneglectedinstudiesofshrinelife.Indeed,themutualintelligibilityandacknowledgement ofoneanother'sspheresofauthorityisacrucialelementinsustainingpositiverelationsata shrine.AtHaiderShaikh'sdargah,thisoccursthroughanumberofstrategicexchangesbetween theformal-hereditaryandthesemi-formalelectiveauthorities.Asdemonstratedinprevious chapters,themanagementofnarrative,ritual,andspatialencountersisanorganicprocess,rarely requiringanysystematization.Insomemeasure,theformalandsemiformalregulatory authoritiesfunctionindependentlyofeachother,butthesespheresofauthorityalsooverlap. Significantly,thesespheresofauthorityarenotmutuallyexclusive,norarethelogicsand mechanismsoftheirvalidation.Tomaintainthedailyandfestivalviabilityoftheshrine's

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This has been discussed in detail in Chapter Three on the ritual aspects of the shrine. 375

organization,finances,maintenance,anddevotionalefficacy,theformalandinformalauthorities attheshrinemustactivelyengageinprocessesofmutualvalidation.Thesevalidating mechanismsincludetheparticipationofthedevotees,thedonationoftime,material,ormonetary support,andtheverbalandphysicalexchangessignifyingauthority.Thesepracticesdelineate theformalandsemiformalspheresofauthority,highlightinghowthesepersonnelinteractto supportamulti-confessionalspace. DargahAuthority InMalerkotla,asinmanyotherplaces,Islamicreligiousauthoritywasestablished throughthepersonalcharismaandrecognizedspiritualprowessofanindividualSufi.475Aswe sawinpreviouschapters,boththediscursiveandtheterritorialintegrityofMalerkotlaexpanded fromthecentralpointofthesaint'stombshrine.Thevariousappropriatemodesofrelatingto HaiderShaikh'sdargahfunctionasprimaryidentitymarkers.Thisisreflectedateverylevelof engagementwiththeshrineandtheShaikh,fromhisdescendants(thekhalfahs),tothe descendentsofhisfollowers(themujawwars),tothediscipleswhomhepossesses(thechelas), tothepatronswhomateriallysupporttheoperationandstructureoftheshrine,tothelargeand unstructuredpopulationofhisdevoteeswhoidentifyastheprpanth,orcommunityofthesaint. Throughtheirrelationswiththedargahandwitheachother,eachindividualandeachgroup establishestheauthenticityoftheirconnectionstotheShaikhandtheshrine.Thevarious narrative,ritual,andspatialpracticesofidentificationoutlinedinpreviouschaptersallcombine tovalidatetheadministrativestructureoftheshrineandtomarktheseactorsasparticipantsin thedevelopment,maintenance,andperpetuationofthedargah'sregulation.Thisisimportant,as
This process of gathering worldly and spiritual power and disseminating it has been outlined in earlier chapters and draws on the work of Richard Eaton in particular. See his "The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of Baba Farid," and Sufis of Bijapur. See also, Ernst and Lawrence (2002).
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thedargahisthestageuponwhichtheseidentifyingnarrative,ritual,andspatialperformances takeplace.Heretheorganizationalforceofthestateandthesaintbecomemanifesttothelocal population.RichardEatondescribesthemedievaldargahinrelationtotheconstituent communitiesasa"mini-theaterstate."476Hewrites,"theshrineprovidedthetribeswithatiny theater-stateoftheirown;thatis,itdisplayedthroughouttheceremoniesandcelebrationsthat markeditsliturgicalcalendarthepageantryofboththecourtofGodandthecourtofDelhi, albeitonamicrocosmicscale.477Themoderndargahfunctionsasatheater-stateofasomewhat differentorderwheretheorganizationalforceofthesaintandtheorganizationalforceofthe multiplefunctionariesnecessarytomaintainhisaccessibilitybecomemanifestatheaterbureaucracy,ifyouwill.478 Thistheater-statealsoplaysaroleindeterminingthecompetenceandauthorityofthe performer,andinthepotentialofaperformanceeventtoidentifyandlocatetheauthorities withintheregulatoryschemeofthedargah.Thus,withinthespaceoftheshrine,individualsare markedbyvaryinglevelsofcompetenceandinvestedwithvaryingdegreesofauthorityto regulateparticulartypesofexchange,andmodesofbehavior.Theproperfunctioningofthis authenticatingsystemiscrucialontwolevels.First,associologistRonHassnerhassuggested, theabsenceofaclearhierocraticauthorityatasharedsacredspaceisgenerallyunderstoodtobe
Here Eaton is extending Clifford Geertz's notion of the Balinese temple as a theater-state. See Clifford Geertz, Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali, (Princeton, N.J.; Princeton University Press, 1980). 477 Eaton (1984), p. 347. 478 David Gilmartin explores the ways in which this authority was negotiated and validated through the courts during the colonial period. He argues that whereas prior to the advent of the British there was a close link between the temporal and spiritual authorities at the darghs in his study, once the worldly power was wholly subsumed by the colonial regime, only the spiritual dimension remained as a means of verifying authority at the shrine. Whereas before the British the symbiosis was more complete, now the political authority was based entirely upon the relations with local landowners and tribal leaders. These relations being complicated by marriage bonds and other allegiances, the only other negotiable source of authority lay in the role of the dargh as an Islamic educational institution. Thus the ability of the sajjida nishn to effectively disseminate Islamic values and provide spiritual guidance becomes the only real variable in the equation of power at the dargh. David Gilmartin, "Shrines, Succession and Sources of Moral Authority," in Moral Conduct and Authority: The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam, edited by Barbara Metcalf, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1984).
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anexacerbatingfactorintermsofthetensionbetweenmultipleinterestgroups.479Thus,without mutuallyintelligiblemodesofestablishingtheirauthority,therolesandpurviewofthevarious partiesbecomesnegativelyambiguous,openinggroundforcontestation.Second,formany constituents,pilgrimagetothesiteisincompleteandineffectiveifcontactwithcertain authoritiessuchasakhalfahorcheladoesnotoccur.Thesearetheindividualswhoarecapable ofaccessingandactivatingthepowerofthesaint,makingtheShaikh'sbarakatavailablefor publicandpersonaluse.Thustheabsenceofasinglehierocraticauthorityattheshrinebasedon lineage,descent,authenticrelationswiththesaint,oranyotherqualityopenstheregulationof thedargahtomultiplepotentialcontestations.Lackingaunitarynarrative,ritualengagement, spatialchoreography,oradministrativemonopoly,thetermsofengagementatthedargahare constantlyundernegotiation.Significantly,thisongoingprocessofnegotiationthough competitive,fragmentary,andemergentispeaceful.480Nosignificantcourtcasesinvolvingthe tomb'smanagementhaveeverbeenfiled,fewindividualshaveeverbeenbarredfromattending theshrine,andcriticismconcerningtheregulationofthedargahisrarelyantagonistic. SILSILA:AUTHORITYTHROUGHINSTITUTIONALSUFISM ThedargahofHaiderShaikhhasalwaysbeenundertheexclusivecontrolofthesaint's blooddescendents.ThereisnoongoingkhanqahorcenterofformalSufitrainingatMalerkotla andthereforenolineageofspiritualdescendentstorivalthekhalfahs'charisma.Theauthority tomanagetheshrineisbasedentirelyontheancestralconnectionsbetweenthesaintandthese khalfahs.TheroutinizedauthorityofHaiderShaikhisvalidatedandmaintainedwiththefull
Ron E. Hassner, "Understanding and Resolving Disputes over Sacred Space," Stanford Center on Conflict and Negotiation Working Paper, (Number 62, 2002). 480 This notion of the incomplete and emergent quality of history is a methodological and theoretical intervention put forward by many in the subaltern studies and postcolonial historiography schools of thought. Excellent examples of such works include: Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments and Pandey, "In Defense of the Fragment: Writing about Hindu-Muslim Riots in India Today," Representations (Volume, 37, Winter1992) and The Construction of Communalism.
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understandingthatthekhalfahssharethesaint'sblood,butnotnecessarilyhisma#arifat,or spiritualknowledge.481AlthoughaffiliatedwithaprominentandwidespreadSufiorderthe Suhrawardsilsilathesignificanceofthislinkislargelysymbolicanddoesnotseemtobear muchmeaningforanyofthekhalfahswhoregularlysitattheshrineotherthanasapointof reference.ThenamesofthemostfamousSouthAsianSuhrawardsaints,Bahaul-Haq Zakariyya(d.1268)andRukn-i-alam(d.1335)areinvoked,ofteninterchangeably,asHaider Shaikh'smurshid.482AsHaiderShaikhdiedin1509,directdiscipleshipisimpossible.However, suchinvocationsdonotinthiscaseindicateascriptiontoasetofbeliefsorpracticesbelonging tothesilsila.InordertounderstandwhichfeaturesofHaiderShaikh'sdargahareuniqueand whichrevealcontinuitieswithothersuchshrines,itisimportanttounderstandthevarietyof regulatoryauthoritiesexistingatthisandotherdargahs.483 TherearetwocommonwaysinwhichthemanagersofSufishrinesaredetermined:either throughbloodorspiritualdescentfromthesaintassociatedwiththesite.AtmanySufidargahs inSouthAsiabotharethecase,butatHaiderShaikhthereisnoongoingSuficenter,orkhanqah, noristhereanactiveconnectionwiththeSufilineageofthesaint.Bycomparison,atAjmer, Nizamuddin,orGulbargawheregreatsaintsoftheChishtsilsilaareentombedandwherean activekhanqahremains,theemphasisnotsurprisinglyshifts.Therethelinealaffiliationis centralandknowledgeoftheorder,itsspiritualinstructions,anditsritualpracticesdeepen. Also,asatHinduplacesofpilgrimagelikeHaridwarorRishikesh,devoteesatAjmer,for

It is important to point out that it is often the case at such shrines, even at places where there is a functioning khnqh, that not all of the custodians are deeply knowledgeable about Sufi teachings. 482 Both of these saints have biographical entries in several significant tazk ras of South Asian Sufis, but neither is detailed enough to indicate several generations of disciples to reach to Haider Shaikh's time. Nor do the teachings or hagiographical materials bear any observable similarity to features associated with Haider Shaikh. Mirza Muhammad Akhtar Dihlavi, "Tazkirahi Auliya Hindo Pakistan," (1972), Hamid ibn Fazl Allah Jamali, Siyar AlArifin (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1976), Muhammad ibn Mubarak Kirmani Amir Khurd, Siyar Al-Auliya Fi Muhabbat Al Haq (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1980). 483 The continuities and contrasts on the ritual, narrative, and spatial levels have been discussed previously.
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example,developrelationswithparticularfamiliesofservantsatthedargahknownasthe khudam(oneswhogiveservice,sg.khadim).484InplacessuchasMalerkotla,thehighlylocal andpersonalconnectionbetweentheShaikhandthesurroundingenvironmentcomestothefore. Atthisshrine-outsidethecorridorofatemporalandspiritualinstitutionalpower-thereareless formalandstructured,butinmanycasesquiteintimate,relationsamongthekhalfahsandthe constituentpopulation.485 Itisnotwhollyunusualthatatombshrineshouldfunctionasmuchasacenterofworldly authorityasaspiritualrefuge.RichardEaton'sstudyofBabaFarid'stombinPakpattan describesasimilarprocessthatconcentratesauthorityinthedescendentsofthesaintasFarid's barakatinheresnotonlyinhisbloodrelationsbutalsohisspiritualterrain,fromhisowntomb andalsothoseofhisspiritualkhalfahswhoseburialpointsbecameadditionalnodesforthe distributionofspiritualpower.Asthecustodianshipoftheshrinewasfixedinonefamily,the shrineanditsendowmentsandgiftsfromlocalleadersandthecentralauthoritiesatDelhihelped toentrenchthepowerofFaridinthedargahitself.AfterFarid,hisspiritualgiftswereneveras fullyrealizedamonghisdescendents.486Hisspiritualheir,ShaikhNizamuddinAuliyatookup residenceatDelhi,notinPakpattan,therebyextendingthespiritualterritoryorwilayatofthe

A detailed account of the relations between the khudam at Ajmer and their client families is given in Currie, The Shrine and Cult of Mu'in al-Din Chisht of Ajmer. 485 For example, a visitor to the large dargh at Ajmer is immediately greeted by a member of the khudm , one of the hereditary caretakers of the tomb. As at Hindu pilgrimage centers like Haridwar and Rishikesh, families establish hereditary links with the khud m at Ajmer and their devotions will be mediated by one group of these ritual specialists. Not only do they facilitate worship during visits to the shrine and give spiritual instruction and advice at those times, but between visits the khudm are expected to continue to offer prayers on behalf of their clients and to respond to any needs communicated to them by letter or telephone. This situation does not occur to the same degree at Haider Shaikh. There is only one family, relatively unified, and there is little competition for clientele. Although there are many devotees who attend the shrine and patronize as a matter of long past tradition in their families, the formality of association necessary to manage the enormous numbers of devotees at Ajmer is unnecessary. 486 A few individuals stand out, such as his twelfth generation descendent Shaikh Ibrahim who is often known as Farid al-Thani, or the Second Farid. Indeed it is to Shaikh Ibrahim, also known as Shaikh Brahm, that many scholars attribute the true authorship of the verses of the Guru Granth Sahib which are signed with the name 'Farid.' The debates over the possibility that Farid wrote the 112 verses have been fierce, interesting, and continuous.
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Chishtsilsilaandobviatingthepossibilityofcontestationforauthorityatthedargahonthese grounds.Thusadecreaseinthemysticalteachingsandesotericpurposesavailableatashrine oftenoccursasthebarakatassociatedwithaparticularsaint'sspiritualprowessgrowsevermore temporallydistantfromthelivingpersonalityofthesaint,andremainsaccessiblelargelythrough thesaint'sdescendents.Thus,insomecasesthepowerofthesaintisinstantiatedandformalized intoapilgrimagecenteroperatedbythedescendants,saintlyornot,ofthepr.487Inotherplaces whereconnectionstoasilsilaarealsopresent,theauthorityoftheestablishedtraditionisgained. Ontheotherhand,atthoseshrinesthatlackanytrulyactivekhanqah,thereislittle diminutionoftheperceivedefficacyoftheshrineasreflectedinthebeliefsandpracticesofthe denizensoftheshrines.Thebarakatdoesnotdiminish.Onthecontrary,inmanycases,tomb cultsdonotevendevelopuntillongafterthedeathofthegrave'soccupant,andaretherefore unmediatedbyhereditaryorspirituallineages.Thesetombsbecomeknownthroughthe manifestationofmiraculouspower,experiencedandauthenticatedbythelocalpopulation.This isespeciallytrueoftheminortombshrinesatwhichtheofficiantsifanyexistareoftenselfappointedthroughtheirpersonalinclinationorconnectiontothelandorthesite.Suchspotsare moreoftentermedmazars,astheybearnoneofthebuiltevidenceandformalitythattheterm dargahevokesasawordwhichinitsPersianoriginsdesignatedaroyalcourt.Thesemazarsare oftennomorethancenotaphsorevenpilesofearth,coveredwithdustygreensheets.Insome casesthemanifestblessingsofthesiteincreaseandinresponsesodoestheclienteleofthesite. Thisincreaseindevotionalconstituencymayresultinbuildingsandthedevelopmentofother facilities.InthecaseofHaiderShaikh,theformalSuficonnectionisnominal,butfrequently assertedbythekhalfahs.Nonetheless,HaiderShaikhisverymuchpresent.Thebloodrelations
This process is described more fully in Eaton, "The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of Baba Farid."
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areactive.EruptionsofthemiraculousarerealandongoingmanifestationsofHaiderShaikh's barakat. AmongthekhalfahsatHaiderShaikhsshrine,knowledgeofthevarioussilsilasisrarely apointofinterestorconcernandisgenerallyrestrictedtoobservablepractices.However, studiesoftheSuhrawardinIndiadoindicatecertaincontinuitieswiththeorientationofthe khalfahsatHaiderShaikh'sdargahtowardstemporalauthority.Forexample,K.A.Nizami characterizestheSuhrawardasnearlyinoppositiontothefarmorepopularChishtintermsof theirwillingnesstoassociatewithworldlypowers.488Indeed,fromtheveryinceptionofthe lineagewithAbual-Najbal-Suhraward(d.1168)andhisnephewShihabal-Din(d.1234)in Baghdad,theorderhassoughttoaccommodatenotonlytemporalauthorities,buttheworldly concernsandneedsofthoseseekingtofollowthepaththeShaikhslaidout.Forexample, writingoftheidealrelationshipbetweenaSufiandthetemporalpoweroftheSultan,AbualNajbwrites: Inassociationwiththesultan:onemustobeyhimexceptindisobediencetoGod orviolationoftraditionallaw.OYouwhobelieve,obeyGodandtheProphet andthoseinauthorityamongyou(Qur"an4:59).Oneshouldprayfortheruler andavoidslanderinghim.Itismeritorioustovisitajustruler;butoneshould stayawayfromanunjustrulerexceptincaseofnecessityorinordertoreprove him.Hewhohastovisitthemshouldprayforthemandexhortthemandreprove themaccordingtohiscapacity.SomeeminentSufisusedtoapproachtherulers forthewelfareofthepeople.Ibn#Ata"said:Itismoremeritorioustobe ostentatious[withregardtoonespiety]inordertogainsocialesteemandthereby beabletoassistanotherMuslimthantoactintotalsincerityforthesakeofones ownsalvation.489 Thusratherthanadvocatingasceticwithdrawal,ShaikhAbual-Najbrecommendsthat engagementwithworldlyleadersislessselfishandpotentiallymorebeneficialtosocietyasa
Digby, Simon, "The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Mediaeval India," Purusartha, (Volume 9,1986) and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, "The Suhraward Silsilah and Its Influence on Medieval Indian Politics" The Medieval Indian Quarterly, (Volume 2, October 1950). 489 Suhraward, Abu al-Najib, A Sufi Rule for Novices: Kitab Adab Al-Muridin, translated by Menahem Milson, (Cambridge; Harvard University Press, 1975).
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whole.ThisstandsinsharpcontrasttotheChishtattitudetypifiedbythewidelyknown declarationoftheprominentShaikhNizamuddinAuliya"(d.1325)whowhenthreatenedwitha visitfromtherulingSultanatDelhideclaredthatiftheSultanweretoenterhiskhanqahthrough thefrontdoor,hehimselfwoulddepartfromtheback.AlthoughmanyChishtdargahshave becomecentersofworldlyaswellasspiritualauthority,theidealofremainingaloofremainsa pervasive,ifimperfectlyrealized,themeamongChishtseventoday. AtHaiderShaikh'sdargah,theSuhrawardmodeofworldlyinvolvementisverymuchin place.NotonlyarethekhalfahsandNawabsfromthesamebloodlineage,butalso,aswesaw inChapterFour,theshrineiscentraltoanumberoftheritualsofstateasthetombwasvisitedby soldiersenroutetowar,byeachNawabpriortohiscoronation,andcontinuestobeanecessary stoponcampaigntrailstoday.InChapterTwothecentralityofthesaintinoralandwritten historiesoftheregionwasdemonstrated.Itissignificantthatthiscentralityisbyandlarge locallyandsociallyconstructed,evenifextra-locallyconfirmedbythepatronageanddevotionof visitors,politicians,anddevoteesfromthroughoutthestate,nationandtheworld.Little authorityisgainedthroughdeliberateassociationswiththeprestigeoftheSuhrawardlineage. IndeedifalinkismadetoanySufiorderatall,itistotheChishtasevidencedbythe participationinHaiderShaikh's#ursobservationsofakhadimhereditaryshrineservantfromthe centralChishtdargahofKhwajaMuinuddinChishtatAjmer.Thusitisclearthatthesources ofauthorityattheshrinederiveeitherfromdescentfromtheShaikhorthroughdemonstrated voluntaryassociationwiththeshrineandsupportforitstraditions.Bothcategoriesofauthorities maintainamongtheconstituentpopulationtheactiverepertoireofmiraculousaccounts associatedwithHaiderShaikh.

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ThedegreetowhichthedargahcanbeunderstoodasSuhrawardisclearlysomewhat limited.AsseeninChapterTwo,thespiritualpreceptscitedbythesajjidanishin,orpreceptor ofthedargah,inhischapbookaboutHaiderShaikhareextremelygeneral,demonstratingno featuresthatindicateasectarianaffiliation.Intermsofspecificknowledgeatthesiteconcerning theparticularitiesofthissilsilaoranyother,manyMuslimsinMalerkotlaandmostinthefamily ofHaiderShaikhareawareofhislinealaffiliationwiththeSuhrawardsilsila,butfewinthe familyoroutsideofitknowanythingparticularabouttheSuhrawardoraboutHaiderShaikhs ownbeliefsandpractices.Thereare,however,exceptions.Thenumbardarkhalfah,whose narrativesofHaiderShaikhweregiveninChapterTwo,ismoremysticallyinclinedthanmost. Henotesthatatthedargahtherearefrequentmusicalevents,bothintermsofthedrummers accompanyingthosewhoarepossessedbythesaintandoccasionalformalqawwali performancesatthetomb.However,heobservesthatthisissomewhatinconsistentwiththe Suhraward'sextremelyconditionalandlimitedacceptanceofmusicalauditionandperformance. ThenumbardaralsonotesobservabledistinctionsbetweenthelineagessuchastheSuhraward preferencetoengageinzikr,orrepetitiveremembranceofAllah,outloud,whereasothers,such astheNaqshband,performthisbasic(andnotnecessarilySufi)ritualsilently.Healsoidentified oneofthecharacteristicSuhrawardpracticesasaparticularwayofinvokingAllahpriorto performingwuz",(bathingbeforeprayers): AboutthecustomsoftheSuhrawardgharana(lineage),thoughcustomsare countless,amongthosethatarewellknown,thebiggestthingiswithwuzu. Sittingaswesitduringnamaz,theysay,"hetu,hetu,hetu,hetu,"that"youand youandyouareonallfoursides."Thisdailyroundofrecitationoftheirsisthe mostwellknown,andthisisknowntoeverybodyintheSuhrawardgharana. LikewiseintheNaqshbandsilsila"AllahuAllahu,"issaidandintheChisht gharana"lailahaillallah"issaidandafterthreerepetitionstheysay"muhammad rasulallah."ThisiscommonamongtheChishtgharana.Similarly,itis

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commonamongthem[theSuhraward],tosay"onlyyou-hetu-areonallfour sides."490 ThisbriefexplanationofsomeoftheformalvariationsinpracticebetweentheSufiordersin IndiaisfairlycommonknowledgetoanybodywhoisatallinterestedinSufism.However,after interviewswithnumerouskhalfahsandotherresidents,itbecameclearthatsuchformalSufi customsarenotprevalentattheshrine.Rather,SufisminMalerkotlaiscenterednotonasilsila, butonparticularcharismaticteachersandshrines. Forthenumbardarkhalfah,aswithmostofthoseinMalerkotlawhoprofessedtobe Sufis,externalcustomsandformalaffiliationsappeartobesecondarytopersonalconnections.491 ThoughinstitutionalSufismandrenownedSufisaintswerereferencedasameansofestablishing authenticityorauthority,mostpeopledescribedtheirbeliefsandpracticesintermsofaparticular belovedguide,oftenafamilymember.Thenumbardardescribedthissituation: Numbardar: ThereweremanywhowereclosetoBabaSahib[i.e.Haider Shaikh],whoobeyedhiminthebeginning.Theirchildrenaremany,but nownobodyknowsanything. AB: Istherenointerest? N: IfIhavesomeinterest,onlythenIwillgetanythingfromTayaji(his teacher),otherwise,whatwillhegiveme?IfIgotohimandservehimI willlearnfromhim.IwilllearntheQuranSharifandgetsomebenefit fromhim.Astherehavebeensuchbuzurgs(piouselders)likemyDada (paternalgrandfather),therewerealsobiggerbuzurgsthanhimalso.My fatherwaslikethis[i.e.aSufi],soIbecameinterestedinknowingand learningwhathehaddoneinhislife.Whatheusedtodo,whathedid. Throughthis[study]onebecomesatotalmaster,ashisnazarekaram (blessedsight)isthere. Thisnumbardar'sfatherandgrandfatherwerebothSufimasters,renownedfortheirspiritual knowledgeandhealingskills.However,accordingtothenumbardar,suchindividualswererare amongthedescendentsoftheShaikh.Furthermore,onlythosewhotakeituponthemselvesto
Personal Interview, August 2, 2001. The centrality of the personal connection between a guide and a disciple is fundamental to all Sufis, whether fully engaged with a particular tarqa or not. My point here is simply that here the institutional element is almost wholly absent.
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pursuesuchknowledgewillgaintherewardsoftheirforefathers'teachings.Nonetheless,the numbardarreportedthatmanypeopledidinfactconsultwithhisgrandfather: AlotofpeopleusedtocometohimtoaskaboutSufimatters.Faqrilog(Sufi practitionerssworntoalifeofpoverty)fromoutsideusedtocomealso.Allthe gentryofthetownusedtocome.Evenpoliticiansusedtocome.Peopleusedto comefordu#a"(supplicatoryprayer).Poorpeopleandthepeopleofthecity usedtocometohimfordu#a".Officersusedtocome.Allthesepeopleusedto comesothattheymightlearnsomegoodthing(acchbt). Notablyabsentfromthelistofthoseinattendancearetheotherkhandan(clanmembers). Nonetheless,theteachingsofhisfatherandgrandfathercontinuedtobemeaningfultothe numbardarandaftertheirdeaths,hecontinuedthosepractices.492 Thiscontrastssomewhatwiththesituationatsiteswherethesilsilaitselfisenshrined. Forexample,attheDargahofSayyidMuhammadal-HusayniBandahnawazGisudiraz(13211422)inGulbarga,Karnataka,thesaint'sdescendentsarestillthekeepersofhistombandhis tradition.KhwajaGisudirazwasoneoftheleadingdisciplesofthefifthgreatmasterofthe NizamiChishtsilsila,ShaikhNasir-ud-DinChiragh-iDilhi.Thecurrentsajjidanishn,Sayyid ShahMohammadHussainiandhissonSayyidShahKhusroHussainiarebothextremelyactive inthemaintenanceoftheshrineandthespirituallegacyoftheirforefather.Thesajjidanishnis anactivemurshid,orspiritualguideintheChishtsilsila.ShahKhusroHussainihasdone considerableresearchonthelifeandteachingsofKhwajaGisudirazandinadditionhedoes

He also has formed a deep bond with an elderly Hafiz (one who has memorized the Quran) who is a denizen of the neighborhood. This 87-year-old gentleman is an honored and respected teacher among many communities. He and his disciples claim that the Hafiz is able to converse with the auliy" whose spirits permeate the town and control the jinn and angels. He comes and goes freely from many homes in Malerkotla, declaring that everyone knows him. As a hafiz, he has memorized the entire Quran and is able to recall and recite it at will. He claims no lineage of teaching, but instead refers to khud, God, as the source of all knowledge and understanding. The extremely personal and intimate relations between Hafizji and his disciples is a mode of transmission that is not dependent upon the availability of khnqh or other centers of Sufi teachings. His students refer to him as ustd (teacher), tayaji (uncle), or hafizji (an honorific for one who has memorized the Qur'an). These students do not observe any of the formal adab, or manners, reserved for one's murshid such as bowing, touching his feet, pressing his hands, and so on. The Hafiz frequents many homes throughout Malerkotla, but does not visit much with the sajjida nishn or the other khandan who spend significant time at the dargh.
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scholarlyresearchonSufism,workingtowardsadoctoraldegreeinReligiousStudiesfrom McGillUniversity.493TheshrinecontainsalibraryonSufimattersandcellsforvisitorsand dervishestoperformretreats.Theproceedsfromthedargahareusedforawiderangeofsocial programs,schools,clinics,etc.whichShahMuhammadHussainiandhissonbelievemost completelyfulfillsthemissionoftheirsaintlyancestorwhoispopularlyknownasBandaNawaz, ortheHelperofHumanity.Thusatthisdargah,theauthorityofthecaretakersisvalidatedby theirbloodandtheintegritywithwhichtheyhavesustainedthespiritualteachingsand humanitarianmissionofKhwajaGisudiraz.Itisworthnotingthatthisshrinealsois overwhelminglypeacefulandispatronizedbyallreligiouscommunities. KHAL^FAHS:AUTHORITYTHROUGHBLOOD Formostdevotees,theabsenceofanactivekhanqahoresotericSufiinstructionisnot problematic.Mostseetheblessingobtainablethroughcontactwiththekhalfahsastransmittable whollyindependentlyfromthespiritualstateandawarenessofthedescendents.494At Malerkotlamanyofthekhalfahsboththosewhospendsignificanttimeandderivetheir primaryincomefromthetomb'srevenuesandthosewhodonotareextremelypiousand devoutMuslims.Therearemanypanchnamazis(thosewhoperformthefivetimesritual prayersonadailybasis)andmanymenandwomenwhoincorporateavisittothetomband someformofsuperogatoryprayerintotheirdailyrituallives.Nonetheless,thelevelofcounsel andguidancerequiredfromthekhalfahsbymostdevoteesisnotofahighlyesotericquality.At
Sayyid Shah Khusro Hussaini has written two works in English on Gisudiraz and has compiled an extensive bibliography on the saint's writings and writings about him. These can be found in two of his works, a booklet called The Life and Teachings of Khwajah Bandahnawaz Gisudiraz, (Gulbarga; Sayyid Muhammad Gisuderaz Research Academy, 2001 [1986]) and a book Sayyid Muhammad Al-Husayni-i Gisudiraz: On Sufism, (Delhi; Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, 1983). 494 The term khndn is the most frequently deployed by members of the Nawabi and khal fah families to designate that they are from the 'Khan' Pathan Afghan lineage. All of these people use the surname Khan and many are quick to note the difference between "real" Khans and those Muslims of native Indian descent who adopt the name as a means of upward mobility.
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HaiderShaikh'sshrinethekhalfahs,whoarethedirectdescendentsoftheShaikh,aredivided intoseveralbranches.Ofthesefivefamiliesareintimatelyinvolvedintheoperationofthe dargahandtheremainderareinvolvedinoccupationsoutsidetheshrine.Allthekhalfahs expressprideintheirdescentfromtheShaikhandtheirPathanethnicity.Thekhalfahsclaim thattheirlineagefollowsthroughHaiderShaikh'seldestson,Hassan,whosemotherwasTaj MurassaBegum,thedaughterofSultanBahlolLodhi.Nonetheless,therehasbeenasignificant degreeofintermarriagebetweenthesetwobranchesofthefamily,andmanypeopleare descendedfrombothbranches.495Relationsamongthekhalfahsarebasicallycongenial,and AnwarAhmadKhan,whosechapbookconcerningHaiderShaikhappearedinChapterTwo,is generallyacknowledgedtobetheprimarykhalfah,orgaddinishn.Amongthefiveprinciple khalfahfamiliesthereissomeverbaldissentastowhetherheorhisbrothershouldbethe primaryauthority,butthishasnotresultedinactiveoropencontestation. Inadditiontothekhalfahsthereisanothergroupwhohaveasignificantroleinthe

ongoingoperationofthedargah.ThemujawwararethedescendentsofHaiderShaikh'skhudam (thosewhoworkedintheserviceofthesaint).Althoughgenerallyregardedbythekhalfahsas lowerinstatus,theyalsoclaimPathanAfghanheritage,acommonstatusmarkeramongMuslim Indians.496Therehasalsobeenintermarriagebetweenmujawwar,khalfah,andnawabifamilies. Typically,themujawwarfamiliesdonotsitattheshrine,exceptonThursdayandonfestival days.Theydonotdispensespiritualorpersonalguidanceatthedargah,thoughseveralhave takenonthisrolefromtheirhomes.Atbusytimestheyarealwayspresentattheshrineasoneof

This pattern of intermarriage is the subject of Rita Brara's dissertation, "Marriage and Kinship." For the role of linking to Arab lineages as a marker of status see, Charles Lindholm, ""Caste in Islam and the Problem of Deviant Systems: A Critique of Recent Theory.," in Muslim Communities of South Asia: Culture, Society and Power, ed. T.N. Madan (New Delhi: Manohar, 1995), Muhammad Qasim Zaman, "The Role of Arabic and the Arab Middle East in the Definition of Muslim Identity in Twentieth Century India," The Muslim World 87, no. 3-4 (1997).
495 496

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theirmajorsourcesofincomeisthesellingofgoatstothedevotees,whicharethenoffered(not slaughtered)andreturnedtothemujawwartobesoldagain.Thereisalegalagreementbetween khalfahsandmujawwarregardingthemanagementoftheshrine,whichhasneverfallenunder thepurviewofthestate.497AccordingtothelastNawab,IftikharAliKhan,inalettertothe HomeMinisterofPatiala,"ThemanagementoftheShrineiscarriedonasaprivaterightjointly

This is confirmed in a letter from the last Nawab, Iftikhar Ali Khan, to M.R. Bhide, Esq. the Regional Commisserioner and Home Minister of the PEPSU (Patiala and East Punjab States Union) dated January 11, 1950. The letter is as follows: "My dear Mr. Bhide, With reference to your enquiry the other day at Patiala I am sending you a detailed statement regarding management, etc. of the Shrine of Hazrat Shaikh Sadarud Din Sadar-i-Jehan situated at Malerkotla. The Shaikh was the founder of the Malerkotla State and common ancestor of the Ruling Family, was well knows for his sanctity and held in great reverence by persons of all castes and creed. Impressed by his piety and bravery Bahlol Lodhi, King of Delhi married his daughter Taj Murrassa Begum to him. The Shaikh died in 1508 and is buried in Maler. His Shrine is held in great reverence by people of all castes and creeds and specially Sikhs and Hindus come from distant places to pay homage and offerings and nazars, even up to the present day. The management of the Shrine is carried on as a private right jointly by the Khalifas and the Mujawars ever since the demise of the Shaikh without any interference whatever by the State. The Khalifas are also direct descendants of the Shaikh. There is no permanent dedicated income for the maintenance of the Shrine and the only income which is considered as personal income of the Khalifas and the Mujawars, is from offerings and nazars presented by persons on the occasion of Urs and specially on Thusdays falling in the month of Jeth, with Nirjala Ikadshi. The income is distributed between Khalifas and Mujawars as follows:Class of Income Share of Khalifas Share of Mujawars Cash Rupees in coins or C. Notes, small Pice, and all small coins in case the coins presented by one person to the nazar from one person is below the total value of one rupee or more value of one rupee provided that in any pice coins are included in the change they will go to Mujawars
497

Livestock Cloth and

all species of animals above goat and sheep

goat and sheep and all other livestock like poultry

All woolen and silken cloth Any number of cotton cloth All Kilaats of Cotton cloth and pieces falling short of a complete Ornaments which are presented with Khilaat and all ornaments Khilaats. Three pieces of cotton presented separately cloth constitute a complete Khilaat Jewelry Any other lump sum or lands awarded by any one go to the Khalifas. The expenditure towards repairs of the Shrine and other incidental charges is borne by the Khalifas and Mujawars jointly by contribution at a ration of : . A sum of rs 250/- is earmarked for the purpose and is annually deducted from the joint income according to the above ratio from the joint income. Any further sum if and when required is raised by joint subscription at the same ratio. The expenditure is controlled by the Senior Khalifa of the time. Khalifa Bahawal Khan is at present the Senior Khalifa. With regards, yours sincerely, Iftikhar Ali Khan" Punjab State Archives, Dharam Arth, 464/103.

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bytheKhalifasandtheMujawarseversincethedemiseoftheShaikhwithoutanyinterference whateverbytheState."Theagreementstipulatesthetermsforthedivisionoftheofferingsthat cometotheshrine.Allcoinsunderonerupeeandallcottoncloths,andgoats,sheeporother smallanimalsarethepropertyofthemujawwar.Anymoneyoveronerupeegoestothe khalfahsasdoessilkcloth,goldorsilverjewelryandarticles,horses,camelsoranylarge animals,andanymoveablepropertysuchasfansortubelights.Thefoodofferingsareprimarily sweetsandcookedfood,mostofwhichisreturnedtothedevoteesastabarruk/prasadorgiven tothefaqrsandbeggarswhogatheratbusytimes.Onfestivaldayswhenlargeamountsof cloth,moneyandgoatscomein,periodicallyseveralyouthsrepresentingthevariousfamilies willremovetheexcesstobedividedlater.Thekhalfahandmujawwarfamiliesthenmeet (separately)anddivvytheofferingsaccordingtotheirownproportionalagreements.Duringthe chaosofthemela,however,agreatdealofmoneyislostinthecracksandquick-fingered childrenfrombothfamiliesoftenortwelveyearsofagemaybringhomehundredsofrupees. However,thereisnosecretaboutthisasthekidsbragthroughouttheneighborhoodandthere appearstobelittleanimosityoverthemoneythatdoesntmakeittothegeneralpool.Repairsto theshrineareundertakenjointlybythekhalfahsandmujawwars.However,large-scalecapital improvementsusuallyoccurduetoaparticularpatron'sdonationandarecarriedonin cooperationwiththekhalfahs. Longtermrelationshipsbetweenthekhalfahsandthecommunityofthesaintexistina numberofways.First,localswhoattendtheshrineonadailyorweeklybasisarewellknownto thekhalfahswhositattheshrine.Eventhosedevoteeswhodonotappeartointeract significantlywiththekhalfahsotherthantomakeofferingsandreceivetabarruk/prasad(the returnedblessedportionoftheoffering)areoftenfamiliartothekhalfahs.Manylocalsattend

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theshrineonnon-festivaloccasions,andtaketheopportunitytovisitwiththekhalfahsatthe tombinadditiontoreceivingHaiderShaikh'sblessings.Relationswithsuchcommunity membersareclearlylong-standingandreciprocal,aspeoplewillcomebytodiscussallmanner ofsubjectsfromthespiritualtothemundane.Anothermodeofencounterbetweenthekhalfahs, chelas,anddevotees(aswellasasourceofincomeformanyofthosewholiveinproximityto thedargah)isthroughrentingspaceintheirhomesforpilgrimstostay.Groupsrangingfrom twototwohundredcometoHaiderShaikhsmelaandsetupcampeverywhereinthiscongested areaincourtyards,onroofs,infactoriesandwarehouses,incars,andonthestreetanywhere thereisfreespace.Pricesforquartersrangefromtenrupeestoonehundredrupeesperperson. TherearefewhotelsinMalerkotlaandnoneclosetothedargah.Thelackofplacestostayisa sourceofgreatconcerntothepilgrims,andrecentlyseveralbenefactorshavecontributedto makealargenewresthouseacrossfromthedargah.However,giventhetensofthousandswho attendtheshrineatfestivals,thiswillstillbeinadequatetohousethethrongs.Thusmanygroups willcontinuetosleepwhereverspacepermits.Somesuchpilgrimshavelong-standing agreementswiththefamiliesinthearea,andcomeyearafteryeartothesamehome.Someof theserelationshipsarequitewarmandthelocalfamilieswillobservethechaunkisintheir courtyardsorlivingroomswithinterest.Othersareclearlymerelyfinancialarrangements. Somefamilies,suchastheoneIlivedwith,choosenottotakeinmelewalas(festivalgoers)ona regularbasis.498 Attheshrineitself,themostsignificantexchangesbetweenkhalfahsandthecommunity

ofthesaintoccuronnon-festivaldays.Asamemberofthefamilyisalwayspresentatthesite, anyvisitorisabletoencountertheseauthorities.Chelasarenotpresentatalltimesandcome
They do, at times, but it seems more a matter of charity, as when a physically challenged, middle-class Hindu stayed for whom sleeping on the ground would be extremely difficult.
498

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primarilyonmeladaysorsometimesonThursdayevenings.Thusforthosedevoteeswhoare seekingoutachaunkisorachela,theiropportunitiesforsuchencounterarecomparatively restricted.Thegaddinishn,AnwarAhmadKhan,doesnotsitatthetombanylonger.Hissons AsrarandBobbyinparticularhaveassumedthisduty.Severalotherkhalfahsfrequentthe shrineincludingmanywomen.Dozensofchildrenofkhalfahsandmujawwarsandother neighborshangaroundthetomb,inthehistoricallyjustifiedexpectationthateventually somethinginterestingwilloccurthere.Thereisnoformaltrainingintheshrine'sprocedures. Thekhalfahstendtofrequentthedargahfromtheirchildhood,learningtheproceduresand processesthroughthetime-testedmethodofparticipant-observation.Thereisanunderstanding amongtheprinciplefamiliesthatsomeoneshouldalwaysbeattheshrine,andthisisusuallythe case.Rarelywasthetombwhollyunattendedandasanyvisitormustpassthehomesofthe khalfahstoarriveatthetomb,itisunlikelythatanyonewouldbealonethereforlong.The khalfahswhositmostoftenfrequentlyprovideritual,spiritual,andpersonalcounciltothe visitors.Althoughthechaosofthemelasprohibitssuchexchanges,duringnormaldaysatthe dargahdevoteesoftenconsultwiththeattendantkhalfahs. ThroughboththeirdescentfromtheShaikhandtheir(variablyrealized)empathetic skills,thekhalfahsprovetheirauthoritytomediatebetweenthesaintandtheconstituents. Thoughnotguidingtheseseekersthroughthevariouslevelsofahwalandmaqamat499,the khalfahsareresponsiblefortheirclientele'swell-being.Givingthoughtful,engaged,and effectivecounselisacriticalelementinauthenticatingtheirregulatorypower.Thedevotees,for theirpart,asserttheirownneeds,demandaremedy,andonesuggestsaneedforfurtherproofto

Ahwl (sg. hl) refer to spiritual states and maqmt (sg. maqm) designates the spiritual stations through which Sufi practitioners advance in their search for God.
499

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overcomeherlackofconviction.Theproperguidelines,asvagueastheyare,aregivenandwith theconsultationcomesthesecurityofachievingtheblessingdesired. Theregulatoryauthorityofthekhalfahsalsoderivesfromtheirdirectbloodlinkto

HaiderShaikh.TheyrefertothesaintasDadajihonoredgrandfatheroralsoasHazrat Shaikhji.Theyarefarmorelikelytousethesaintsfullnameinreferencetohimthananyother group.Theyavoidthemoniker"HaiderShaikh"astheyperceivethisasacorruptionofHazrat andisseenaslessrespectful,possiblyevensuggestiveofanon-Islamicinfluence.500The khalfahsallrefertothemselvesasauladorkhandan.Aulad,theArabicforchildren,again affirmsthebloodtietothesaint,thoughitisoccasionallyusedinanexpansivemannerto indicatethatweareallthesaintsorGodschildren.KhandanisaPersianatetermreferringto theclanofPathanKhansanAfghaniroyalclass.However,"Khan"isalsoanameadoptedby manyIndianMuslims,notjustthoseofAfghanidescent;thisisapointofgreatsignificancefor thekhalfahsandtheNawabifamily.IndeedHaiderShaikhissaidtobeofthesamePathani AfghantribeastheLodhis,butfromdifferentclans:theSherwanisversustheLodhis.The marriageofHaiderShaikhwithBahlolLodhisdaughterisseenasamarriagebetweenequals. Thesecondwife,andmotheroftheNawabilineagewasRajput,anindigenousIndiancaste whichthoughhigh-isseenbymostMuslimsasinferiortotheArab,Persian,Turk,orAfghan lineagesoftheconquerors.501Thoughtheseconversionsmayhavetakenplacehundredsofyears previously,eveninegalitarianIslam,casteandclassareverymuchrealities.502InMalerkotla,

Certainly the honorific Haider is not uncommon in the Arab world. Meaning 'lion,' the name is associated with many illustrious Muslims. In India, a prominent ruler in Mysore in the south was known as 'Haider Ali.' Nonetheless, many local Muslims eschew the term Haider for the more formal Hazrat. 501 For more on the marriage patterns of the ruling family of Malerkotla see Brara, "Marriage and Kinship." 502 Between these lineages there are other distinctions, with Sayyids descended from the Prophet enjoying significant prestige over the Mughal Turks. This particular division is even more pronounced (unsurprisingly) among the Shi'i community which is sharply divided between Sayyids and Shaikhs, the latter being native Indian converts. For caste issues in Malerkotla, see Anila Sultana, "Hierarchical Change in the Muslim Society of Malerkotla in the Post500

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thedescendantsofthesaintarereferredtoaskhalfahs,khandan,Pathans,dargahwaleor (somewhatderisively)dargahbaitnewalethosethatsitatthedargah.Thislastreference carriesapejorativeconnotationimplyingthattheydolittleelsefortheirdailybreadortheir communitythansitandcollectmoney.503 Thegreedofshrinecaretakersisacommonlyheardcomplaintatnearlyeverysacredsite inIndia.ThesecomplaintsarealsoheardatHaiderShaikh'sdargah,buttheydonotseemto haveresultedinanychallengetothekhalfah'scustodianship.Thepilgrimswhocomplain usuallycommentonthelackofprovisionfortheirvisitation:fewresidentialspaces,noregular kitchen,poorbathroomandwashingfacilities,limitedspacefortheofferingofoillamps,etc. Localswhovoicecriticismofthekhalfahstendtofocusontheseissuesandonthenewhomes builtbysomeofthekhalfahs,therelativeisolationfromthecommunityofthegaddinishnand hisfamily,andtheinconvenienceofthehugecrowdsthatattendthefestivals.Byandlarge, however,thesecomplaintsarefewandfarbetween.Mostresidents,eventhosewhodonot attendtheshrine,appreciatetheprominenceand/ortherevenuethatHaiderShaikhbringsto Malerkotla.Pilgrimsrecognizethelimitationsonexpansionatthetombduetoitslocationinthe middleofadenseandancientresidentialarea.Besides,forsomethedifficultiesandchallenges ofthepilgrimagearepartoftheappealasatestfortheirfaithinthesaintandanopportunityto demonstratetheirdeepdevotion.
Independence Period," Punjab History Conference XXVII (1995). On caste in Indian Islam more generally see Ahmed, "Caste and Stratification" and Lindholm, "Caste in Islam." 503 Just as the authorities at the tomb are named according to their relationship with the shrine, likewise there are names for other people associated with the site. Some denote time of attendance (melawalas), others ethnicity (Pathan) or lineage (khalfah, khndn), some behavior (kam karne wala for those who come solely to have some need fulfilled), or belief (Barelvi, prpanth), or location (darg hwala). Many of those present at the shrine at a given moment can lay claim to more than one of these labels and apply any number to those simultaneously in attendance. On most occasions this mutual labeling occurs without public or discernible acknowledgement. At other times, the labels are used to determine those able to perform certain rituals, requiring that necessary identity markers, physical, verbal, positional, be recognizable. The Barelvi designation implies a Muslim who advocates ziyrat and saint's shrines. The name is most often used as an oppositional term in relation to the Deobandis who by and large disapprove of these institutions. 394

SEVADARSANDCHELAS:AUTHORITYTHROUGHASSOCIATION Inadditiontothekhalfahs,variousresidentsevadars,orshrineservants,materiallyassist thedailysupervisionofthedargah.Thesearepeoplewhohaveattachedthemselvestothe shrineasamatteroffaithorlivelihoodorboth.Thesesevadarscleantheshrinearea,especially onFridaymorningsandafterthemelas.Theywashthemarblefloors,removinganyremaining residuefromofferingsoldclaylamps,sweetrice,wheatgrains,andsoon.Eachtombwithin thestructureisrinsedandswept.HaiderShaikhstombisrelievedofanyexcesschadars(cloth covers)offeredbythedevotees,butisneverleftexposed.504Includedamongthepopulationof sevadars,thereanumberoffaqrs,mendicantsanddevoteeswhomakethedargahtheirhome somepermanently,someperiodically.Thesepeople,mostlymenbutsomewomen,sleepinthe sheltersaroundtheshrineorinthehomesofthekhalfahandmujawwarfamilies.Theyspend muchoftheirtimeattheshrineitself,engagedinvariousactivitiesrangingfromdevotionsto conversations.Someareclearlylessequippedthanotherstofunctionintheworldoutsidethe shrinesspace.Whetherduetophysicalormentalchallenges,manyfaqrshavetakenasortof refugeatthetomb,andfoundapeaceandhospitalitythatislesspossibleonthestreetsofabusy industrialtownlikeMalerkotla.Inordertodothiswork,thesevadars'presencemustbe acceptabletothekhalfahs.Inthepast,faqrswhobecameunruly,abusive,orwereknowntobe reprobateinanynumberofwayshavebeenforcedtoleavetheshrineanddeniedaccess. However,theeccentricityofthepreponderanceoftheregularsevadarstestifiestothefactthat theserulesarenotoverlystrict.505

At most dargh of any size, there are few moments when the tomb itself is wholly denuded of chadar and/or flowers. At monumental darghs such as those at Ajmer and Gulbarga, the rituals involved in cleaning the tomb are elaborately ritualized and often the exclusive privilege of the descendants or hereditary caretakers. This concealment and the extreme caution with moments of exposure is an interesting phenomenon. 505 However, another local shrine to an apocryphal pr is managed by a faqr who used to attend the dargh of Haider Shaikh. When accusations were made that he had improperly addressed or even assaulted a woman at the
504

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SeveralofthefaqrsareregularswhowererarelyifeverabsentfromthetombwhichI

visitedalmostdailyforoverayear.Theconnectionsbetweentheseindividualsandthedargah werefascinatingmixturesoffaith,friendship,andconvenience.Oneregularisanelderly Muslimmanrelatedtothemujawwarfamilieswhosementalacuitycomesandgoes.Hewas well-educatedandenjoyedreadingandrecitingtheQur'anandUrduna"ats(devotionalpoemsin praiseoftheProphet).Hewaswellknownnotonlyatthedargah,butthroughoutMalerkotla. HebroughtmeonedaytooneoftheotherfamousburialshrinesinMalerkotla,theDeraofBaba AtmaRam,theHindusaintmentionedinassociationwithBandaBahadurintheprevious chapter.AttheDera,theMahantgreetedhimwarmly,asdidseveraloftheHindugentlemen whotakepartinthemanagementoftheDera.HisknowledgeofBabaAtmaRamandhislife andlorebespeaksasharedcultureofsaintcultsthathaslittleregardforreligiousboundariesand definitions. Anotherresidentidentifieshimselfasabhagat(aSanskritictermforadevoteeemployed

bySikhsandHindus)ofHaiderShaikhandtraceshisfamilylineagetoSikhMaharajas.He,like theMuslimsevadarabove,doesnotmanifestthelinearandpragmaticthinkingnecessaryfor functioningintheworldoutsidetheshrine.Hismindwandersandwondersinintriguingand intricatepathways.Mostofthetimeheisphysicallylocatedinoraroundthetomb.Heoften sitsinprayerintheMuslimfashionwithhishandsheldopentowardshisface.Hewearsthe greenshirtofadervishandaturbanofthesamecolortiedintheSikhstyleoveralungi (wrappedclothlikeasarong)ofanyfabric.HespeaksofhisownroyallineagefromaSikhruler whowasblessedbyGodforalwaysprovidingfoodandsustenancetoanyoneinneed.Hedrifts

dargh, he was forced out. Now he claims that Haider Shaikh's spirit visits the shrine he supervises every Thursday night in order to avoid the crowds.
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inandoutofthetombspace,praying,observingthegoingson,listeningtovarious conversations. ThereisalsoaneccentricandflamboyantresidentfaqratHaiderShaikhstomb.Itis

hardtoknowwhetherheiscrazyoraffectsinsanityforvariouspurposesgettingmoney, avoidingquestions,instigatingconversations,andhisownorgeneralamusement.Heoftenruns smallerrands,anddoeschoresandoddjobsatthedargah.Heisalmostinvariablypresentat everyreligiousfestivalintown,especiallythoseinvolvinglangarfreedistributionoffood.He usuallywearsgreen,butforsomelargeHinduholidayshemaybespottedsportingsaffron(the colorassociatedwiththatfaith).HeisafascinatingpresenceatHaiderShaikh'smelaswhenthe numberofritualspecialistsofallreligionsincreasesexponentially.Hewatchestheseoutsiders inactionthebeggarsandtheBabas,checkingouttheirstylesandsincerity.OnceIwitnessed himjumpingintothesceneduringapossessiontoaskquestionsandtoquestionthechelas veracity.AnothertimeheapproachedaheavilygarlandedSikhBabawithanenormousretinue andweptforlornlyoverhispatheticconditionuntiltheBabagavehimtenrupeesandblessed him.Walkingawayhewasquitechipperwiththereturnonsuchquickwork. Itinerantfaqrsaresemi-regularparticipantsinthelifeofthedargah.Althoughnot

directlyinvolvedwiththeregulatorysystemsattheshrine,theirpresenceisnonethelesscrucial. AsfamiliarfiguresatanyMuslimshrine,theyprovidevisibleverificationoftheefficacyofa shrine.Althoughsomefaqrsaregenerallyunderstoodtobe"fakers,"manyarenotand participateinongoingpilgrimagecircuitsdependinguponthefestivalcalendar,theordersor customsoftheirmurshids,andtheirowninclinations.Suchfaqrsareinvariablypresentatthe melasandthe#ursforHaiderShaikh.Asnotedabove,thesefaqrsplayacentralroleatthe#urs

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inparticular,recitingpassagesfromtheQur'anandprovidinganopportunityforthekhalfahs, mujawwars,andotherpatronstogainthesawab(merit)ofsupportingthem. Thesesevadarsprovideseveralcrucialservicesthatmaintainthedargah.First,manyof

themdoworkontheshrine,helpingtokeepitcleanandingoodrepair.Thelessspiritually orientedmayrunerrandsforthekhalfahs.Second,theirpresenceisanothervalidationofthe efficacyandpowerofHaiderShaikh.Empty,unpopulateddargahsindicatealackofvitality andpossiblyalackofbarakat(spiritualpower).Ahealthynumberoffaqrsandothersevadars inresidenceindicatesawealthyshrine,capableofsupportingsuchindividualsandapowerful shrinewhichgivesspiritualbenefitstothosewhodwellthereindevotion.Third,asmentioned above,itisanactofmeritinallreligionstosupportreligiousrenunciants.Providingthis opportunitytothepilgrimsaswellastothecommunityisseenasareligiousduty(farz)by Muslims,Sikhs,andHindus. Theothergroupofsemiformal-electiveauthoritiesattheshrineisthechelaswhoare

possessedbythespiritoftheShaikh.AsdescribedinChapterFour,theseindividualscomewith retinuesofvarioussizesandsetupsatelliteritualcentersduringthecourseofthemelas.They donotgiveorreceivedirectsupportfromthekhalfahsandmujawwarsandincertainwaystheir spheresofinfluencearewhollydiscrete.Thechelashavetheirownmodesofvalidatingtheir claimstocommunicatewiththesaintandofmanifestingtheirauthenticconnection.Somelarger groupscometothemelaswithbannersandsignsidentifyingthemselvesasservantsofthe Shaikh,thenameoftheirprimarychela(usuallydenotedbythetitle"Baba"),theirhometown, andtheparticularservicetheymaybeprovidingtotheotherpilgrims(i.e.tea,water,food,etc.). AsnotedinChapterFour,manychelascarryironimplementsrodsandchainswhich designatethemasvehiclesforthesaint.Somemerelycarrythesesymbolically,butothers

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employthemquitevigorouslyduringtheperiodofpossession.Mostchelasreportthattheydo notexperiencepainorfeelingofanysort.Onechelainformedmethattheforcewouldbreakmy ribswereItostrikemyselfwiththesamestrength.Anotherreferredtotheblowsasbabake phul,ortheflowersoftheShaikh,indicatingthatthefeelingisaslightaspetals. Themodeofrepresentingachela'sauthorityisalsooftenreflectedinthestructureofthe communities.Somegroupsarecompletelyautocratic,withasinglechelaastheleaderwhodoes notacceptdiscipleswhoarealso"played"bythesaint.Thesedomineeringchelasassertgreat controlovertheirdisciples,andoftenmanifestdistinctmarkersoftheirstatusthroughtheir wardrobeorsignage.Onechelaboretheobviousmarkersofhisentourage'srespectashewas nearlyinvisiblebeneaththelayersoftinselgarlandstheyhadbestoweduponhim.Ontheother hand,somegroupsareratherdemocraticintheirgroupstructure.Oneparticularassemblyof fifty-sixtyinattendanceattheHaiderShaikhmelaactuallydesignatedtheprimarychelaas PresidentandhismaindisciplewhoalsoundergoespossessionwasVicePresident.Though clearlyacknowledgingtheseniorityofthePresident,thegeneraldemeanorofthegroupismore participatory,lessobsequious,andsomewhatlesshierarchical.Themorecontrollingchelastend tohavemanyobviousmarkersoftheiridentity,andthemoredemocratictendtobemuchless distinguishablefromordinarypeople. Inadditiontophysicalandmaterialmarkerssuchascarryingofironrods,wearing garlands,travelingwithanentourage,etc,thechelasalsoauthenticatetheirclaimstorepresent theShaikhandtheirabilitytomediatetheneedsofthedevoteesthroughtheiraccountsofhow andwhentheShaikhfirsttookholdofthem.Theformalandsubstantialfeaturesofthese narrativesrevealarelativelyconsistentpattern.Mostchelasdescribehavingbeeninadifficult circumstancefromwhichincreasedfaithorsupplicationtoHaiderShaikhsavedthem,after

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whichthelinesofcommunicationremainedopen.Somehadbeenpossessedbyevilspirits. Otherswerelostinmorehumanways,drinking,actingviolently,orimpoverishedand marginalized.Onechelaevendeclaredthathehadbeena"terrorist,"associatedwiththeSikh separatistmovementwhichravagedPunjabthroughthe1980'sandearly1990's.Somechelas reportthattheirforebearsmother,father,grandfather,etchadalso"played"withtheShaikh, demonstratingthathereditaryauthorityisnotsimplyreservedforthekhalfahs.Inafairly typicalnarrativeofhisfirstexperienceofpossession,amaleHinduchela,sixty-twoyearsold, explainedthathisfirstpossessionoccurredtwenty-sixyearspreviously.Hisfatherhadalsobeen "played"byHaiderShaikh,buthehadnotinstructedhissoninthispractice.Indeed,theability tocommunicatedirectlywiththeShaikhisnotsomethingonecanlearn,ratheritisan experiencethatonecaninvitebutnotachievethroughhumaneffort.Somewhatparalleltothe notionofdivinegrace,thesaintvisitswhomhewills,invitedornot.TheHinduchelareported hisexperiencethus: Iwasatmybrother-in-lawsweddingandthespiritofawomanhadbeencoming intotheirhouse.Mywifehadhadtwomothers,onerealandonestepmother.It wasthespiritofthestepmotherwhichwascoming[inthehouse].Theysaidto me,wewillshowhertoyou,justsay"Namaste,"nothingelse.Thentheyasked metolightchiraghs(oillamps)butthespirittoldmetoblowthemout.Islapped herandIheldontoherandthensheenteredmybody.Shetorturedmefortwo yearswhenthroughtheincreasingpowerandblessingofBabajisheleftme. Inthisnarrative,thechelaexplainsthathewasunwillinglypossessedbythedissatisfiedspiritof hiswife'sstepmother.Hehadbeenvulnerabletothispossession,asheexplainedlaterinthe interview,becausehehadbeendrinkingalcoholattheweddingfestivities.Aftertwoyearsof sufferinghebegantoattendmorecloselytoHaiderShaikh,whomhecalls"Babaji."Through hissuperiorspiritualstrengthandhismercy,theShaikhliberatedhisdevoteewhothereafterwas abletocommunicatewiththeShaikhatwill.Iaskedhowoftenheexperiencedthepresenceof

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HaiderShaikhwithinhimandhereplied,"Ihavenevercounted.HecomesonlywhenIcall. SupposesomeonecomeshereandaskedsomethingfrommewhileIamtalkingtoyouIcanask him.Hisparvesh(spirit)isinmeallthetime."TheHinduchelaalsoexplainedthatalthough hecouldcommunicatedirectlywithHaiderShaikh,stillhesoughtguidancefromaguru (spiritualmaster)tocultivatehisabilityappropriately. Thesheernumberofchelasmaycontributetopotentialconflictsoverrealmsofauthority. Withinthecontextofthemela,eachchelaandtheirchaunkifunctionasminiaturespiritual territories.Thesearebothspatiallyandtemporallydefinedasaparticularareamaybethesite forthepossessionofseveralchelaseithersequentiallyorsimultaneously.Theirabilitytogain andmaintainanaudienceiscrucialtovalidatetheauthenticityoftheirrolesasinterlocutorsfor thesaint.Alargenumberofdevoteesinattendanceareunattachedtoaparticularchelaand movefreelyfromonegatheringtothenext.Thesedevotees,insearchofauthenticinterlocutors fortheShaikh,inmanywaysbecomethemodeofverifyingandvalidatingtheauthenticityofthe chelas,khalfahs,andtheshrineitself.Althoughclearlytherewascompetitionbetweenchelas andchaunkis,theredidnotappeartobeactivecontestation.Indeed,whenposedthequestionof howmultiple,concurrentchaunkiswerepossible,i.e.howcouldthespiritofasinglesaintbe simultaneouslypresentinsomanyindividuals,thetypicalresponsewasthatthespiritofHaider Shaikhisuncontainable.TheShaikhsurmountsthismetaphysicalchallengebecausehissoulis notsubjecttothetypesoflimitationspertainingtothenormaldead.Onechelaclarifiedthis possibilitybydescribingtheShaikh'sspiritlikethewind,itiseverywhereandnowhereatonce. ThechelasinattendanceatHaiderShaikh'sdargahthusestablishtheirarenasof

authoritythroughtheiraccountsoftheirpossession,thepersonalpracticestheyundertakewithin andwithoutthechaunkicontext,andthroughtheirrecognitionbydevoteesofthesaintwho

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becometheirdisciples.Theopportunityforconflictovertheirindividualzonesismitigatedby theclearboundariesbetweenchaunkievents,theestablishedcustomofunaffiliateddevotees movingfreelybetweentheseevents,andthesheernumbersinvolved.Inshort,thereareenough devoteestogoaround.IndeedIoftenencounteredmelaattendeeswanderingthroughthestreets lookingforchaunkistoattend.Hearingthesignalsoundofthedrumbeat,theywouldtraceitto itssourceandobservetheproceedingsinordertodetermineitsauthenticity.Newsabouta particularlydynamicchaunkiwouldoftenseepoutintothestreets,drawinglargecrowds.Other chaunkistakingplaceinthestreetsorinpublicwereopentoconstantevaluationonthepartof theassembledwitnessesandparticipants.Itisafreemarketofchelas,chaunkis,anddevotees andthereisenoughofeachtogoaround.Thus,theauthorityofthechelasisestablishedinlarge measurebythecommunityofthesaint,thatisthedevoteeswhomustvalidatetheirauthenticity andtheirstatusascompetentcommunicatorsonbehalfoftheShaikhandhisdevotees.The communityofthesaintsignifiestheirrecognitionoftheauthenticityofthekhalfahsand mujawwarsbyritually,verbally,monetarily,andphysicallyengagingthem.Withoutthiscrucial acknowledgementoftheirauthority,neitherthehereditarynortheelectiveregulatoryauthorities wouldhaveanaudience.

REGULATIONANDDEVOTIONALEXCHANGE
Althoughthekhalfahsandchelasworktosomeextentinseparatespheres,thereisample potentialforconflictoverthedistributionofresourcesandtheboundariesoftheirarenasof authority.Indeedthereisconsiderableoverlapintermsofclientele,servicesprovidedandeven thelocationoftheirpractices.However,asnotedabove,ratherthanaccentuateormanipulate thesepointsofdifference,thekhalfahsandchelasseekwaystoacknowledgetacitlyand overtlyeachother'sauthority.Thisvalidationandthestrugglenotjusttofindbuttocreate
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commongroundisvividlyillustratedbyaconversationbetweenakhalfah(whodoesnotsitat thetomb)andaHinduchela.ThegroupassociatedwiththechelahadcometoHaiderShaikh's melasformanyyearsandstayedonthegroundsofthekhalfah'sfactory.Thereisaneasy camaraderiebetweenthedescendantofthesaintandtheHindudevoteeswhoholdtheirchaunki (whichthekhalfahdoesnotattend)onhisproperty.Duringaconversationbetweenmyself,the khalfah,andthechela,IbroachedthesubjectofapparentcontradictionsbetweenHinduand Muslimritualsandbeliefs.Inthiscontext,thekhalfahbrokeintoanextendednarrativewherein hedescribedanexperienceinwhichHaiderShaikhsummonedhimandhisteachertoa conversation.506Hebeganhisnarrativebysituatingtheeventsintimeshortlyafterhisreturn fromHajj.Hethendescribedamysticalinvitationfromanunknownvisitortoanaudiencewith HaiderShaikh,whomhereferencedbyhisentirenameShaikhSadruddinSadriJahan.During theinterviewwiththesaintmanysubjectswereaddressedandthekhalfahtooktheopportunity toposethequestionofinter-religiousdifferencesandhowtheyshouldbemanagedand understood.Inparticular,hisquestionpertainedtotheissuemostoftencriticizedfromwithin theMuslimcommunity:thecommonbeliefthatthesainthimselfisfulfillingthewishesofthose whocometodemandthingsfromhim.Thekhalfahposedtheproblemthus: Soaconversationbegan.Thematterislongbutthatwhichisrelevanttowhatwe aretalkingaboutisthatIaskedhim,"Hazrat,peoplecomehere,theycomefora wish.Theycomeforaboychild,somesayourbusinessisnotgoingwell.Butit iswritteninourbookthatwhateveryouask,askitfromGodonly.Butthousands ofpeoplecomeandaskfromyou.Sowhatistheorderforus,andwhatarethe ordersforthem?"Andsohe[i.e.HaiderShaikh]responded,"Thisisthesecretof God."Hesaid,"Letthemdotheirworkandyoudoyours."Hedidntsayyouare
The khalfah 's narrative followed Dell Hymes' model for a "breakthrough into performance," as described in relation to the mstri in Chapter Two. Whereas the conversation had been general and alternating between various speakers, the khalfah began his discourse by formally addressing me. He then opened by setting the stage and the occasion of the events in his story. He said, "Anna, once I was sitting in my house with Hafizji after I came back from the Hajj. An unknown person came and said, Baba Shaikh Sadruddin Sadri Jahan is calling you." The temporal shift from the present conversational to the past narrative signaled a qualitatively different mode of exposition. The khalfah then proceeded with his tale, uninterrupted except by audience feedback.
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rightortheyareright,hesaidthesearethesecretsofGod.Iasked,"Whatare thosesecrets?"Andhesaid,"ThatonlyGodknows.Andhealsosaidthat "Whoevercommitsanerrorcommitsitforthemselves.ThisisGodssecret. Whatsecretisthere,Heknows.Healoneknows.ThosewhomHecallsgothere, andwhomhedoesnotcall,willnotgothere.Hewillgothere.Youkeepdoing thingsyourwayandtheywilldotheirs." TheHinduchelalistenedintentlytothisaccount,givingconstantfeedbackresponsestoshowhis agreementanddeferencetothekhalfahstale.507Hethenresponded,reinforcingthespecial statusofHaiderShaikhsaulad,descendants,anddrewseveraldistinctions,whicharenotpoints ofconflictordisagreement,betweenthepracticesofHindusandMuslimsattheshrine.Hesays, Thisisaroutinething.Youpeoplegothereandprostrate.Youcanalwaysmeet him;hewillmeetyou.Youdonthavetobowyourhead,becauseheisyour elder.Wedohisseva.Weaskforthings,youdontaskforthings.Weaskfor things.You[merely]comeandbowhewillmeetyou.Ifwecomehewontmeet us. Thispersonalencountersimultaneouslyestablishesthekhalfahsauthorityandauthorizesthe beliefsandpracticesoftheHindudevotee.Italsoemphasizestheimportanceofproperconduct inrelationtoHaiderShaikh,whichisnotuniversalbutparticulartotheidentityofthebeliever. BydirectlyaddressingthedifferencebetweenMuslim,HinduandSikhpracticesandbeliefs,the khalfahreceivesacarefullywordedreplyremindingthatAllahknowsbestwhyhecreated peopletobelieveandactastheHindusandSikhs. ThushavingleftjudgmentoverthesecontradictorypracticesandconceptionsuptoGod, thekhalfahestablishedhisownauthorityandsimultaneouslylegitimatesthebeliefsand practicesoftheHindudevotee.Furthermore,heassertedhiscredentialsasanorthodoxMuslim byprefacinghisaccountsayingthattheinterviewoccurredwhenhehadjustreturnedfromHajj.

This feedback is known as backchanneling and signifies an audience's reception of the performance. In this case the backchanneling signaled comprehension, interest, and approval of the account's content. The actual feedback took the form of syllabics such as "han," meaning yes, or muttered declarations, especially "thik hai," meaning all right.
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Finally,heconcludedhisnarrativewithHaiderShaikhsdeclamationLetthemdotheirwork andyoudoyours.Thisphrasingevokesthecommonlyknown109thSuratal-Kafirunofthe Quran,whichendstoyoubeyourreligion,andtome,mine.Thus,bydirectlyaddressingthe differencebetweenMuslim,HinduandSikhritualpractices,thekhalfahreceivesacarefully wordedreplyremindingtheaudiencethatAllahaloneknowsbestwhyhecreatedpeopleto believeandactinavarietyofways.Forhispart,theHinduchelaacknowledgedthatthe khalfahasadescendantofthesaintwasabletomeetthesaintpersonally,whileheandthose withhimhadtonegotiateadifferentsortofrelationshipwithHaiderShaikh.Thisincludes differentrulesforbehavior.Forexample,thechelanotesthatHinduandSikhdevoteesareoften instructedbyHaiderShaikhduringchaunkistoabjuretheconsumptionofmeat.YettheMuslim descendantsdoeatmeat,whichthechelaregardedasaspecialdispensation.Furthermore,some Muslimswillnotprostratebeforethetombbelievingthispracticetobeakintoidolatry. Consciousofthis,thechelareferencessuchdivergentbehavioralpatterns,butrelegatesthemtoa categoryofritualthatdoesnotrequireexclusiveadherencetoestablishvalidity.Thisencounter reflectsthemultivocalqualityofthedargahinwhichritualvarianceisfacilitatedratherthan contestedorprohibited.Thisdemonstratesalsothatgivenconditionsofsupportfromboth groupsofreligiousauthorities,thepotentiallydivisivefactorofadiversereligioustraditionis neutralizedbytheleadersandvalidatedbytheconstituency. CONCLUSION Alloftheprocessesofexchangeoutlinedabovedialogue,ritualinteractions,mutual perceptions,etc.facilitatethepeacefulgovernanceoftheshrinebytheauthoritiesandthe communityofthesaint.Boththeauthoritiesandthecommunitiesinattendanceregulatethe appropriateconductintheshrinethroughverbaldirections,physicalencounters,visualand

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expressivecuesandvariousothermeans.Thusapersonattemptingtowearshoesintotheinner tombspacemaybestoppedbyakhalfah,amujawwar,asevadar,oranotherdevotee. Individualpilgrimsmayexercisevariouschoicesintheirritualandinterpersonalengagementsto eithermaximizeorminimizethepossibilityofinter-religiousexchange.Theabsenceofahighly structuredritualprocessfacilitatesritualvariation.Apilgrimwhosepersonalinterestistoavoid boththekhalfahsandthechelaswillchooseatimetovisitthatwillbemostconducivetothat project.Thegovernmentalityoftheshrineismanifestthroughtheexplicitinstructionsand behaviorofthekhalfahsandthechelasforwhomproperconductisnotonlytheirlivelihood, butalsotheprimarymeansofmaintainingritualefficacy.Simultaneously,thecommunityof devoteeswillattempttoadheretotheunwrittencodeofconduct,andwillalsoseekways throughstrategicgamestoadjustthatcodefortheirownpurposesandinterests.508 TheregulationofHaiderShaikh'sdargahoccursonmultiplelevelsthrougharangeof practitioners.Ateachleveltheauthoritytoregulatetheshrineismanifested,validated,and maintainedthroughavarietyofpractices.Someauthenticatingstructures,asinthecaseofthe authorityderivedfromaspiritualorbloodlineage,arecomparativelytacitandembeddedinthe historyoftheshrine'sinstitutionalauthority.ThroughtheconnectionwithSultanBahlolLodhi, thesubsequentlineageofrulersandafterthemthroughpoliticians,thelinkagesbetween temporalandspiritualauthorityarefirmlyestablished.Throughthenominalmaintenanceof connectionswithaSufilineageandtraditionandongoingstrategicreinforcementinpublicand private,theinstitutionalauthorityisaffirmed.Promotingandfacilitatingtheinclusionand participationofnon-Muslimpatronsandritualspecialistsguaranteetheshrinescontinued relevanceinalargelynon-Muslimsocialmilieu.
This is both a conscious and unconscious process. Although enormous debates rage on about the degree of selfconsciousness necessary for an act to be agentive and purposive, in this study I am more concerned with the impact of actions on a social system.
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Thevalidityofotherauthoritiesattheshrineandtheirpractices,suchastheclaimsofthe chelastospeaktoandfortheShaikh,areactivelyassertedandauthenticatedbyanaudience. Themodesofexpressionandauthorizationemployedvarysomewhat,butrestonthesustained abilityofthesaint'sinterlocutortomanifesthisexperienceofthesaintinwaysdeemedrelevant byhisconstituentassembly.Thestructuresofauthoritywithintheseassembliesvary significantlyanddonotappeartorequireorevendesirehomogeneity.Rather,afreemarketin whichpossessioneventsandtheirstylisticvariationscoexistwithotherwaysofaccessingthe saint'sbarakatisdesirabletothedevoteeswhoconsumetheirbenefits. Thepotentialcontestationoverarenasofauthorityofthekhalfahsandchelasmustbe carefullymanaged.Thismanagementandmitigationiscrucialastheseduelingspacescould potentiallyprovokeclashesbetweentheMuslimowner/caretakerkhalfahsandtheSikhand Hinduitinerantchelas.However,thisdoesnotoccur.Agametheoreticalmodelcouldeasily projectthekhalfahsbanningorexilingthechelasfromthedargah'senvironsinthattheyarethe undisputedownersofthesite.Thattheydonotdothisshowsthatrationalactorsarenotwholly motivatedbymaterialconcerns.Thisissignificantasthelackofanabsolutemonopolyon hierocraticreligiousauthorityisoneofthekeyfactorsthatpotentiallyproducesconflictover sacredspacebyopeningspaceforcompetition.However,inthisinstancethecompetitiondoes notbecomeantagonisticcontestation.Rather,thetworitualsystemsexistsidebyside,with devoteestransactinguninhibitedbetweenthemFurthermore,bothpartiestendtoseekwaysto validateeachother,eventhoughtheymaynotparticipatein,support,oragreewithoneanothers perspectivesorritualpractices. Suchexamplesofinter-religiousexchangeillustratethevarietyofstrategiesthrough whichlocalactorsactivelyestablishanopenandmulticulturalcivilsociety.Thatthesaints

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descendentsshouldwishtomaintaintheavailabilityandopennessofHaiderShaikhstraditionto HindusandMuslimsisnotsurprisinggivenaself-interestinthesaintspopularity(thoughhe derivesnoprimaryincomefromthesite,manyinhisfamilydoandtheentirecommunity benefitsfromthethousandsofpilgrimsattendingfestivals).TheHindusandSikhsin attendancealmostuniversallyassertthattheappealofthesaintishislackofreligiousaffiliation: vohhamaresanjheprhain,heisourcollectiveorcommonsaint.Thesecommunities,having aninterestincooperativecohabitation,activelycreatespaceswherepluralismanddifferenceare simultaneouslyembracedandapplauded.Publicactsandsubtleinteractionscombineatthe dargahofHaiderShaikhandthroughoutMalerkotlatocreatearesourceinestablishingand maintainingcommunityharmony.Totheextenttowhichmanyofthesedynamicsarenot exclusivetoMalerkotla,locallybased,longstandingstrategiesareeitheridentifiableor potentiallyreplicableelsewheretogenerateacultureofpeace.

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ChapterSeven RegulatingMalerkotla InthelastchapterIshowedhowpotentialconflictsofauthorityatMalerkotla'scentral

shrinewereobviatedthroughcarefulbutoftenmundanestrategiesofmutualvalidationranging fromignoringtoengagingthe"other,"thatisthosefromanotherreligiouscommunity.After seeinghowthevariousauthoritiesestablishtheirlegitimacyandhowthatauthorityis acknowledged,validated,andperpetuatedbyconstituentpopulationsatthemulti-confessional shrine,Inowturntotheidenticalprocessesastheyoccuronthestreetsofthismulti-religious town.Throughanexaminationofthegoverningpracticesofthestate,localpolitics,civil society,andeverydayexchangesbetweenreligiouscommunities,itemergesthatstrongties betweengroupsinallarenasgenerateandsustainMalerkotla'sstablesocial,political,and spiritualrelations.Howisauthorityestablishedandacknowledgedwithinandbetweenreligious communitiesinMalerkotla?Howdotheseauthoritiesinteractatthepolitical,civilsocietal,and everydaylevelstofosterpeacefulexchangesandastablemulti-religioussociety?Inorderto determinethedegreetowhichthelivesofMalerkotlaresidentsinterpenetrateoutsidethecentral shrineofthetown,wemustexplorehowthelifeofthetownisregulatedandhowtheseauthority structuresareexperiencedandunderstoodbythecommunity.Thiswillillustratethecriticalrole ofeverydayinteractionsinconstructingapositivepluralsociety. Inordertoclarifythecontext,IbeginbyreviewingthediversityofMalerkotla's population.Thenwewillseehowthisdiversepopulationhasbeengovernedasakingdomand thenademocraticpolity.InconnectionwiththisIwillexplainhowthewidermilieuofIndian andPunjabipoliticsofreligiousdivisionhaveimpactedMalerkotla.FinallyIwilladdressthe

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muchlaudedroleofcivilsocietyinpromotingpositivemulticulturalcommunities,theformal associationsatthetown,community,andreligiouslevelswillbepresented.Throughout,Iwill delineatethewaysinwhichneighborhoodcommunitieslivewitheachother,demonstratinghow theeverydayexchangesbetweenindividualsaretheessential,althoughtransientandoften unsystematic,interactionswhichenablepoliticalsocietyandcivilsocietytofunction productively.Contrarytotheoriesthatprivilegeoneelementovertheother,itismyargument theentirecomplexofformalandinformalregulatorysystemsisnecessarytosustainharmonious civiclife.509 TheincreaseincommunalconflictinIndiaisoftenattributedtotheprocessesof

urbanizationthatarethoughttoinevitablybreakdownthesocialstructuresthatmake communitiesstable.Manytheoristsarguethatthisprocessofmodernization,urbanization,and migrationaretheconstituentelementsincreatingtheculturalconditionsofethnicconflict.510 Furthermore,inasmuchasdemocratizationhasaccompaniedmodernizationinIndiaandethnic conflicthasincreasedduringthisprocess,violenceisviewedasanaspectofmasspolitics,oneof

For example, some studies of communal conflict in India tend to focus on the role of British colonialism in shaping or creating the distinct, oppositional, and eventually actionable religious identities. See Chatterjee The Nation and Its Fragments, Sandria Freitag, Collective Action and Community: Public Arenas and the Emergence of Communalism in North India, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1989), Pandey, The Construction of Communalism. Other scholars assert that the Hindu-Muslim divide in particular is one that predates the British. This view is held by extremists within each community and by theorists tending towards a primordialist approach, in particular see Sudhir Kakar,The Colors of Violence. Interestingly, theorists such as C. A. Bayly also assert that the conflicts between religions are nothing new, but from quite a different perspective which reduces the impact of religion and essentially sees the conflicts between religions (which certainly do predate the British) as masked power struggles in the political and economic arenas. See Bayly, "The Pre-History of 'Communalism'? Religious Conflict in India, 1700-1860." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (1985). 510 Amrita Basu, ed, Community Conflicts and the State in India, (Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1998), Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments, E. Valentine Daniel, Charred Lullabies: Chapters in an Anthropology of Violence. (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1997), Thomas Blom Hansen, Wages of Violence: Naming and Identity in Postcolonial Bombay, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 2001), Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God : The Global Rise of Religious Violence, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 2000), Kakar,The Color of Violence, Ashis Nandy, Shikha Trivedy, Shail Mayaram and Achyut Yagnik, Creating a Nationality: The Ramjanmabhumi Movement and Fear of the Self, (New Delhi; Oxford University Press, 1995), Pandey, (1990), Tambiah, (1996), Peter Van der Veer, Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India, (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1994), Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, (New Haven; Yale University Press, 2002), Steven Wilkinson, "Consociation Theory and Ethnic Violence." Asian Survey, XL, no. 5 (2000).
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themanytechniquesintherepertoireofpoliticalmobilization.511Thus,farfromtempering divisiveforces,representationaldemocracyinpostcolonialsituationsisconducivetoethnic conflict. Theharmfulmacropoliticsofthenationandtherationalizing,destabilizingforcesof moderncapitalismhavenotyetcreatedthecrisesofidentitiesandfragmentationsofselvesthat underminetheessentialunityofthevillage.Forexample,accordingtoAshisNandy,communal violenceresultsinpartfrom"theemergenceofamodern,massified,andparadoxicallyelitist versionofreligionthatactsasapoliticalideologybutalsocompensatesforthedeculturation, rootlessness,andlossoffaithinthemassifiedsectionsoftheurbanpopulation."512Modernity andglobalizationaremoreimmediatelyfeltinurbanenvironmentsandareidentifiedas "identity-threats"bySudhirKakar.Hedescribestheprocessthus, feelingsoflossandhelplessnessaccompanydislocationandmigrationfromrural areastotheshantytownsofurbanmegalopolises,thedisappearanceofcraftskills whichunderlaytraditionalworkidentities,andthehumiliationcausedbythe homogenizingandhegemonizingimpactofthemodernworldwhichpronounces ancestralculturalidealsandvaluesasoutmodedandirrelevant.513 Althoughtheseprocessesaredestabilizing,itisnolongerpossible(ifindeediteverwas)to presumenon-urbanIndiatobeimmunefromtheimpactofmodernityandglobalization. IdealizingthevillageinthiswaybothfixesanessentializedIndiansocietyinapremodern politicalandsocialtimeandrendersthevillagepopulationeminentlymanageablefor enumerativeandanthropologicalpurposes.Norisithelpfultodepicturbanlifeasinherently uncenteredanddevoidoftradition.Afterall,urbancentershaveexistedformillennia;dothey
Both Stanley Tambiah and Paul Brass adhere to this theory. Tambiah describes a repertoire of leveling practices which seek to redress perceived and real inequalities in society. These include riots and the techniques involved in creating them or directing them once begun. Brass describes an institutionalized riot system that provides the structures, frameworks, mobilization, and manpower necessary to foment and perpetuate riots. Paul Brass, Theft of an Idol and Tambiah, Leveling Crowds. 512 Nandy et al., Creating a Nationality p. 23. 513 Kakar, The Colors of Violence, p. 187.
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notalsopossesstradition?Theradicaldisjuncturehypothesizedbetweenmarginallocalitiesand urbancenters,betweentraditional,stable,andreligiouslybasedidentitiesandmodern, fragmented,andsecularurbanonesdoesnotexist. However,theidealizednotionofthelocalcommunityhasservedapurpose,notjustfor socialscientists,butalsoforthestate.GyanendraPandeypointsoutthatfortheBritishcolonial regime,the'villagecommunity'and'caste'viedforthepositionofthebasicadministrativeunitof thegovernment.514Forthepurposesofrevenuecollectionandlawandorder(thatisforthe purposesofgovernability)thecolonialgovernment"setouttomapthosequalitiesofthesubject populationthatweremostgermanetothebusinessofadministration."515Byrationalizingthe population,detailingitsproclivities,socialstructures,andearningpower,administrativeunits werecreatedthatininteractingwithotheridentitymarkersamongthepopulationresultedina 'communalized'society.ForPandey,"communalism"is"aformofcolonialistknowledge" whoselogicisintimatelyandinextricablyassociatedwiththeneedandwilltogovernand dominatethesubcontinent.TheBritishgroupedIndiansintoprincipallytwogroups,'Hindu'and 'Muslim,'positedthemasterminallyopposedtooneanother,andevaluatedallsocial mobilizationandunrest(includingandperhapsespeciallyanti-colonialactivities)underthe rubricofcommunalconflict.Inthiswaythecolonialadministrationnotonlyclaimedtheneutral highgroundofathirdpartyarbitratingauthorityoranhonestbroker,butalsoobtainedametanarrativetojustifytheirownrule.516Inthisview,theIndiansneededtheBritishtostabilizethe otherwisecripplingforcesofreligiouschauvinismandtheprimordialhatredsofthese incommensurablefaiths.

Pandey, The Construction of Communalism, p. 67. Pandey The Construction of Communalism, p. 68. 516 Ibid, p. 6.
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Althoughmuchscholarshiphasmadeapparenttheprocessesofcolonialmetanarrativemaking,thelegacyofthegovernablesocietyhascontinuedinseveralways.ParthaChatterjee hasbeenparticularlyhelpfulinelucidatingtheimplicationsofcolonialgoverningpracticesupon post-colonialapproachestodevelopmentbythestateinIndia.Thepost-colonialstatehas,in Chatterjee'sview,mimeticallyco-optedtheauthorityofthecolonialstatethroughreplicatingits institutionalstructure.Thiseffortresultsinaprocessofrationalizationsimilartotheone effectedbytheBritish.Chatterjeeseesthisprocessasantitheticaltotheretentionofwhathe calls(followingSudiptaKaviraj)"fuzzycommunities,"incontradistinctiontothe"enumerable communities"conducivetothecolonialregime.A"fuzzy"community"didnotclaimto representorexhaustallthelayersofselfhoodofitsmembers"nordidit"requireitsmembersto askhowmanyofthemtherewereintheworld."517Forthecolonialsystemtomanageavastand diversepopulationefficiently,itwasessentialtoenumeratethatpopulation.Tothatendnotonly theCensusofIndia,butalsolandrevenueassessmentreports,ethnographicglossaries, monographsonthesocial,religious,andpoliticallivesofvariousenumeratedpopulations,etc. weregeneratedinenormousprofusionbeginningfromthemidtolate19thcenturyand continuinguntiltheendofBritishrule.CertainlyMalerkotladidnotescapetheBritishcensus takers,ethnographers,orlandassessors.Butthecommunityremainsfuzzytothisday,asmany residentsprofessandenactmultipleidentitiesthatdefysimplecategorization.518Itismyview thatthecommunitiesthatattendtheshrineofHaiderShaikhandthosethatliveinMalerkotlaare preciselythesortoffuzzycommunitiespresentedbyChatterjee.Itistruethatsolidaritieshave beengeneratedonaregionalandnationallevelthatmakefuzzinessmorechallenging,requiring
Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments, p. 223. This is consistent with the multiple identities of the residents of Arampur region in Uttar Pradesh documented by Peter Gottschalk in Beyond Hindu and Muslim. In his study, Gottschalk presents a nuanced description of the ways in which individuals in that region shift languages, registers, narrative styles, and meaning depending upon their contexts and interests.
517 518

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concertedactiononthepartofthecommunitytomaintainthefreedomofambiguity. Furthermore,thegovernabilityofthepopulationisunderminedbyfuzziness,bycommunities whothwartenumerationorshiftcategoriesandclassifications.AccordingtoChatterjee,the state,heavilyinvestedincapitaliststructures,"cannotrecognizewithinitsjurisdictionanyform ofcommunityexceptthesingle,determinate,demographicallyenumerableformofthe nation."519Theresultofthisenumerativeimperativeisstaterepressionofcommunityidentities, restrictionofthemethodsandopportunitiesofthosecommunitiestoactivatefortheirinterestsin amannerlegibletothestate,andtherelegationofcommunitytothepre-socialor'natural.' However,thefactthatthefuzzycommunitydoesnotregisterontheradarofthecapitaliststate alsoprovidesaspaceoffreedom.Thestrategicgamesofcommunitiestodefyrestrictive categoriescreatespaceinwhichthecourseofgovernance(bothbythestateandotherregulatory agencies)willalwaysassureadialogicprocessthroughwhichcommunitiesandgoverning powersengageoneanother. HarjotOberoihasdemonstratedverywelltheimpactoftheenumerativepoliciesofthe BritishinthecaseofPunjab.InTheConstructionofReligiousBoundarieshedescribesa dialogicprocessofidentityformationintheSikhtraditionbothwithinthetraditionitselfand betweenreformmovementsinHindu,MuslimandSikhreligiouscontexts,andthepolitical possibilitiestheresultingidentityformationsenabled.520Theseprocesseswerepredicatedupon therationalizingepistemeoftheBritishcolonialregimethat"inordertogovernanalien society,"notonlycountedtheminutiaeofthatsociety'spersonalhabits,butthenembarkedupon aprojecttodefinethevalidityofthemanyidentitiesgroupedunderarubricsuchas"Sikh."By distributinggoods,employingpersonnel,andpermittingpoliticalparticipationonthebasisof
519 520

Chatterjee The Nation and Its Fragments, p. 238. Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries, p. 424. 414

thesedeterminations,thecolonialregimeproducedasystemthatwasconducivetothe homogenizingandpurificatorytendenciesofthereformmovementsthattookoverthediscourse ofreligiousidentitybeginninginthelatenineteenthcentury.521 Therealcasualtiesintheseprocesseswerethe"fuzzycommunities"describedby Chatterjee.Yethearguesthatthesecommunitiesareonlycasualtiesintheanalyticsense.Far fromdisappearingfromthescene,theyhavesimplyevadedtheenumerativetendenciesofthe socialsciencesandthemodernnation-state.Thushewrites: Idonotbelievethattheimaginativepossibilitiesaffordedbythefuzzinessofthe communityhavedisappearedfromthedomainofpopularpoliticaldiscourse.On thecontrary,Isuspectthatwiththegreaterreachoftheinstitutionsandprocesses ofthestateintotheinteriorsofsociallife,thestateitselfisbeingmadesenseof inthetermsofthatotherdiscourse,farremovedfromtheconceptualtermsof liberalpoliticaltheory.Thenotionsofrepresentationandthelegitimationof authority,forinstance,havetakenonasetofmeaningsinthepopulardomainof contemporaryIndianpoliticsthatwouldbeimpossibletodescribe,letalone justify,inthetermsofatheoryofinterestaggregationoroftherationalizationof authority."522 Thus,althoughignoredbythestateandbysocialscience,thefuzzycommunityhasbeenableto continuebeneaththeradarandthevalueformationstakingplacewithinthefuzzycommunity continuetoimpactthepoliciesofthestate.Aswehaveseen,ritualandnarrativeengagementsin Malerkotlaattheshrineofthefounderandinthecommunitynotonlypersist,butthrive.These arethearenaswhereinthefuzzycommunityismostvisiblyactive,butthefuzzycommunity doesnotceasetoexistintherealmofgovernance,itmerelynolongerregisters.Inthiswaythe
The postcolonial developmentalist state (particularly in the Nehru and Gandhi years) took up the notion of discernible and divisible "populations" who were the target of development projects. In Chatterjee's view, these "populations have replaced the individual or family as the basic unity of society. He writes: "The conceptual move that seems to have been made very widely, even if somewhat imperceptibly, is from the idea of society as constituted by the elementary units of homogeneous families to that of a population, differentiated but classifiable, describable and enumerable."521 The shift to population serves a particular purpose, making "available for governmental functions (economic policy, bureaucratic administration, law, and political mobilization) a set of rationally manipulable instruments for reaching large sections of the inhabitants of a country as the targets of 'policy.' (p. 60)" Population is not normative, but descriptive. Thus identity defined by affiliation with a particular population is how one becomes legible to the state and to civil society for the purposes of delivery of services, political mobilization, etc. 522 Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries, p. 225-6.
521

415

arenaoutsidethepurviewofliberalpoliticaltheoryandunrecognizedbytheever-reachingarm ofthestateisbothimpactedbyandimpactsuponbothepistemicarenas.IfChatterjeeiscorrect (andIbelieveonthispointthatheis),thefuzzycommunityresistssuchunitarypurposesand worksinamuchmorecontingent,strategic,andlesssystematicfashiontocreatethemaximum freedomofmovementandexpressionpossible.Asweshallsee,suchspacehasbeenmadein Malerkotlaatalllevelsofsociety. Diversity Accordingtopopularwisdom,MalerkotlaisfamousforthreeMs:methi(fenugreek), makki(flies),andMuslims.Infact,themethi(fenugreek)issofamousthatitearnsmentionina BritishGazetteerashavinganunusuallygoodscentandflavor.Perhapsitisthisodorthat attractstheflies,butitwouldbedifficulttosingleMalerkotlaoutasanymoreorlessfly-ridden thanothertownsinIndia.Thetownboastsalargesabzimandi,orvegetablemarket,which servesasahubforthedistributionofproducefromtheoutlyingvillagesformerlywithinthe bordersofthekingdom.ItisthelastMMuslimsthatmostclearlysetsMalerkotlaapart fromtherestoftheregion.Aspreviouslynoted,itisonlyherethataMuslimmajorityremains inIndianPunjab.523Indeedmanylocalsclaimthatthisdemographicfactisthereasonforthe relativepeaceandharmonyofMalerkotla.Threereasonsaregiventofurtherthislineof argument.First,someMuslimsassertthatbecauseIslamitselfisareligionofequality,peace, andjusticethereforethismajorityMuslimtownresiststhesectarianviolencethatplaguedthe neighboringregionsduringPartitionandsince.Second,astheonlyMuslimmajorityregion

There is one other village in Indian Punjab, Manekhpur Sharif, where I have heard there is a significant Muslim population. Most famously, there is the town of Qadian, in Gurdaspur District near the Pakistani border which is the spiritual home of the Ahmadiyya sect. This group believes in the continuation of Prophethood through revelations to Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1836-1908). Therefore they are regarded by most Muslims as heretical and are actively persecuted in Pakistan and other parts of the world. The Jam'at-i Islm in particular are vehement in their efforts to obliterate the Ahmadiyya.
523

416

Malerkotlahasaheightenedimportance.JustasKashmirisacrucialsymbolofIndia'sabilityto governasasecularstate,MalerkotlaisakeyconstituencyforPunjab'spoliticians.Theabilityto carrythiselectorateisevidenceofanon-sectarianappeal.UnlikeKashmir,however,thishigh profilehasnotresultedinviolentcontestationoroppressiontomaintainorderandloyaltyamong thepopulation.TherearenoIslamicextremistsonthestreetsseekingtoliberatethebesieged Muslimpopulation.Rather,consciousnessoftheirtokenstatusbothwithinandwithoutthetown itselfhasgeneratedasocio-politicaldynamicconducivetocoalitionbuildingandcommunity harmony.Third,asoneyoungMuslimwomaninformedme,"Everyonehereisaminority." Unabletodefinitivelyestablishdominance,allthereligiousgroupsareequallyvulnerableand equallycognizantthattheirwell-beingdependsontheirpositiverelationswithothers.This indicatesthatthelackofclearhegemonyactuallypromotespeaceratherthanundermineit. InChapterOnethedemographicdiversityofMalerkotlawasdescribedindetail.Hereit sufficestorememberthatthepopulationofjustover106,000isgenerallyestimatedtobeabout seventypercentMuslim.Ofthese,about2,500areSh#as,mostlybelongingtotheTwelver sect.524ThemajordivisionamongtheSh#isbetweentheSayyidsandShaikhs.Theformer groupidentifyasdescendentsfromthefamilyoftheProphetwhereasthelatteraredescended fromIndianconverts.AmongtheSunnipopulationthetermsDeobandiorBarelwiareusedto identifythedegreeofconservatismintheapplicationofIslamicprinciples.Thosethatare classedasDeobandiaregenerallyunderstoodtoopposethevisitationoftombsandtheaudition ofmusic,advocatetraditionalIslamiceducationanddress,preferrestrictedrolesforwomen,and tobeinterestedinmakingshar#athelawoftheland.ThoseidentifiedasBarelwiareassumed

The Twelvers are also known as the Ithna Ashari as they believe in twelve Imams, or central leaders endowed with divine wisdom, the last of whom is currently in occultation but will remanifest at the end of time. This is the sect of Sh'sm practiced by the majority in Iran and constitutes the majority of Sh'as Muslims worldwide.
524

417

toadvocatesaintworshipandtheauditionofmusic,advocatemoderneducation(incombination withIslamicstudies),bemoreopentowomen'sparticipationinpubliclife,andtoseeshar#aas opentomoderninterpretationandapplication.Theparticularlyactivereligioussocietiesintown arethemissionarymovementknownasTablghJama#atandthereformistsocialorganization theJama#at-iIslam.Bothgroupsareconservativeintheiroutlookandhavehadconsiderable impactonthepubliclifeofMalerkotla.525However,asdiscussedinChapterOne,thegeneral toneofthesegroupsinMalerkotlaistopromotepositiveinter-religiousrelationsratherthanto exclusivelyadvocatefortheMuslimcommunity.Thereismoreofaperceivabledivision betweentheethnicPathanswhoclaimAfghanheritageandtheindigenousMuslimswho converted,especiallyfromtheKhambojagriculturalistclass.Thenon-Muslimcommunityis fairlyevenlydividedbetweenHindusandSikhs.TheHinduandJainpopulationhavenumerous templesandorganizations.PoliticalreligiousgroupssuchastheRashtriyaSwayamsevakSangh (RSS)arenotpopularinMalerkotla.TheBJPhasneverachievedsignificantelectoralsuccess. TheHindusandJainsaremostlyfromAggarwaltradingcastes.TherearefewBrahmins.Asin therestofPunjab,mostofMalerkotla'sSikhsareJatagriculturalistswithasprinklingofuppercasteKhatris.TheSikhcommunityiscomparativelysmalllocallyasSikhsareasignificant majorityinPunjab.ThereareseveralorganizationsforSikhactivismsuchastheSikhWelfare Association,butaswiththeotherreligioustraditionsintown,therearefewextremists. GovernmentalRegulation Bothpre-andpost-Partition,Malerkotla'sgovernmenthasbeendominatedbyMuslims.

Yetthemajorityofresidentsclaimthattherulersbothmonarchsandelectedofficialshave beenoverwhelminglyfairandimpartialintheirtreatmentofallreligiouscommunities.Indeed,
Anila Sultana, "Muslim Institutions and Organisations in Malerkotla and Their Impact on the Muslim Community," (Punjab History Conference XXVIII (1996): 263-70) and her dissertation, "Muslims of Malerkotla."
525

418

themostcommoncomplaintofbiaswasthattheMuslimmonarchshadbeenpartialtothe Hindusandnegligentoftheirownpartisans.Butingeneral,oneofthemostcommonreasons citedforMalerkotla'speaceatthetimeofPartitionisthelonghistoryofthesecularpoliciesof theNawabs.Someinterlocutorsgivespecificaccountsofthepoliciespursuedbytherulers, otherssimplystatethattheirauthoritarianismandthepresenceofastandingarmyinthe kingdomwerethekeyfactors.Ingeneral,residentscitetwoeventsthatdemonstratethejustice, tolerance,andsecularismoftheNawabs.ThefirstisthehaadanaarathroughwhichNawab SherMohammadKhangainedthetrustandloyaltyofhisSikhsubjectsbydemonstratingthat justicesupercedesreligiousaffiliation.ThesecondisthebehavioroftheNawabandotherlocal leadersatthetimeofPartition.Thoughtheirresourceswerestrainedandstretchedtothe breakingpoint,therulersofMalerkotlasomehowmanagedtosustaintheincursionoftensof thousandsofrefugeesintothestateandtomaintaintheirterritorialintegrityduringthechaos.526 SubsequenttoPartition,theNawabandhisfamilyretainedpoliticalpowerlocally,dominating electoralofficessinceIndependence. Although,aswehaveseeninChapterFive,misrulebyNawabAhmadAliKhan

exacerbatedlocaltensionsinthelate1930's,communitymemorysuppressestheseevents. ResidentsfocusinsteadonPartitionwhenIftikharAliKhan'sconductisuniversallypraisedand pastconflictsareovershadowedbythegoldenmemoryofthehaadanaaraandSher MuhammadKhan.ThesuccessfulhandlingofthePartitioncrisisestablishedthesubsequent qualityofpoliticsinMalerkotlainsuchawaythatsectariananddivisivepoliticsarenot appreciatedorrewardedwithelectoralvictory.Instead,thebattleistoestablishwhoisthemost secular-mindedandwhowilldistributemosteven-handedlytheresourcesofthegovernmentto

526

Malerkotla State Archives, File1/1-C/47-a/1947, Disturbances and Refugees, 1947. 419

allcommunities.InthissectionIwillassessthepastandpresentmodesofgovernmental regulation,especiallyasitpertainstothevariousreligiouscommunitiesinMalerkotla. Theecumenicalpoliciesoftherulershavealongtrackrecord.Nawabipatronageof

non-Muslimsacredsiteswasquitecommon.Indeed,evenaHinduintervieweewhootherwise seemeddeterminedtounderminetheMuslimauthoritiesacknowledgedthis.Hegaveanunusual accountofthegenesisofthelandgrantgiventotheHindushrineknownasDeraBabaAtma RamclaimingthatitwasAurangzeb(nottypicallyaherooftheHindus)ratherthantothe severalNawabstowhomthecreditbelongs.Inanotherexample,BhikamKhan(r.1755-1763) aidedAhmadShahAbdaliinbattleagainsttheSikhsin1761duringthetwodevastating campaignscalledbytheSikhstheWaddaGhalughara(GreatHolocaust)andtheChota Ghalughara(LittleHolocaust),duringwhichthirtythousandSikhswerekilledbysome estimates.Despitethis,theNawabapparentlysoughttoappeasetheSikhpopulationinhis kingdomandpossiblytoreducetheanimosityofthegrowingSikhpowersaroundMalerkotla. Tothisend,hegrantedavillagecalledBagriantoaSikh.AnaccountofthisisgivenbyInayat AliKhaninhisDescriptionofthePrincipalKotlaAfghans(1884).Khan(thebrotherofNawab IbrahimAliKhan)writes: He[i.e.,BhikamKhan]beingamanofcommonsenseandforesight,perceived thattotrustanylongertotheaidoftheMogal(sic)empiretotteringonthe vergeofruin,whichanycontingencymightoccasionwouldbetorelyona brokenreed,andthereforeheresolvedupongainingthefriendshipoftheSikhs. Toachievethis,hegaveawaythevillageofBagriantoaSikhdevotee, forgetting,betweenhopeanddespair,theaphorismoftheAsiaticsages,thatto showsubstantialfavourtoone'sfoes,howeverpoorandhumbletheymaybe,is tonourishaserpentinone'sbosom."527

527

Khan, A Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans, p.8. 420

InayatKhanwalksaninterestinglineinhisassessmentofNawabBhikamKhan'sgesture.He referstoitas"generosity,"andacknowledgesthatit"subduedthewavesofhostilityforthetime being,"buthisoverallconclusionisthatthegiftoflandwasill-advised.Certainlyitistruethat throughouttheeighteenthcenturyandintothenineteenththekingdomofMalerkotlabecame increasinglyisolatedastheonlyMuslimkingdomintheimmediateregion.Fluctuatingrelations withthekingdomsofPatiala,Nabha,andJindwhoborderedthestateatonepointreduced Malerkotla'sterritorytolittlemorethanthecitycenter.InayatKhan,asabeneficiaryofaroyal jagr(landgrant)wasunsurprisinglycriticalofanydevolutionoflandedauthoritytograntees outsidethekhandan(royalclan).Theaccountofthisincidentdoes,however,demonstratea continuedeffort(buildingfromtheprecedentoftheHaadaNaara)tocultivategoodwillamong thenon-Muslimpopulace.ThesequalitiesarefurtheremphasizedasBhikamKhan'scharacteris summedupbyNawabIftikharAliKhaninhisHistoryoftheRulingFamilyofSheikhSadruddin. Hewrites: NawabBhikanKhanhadinheritedalmostallthenoblequalitiesofhisancestors. Hewaskindheartedandbenevolentandextendedsympathynotonlytohisown relationsbuttostrangersalso,anddidnotallowanyfrictiontoprevailamongst hiskinsmen.Hefollowedapolicyoftolerationandwasabovethefanaticismso commonatthattime.Hesparednopainsinmakinghispeoplehappyand prosperousandmadelavishandgenerousgiftsoflandswithoutanydistinctionof casteandcreed.Hisrulewasoneofgreatprosperityandcontentmentinthe historyoftheState.528 Suchaglorificationmustcertainlybetreatedtoahermeneuticofsuspicion,butherethevalueof theassertionofsuchasentimentbythelastrulerofMalerkotlawhosupervisedboththecrisisof Partitionandthedissolutionoftheprincelystatemustbetakenintoaccount.Clearlyheis makingstrategic(ifpossiblyspurious)useofthepasttofindasecularspiritinhisancestor

528

Khan, History of the Ruling Family of Sheikh Sadruddin, p. 61. 421

whoseparticipationinoneofthemostdevastatingbattlesinSikhhistorywouldotherwisepaint himwithaverydifferentbrush.Thisrhetoricallinkgeneratesahistoryofpastecumenicism, creatingausefulresourceinthepresent. InanotherinterestingincidentinMalerkotla'sroyalhistory,NawabAtaullahKhan(r.

1784-1810)tookintohisemployaHinduminister,formerlyintheemployofRajaSahibSingh ofPatialaState,butwithratherdisastrousresults.Theminister,DewanNanuMal,soughtand obtainedemploymentwithAtaullahKhanbutultimatelybetrayedhimbyluringhimintobattle againstPatiala.529However,MalerkotlaandPatialaquicklyrestoredtheirrelationsintheirjoint effortstoresisttheincreasingincursionsoftheMarathasfromthesouth.Immediatelyfollowing theseeventsPatialacametoMalerkotla'sassistancetoresisttheattackoftheSikhSahibSingh Bedi(outlinedinChapterTwo).AfterrepulsingtheBedi'sassault,theRajaofPatialaandhis entourageremainedatMalerkotla,possiblyinordertogaincertainterritoriesandtolivefora timeattheexpenseoftheMalerkotlarulingfamily.Duringtheirstayitappearsthatagreatdeal oftensionarosebetweentheSikhsoldiersofPatialaandtheforcesofMalerkotla. Thesoldiersstartedmischiefbytakingtheinitiativeofinjuringthefeelingsofthe Muslims.IntheoldDewanKhana,therewasagraveofMianKhawajaKhizar Khan(amartyrinthebattle).Theydug,havingdonesoexhumedhisbody.This desecrationandinhumanactionoftheSikhsoldiersinfuriatedtheMuslims.530 Nonetheless,itseemsthatthe"Nawabstillwantedtoproceedwithtactandcaution,"thoughhis nephew(andtherightfulheirtothethrone)WazirKhanwasoutraged.WazirAliKhanhad earlierledforcestotheassistanceofPatiala,soheappealedtotheNawabdeclaringhis willingnesstosacrificehisownliferatherthantoleratesuchaninsult.Oneoftheseniorwomen ofthePatialahousehold,BibiSahibKaur
529 530

Lepel Griffin, Rajas of the Punjab, (Delhi; Low Price Publications, 2000 [1870]), pp. 72-73. Khan, History of the Ruling Family of Sheikh Sadruddin, p. 80-81. 422

wasawiseandsagaciousladyandhavingheardthestirringspeechofWazirAli Khanpreventedthesituationfromdeterioratinganyfurther.Shespokepolitely toWazirAliKhanwhowascalmandcoolinherpresence.Shethrewtheentire blameontheSikhsoldiersandsaidtheywereunculturedandrudeandthatsome sortofpunishmentwasbeingproposedforthem.531 TheseeffortsapparentlyresultedintheebbingoftensionandthePatialaforcessoondeparted. Certainlyoccurrencesofgravedesecrationswhetherrealorrumoredhaveoftenbeeninstigating factorsininflamingcommunaltensions.ThiseventatatimewhenthecoalitionbetweenPatiala andMalerkotlahaddefeatedanassaultonMalerkotlahadthepotentialtounderminetheirgood relations.TheNawab,AtaullahKhan,reportedlygaveavillagetoaretainerofthePatialastate andthesituationcametoaclose.ThemotivationsforthegiftareunelaboratedintheHistory, leavingustowonderaboutthecomplicatedloyaltiesandalliancesbetweenMalerkotlaand Patiala.CertainlybothkingdomswereinterestedinstemmingthepowerofSahibSinghBedi whohadnogreatrespectforeithertheSikhorMuslimkingdoms.However,byincludingthis incidentinhisHistory,theNawabagainsetsahistoricalprecedentforconciliationandpeacebuildingamonghisforebears,therebyclaimingthispragmatismandtoleranceashisheritageand birthrightasmuchasthecrownhadbeen. From1809onwards,MalerkotlawasaprotectorateoftheBritishEmpire.Undertheir

authority,theNawabscontinuedtorulewithaBritishresidentdeputedtosuperviseandadvise thekingdom'smanagement.Britishrecordsofthisperiod(1809-1947)indicatemismanagement, rampantinfightingamongtherulingfamily,increasingdebt,insanity,andoccasionaldereliction ofdutyonthepartoftheNawabs.Alsoappearingintherecordsareseveraloccasionsofinterreligiousandintra-religiouscontestation,particularlyinthe1920'sand1930's.Theconflictmost widelyreportedandresearchedduringthisperiodwastheexecutionoftheNamdhariSikhs,or

531

Ibid, p.81. 423

Kukas,whoattackedthestatein1872,asdiscussedinChapterOne.Thetragicdeathsofthe sixty-nineNamdhariscapturedbytheBritishremainsanimportantaspectofMalerkotla'slife today.Intheaftermathofthisitwasmadestatepolicythatneithercowsnorpigswouldbe killedwithinthebordersofthestatefromthenon.Perhapsgiventhatthiswasthesecondtime (thefirstbeingSahibSinghBedi)thatcowkillingwasgivenastheprovocationforattacking Malerkotla,theauthoritieswereinclinedtoobviatefutureassaultsfromtakingplaceforthesame reason.NamdhariliteratureplacestheblamefortheseeventssquarelyupontheBritishanddoes nothighlightcowslaughteroranyothermotivationforattackingtheMuslimkingdom. DuringtheBritishperiodtheNawabsofMalerkotlaappeartohavefollowedasteady

coursewithrespecttothenon-Muslimpopulation.Landgrantsweregiven,templesand gurdwaraswerebuilt,andhigh-rankingofficialsweredrawnfromtheelitesofeachcommunity. In1907,AhmadAliKhan(r.1908-1947)donatedfifty-twobighasoflandtosupportthe buildingoftheSinghSabhaGurdwara.GiventheincreasinginfluenceoftheSinghSabha movementwhichsoughttopurify,regulate,andconsolidatetheSikhcommunity,thismovewas nodoubtanimportantgesturetomaintainthegoodwilloftheSikhcitizensofMalerkotlawhoat thattimeaccountedforthelargestsegmentoftheurbanpopulation(41%accordingtothe1891 census).532Althoughhehadeffectivelybeenrulingforseveralyearsduetothedeteriorating mentalconditionofhisfather,uponascendingtothethroneAhmadAliKhanpursuednumerous projectstomaintaintheloyaltyofallhissubjects.HesupportedtheDeraofBabaAtmaRam andduringhisruleseveralofthelargerHindutempleswerealsobuiltincludingtheKaliMandir andtheGopalBhavan.Thelattertempleisintheheartoftheoldcitywhichwasentirelythe

532

See Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries. 424

propertyofmembersoftheroyalfamily.However,incidentsofunrest,dissent,rebellion,and riotingoccurredinMalerkotlainthisperiodasdiscussedinearlierchapters. NawabIftikharAliKhan(d.1982)wasthelastNawabofMalerkotlastate.Heinherited

thethronein1947afterhisfatherAhmadAliKhandied.HewaseducatedbyEuropean governessesandtutors,andtooktheCambridgeExamination.Hetraveledbroadlyandmettwo BritishkingsGeorgeVandEdwardVIII.HebecameChiefMinisterandeffectiverulerof Malerkotlain1946.IftikharAliKhan,byhisownaccountaswellasinthememoriesofmany residents,wasinstrumentalinmaintainingpeaceduringthePartitiondisturbances.Heissaidto havepersonallypatrolledthroughoutthecity,bothpubliclyandanonymouslyinordertoassess andaddresstheconditionoftheinhabitants.AfterIndependence,MalerkotlajoinedPEPSU (PatialaandEastPanjabStatesUnion)abodydesignedtogoverntheformerprincelystatesof IndianPunjab.TheNawabservedintheadministrationofthatunion.Followingthedissolution ofPEPSUin1954,IftikharAliKhanwastwiceelectedasmemberofthePunjabLegislative Assembly(MLA)forMalerkotla.Hemarriedfivetimesbuthadnosurvivingchildren.Twoof hiswives,YusufZamanandSajidaBegum,servedaslocalMLAsaswellinthe1960'sand70's. Underhisleadershipanumberoflocaleducationalinstitutionsandhospitalswerefounded, industryexpanded,agriculturalreformwasintroduced,androadsimproved.Evenafterthe Nawabsdeathin1982,hisfamilyhascontinuedtoholdauthorityinthetown,andbeenvery influentialinmunicipalaswellasstatepolitics.SajidaBegumisalocalCongresspartyleader andactivistandalsoservesontheboardthatoverseesthemanagementofthefamousDargahof KhwajaMu'inuddinChishtiinAjmer,Rajasthan.533

However, Sajida Begum recently quit the state party organization in protest over the current Chief Minister, Captain Amrinder Singh's giving the Malerkotla ticket to Razia Sultana instead of to her. "Veterans Resign, Sultana Unfazed," The Tribune, January 22, 2003.
533

425

Politics TheprincelystateofMalerkotlaendedin1956withthedissolutionofPEPSU.Nawab IftikharAliKhanfirstservedastheMalerkotlarepresentativetoPEPSU,winning70%ofthe voteinhisfirstelectoraloutingin1952.Although,Presidentsrule,meaningrulebythecentral Indiangovernment,wasimposedonPEPSUin1953duetoradicalpoliticalinstability,the Nawabcamebacktowinbyanevengreatermargininthefollowingelectionof1954,thistime garnering82%ofthevote.Inthe1952election,theNawabranasanindependent,reportedlyin ordertoavoidthedivisivepoliticsoftheparties.OnceMalerkotlaandtheotherPEPSUstates weremergedwithPunjabin1956,theNawabwasdefeatedbytheonlynon-Muslimevertohold thisposition,ChandaSingh.Singhservedonlyonetermhowever,andtheNawabregainedthe office,havingjoinedtheIndianNationalCongress(INC)amajordecisiongiventheINC's anti-royalistpolitics.HiswifeYusufZamanwaselectedin1962.Sheservedoneterm, followedbytheNawabsresumptionofthepositionuntil1972whenanotherofhiswives,Sajida Begum,waselected.In1977akinsmanoftheNawab,HajjiAnwarAhmadKhan,wonthe officebyanarrowmargin,representingtheShiromaniAkaliDal(SAD),apoliticalparty typicallyassociatedwithSikhethnicidentityandamovementforaseparateSikhnation. Nonetheless,thissetthepatternforfutureelectionsinwhichmanypartiesevensectarian groupssuchastheSADfloatMuslimcandidatesinMalerkotla,manyofwhomthenservein somecapacityintheStatecabinet.SajidaBegumwasreelectedin1980,followedbyanother Nawabiclansmanin1985,NusratAliKhanwiththeAkalis.In1992anon-Pathanwaselected forthefirsttime,ChaudhryAbdulGhaffar,alocalKhambhojleaderwiththeIndianNational Congress(INC).HealsoservedastheMinisterforEducationduringhistenure.1997sawthe khandanbackinpowerwithNusratIkhramKhanrepresentingtheSADandservingasthe

426

SportsMinisterforPunjab.Thelastelectionsin2002broughtanon-Pathanwoman,Razia Sultana,intopowerwithCongressparty.Ms.Sultanaisnotconnectedwiththerulingfamily, perhapssignalinganewerainlocalpolitics.Nonetheless,theongoingpoliticalpowerofthe Nawab'sclanistypicalofpost-IndependenceIndianpolitics.Manyformerrulershavebecome highprofilepoliticiansholdinglocal,regionalandnationalpositionsinspiteoflocalagitations toeliminatesuchstates.AnexcellentexampleofthisisthecurrentChiefMinisterofPunjab, CaptainAmrinderSingh,theerstwhileMaharajaofPatiala. Table2:MalerkotlaConstituency,PunjabStateLegislativeAssemblyMember(19772002) ListOfWinningCandidates Year 2002 1997 1992 1985 1980 1977 Source:ElectionCommissionofIndia, http://www.eci.gov.in/se2002/pollupd/ac/states/S19/win81.htm Electiondatagoingbackto1977demonstratethattheBJPdoesnotdowellin Malerkotla.ThepartyhasonlyonceevenfloatedacandidateinMalerkotlain1992when communalsentimentswereatahighintheyearthatendedwiththeBabriMasjid'sdestruction onDecember6. WinnerName RaziaSultana NusratAliKhan AbdulGhaffar NusratAliKhan SajidaBegum AnwarAhmadKhan Party INC SAD INC SAD INC(I) SAD Percentage OfValid Votes 34.78 41.6 43.03 49.97 50.31 52.03

427

Inadditiontotheelectoralpoliticsinsidethetown,statelevelpoliticiansalsotake

particularnoteofMalerkotla.DuringhistenuretheChiefMinisterofPunjab,PrakashSingh Badal(SAD)appointedNusratIkhramKhantothepositionofSportsMinisterandattendedthe #IdcelebrationsforbothBaqr#Idand#Idal-Fitratthe#IdGah.Followingthecommunal prayerwithaspeechinwhichhemadeseveralpromisestoestablishanUrduinstituteinthe townanddedicatesignificant(1,500,000rupees)toexpandthe#IdGah.TheGovernorofthe StateLieutenantGeneralJFRJacobalsovisitedMalerkotla,takingparticularcaretoattendthe dargahofHaiderShaikh.Asdiscussedinpreviouschapters,thelocalMemberofParliament, SardarSimranjitSinghMann,hasalsotakenaspecialinterestinthetown.Hisconcernisbased onhisownpersonaldevotiontoGuruGobindSinghandhiscommitmenttotheblessingofthe Guru.MannstressesunitybetweenminoritycommunitiesagainstthegrowingpoweroftheBJP anditsallies.CaptainAmrinderSingh,thecurrentChiefMinisterofPunjabanderstwhile MaharajaofPatiala,hasalsomadefrequentvisitstoMalerkotla,notablyhispresenceatSajida Begum's'IdMilanin2000wherehemadereferencetothehaadanaarainanefforttoestablish rapportwiththeMuslimcommunity.Eachofthesepoliticiansseekinsomefashionto demonstratethattheyareworthyofMuslimtrustandsupportandwillprotectandupholdthe interestsofthecommunity.ManifestingaspecialbondwithMalerkotla,evenfornon-Muslim politiciansisthusakeystrategytogaintheelectorateandprovetheirabilitytogoverna multiculturalstate. AlthoughtheNawabiandkhalfahfamilieshavedominatedstateoffices,municipal

politicsbetterreflectthediverselocalpopulation.TheMunicipalCommittee(MC)of

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Malerkotlawasestablishedin1908bytheNawab.534Itwasanappointedbodyuntil1951when electionswerefirstheld.AlthoughtherehasalwaysbeenamajorityofMuslimmemberson theMunicipalCommittee(MC),from1951to1979thepresidentwasanon-Muslim.Sincethat timeMuslimsandnon-Muslimshaveservedinthatcapacity.In2000-2001thepresidentwas AzmatAliKhan,againamemberofthePathaneliteandadescendantofoneofthefamilies affiliatedtoHaiderShaikhstomb.ManyprimarilyMuslimconstituencieselectHindusand SikhstotheMC,andviceversa. InasurveyconductedbyS.K.Sharmaintheearly1980'samongMuslimelitesintown,

itemergedthatmostweregladthattheychosetoremaininIndiaratherthandepartforPakistan. MostnamedJawaharlalNehru,MohandasGandhi,andMaulanaAzadasthemostadmired politicians.Bycontrast,MuhammadAliJinnahwasnamedbyonlyfourofthirtyindividuals interviewed.535MostfeltthattheirsecurityandfreedominIndiawasgreaterthaninPakistan,an attitudebornoutbymanyofmyinterviewstwentyyearslater.OneretiredmaleMuslim schoolteacherdeclared: EventodayIthinkourancestorsshowedtheirintelligencethattheystayedhere. Inspiteofthepossibilityofgoing,theystayedhere,thisshowedtheir intelligence.Thosewhowenttherearelesssafe.Theycannotoffernamazinthe masjidtogether.Theydonotknowwhentheywillbeattacked.Guardsstand outsidethemosque,andthenonlycantheyoffernamaz.ThankGodweare Hindustani.Evenifwewanttooffernamazatarailwaystationwecandothatif itisthetimefornamaz.WehavesuchfreedominIndia,thatiswhyour ancestorsdidtherightthing.Wearefreefromthereligiouspointofview.That iswhyIthinkthatMaulanaAzadstheoryisrightandguideduswellandour ancestorsacceptedthistheoryanddidtherightthing.Wehaverelativesin Pakistanbutwethinkwearehappierthanthem.

S. K. Sharma, "Political Beliefs and Attitudes of a Religious Minority: An Exploratory Study of the Muslim Elite in Malerkotla," in Political Dynamics of Punjab, ed. S. C. Wallace (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University, 1981). page 43. 535 Ibid, p. 83.
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TheschoolteacherfavorablycomparesreligiousfreedominIndiatothatinPakistan.Evenasa MusliminthatMuslimmajority(96%)nation,therearedivisionsanddistinctionsthatindicatea lackoftolerance.TheschoolteacheralsomakesreferencetoMaulanaAzad'soppositiontothe callforPakistan.AzadservedasPresidentoftheIndianNationalCongressandwasaclose associateofNehru'sduringtheIndependenceMovement.AzadclaimedstronglythatMuslims asmuchasHindusbelongedtothelandofIndia.Inaspeechin1940hesaid: IamproudofbeinganIndian.IampartoftheindivisibleunitythatisIndian nationalityIslamhasnowasgreataclaimonthesoilofIndiaasHinduism.If Hinduismhasbeenthereligionofthepeoplehereforseveralthousandsofyears, Islamhasalsobeentheirreligionforathousandyears.JustasaHinducansay withpridethatheisanIndianandfollowsHinduism,soalsocanwesaywith equalpridethatweareIndiansandfollowIslam.536 ThistypeofnationalistideologyiscommonlyfoundamongMuslimsinMalerkotlaandAzadis seenasaheroofnationalistIslam.Asmentionedabove,residentsherefeelverymuchunder scrutinyandoftengotogreatlengthstodemonstratetheirloyaltytotheIndiannation,asinthe casewhenduringthe1999KargilWarbetweenIndiaandPakistantheeffigyofthenPrime MinisterNawazSharifwasburnedduringademonstration.Theseexpressionsshouldnotbe dismissedas'merelysymbolic'asthestakesinbeingperceivedasdisloyalareextremelyhigh. ThistypeofovertdisplayofpatriotismisrequiredofMuslimsinIndia.537Ravagedbyviolence andscarredbydivisivepolitics,Muslimswereandareregardedasapotentialfifthcolumn. Theyaremoreheavilyscrutinizedeveninmatterssuchascricketloyalties.Theyarealso requiredtoactivelyandconstantlyreasserttheirallegiancetotheIndianstate.Theeffortmust becontinuousasHindunationalistpoliticshavebeenparticularlyassiduousinattemptingtotar IndianMuslimswithabrushofextra-territorialallegiance.
Find source As Gyan Pandey describes in his article, "Can a Muslim Be an Indian," in the aftermath of Partion, the consolidation of the nation is a project that necessitated drawing distinctions between who is a legitimate member of the nation and who is not.
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InherdissertationaboutMalerkotla,AnilaSultanasurveyedonehundredlocalresidents.

AskedwhytheyremainedinMalerkotlaratherthanleaveforPakistan,thirtyofthosesurveyed saidtheystayedbecausetheywereloyaltotheNawab.Twenty-sixsaidtheyremainedoutof loyaltytosomeotherlocalleaders.538AsSultana'ssurveyallowedpeopletochoosemultiple reasons,italsorevealedthattheblessingoftheSikhGuruwasthesinglemostimportantreason forstaying,andloyaltytotheNawabwasthesecondmostpopular.Inadditionmanyresidents remainedexpectingofabetterfutureinIndiawhereasPakistanwasanunknownquantity.Many Khambhojresidentsanticipatedlandreformtofollowcloselyafterindependenceandthey believedtheireconomicprospectswerebrighter.Anothercommonreasongivenwaslovefor theirhomelandandhometown.Interestingly,however,intheearliersurvey,Sharmahewrites thatoverwhelminglythosesurveyedgavethecreditforthegeneralcommunalharmonyin Malerkotlatothepeople,notthenationalgovernment.539Thisestimationofthepositiveroleof thepeopleechoestheassessmentofJ.C.Donaldson,theBritishofficerwhoinvestigatedthe disturbancesoverarati/kathaandnamazin1935.Italsoreflectsthewayinwhichthat controversywasultimatelyresolvedthroughinter-communitynegotiationsin1940.Both SultanaandSharma'ssurveysindicateacombinationofreasonsforremaininginMalerkotlathat rangefromthespiritualtothematerialtothepoliticaltothepractical.Significantly,nonmaterialmotivationsareascommonlycitedasthematerial.Devotiontoareligiousfigure,such astheGuru,trustinlocalleadership,andloveforthehomelandareelementsthatmakelifeinthe townmeaningful. NoneofthesereasonswouldhavecountedforanythinghadtheresidentsofMalerkotla

notfeltasenseofsecurity.Muslims,Sikhs,andHindusinmyownresearchandthatofothers,
538 539

Sultana, "Muslims of Malerkotla," p. 80. Sharma, p. 67. 431

allreportedaconfidenceintheabilityofthestatetoprotectthematthetimeofPartition.Infact, aftertheHaadaNaaraandtheblessingsofthesaint,themostcommonreasongivenbyresidents forMalerkotla'speaceatthattimewasthevigilanceanddedicationofthekingdom'sarmyin patrollingtheborders.540Thisargumentisputforwardperhapsmostforcefullybyaformer officerintheNawab'sarmywhowasservingin1947.FaujdarKhushiMohammaddisputesall oftheotherexplanationsforMalerkotla'sstabilityduringPartition.Alongtimememberofthe Jama#at-iIslam,KhushiMohammadwasinstrumentalinfoundingtheIslamiyyaGirlsSchool, oneofthefirstofitskindtoprovideahighschooleducationforgirls.LikemostJama#at-i Islammembers,heopposesthepracticeofziyarat,andunsurprisinglydismissedthenotionthat anysaint'sblessinghadprotectedthetown.Similarly,hediscountstheprevalentperspective thatMalerkotlaissafebecauseitisbelovedbytheSikhsbecauseofGuruGobindSingh's blessing.Onthecontrary,hesaid,"ifthesepeople[i.e.theSikhs]hadevenaniotaoftherespect theynowprofessforGuru-Sahib'sword,therewouldhavebeennoneedformeandmymilitary colleagues."541ThisperspectiveisechoedbyMaulanaAbdulRauf,theheadofthelocal Jama#at-iIslam,whoarguedifthoseplaceswhichhaddonesomeservicetotheGuruwere sparedSikhviolenceduringPartition,thenMacchiwarashouldhavebeenpreserved.Afterall, GuruGobindSinghwasrescuedfromMachiwaraafterescapingfromthebattleofChamkaurby twoMuslimbrothers,GhaniKhanandNabiKhan,whodressedtheSikhleaderupasUchdaPir andcarriedhimawayonapalanquin.WhereasAbdulRaufcreditsGodandthepeopleof Malerkotlawiththeirsafety,KhushiMohammadgaveamorepragmaticexplanationfor Malerkotla'ssafety.AsKhushiMohammadputit,"WhenthefirsttrainscameinfromtheWest,

Ian Copland, "The Political Geography of Religious Conflict: Towards an Explanation of the Relative Infrequency of Communal Riots in the Indian Princely States," International Journal of Punjab Studies (Volume 7, no. 1, 1999). 541 Asit Jolly, "Myth of Maler Kotla" The Asian Age, December, 1997.
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thebloodchillingstoriestoldbythesurvivorssparkedoffviolentreactionsinMalwa(theregion ofPunjabinwhichMalerkotlaislocated).Malerkotlawouldhavebeennodifferentbutforour Nawab'sfirmnessandmaybethefactthattherewerehardlyanySikhslivinghereatthetime."542 ForKhushiMohammadandmanyotherresidents,thekeytotheharmonyatPartitionwasthe conscientiousbehavioroftheNawabandthediligenceofhisarmyinfollowinghisorders. ThestrongroletakenbythearmyattheNawab'sbehestisclearlyamajorfactorin

maintainingcalmin1947.Thisalsosupportsthecardinalrulethatpreventingcommunal violenceorincurbingitwhenitoccursistheswiftandunbiasedactionofthepolice.Notonly domostriotreportsandcommissionsofenquiryinvestigatingethnicconflictcitepoliceinaction, bias,orevenassistanceandcomplicityasamajorproblem,butsodomosttheoristsofsuch conflicts.HumanRightsWatch'sinquiryintotheviolenceinGujaratinspring2002which claimedpossibly2000mostlyMuslimlivesreportsthatpolicecomplicitywasevidentina numberofways.First,asevidencedbythetitleoftheHumanRightsWatchreport"WeHave NoOrderstoSaveYou,"thepoliceoftenrespondedtopleasforassistancefromMuslimswith silence,claimsofshortresources,orsimplerefusaltoprotectthepeopleintheirprecincts.In onecaseaformerMemberofParliament,EhsanJaffrey,calledrepeatedlyforhelpasamob gatheredoutsidehishomeandmoreandmorelocalMuslimstookrefugewithhim,believing thathispoliticalinfluencewouldsavethem.Instead,afteroversevenhoursofcallstothepolice fromvariousministersincludingSoniaGandhi,leaderoftheCongressParty,andinspiteof personalpoliceassurancesofprotection,nohelparrived.UltimatelyJaffrey(ageseventy-four) offeredhimselftothecrowdasasecurityfortheothers.Hewashackedandburnedtodeathand

542

Jolly, "Myth of Malerkotla." 433

hishomesetonfire,killingatleastfifty-eightothers.543HumanRightsWatchreportedthatone oftheslogansoftheattackerswasyehandarkibathai,policehamaresathhain,i.e.thisisthe secret,thepolicearewithus.544Furthermore,inmanycasesthepolicerefusedtofileFirst InformationReports(FIRs)onmanycrimesandmanyofthosefileddonotciteanyindividual persecutors,butratherageneralmobwhichwouldbeimmunefromprosecution.Policewhodid attempttoactinaconscientiousmannerwereoftentransferred.545Thisisjustonepieceof evidenceimplicatingthestategovernmentinGujaratinsupportingtheHinduriotersby providingmaterialassistance,immunityfromprosecution,andgeneratinganatmosphereof distrustandalienationbetweenreligiouscommunitiesinthestate.Allofthecommissionsof inquiryandreportsaffirmthenecessityofpolicereformtobringaboutsubstantivechangein whathasbecomeaclimateoffearinGujaratand,indeed,inmanyotherpartsofIndia. Becauseofsuchexamplesofthefailureorrefusalofthepoliceormilitarytointerveneto

stopinter-religiousviolence,theexampleoftheeffectivemanagementofthechaosofPartition becomesacrucialcasestudy.InMalerkotla,notonlydidthearmypatrolthebordersofthe kingdomin1947,butalsotheyweregivenexplicitinstructionstoprotectthenon-Muslim minoritypopulation.AccordingtoKhushiMohammad,"wehadbeenorderedtoprotectnonMuslimpropertyfromlocalattemptsatarsonorlooting."546TheheadofthelocalJama#at-i

The official toll is fifty-nine dead, but other commissions of inquiry such as the Concerned Citizens Tribunal, the People's Union for Civil Liberties, and various magazines and journals such as Outlook claim at least seventy were killed in this incident alone. For more on these reports: Concerned Citizens Tribunal (Justice VR Krishna Iyer, Justice PB Sawant, Justice Hosbet Suresh, KG Kannabiran, Aruna Roy, KS Subramanian, Ghanshyam Shah, Tanika Sarkar). "Crime against Humanity: An Inquiry into the Carnage in Gujarat." Mumbai: Citizens for Justice and Peace, 2002. Dr. Kamal Mitra Chenoy, S.P. Shukla, K.S. Subramanian, and Achin Vanaik. "Gujarat Carnage 2002," Outlook, April 4, 2002. Human Rights Watch, "'We Have No Orders to Save You': State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat," Human Rights Watch (Volume 14, no. 3(C) 2002). 544 Human Rights Watch, p. 22. 545 Ibid, p. 49. 546 Jolly, "Myth of Malerkotla."
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Islam,MaulanaAbdulRauf,otherwisenofanoftheNawab,alsoacknowledgesthepositiverole playedbytherulerduringPartition.Hesays, WhenPakistanwasformed,atthattimetheroleoftheNawabwasverygood. TheMuslimsgatheredhereandtheHinduswentawayduetofear.Andthe Nawabgavetheorderthatifyoubreakthelockofanyplacethattheyhaveleft, youwillbeshot.AndinSikhvillagesitwassaidthatiftherewasanylossofa Muslim(life),thevillagewillbeburned.NoMuslimdaredtobreakthelockofa Hinduorstealfromhishouse.Hecontrolledthesituationinaverygoodmanner. It[i.e.thepeaceinMalerkotla]maybeablessingorgodspower,orthepowerof theNawabslaw,thatwhosoeverisbrutaltoanotherpersonwillbeshot.There wasnoinjustice,nobanditry. Ineverencounteredaresidentofanyreligionwhocontradictedthisaccount.AnotherMuslim male,aretiredschoolteacher,describedthetimeinasimilarfashion.Hesaid,"Iwas4years hold.Mydadtoldmeaboutthis.FromMalerkotlaHindusmigratedorranaway,leavingtheir houses.TheNawabpostedpoliceattheirhouses,butnobodydidanydamagetotheirhousesor belongings."Manynon-MuslimresidentsofMalerkotlaoldenoughtorecalltheperiod substantiatethis.TheHindumistriwhoexpresseddecidedlyanti-Muslimsentimentsalso recalledthedifficultdaysof1947asatimeofsharedinterestamongHindus,MuslimsandSikhs inpreservingthesafetyinthetown.AsdiscussedpreviouslyhewascriticizedbysomeHindus formakingandsellingweaponstoMuslimshisresponsetothecritiquewas"thereisno difference.IfaMuslimdies,thenalsowewilldie.IfaHindudiesthenalsowearesitting betweentheMuslims."Furthermore,themistrireportedthepositiveroleoftheNawabin movingaroundamongthepeople,beingavisiblepresence,solicitousofpeople'sneeds. AtthattimeoftheNawabIftikharAliKhan547,mydutywasinatent.We stoppedhim(i.e.theNawab)andheaskedmyname.I[toldhim],andhesaid whosesonareyou?MyguruwastheNawabscarpenter,soIgavehisname.He saidIhopeyoudonothaveanyproblems?Doyouneedsomeweapons?Isaid no,therewasnothreat.Heusedtomeetusdaily.
The respondent cites Iftikhar Ali Khan as the Nawab although nominally his father Ahmad Ali Khan was still the ruler. From numerous reports, including the widows of Iftikhar Ali Khan, Ahmad Ali Khan was quite elderly and most of the substantive decisions and actions during this time were undertaken by the son.
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 ThisisastarkcontrasttoIftikharAliKhan'sfatherwhohadtendedtohightailittoSimlawhen thesituationgotbad.Thesenseofasharedfateexpressedbytheseolderresidentsisnotoneof sentimental,nostalgicunity.Onthecontrary,therespondentsallresistotherwordlyandpopular explanationsforMalerkotla'speace.EventhemistriacknowledgestheNawab'sconcernfor non-Muslimcitizensandhiseffortstomakesuretheyhadadequatesuppliesfortheirdefense. Thecharismaofroyaltyaside,itappearsthatthesupportforthelastNawabandsubsequentlyfor hisrelationswhoheldelectiveoffice(includingthedescendentsofHaiderShaikh)was broadbasedandconsistent. However,recentlypoliticalpowerhasshiftedoutoftheNawabifamilyandthefamilyof HaiderShaikh.TheMLAelectedin2002isRaziaSultana,whowontheCongressPartyticket fromSajidaBegum,awidowofthelastNawabandalongtimeCongressleader.SajidaBegum wasreportedlyveryupsetthattheCongressticketwasgiventosomeoneelseandthecurrent ChiefMinister,CaptainAmrinderSingh,dismissedherfromthestatepartyorganization.Singh, himselfaCongresspartymemberandtheerstwhileMaharajaofPatiala,appearstohaveshown nofavoritismtofellowroyaltyinthiscase.TheTribunereportedonJanuary21,2003that SajidaBegumwasdismissedbecauseshefailedtosupporttheCongresscandidate,Razia Sultana,afterlosingherownbid.Thereasonforthis,accordingtoTheTribuneisthat"Mrs. SajidaBegum,oneoftheoldestCongresswomeninPunjab,whowasaconfidantoftheformer PunjabChiefMinisterandtheUnionHomeMinister,GianiZailSingh,hadrevoltedagainstthe decisionofthepartytogivetickettoMrsRaziaSultan,wifeofapoliceofficer,and'outsider.'"548 AlongwiththedeclineinSajidaBegum'spopularity,twoothermembersofHaiderShaikh's lineagehaverecentlylosttheirpositions.ThepreviousMLA,NusratIkhramKhanandthe
548

"Veterans Resign, Sultana Unfazed," The Tribune, January 22, 2003. 436

previousheadoftheMunicipalCommittee,AzmatAliKhan(SAD)werebothaffiliatedwiththe dargahofthesaint.AzmatAliKhan'sstewardshipwasunderchallengeforalongtime,but finallylosthispositionwhenNusratIkramKhanlosthisownelection.Thissignifiesanewera inlocalpoliticsastherelativemonopolyonpoweroftheNawab'sandHaiderShaikh'slineages comestoanend.Italsoappearsthattheopeningupofthepoliticalarenahasresultedinan intensificationoffactionalandreligiouspoliticsinMalerkotla.549AfterAzmatAliKhanwas dismissed,thecommitteeelectedaHinduinterimpresident,KewalKishanJindal.550InAugust 2002,priortoacouncilvoteonanewpresident,itappearsthatJindalwasassaultedandRazia Sultana,theMLA,hasbeenaccusedoforderingtheattackthatlefthimhospitalized.An electionwasheldinJindal'sabsencethatbroughtFaqirMuhammadtotheleadershippost,butan outcryinMalerkotlaledtoanotherelection.YetanotherreferendumonMarch23,2003brought M.S.Bholi,anotherHinduandCongressPartymember,tothepositionofMunicipalCommittee President.Thisisafascinatingsituationthatinothermunicipalitiescouldbeconstruedasan inter-religiousdispute.However,giventhesupportbasesofthevariousfactionsthatwouldbea hastyconclusion.Infact,JindalhimselfacknowledgedseveralMuslimswhosupportedhimat thetimeoftheattackandafterwards.551Furthermore,alllocalreligiousgroupsandparties universallycondemnedJindal'sassaultandacitywidebandh(strike)washeldinprotest.Nusrat IkramKhan,AbdulGhaffar(anotherformerMLA),thepresidentofthelocalTruckUnion,Ajit
This is an argument made by both Paul Brass and Stanley Tambiah, that mass politics opens up an arena for competition in which political leaders seek to garner power and support by activating divisive religious identities. See, Paul R. Brass Language, Religion and Politics in North India, (New York; Cambridge University Press, 1974) and Theft of an Idol (1997), Tambiah, Leveling Crowds (1996), and van der Veer, Religious Nationalism (1994). 550 Recent developments indicate that Jindal was replaced in August of 2002 by one Faqir Muhammad (not to my knowledge linked to the Nawab or khalfah families). Confusing and contradictory reports appear in The Tribune from July through August of 2002. See, for example, August 30, 2002 http://www.tribuneindia.com/2002/20020830/punjab1.htm'14. 551 The Tribune, August 29, 2002, quotes Jindal saying, "I passed out and regained consciousness half an hour later. Some friends Mr Haleem Farooqui, Mr Des Raj Verma, both councillors, and Mr M. Jamil-ur-Rehman brought some clothes for me. I pulled myself inside the hall where the meeting was still on and brought the matter to the notice of the SDM who commented that he was following his orders, he alleged."
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Singh,thepresidentoftheSanatanDharamSabha,KamleshGarg,andMrK.K.Chopra, presidentofthelocalBJPallparticipated.AbdulGhaffar,anextremelywellrespectedlocal figure,toldTheTribunethattheimpressionthatitwasacommunaldisputewasmisleadingand theissuehadmuchmoretodowiththeproperfunctioningofdemocraticinstitutionsin Malerkotla.Hepointedoutthebroad,non-partisanandnon-sectariansupportinthecommunity forafullinquiryintotheattack.Suchabreakdownoflawandorderinwhichitispossiblefor thepresidentoftheMunicipalCommitteetobeassaultedoutsideoftheMunicipalCommittee officeindicatesadisturbingdirectionforMalerkotlapolitics.Itisalsoamatterofconcernthat BJPpartyleadersinPunjabgotinvolvedinthesituation,publiclydenouncingRaziaSultanaand callingforaninvestigation.552However,inspiteofallthesedivisivedevelopments,itmustbe rememberedthatinMarch2003thisseventypercentMuslimtownelectedaCongresspresident totheMunicipalCommitteewhoisaHindu.Thismaywellbeapositivesignthatalthoughthe recentpoliticalscenehasbeennasty,ithasnotbeensobecauseofcommunalreligious sentiment. Malerkotla'spoliticsreflectthepeculiaritiesofaregionregulatedbymultipleminorities. EspeciallysincethecreationofHaryanaandHimachalPradeshoutofwhatwasformerlya singlestateofPunjab,theSikhcommunityandPunjabilanguagehavedominatedthestate.This isunusualinacountrythatisapproximatelytwopercentSikh.553Thetensionbetweenmultiple communities,allminoritiesinsomefashion,arethusbalancedouttoagreatdegree.However, fromstudiesconductedinotherregionsitisclearthatparityofpopulationdoesnotnecessarily
The Tribune, August 20, 2002. Although Hindus and Muslims also speak Punjabi, the language is especially associated with the Sikh community while Hindi and Urdu are, respectively, associated with the former religions. This association has become even more pronounced since Partition as the Pakistani government has pursued active policies of enforcing Urdu as the national language and the Indian government has adopted Hindi. Therefore Punjabi has become the language of the Sikhs and is almost exclusively written in the liturgical Gurmukhi script whereas previously it was also written in Persian script.
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obviatenorexacerbatecommunaltensions.AsAshutoshVarshney'sstudyEthnicConflictand CivicLifedocuments,violenceoccursinsomecitieswithsignificantMuslimpopulationsand doesnotinothers.Population,therefore,isnotthekeyvariableinpromotingorpreventing ethnicstrife.Forexample,inHyderabadthereisasignificantnumberofMuslimsthirty-fiveto thirty-sevenpercentofthepopulation.554Muslimculturaldominanceinthecityasaformer princelystatehasdiminishedsinceindependencein1947,buttheeffectremains.Inspiteofthis situationofrelativeequality,Hyderabadhasexperiencedseveralmajorincidentsofviolence betweenHindusandMuslims.MostrecentweretheriotsthatscourgedthecityinDecember 1990followingthenationalrathyatra(pilgrimageprocession)ofL.K.Advani(nowDeputy PrimeMinister)onhiswaytoliberatethebirthplaceofRaminAyodhya.Inthewakeofhisvisit tothecitytogarnersupportforthebuildingofatempleatthesiteoftheMasjid,overthree hundredpeoplewerekilledandthousandsinjured.555VarshneycharacterizesHyderabadas "riot-prone,"buthisworkestablishesthatcontrarytocommonassumptionsamongpolitical scientists,highorequalMuslimpopulationinaregionisnotaproximatecauseofcommunal tensionorviolenceinaregion.Onthecontrary,hepairsseveralurbancenterswithroughly proportionalpopulationsofHindusandMuslimsone'riot-prone'andtheothernotthereby demonstratingthatdemographicparityisnotakeyfactorinthosecases.556AlthoughMuslims areaminorityinthesecases,inallthesitesselectedbyVarshney,theMuslimpopulationislarge enoughtobeasignificantelectoralfactor.557

Varshney Ethnic Conflict, p. 172. Kakar The Colors of Violence, p. 51. 556 Varshney, Ethnic Conflict , p. 13. 557 As mentioned previously, mass politics is clearly a major factor in exacerbating tensions. Proximity to elections, especially in which the minority vote is a key factor is likely to further raise the stakes. See Brass, Theft of an Idol, Tambiah, Leveling Crowds, and Steven Wilkinson, "Consociation Theory and Ethnic Violence."
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InMalerkotla,althoughMuslimsareadominantmajoritywithalonghistoryofpolitical

authorityaswell,localMuslimsfeelstronglythatbecauseoftheirtokenstatusthattheycannot affordtensiontotakeroot.IftheMuslimmajorityfailstomaintainthesecurityandsatisfaction ofthenon-Muslimresidents,thesuspicionoftheMuslimcommunitywhichpervadesIndiaat largecouldquicklytakerootinMalerkotla.TheviabilityofMuslimcustodianshipwillbecalled intoquestion.Furthermore,theyperceivethescrutinyofthestateinnumerousways.Here aloneinPunjabwerepolicedeployedonthestreetsduringtensionsaftertheBamiyanBuddhas weredestroyedbytheTalibanandagainaftertheUSAattackedAfghanistan.Herepolicewere sentoutduringthecrisisinGujaratinspringof2002.Indeed,theHomeMinistryandthelocal policeinvestigatedmyownactivitiesasaresearcherinthiscommunity.ThustheMuslim majorityishighlyconsciousofitshighprofilestatusascustodiansofthesafetyandcontentment ofthenon-Muslimminority.Thisisinterpretedbysomeasacivicresponsibilityandothersasa sacredtrust. ThusMalerkotlaasasharedcommunity,muchlikethesharedshrineatitscenter,

containsandinvertscontradictoryconceptionsandregimesofpower,creatingidealizedand criticalreflectionofaSouthAsiansocietyinwhichthelinesdrawnbetweenreligionscanbe lethal.AlthoughPunjabhasnotbeena"laboratoryofHindutva"ashasGujarat,stilltheimpact of"saffronization"inIndiahasbeenfelthereaswell.558TheappealofvirulentHindugroups liketheBajrangDalandtheShivSenaislimited,buttheirpresenceisincreasinglyfeltinthis statethatjusttenyearsagowasinthethroesofaviolentmovementtoseparatetheSikhmajority

The notion of Gujarat, where thousands of Muslims were killed in pogroms in the Spring of 2002, as Hindutva's laboratory comes from a comment by Praveen Togadia, the General Secretary of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). Togadia reportedly announced that the events in Gujarat and the subsequent reelection of the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, who administered the state during this period testified to the success of an experiment in the laboratory of Hindutva. This was widely reported in the Indian press.
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statefromHinduIndiaandcreateaKhalistan.559Althoughinthe1999electionsonlythree candidatesfromtheBJPalliancewonseatsinthenationalParliament,560thepreviouselection hadbroughtPrakashSinghBadaloftheShiromaniAkaliDal(SAD)topowerasChiefMinister oftheStateuntil2001.BadalalignedtheformerlySikhnationalistparty(SAD)withtheBJPled groupofpartiesknownastheNationalDemocraticAlliance(NDA)asastrategicmoveasthis frontwasascendantonthenationallevel.ThisallianceledtoaninternalsplitwithintheSAD, resultinginseveraloffshootsfromtheSADincludingtheSAD-Mann,formedbySimranjit SinghMann,theMemberofParliament(MP)fromDistrictSangrur,inwhichMalerkotlais located.TheSAD-Badal'sassociationwiththeBJPmayhavecostthemthe2001stateassembly electionswhichbroughttheCongressPartyunderCaptainAmrinderSinghtopower.561Inspite ofthisrecentdevelopment,communalpoliticshavenotbeenabsentfromthePunjabipolitical scene.SikhdesireforautonomyhasebbedandflowedsincetheeffectiveendoftheSikh kingdomwithMaharajaRanjitSingh'sdeathin1849. InthelatenineteenthcenturytheSikhsectknownasNamdharis,orKukas,made

numerouseffortstofreePunjabfromBritishrule,includingbeginningoneofthefirstnoncooperationmovementsinIndianhistory,astrategylateremployedwithsignificantlymore fanfareandeffectbyMohandasGandhi.TheAkalipartyfirstcameintobeingintheearly twentiethcenturyandlednumerousagitationsagainstthecolonialpowers,severalresultingin lethalsuppressionbytheBritish.DuringtheIndependencestruggle,Sikhclaimsfortheirown nationwereadvancedbyMasterTaraSingh,whoeventuallyalliedwiththeIndianNational

Dhaliwal mosque destruction story. Vinod Khanna (55% of the vote) in Gurdaspur is the only BJP MP currently serving, the other two NDA MPs are from Ferozepur and Tarn Taran. All three districts border Pakistan. New elections will be held in 2004. 561 Captain Amrinder Singh, the new Chief Minister of Punjab is also the son of the last Maharaja of Patiala, Yadavindra Singh. His main campaigning issues related to agricultural procurement and the World Trade Organization, whose policies he severely criticized.
559 560

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Congress.ThoughMasterTaraSinghandothershadfloatedathirddivisiontoencompassa KhalistanandcreateaSikhmajoritystate,thiswasneverentertainedseriouslyatthenational level.Partition,especiallyinthewayitultimatelyoccurredinPunjab,wasthelastthingthe Sikhswanted.ThedivisionofthenorthwestareasofIndiaoccurredinthemosttraumatizing wayimaginable,leavingvastSikhpopulationsonthePakistanisideaswellasLahore(the capitaloftheSikhkingdomunderMaharajaRanjitSingh)andmanySikhholysitessuchasthe birthplaceofGuruNanak.InIndia,Sikhswereconfrontedbytheprospectofbeingabsorbedby theoverwhelmingHindumajority.EventuallywiththecreationofthestateofHaryanaonthe basisoflanguage(HaryanabeingaHindispeakingregionandPunjabidominatinginthewestern andnorthernpartsofthestate),theSikhsbecameanabsolutemajorityinPunjab.Sikhsecurity wasfarfromguaranteed,however,aswasbrutallyevidentfromthegruesomeeventsof OperationBluestar,theassassinationofIndiraGandhi,andthesubsequentanti-Sikhriotsin Delhi.ItwouldbedifficulttoexaggeratetheimpactofOperationBluestarontheSikh communityinPunjabandthroughouttheworld.Althoughfewpeoplesupportedtheoccupation oftheGoldenTemplebytheSikhmilitantSantBhindranwale,theoutrageanddisgusttowards IndiraGandhi'sdecisiontoattacktheGoldenTempleandfirebombit,wasuniversal.Similarly thoughfewSikhswoulddefendIndiraGandhi'sassassins,theimpactoftheanti-Sikhriotshas leftindeliblescarsoneveryoneoldenoughtoremember.Theresultingsenseofinsecurityand thevulnerabilityoftheSikhsarenotunliketheconcernsofotherminoritypopulationsinIndia suchasMuslimsandChristians.ThusthelastfewelectionsinPunjabhavebeenextremely interestingasBadal'salliancewiththeHindunationalistBJPprovedtobeaneffectivestrategy. Alsointerestingisthe2001successofAmrinderSinghonaCongressPartyticketthepartyof IndiraGandhi.

442

ItisworthrecallingthewaysinwhichthedargahofHaiderShaikhhasbeenintegrated

intothepoliticalritualsofthetown.Aspreviouslydescribed,notonlydoofficeholderswhoare relatedtothesaint,suchasMunicipalPresidentAzmatAliKhan,MLANusratIkhramKhan,or theNawab,attendtheshrinebutsodootherMuslimresidents,non-Muslimsandstatelevel politicians.DuringtheyearandahalfIlivedinMalerkotlatheChiefMinistercameto Malerkotlathreetimes:onceforeach#IdandoncefortheNamdharimartyrdommemorial.The governorcameoneandattendedthedargah.NusratIkhramKhanandAzmatAliKhanwere prominentatthe#ursofHaiderShaikh,aswereseveralnon-Muslimsarpanches(headsof villagecouncils)fromsurroundingvillages.562Symbolically,nopoliticianfromanycommunity canaffordtoneglectMalerkotlaastheonlyMuslimareainPunjab.Thisraisesthetown's profileandincreasesitsleverageatthestatelevel,butdoesnotwhollydissipatetheanxietyof MuslimsandSikhsinMalerkotlaaboutlivingasminoritiesinHindudominatedIndia. CivilSociety Theroleofcivilsocietyinforgingpeacefulmulticulturalsocietieshasmostrecentlybeen

highlightedbyAshutoshVarshneyinhisworkEthnicConflictandCivicLife.Varshneyargues againstfourcommontheoreticalorientationstowardsethnicconflict:essentialism, instrumentalism,constructivismandinstitutionalism.Theessentialistsarguethatethnicidentity "inheresinhumanbeings,"andthus"primordialorancientanimosities"leadtoconflictinthe present.Varshneypointsoutthatifthesetensionsaresofundamental,thenwhydo"tensions andviolencebetweengroupstendtoebbandflowatdifferenttimes,orwhythesamegroupslive peacefullyinsomeplacesbutfightviolentlyinothers."563Instrumentalismasanapproachis flawedas,inadditiontoprivilegingtheroleofelites,itdoeslittletoexplainwhymanipulation

Indeed an interesting question which I did not explore would be the degree to which village politicians incorporate shrine visits to Haider Shaikh or wherever into their electoral strategy. 563 Varshney, Ethnic Conflict , p. 28.
562

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ofethnicidentitymayatonejuncturebepoliticallyexpedientandatanotherbe counterproductive.Constructivism,hasbeenvaluableinprovidingamorenuanced understandingofthecontexts,contingencies,anddiscoursesthatallowforindividualsand groupstocoalescearoundthefocalpointofidentity.But"byfailingtodealwithvarianceacross timeandspace,theyhaveleftunresolvedthelocalissues,whoseautonomyappearsnottobe flattenedentirelybythelargerforces."564Inparticular,Varshneyargues,whatislostiswhat "intervenesbetweenthemasternarrativesandactualviolence"andthatvariable,heclaims,is civiclife.Institutionalistsarguethatforethnicpeaceandpluralismtoexist,institutions especiallypoliticalonesmustexist.Varshneyseesthisschoolofthoughtasthemosteffective inexplainingthecausesandcontextsofethnicpeaceorconflict.HeregardsLijphart'snotionof consociationalismasparticularlyhelpful.Consociationaltheoryproposesthatcompromises betweentheeliteofethnicgroupsallowforintergroupconsensusratherthancompetition.565 AlthoughVarshneyapplaudstheinstitutionalists,heidentifiesaproblemwiththeirmacrolevel approachthatdoesnotshowlocalvariation.Theexplanation,andthepurposeofthebook,isto explainhowanunderstandingoftheworkingsofcivilsocietyinagivencommunitywillfillthe gapsinallthepreviousapproaches.Varshneyalsocomplicatescommondefinitionsofcivil societysomewhatbyassertingthatitisnotthewhollymodernandvoluntaristicentitydescribed byErnestGellner.Hearguesfortheinclusionundertherubricofcivilsocietyof"ethnic associationsthatmeetthefunctionalorpurposivecriteriaspecifiedbynormativearguments" suchas"allowingpeopletocometogether,makingpublicdiscussionofissuespossible, challengingthecapriceormisruleofstateauthorities,promotingmodernbusinessactivities," andsoforth.Thisadditionofethnicallyandreligiouslybasedorganizationsallows(tosome
564 565

Ibid, p. 35. Ibid, p. 37. 444

extent)fortheinclusionof'traditional'aswellas'modern'socialformationstobeconsideredas elementsinthemakeupofcivilsociety.Ultimately,Varshneyidentifiesthemechanismsfor peaceorviolenceastheexistenceornonexistenceofinterethnicengagementsandthepresence orabsenceofassociationalandeverydaylinksbetweenethnicgroups.Areaswhereciviclifeis characterizedbyahighdegreeofengagementatthesetwolevelstendtobepeaceful,whereas thosewheresuchlinksareabsentand/orwhereintra-ethnicgroupsareascendanttendtowards violence.InthisdynamicVarshneysinglesouttheformalassociationalleveloverthesemior informaleverydayastheessentialingredientinmaintainingsocialharmony. Varshney'sinsightintothecriticalroleofcivilsocietyisimportantandgoesfartoshift

thediscussionofethnicconflictawayfromthestatistandprimordialistdebateswhichhave hithertodominatedthefield.Moreproblematicishisassertionthatwhile"everydayand informalformsofciviccommunicationmaybesufficienttokeeppeaceinvillages,"nonetheless "theycannothavethesameeffectincities.Associationalcivicengagementisnecessaryfor peaceininterethnicurbansettings."566WhileIdonotdisagreewiththepropositionthat associationallinksareanimportantelementinwhathetermsthe"institutionalizedpeace system,"hisaccountdoesnotfurtherourunderstandingoftherelationshipbetweentheeveryday andtheassociationallevelsofexchange.Onemustaskwhetherasocietywithstrongformal associationsispossiblewithoutavibrantcommunitylifeinthestreetsandhomesandshrinesof alocale.Indeed,thenotionofwhollydiscretespheressuchasthestate,civilsociety,andthe individual/familydoesnotadequatelyaccountfortheoverlapping,fuzzynatureofsociety. Establishingtheprimacyofformalassociationsoverinformaleverydaylinkagesisachickenand theeggtypequestion.Varshney'sinstistenceoncivilsocietyasaseparateandviablecategoryof

566

Ibid, p. 52. 445

sociallifeallowshimtocreateanecessarydivisionbetweentheeverydayandotherspheresof life.Iprefertoconceiveofaspectrumofformalandinformallinksthatbindcommunities publicly,privately,politically,economically,spiritually,andpersonally.Reducingalink whetherabusinesscontract,aclubmembership,orapersonalfriendshiptoonesetof identifyingmarkersrestrictsthepossibilitiesforadditionalsignifications.Forexample,Hindu andMuslimneighborsmaytakegreatpersonalpleasureinexchanginggiftsonreligious holidays,butiftheyhappenalsotobebusinesspartners?Politicalrivals?In-laws?Itisclear thatthelinkingpracticeofgiftexchangedoesnotbelongclearlyinanyoftheneatcategoriesof sociallife(state,civilsociety,individual/family)laidoutbyVarshney,Hegel,Kumar,etc. Finally,Varshney'semphasisontheurbanenvironmentisdeterminedbyhisdataonthe occurrenceofethnicviolencethatisdrawnfromasurveyofanationalEnglishlanguage newspaper,TheTimesofIndia.Therearetwoproblemswiththisdataset.First,giventhat villageandeventownleveleventsarenotlikelytobereportedonthenationallevel,ruralevents ofviolenceareexcluded.Second,minorincidentsandscuffles,evenexchangesofwordsmay beasdamagingtothefabricofneighborhoodlifeinbothurbanandruralsettingsaskillingsand largerscaleviolencemightbeinanotherregion.Theviolenceitselfthatisnotthevariablein thesesituations,ratherthedifferenceliesinthewaysinwhichcommunitiesmanagethese events.TheimpactofdisruptiveeventsdoesindeeddependupontheveryfactorsthatVarshney identifies:thequalityanddegreeofinter-communityrelationsinanarea. AninterestingexampleofviolencethathadasignificantimpactonMalerkotlaneither madetheTimesofIndia,nordiditinvolvelossoflife.Yetitsimportanceinlocalloreasakey momentincommunalrelationsindicatesitscentralityintheconstitutionofMalerkotlaasa peacefulsociety.Thiseventofinter-religiousviolencewasthe1992burningofatempleinthe

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aftermathofthedestructionoftheBabriMasjidinAyodhya.Noonewasinjuredanddoubtless theeventdidnotmakeTheTimesofIndia,especiallyatatimewhenhumancasualtieswere makingheadlines.Formostlocals,thesignificanceoftheeventwasnotsomuchtheburning, butthewayinwhichthecommunityresponded.Ratherthanexplodingintofurtherviolenceor retaliation,theMuslimcommunitypaidforthedamageanddisciplinedtheyouthsresponsible. Indeed,asMaulanaAbdulRauf,theheadofthelocalJamaatiIslami,explained,thisisa commonresponseamongMalerkotlaresidentsofallreligions.Hesaid Heresometimesthesituationhasbeenbad.Sometimesbadthingshave happened,butwhentheatmospherebecamebadattimetheMuslimsthemselves askedthoseMuslimsnottodosuchthings,andtheHindusdidthesamethingto Hindus,otherwisetheMuslimswouldhavehelpedonlyMuslimsandtheHindus helponlyHindus.Thesituationwouldhavedeteriorated.Herealotofsuch committeeswerefoundedofHindusandMuslimswhosemainaimwasto suppressthebadelementsandbadthings,weshouldnothelpanytypeofbad element.Sothatiswhythebadpeoplewerenotsuccessfulintheirintentions. AbdulRaufmakesacrucialpointabouttheimportanceofself-policingonthepartofthevarious religiouscommunities.Withoutsuchefforts,externallyimposed,coercivemeasuresareless likelytobeeffective.AprominentMuslimbusinessmanwhohadcontributedasubstantial amounttotherestitutionofthetemplealsomakesthispoint.Hedeclaredthatwhenevera problemoccursinMalerkotlathenthecommunitiesthemselvesdisciplinetheperpetrators. AbdulRauf'sperspectiveisechoedbyanotherlocalMuslimman,aschoolteacher.Heconfirms that: MuslimsofMalerkotlacondemnedthisburning.BecausetheQurandoesnot allowit.TheQuransaysthatifyouareatwar,andifsomebodyhideshimselfin hisreligiousplace,yousparehim.SohowcanthefollowersofIslamthinkof puttingsomebodysreligiousplaceonfire?Ifwewillattackorburnother religionsreligiousplaces,theywillburnourreligiousplaces.Therewillbe quarrelsandlivingwillbecomedifficult.

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Theschoolteacherclearlyrecognizestheimportanceofmutualrespect,andtherealityofmutual dependence.HefindsareligiousbasistojustifyhisassertionthatMuslimsinMalerkotla sanctionedtheviolentacttakenbymembersoftheirownreligion.Thushispositiongains strengthbydrawingfromapragmaticunderstandingofcommunitylifeandagroundinginhis religiousfaith. Membersofallreligiouscommunitiesremembertheeventassignificant,asatimewhen thefabricofMalerkotlawastested,butwhenitsintegrityprevailed.Throughacombinationof measures,residentsmanagedtheshockofthedestructionoftheBabriMasjidandtheunjust retaliationonlocalHindusacredsites.Byrefusingtoharbortheguiltyandmakingreparations forthedamagetheMuslimleadershippreemptedanybacklashandcreatedspaceforconciliatory Hindustocomeforward.Themomentumofthesemutualeffortsallowedthesituationto dissipatequicklyandleftlittleroomfordivisiveelementsoroutsidepoliticianstocapitalizeon thecrime.InaninterviewwiththeformerSuperintendentofPoliceinanotherpartofIndia,he explainedthatintra-communityinvolvementindiscouragingdisruptiveindividualsandreporting theiractivitiestothepoliceisacrucialelementincontrollingcommunaltensions.Inthe recommendationsofferedbycommissionedriotreports,suchtechniquesareoftenrecommended aswell.Self-policingisanexampleofFoucault'snotionofsubjection,realizedthrough techniquesoftheselfandnegotiatedthroughstrategicgames.Alegitimatemodeofactionand behavioralcodeiscertainlybeingenforcedinthisevent.Thatitsgoalispeacefulcoexistencein amulti-religioussocietydoesnotalterthefactthatconsiderablesocialandmoralforceis broughttobearthroughthetacticsusedbylocalleadersofallreligions.Inalargetownofover 100,000thisisnotmerelyamatterofthevillagecouncilortheprincipalactorsmeetingand comingtoanagreement.Thepossibilitiesformultiplereadingsofthetempledamagearemany

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timesincreased,asisthepotentialforoutsiderstotakeuptheissue.Thatsuchefforts,ifthey evenoccurred,werethwartedbeforetheycouldhaveaneffectdemonstratesenormous resourcefulnessonthepartofthelocalcommunity.Thesemi-urbannatureofMalerkotlamakes itanimportantcasestudyasthetownfallsbetweenVarshney'sfacilecategoriesofurbanand rural.Moreover,suchactsofviolence,whichhaveenormouspotentialforcommunity disruption,donotappearatallinhisaccountofviolentincidentsinIndiasincePartition. AlthoughVarshneygoesalongwaytowardsincludingthelocal,hisconclusionsretainmanyof thesameprejudicesastheinstitutionalistsandconstructivistswhomhechides.Furthermore,in theaftermathoftheGujaratviolenceinspring2002itisclearthatpogromsandriotsoccurredin ruralareasaswellasthemajorcitiesofthestate,callingintoquestionVarshney'sassertionthat ethnicviolenceisalargelyurbanphenomenon.567 TheimplicationsofVarshney'sstudyformyownareseveral.First,hisidentificationof

the"mechanismsofpeace"and,evocationofdeTocqueville's"artsofassociation,"doresonate withthestructuresofpeaceinMalerkotla.Second,althoughIwouldhardlyagreethatcivil society"isthemissingvariableinavailabletheories,"asVarshneyasserts,568Idoconcurthat civilsocietyisacrucialelementinconstitutingastable,multiculturalcommunity.Butby focusingsorelentlesslyoncivilsocietyattheexpenseofandasdiscretefromtheeverydayand thestate,Varshneydiminishesandundervaluestheroleofindividualsandtheireveryday

Surveying The Times of India from 1950 to 1995, Varshney and Steven Wilkinson determined that annually less than four percent of riots took place in rural areas and the number of deaths was "miniscule." Varshney asserts that "Underreporting of incidents in rural areas may indeed have led to an underestimation of the rural share, but the difference is simply too large to be entirely an artifact of reporting." Varshney, Ethnic Conflict, pp. 95-96. 568 Whereas I agree with his critique of many dominant interpretations of ethnic violence, his claim that such studies have excluded civil society from their analysis cannot be born out. Indeed, many studies focus on exactly this stratum of society, though perhaps without explicitly labeling it as such or invoking the literature on civil society in their analyses. The work of Gyanendra Pandey, Stanley Tambiah, Partha Chatterjee, Ashis Nandy, Sudhir Kakar and others are all attempting to elucidate the nature of religious and ethnic difference in India and operate within the realms of the state, the individual, the family and that of civil society. Varshney, Ethnic Conflict, p. 52.
567

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interactions.Nonetheless,bydelineatingcertaincrucialmodesofsocialengagement,Varshney hasopenedupanarenaofstudythatmaybefruitfullyexploredinMalerkotla. AsframedbyVarshney,civilsocietyultimatelyisessentiallysynonymouswiththe

publicsphere.569Inthissphere,autonomous,atomisticindividualsarecapableoffreely associatingoutsideoftheinfluenceofstateorinstitutionalreligion.Althoughtypicallyreserved for"modern"formsofassociation,Varshneychallengesthisperspectiveandincludesnonmodernassociations,suchasthosebasedonreligion,theaslongastheyarenotsolelyfocused onissuesinternaltothereligion.Inhisview,"whatiscrucialtothenotionofcivilsocietyisthat familiesandindividualsconnectwithothersbeyondtheirhomesandtalkaboutmattersofpublic relevancewithouttheinterferenceorsponsorshipofthestate."570IntheIndiancontext(or perhapsinanycontextforthatmatter),theexclusionofreligiouslybasedorganizationfromthe realmofcivilsocietywascertainlyuntenable.However,byretainingthefamilyandindividual asthepoleoppositethestatebetweenwhichtheinstitutionsofcivilsocietymediate,Varshney stillfailstoaccountforthewaysinwhichthoseinstitutionsarelargelyeliteformations.As ParthaChatterjeehaspointedout,civilsociety"isbestusedtodescribethoseinstitutionsof modernassociationallifesetupbynationalistelitesintheeraofcolonialmodernity,though

Civil society is an elusive category. For Marxist theorists, following Hegel's formulation, it is akin to bourgeois society, and thus is not an arena open to all members of a society or citizenry made up of "atomized self-seeking individuals." Mark Neocleous, "From Civil Society to the Social," British Journal of Sociology (Volume 46, no. 3, 1995), p. 396). Far from being independent of the state, civil society is a intimately related to the state, and it is in this arena that the movement of history takes place. For Gramsci "between the economic structure and the State with its legislation and its coercion stands civil society and it is the latter that must be radically transformed if revolutionary change is not to degenerate into 'economic moralism.'" Krishan Kumar, "Civil Society: An Inquiry into the Usefulness of an Historical Term," British Journal of Sociology (Volume 44, no. 3 1993), p.382. For both Marx and Gramsci, civil society is the key to changing the course of history, although Gramsci is perhaps more suspicious of the degree to which the intellectuals operating within the space of civil society are free from the hegemonic force of the state or are capable of doing more than reinscribing its coercive power. The public sphere is an idea developed by Jrgen Habermas. See The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, (Cambridge; MIT Press, 1989). 570 Varshney, Ethnic Conflict , p. 46.
569

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oftenaspartoftheiranticolonialstruggle."571Assuch,mostassociationstypicallylocated withinthearenaofcivilsocietyareeffortstoreplicatemodern,colonialstructuresofpower.572 ThispavesthewayforFoucaultwhoisconcernedwiththearenainwhichtheprocesses ofgovernmentalityareworkedout.Asdiscussedabove,governmentalityisthedualprocessby whichtherelationsofindividualstothestateareregulatedbothbytheindividualswithinthe stateandbythestateitself.Thetransactionsoftheindividualmovingbetweenspheres,levels, arenas,andmilieusofgovernancemustbeunderstoodtoadequatelyaccountforthewaysin whichastablepluralcommunityisengenderedandmaintained.Itisimportanttoacknowledge thatcertaincontinuitiesofidentitypertainasanindividualmovesbetweencontexts.The efficacyofinter-religiousexchangesinestablishinglinkagesonthelevelofcivilsocietyisnot independentfromtheexperienceoftheinter-personal.Butnoristhesocialwhollydependent uponthepersonal.Forexample,apersonmayhaveexcellentbusinessdealingsandgive politicalsupporttoadherentsofmultiplereligiouscommunitiesbasedentirelyuponself-interest andhavenointer-religiousfriendshipsoraffinitiesforotherreligiousshrines.Thereversemay alsobetrue.However,inaregionwhereahighdegreeofsharedritual,narrative,andspatial

Partha Chatterjee articulates this conceptual move as shifting "from the idea of society as constituted by the elementary units of homogeneous families to that of a population, differentiated but classifiable, describabale and enumerable." The category of population constitutes "the material of society" and is "descriptive and empirical, not normative." Drawing from Foucault, Chatterjee sees the concept of population as a crucial step in creating governmentalite or governability by making "rationally manipulable instruments for reaching large sections of the inhabitants of a country as the targets of 'policy.' Chatterjee, "Beyond the Nation or Within?," p. 61-2. 572 Thus, rather than open up civil society to include non-modern formations as Varshney does, Chatterjee proposes a new mediating term: political society.(Chatterjee (1998), p. 64) Although political society contains "modern political associations such as political parties" these formations do not automatically replicate either the structures of state power or those of civil society. Instead, "elite and popular anticolonial politics, even as they came together within a formally organized arena such as that of the Indian National Congress, diverged at specific moments and spilled over the limits laid down by the organization." Thus political society is an arena that may provide "a site of strategic maneuvers, resistance, and appropriation by different groups and classes," thereby introducing a less determined and deterministic form of social organization that may work outside either the rubric of the modern and the hegemony of the elite. According to Chatterjee, the combination of political and civil society as mediating spaces moves towards a more adequate understanding of the variety of ways in which people as recognition seeking individuals, families, and populations strategically engage with each other and with the state. For my purposes, this additional category only muddies the waters further and proposes yet further levels of discrete institutions.
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exchangestakeplaceinanatmosphereofcongenialityandpeace,itisfarmorelikelythatthe civilandpoliticalsocietieswithinthatregionwilldevelop,endure,andbemeaningful.This deeplyengagedsocietyisperhapsafullerarticulationofBrass'institutionalizedpeacesystem. InMalerkotla,numeroustechniquesofgovernancearedesignedtomaintaina

harmoniouscommunitylifewhichmightbecategorizedasaninstitutionalizedpeacesystem. However,theassumptionthattheriotproneremainsriotproneandpeacefulplacesremain peacefulduetothecombinedeffectsofpasthistoricalprocessesandingrainedsystemsofpeace orviolencemustbeavoided.Todosowouldbetautologicalanddeterministic.Ratheritis possible,asinthecaseofMalerkotla,toobservehowthepublicreputationforpeacepostPartitionisnotwithoutcomplicationsandcounternarratives,andhistoriesthatdemonstratethe multi-levelworkthatsustainspeace.Inexaminingtheregulatoryschemesthatstructure Malerkotla'spolitical,cultural,religious,economic,andciviclifeitemergesthatinspiteofa nationalatmosphereofreligiousdivision,aregionalclimateofSikhdominanceandalocal historyofPathanMuslimauthority,thattheregulatorysystemsinMalerkotlaareparticularly effectiveandderivetheirstrengthinnosmallpartfromsharedritual,narrativeandspatial communities. AcommonapproachtocommunalconflictinSouthAsiatreatstensionorviolenceas not"really"religiousbutasmisidentifiedormisappropriatedstrugglesforeconomicresources. Thisapproachthuspresumesthatwhereeconomiccompetitiondoesnotexist,communal conflictwillbelesslikelytooccur.AsaMuslimmajorityregion,onemightexpectMuslim dominanceinMalerkotla'seconomicaswellaspoliticalarenas.Thisisnotthecase.In Malerkotla,aselsewhereinIndia,fewerMuslimsarelarge-scaleindustrialists,agriculturalists andprofessionalsthanHindusandSikhs.Althoughproportionallytheirpercentagesarehigher

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inMalerkotlathaninnon-Muslimmajorityregions,stillthecompetitionbetweencommunitiesis significant.Ofthethreelargespinningmills,twoareHinduowned.Mostofthemetalshops andironbusinessesareMuslimownedandoperated.Sikhs,Hindus,orJainsrunthelargestand mostprestigiousschools.ThegoldandsilvermarketisdominatedbyJains,themedicalfieldby HindusandtheagriculturebySikhsandKhambhojMuslims.Potentialforcompetition,even hostility,issignificant.Afterall,Malerkotlahousesanimportantsabzimandi,orproduce market.ItisalsothelargestindustrialtowninDistrictSangrur,withover2,000largeandsmall industriesoperatinglocally.Thisrepresentssignificantdevelopment,aspriorto1947therewas littleindustrylocally,justtwosteelmills,onecottongin,oneicefactoryandthreeflourmills.573 Giventhepost-PartitiondemographyofPunjab,thegrowthofMalerkotlaisasignthatthestate andlocalgovernmentaswellaslocalbusinesspeoplewereinterestedininvestinginthetown's industryandeconomy.Malerkotlawasandisknownforanumberofcottageindustries, especiallybadgemaking,embroiderywork,andirongoods.Malerkotlasbadgesaresoldall overtheworldandarepurchasedbytheDefenceMinistryandcraftexportcompanies.This industryaloneisworthtwomillionrupeesayear(approximately$41,000)tothetown,butthe Delhibaseddealerswhocontractwithlocalshopsgainmostoftheprofits.574Theirongoods producedinMalerkotlaarealsofamous.ThereisawidespreadbeliefthatMuslimsarebetter metalworkersandartisansthanotherethnicgroups,soinpost-PartitionPunjab,thismeansthat peoplecometoMalerkotlatoobtainmetalware.DuringthefestivalsforHaiderShaikhthatdraw manythousandsofvisitorstothetown,itisnotunusualtoseetheironworkersfromthenearby

According to Sultana, in 1975 the region was declared industrially backward by the Punjab Government and began to receive subsidies for development. The situation has certainly changed today. Sultana, "Muslims of Malerkotla." 574 Vikrant Jindal, "This Town Makes Badges Too," Tribune , April 5 2001. http://www.tribuneindia.com/2001/20010405/punjab1.htm.
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LohaBazaar(IronMarket)layouttheirproductsofcookingutensilsandcontainers,knivesand otherimplementstosellneartheshrine. Landrevenueshavealsobeenamajorsourceofincomeinthestate.Latenineteenth centurysettlementandassessmentreportsmaintainthateightypercentoflandholdingswerein thepossessionofSikhandHindujatswiththeremainderheldbyMuslimandtribalcastes. ComparedtootherregionsofPunjab,thereisalargepopulationofMuslimKambhojcultivators, buttheoutlyingvillagesofthekingdomareprimarilySikhandHinduinpopulation.ThenonagriculturalcastesarethePathansandvariousbanias(merchants),mostlyAggarwalJains.The MuslimPathanswereprincipallyzamindars(landowners)orinsomewayrelatedtoeitherthe Nawaborthesaint,andderivedtheirlivelihoodthroughtheseconnections.AtPartition,itwas thisclassofwealthierzamindariMuslimswholeftinthelargestnumbersforPakistan.Between out-migrationandtheabolitionpost-Independenceofzamindarilandrights,thehitherto dominantPathansexperiencedaradicalshiftinnumbersandpower.InthePEPSUstates immediatelyafterPartition,twotypesoflandholderswereacknowledged,alamalikandadna malik.ThealamalikwerethesuperiorownerssuchastheNawab,theKhawanin(family members),dakhlikars(dependentretainersoftheNawabwhoretainedtheincomebutnotthe ownershipoftheland),andmaufidars(retainerswhoremittedsomeincometotheNawab).575 Adnamalik,orinferiorownerswerethetenantsandoccupantsatwillwhoactuallyworkedthe land.In1954,PEPSUpassedtheAbolitionofAlaMalikiyaActandtheOccupancyofTenants Actthroughwhichthealamalikwereabolishedandthetenantsandoccupantsgained proprietaryrights.TheKhambhojcultivatorswerethelargestlocalbeneficiariesofthischange. Itisinterestingtonotethat,uponascendingthethronein1948,thelastNawabofMalerkotla,

575

Sultana, "Muslims of Malerkotla." 454

IftikharAliKhan,gaveaspeechinwhichhepromisedtheimminentendofzamindarirights.He professestohaveinvestigatedthestatusofthelandownedbytheStateandtheJagirdars(nonhereditarylandrevenueholders)anddeterminedthatasamatteroffacttheStateandJagirdars havenotitletoassertthisright.Hefurtherdecreedthat intheentireinterestsoftheState,theKhawaninandJagirdarswillnothavethe leasthesitationinsacrificingsomethingthatwillcertainlycontributetowards sharinggreatergoodwillofthepeoplesoveryindispensableforthefuture interestsoftheState.Ithereforehavegreatpleasureinannouncingthe terminationofthispracticefromtodaythroughoutmyState.576 Perhapsseeingthewritingonthewallhewasactingpreemptively,butnonetheless,such reasoningandpublicdeclarationsmaywellhavecontributedtohislaterelectoralpopularity amongallclassesandcastes. Inthe1960s,theIndiangovernmentinstitutedaseriesofagriculturalreformsand developmentschemesthatcametobeknowncollectivelyastheGreenRevolution.TheGreen Revolutionsubsidizedfertilizers,machines,andirrigationsystemsandpromotednumerousother initiativesthatrevolutionizedtheagriculturaloutputofthePunjabicountryside.577Malerkotlas experienceoftheGreenRevolutionwasindeedrevolutionary.Inaddition,morelandwasarable duetotheintroductionoftubewells.578Thiswasparticularlysignificantastheextensive canalizationprojectsoftheBritishinPunjabneverenteredthecity.
Khan, A History of the Ruling Family of Sheikh Sadruddin, p. 146. Punjabs population is overwhelmingly rural (70%), but the state represents only 2.9% of Indias land under cultivation. Nonetheless, by 1970, the state supplied 24% of the nations wheat crop. Nowadays, Punjab produces almost 60% of Indias wheat crop and 40% of the rice. However, the Green Revolution is not an uncontested success story. Rather the introduction of crop rotations, fertilizers, genetically engineered seeds, and especially tubewells have resulted in a high yield, but are exhausting the environment. The water tables have dropped to alarming depths, the nutritional content of the produce is measurably reduced, and the resulting overproduction leads to bi-annual procurement crises. Much grain goes bad for lack of markets and adequate storage facilities. Many farmers go broke and in some cases have committed suicide, weighed down by debt incurred to acquire the foreign seeds, fertilizers and to sink the ever deeper tubewells. 578 This technology in which deep holes are dug down to the water table and water is mechanically pumped up was especially critical in Malerkotla where the British canals skirted the territory. Tubewells replaced the time and labor consuming Persian wheel and allowed for vast tracts to be brought under irrigation. However, the water table in Punjab has dropped dramatically here as in the rest of India and an environmental crisis is imminent.
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In combination with the Green Revolution, the abolition of centralized zamindari rights inMalerkotlabenefitedtheKambhojcommunitymostimmediately.Thisclassoftenantfarmers makes up approximately 40% of Malerkotlas Muslim population.579 Khambhoj residents today were among those who complained most vocally about the dominance and oppression of the NawabandtheKhawanin.Severalintervieweesreportedthattheyandtheirkinspeoplehadbeen preventedfromlearningtoreadand write.Theyclaimthattheywerenotallowedtositinchairs when seeking audience with the Nawab or one of the Khawanin Jagirdars. They were not allowed to wear white clothes this was the exclusive privilege of the Nawab. "The Khamboj people were given the duty to look after the fields and do farming. The labor class was not allowedtowearthesameclothesasthemaster.Thoseclothesthemasterworehewouldntwear out of respect for the Nawabs if he was wearing white you didnt wear white." However, with the end of ala malik property, the Khamboj and other lower class Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs became landholders and enjoyed considerable and rapid upward mobility.580 Through government subsidies and programs they began systems of crop rotation, introduced new fertilizers,andbegantubewellirrigationwhichdramaticallyincreasedtheirproduction.Withthe newfound wealth the community began schools, ran for local offices, and took on new civic leadership roles. The Islamiyya High School and the Islamiyya Girls High School were both

In terms of the caste and class makeup of Malerkotla, the Muslims are roughly divided into six large groupings. The elites are the Pathan Afghans linked to the founder Haider Shaikh and his lineage and associates. These include Yusufzais, Lodhis, Kakkars, and Sherwani clans. There are also a few families of Mughal descent. After these are the Rajputs, a class of higher caste converts from Hinduism. Among these are the Khanzadas, Rangar, Bhatti, Chauhan and Rathore gotras or sub-groups. The professional castes include the Kambhoj, Gujjar, Marasi, Lohar, Kumhar, Nai, Dhobi, Dhunia, Julaha, Ansari, and Faqiri groups. Among these the Kambhoj represent nearly 40% of the total Muslim population. As previously mentioned, this caste is the primary cultivating class among the Muslim population and continues to dominate the local agricultural sphere. There are two large groups of Sh' Muslims: Sayyids and Shaikhs. The Sayyids claim direct descent from the house of the Prophet (Hussaini, Hassani, Bokhari, Zaidi, Jilani, Jafri). The Shaikh community represents Hindu converts to Shi'i Islam (Ansari, Faruqi, Qureishi, Siddiqui, Usmani). Many of these family names are shared by Sunni Muslims, and cannot be seen as a clear indicator of Sh" identity. However, in Malerkotla only Sh"as use Shaikh as a surname or second name. 580 Sultana, "Hierarchical Change."
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founded to serve the Kambhoj community in particular. Chaudhry Abdul Gaffar was elected to the Legislative Assembly and became Education Minister during his tenure from 1992 to 1997. Several of the largest local factories are operated by Khamboj, such as the Rashid Brothers, manufacturersofsportingequipment. ManybusinessesinMalerkotlaareeitherjointventuresorarehighlydiverseintheir

employeestructures.Forexample,onelocalindustryleaderwhosefactoriesexportalloverthe worldcallshimselfthe"mostsecularmaninMalerkotla."ALoha(ironworker)Muslimhimself, hischiefofficersareHindusandSikhs,butmostofhisemployeesareMuslim(reflectingthe localdemographics).Ofcourse,thatthemoreskilledpositionsareoccupiedbynon-Muslims mayalsobearesultofthestatisticallylowerlevelofeducationandtrainingamongMuslims throughoutIndia.Nonetheless,forthisindustrialist,hissecularismisagreatpointofprideand heisamemberofseverallocalgroupssuchastheMalerkotlaClub,theChamberofCommerce, andtheRotaryClub,allofwhosemembershipsarehighlydiverse. Insummary,theregulationofMalerkotlainvolvesmanagingadiversepopulationand

theircomplexhistories.Aswehaveseen,thesehistoriesarehardlypeacefulupuntilthe PartitionofIndia,yetthevirulenceofpastconflictdoesnotpoisonthepresent.Theefficacyof governanceinMalerkotlasincethattimeisduetothecombinedself-regulationofthepopulace andthehegemonyofapluralisticidealonthepoliticalandcivilsocietallevels.Herethe coerciveforceofthecommunity'sidealizedimageofitselfisbroughttobearonthosewhosow dissent.InMalerkotlaevenorganizationsusuallyblamedfordivisivepoliticssuchasthe Jama#at-iIslamandtheRSSsitdowntogethertofurthertheirsharedinterests.Alsoimportant isthewayinwhichthesemostlypositiverelationshipspenetrateeverylevelofsociety,notjust politicsandcivilsociety,butintheneighborhoodsandatshrineslikeHaiderShaikh'sdargah.

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ThePracticeofEverydayPluralism AlthoughtheoristslikeVarshneyidentifybusinessandcivilsocietallinksascrucialto

maintainingthepeace,somelocalsdismissthistypeofinstrumentalistlogic.Onelocal schoolteacher(amiddle-agedMuslimmale)assertedthatbusinessconnectionsbetween communitiesarenotuniquetoMalerkotlaandthusdonotnecessarilypreventcommunal disturbances.InordertoexplainwhyMalerkotlawasapeacefultownhestated,"Ithink businesslinksareeverywhere.Ithinkbusinessdoesnothaveanyrelationshiptoit.Ithas occurrednaturally.InMalerkotlapeopledontgetcaughtupinanyquarrel."Hefurtherasserts thatwhentroublesdooccur,theyaresettledquickly.Hesays, AsItoldyouearlier,likeinahouse,brothersfightmomentarilyiftheyhavesome problem.Butwithpassageoftimetheythinkwithacoolheadandagainbecome one.ItisasimilarsituationherebetweenHinduandMuslimbrothers.If somethinghappenstheyfightbutastimepassestheythinkwithacoolhead. Everybodyrealizestheirmistakeseasilyandthingsreturntothesameposition. ThisanalogyofMalerkotlaasanextended,complicatedfamilyissignificantandiscommonly invoked.Thecomparisonallowsforcomplexrealitiestoexistinwhichfeudsmayoccurand eventuallyberepaired,butthecommondailyirritationsoflifeina"household"donotusually threatenitsfoundation.Disparateandopposedpersonalitiesandlifestylesmayexist,butthe residents(likesiblings)resolvetheirconflictsquicklyuponreflection.Thejointprocessesof recognitionandreconciliationenablethecommunitytoaffirmeachother'sidentitiesasunique individualswithparticularcharacteristicsandalsoasequalmembersofsocietywithlegitimate claimtoaplace.ThatthecommunityofMalerkotlahasalsodevelopedaninstitutionalized peacesystemintheformofpeacecommitteesandintrareligiousgroupsthatself-policehelps sustainthesefamilialrelations.Business,astheschoolteachersaid,doesnothaveanythingtodo withitinthesensethatbusinesslinksalonedonotexplaintheoccurrenceornon-occurrenceof

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conflict.AsNandyhasillustratedinthecaseofJaipur'sgemindustry,thebusinesslinksthere didnotpreventviolencefromoccurringinthewakeoftheAyodhyamovement,nordidthey preventagradualerosionofinter-religiousrelations.581 TheanalogyofthefamilyisextendedbyMaulanaAbdulRauf.Hedescribedthemanner

inwhichMuslims,Sikhs,andHindusdealwitheachotherinfamilialterms.Inparticularhe highlightedthewaytheNawabstreatednon-Muslimsubjectsduringtimesoftensions.He declared: Sometimespeopleappeardifferentlyontheoutsidethanwethinkinside,butwe seeinMalerkotlathatpeoplehavestoodbytheothercommunitiesofpeople. Muslims,HindusandSikhs,theyhavehelpedeachother.Whentherewas PartitionofIndiaandPakistan,atthattimeMalerkotlawasanisland,therewas nofacilityforfood,sotheSikhsbroughtfoodfromoutsidetoMalerkotla.And inasimilarway,oncetheSikhsattackedMKandthenHindupeoplecame forward.AsatthattimetheMuslimswerefeeble,theSikhsaskedtheHindus, "WhatistheattitudeoftheNawabtowardstheHindugirlsorwomen?"Soat thattimeaHindubuzurg(saint)cameforwardandsaidthathetreatstheHindu girlsashisowndaughters,andthey[i.e.theSikhs]tooktheirarmybackand retreated.582AndwhentherewasbrutalityagainsttheSikhs,Muslimshelped them.IntheMughaltimeswhennobodycouldraisehisvoiceagainsttheking,at thattimetheNawabhelpedtheSikhs.Iftheywerecorruptintheirhearts,they wouldhaveenjoyedthesituationandsaidlettheHindusortheSikhsdie.Butno, theycameforwardtohelpthem. InthisstatementMaulanaAbdulRaufexpressedthecommonlyheldbeliefthatthecommunity hereralliedaroundeachotherduringthechaosofPartitionandatothertimesaswell.He expressesthevalueofthehaadanaaranotinmetaphysicalbutpracticalterms,asanexampleof ananti-sectariansolidaritythatcharacterizesMalerkotlatothisday.Inresponsetoeach successivechallengetothecommunity,theybandedtogethertodefendoneanother.Itis significantthattheperceivedtestofthehonestyoftheNawabwashistreatmentofHindu
Nandy, et al, Creating a Nationality. This is apparently a reference to when Banda Bahadur attacked Malerkotla, ostensibly to recover the body of Anup Kaur, as previously mentioned in Chapter One.
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womenandgirls.Theroleofviolenceagainstwomenandtherumorsofsuchviolationsas featuresofriotsandethnicconflicthasbeenhighlightedbymanystudies.583Againthe expressionoffamilialrelationsisevokedtodescribethefatherlybenevolenceoftheMuslim rulersandtheintimacyofrelationsbetweenreligiousgroups. Thisacknowledgementthatthefuturesofallcommunitiesareboundupwithoneanother

isanimportantelementinestablishingandmaintainingahealthyciviclife.Itisexactlythe oppositefearthattakesrootincommunitiesthatcomeapartanddevolveintoviolence.Insuch placestheattitudebecomespervasivethatone'sneighborscannotbefullytrusted.Abelief spreadsthatanysocial,political,oreconomicbenefitsaccruingtotheothergroupnecessarily meanthediminutionofresourcesforone'sowngroup.Aclimateofcompetitionandantagonism growsandisgivenrootsbyideologuesandsectarianleaders.Throughaprocessdescribedby StanleyTambiahasfocalizationandtransvaluation,a"triggeringevent"becomesemblematicof injusticeonabroaderscaleandisidentifiedwithgroupandsociety-levelgrievances.584Yet eveninsuchdegradedsituationstherearepeoplewhorecognizethemutualityofcommunityand theirsharedinterestinsurvival.InCreatingaNationality,astudyofthemovementtodestroy theBabriMasjidandbuildaRamtemple,AshisNandyetal.assertthatcountertothedominant narrativeofcommunalriotsasexpressionsoftheinexorabledivisionsbetweenreligions, simultaneouslyinanyconflict(communalorotherwise)areincidentsofreciprocityasthe vulnerableofonegroupweresupportedorshieldedbytheother.Theywritethat"thereisthe mutualitybetweenpersonswhohelped,reassured,protectedeachother,andsharedthemoments ofimmensefearandanxiety.Thatmutualitywasnotbasedonmodern,secularideologiesbuton

Brass, Theft of an Idol, Kakar, The Colors of Violence; Pandey, "In Defense of the Fragment;" Tambiah, Leveling Crowds; Van der Veer, Religious Nationalism. 584 Tambiah, Leveling Crowds.
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valuesderivedfromthesame'primordial'religioussentimentsthatweremobilizedtosanctifythe violenceoftheriots."585Nandyandhisco-authorsattempttoreclaimthesefragmentsof resistancetotheoverwhelmingdamagedonebyviolenceinacommunity.Yettheresulting imagefromAyodhya,itsenvirons,andotherregionstowhichthecentrallocationisoneof erodingsolidarities,shiftingloyalties,anddebilitatingfear.YetinMalerkotla,inspiteof confrontingsituationslocally,regionally,andnationallywhichtestthefabricofthecommunity, themutualityretainsitsintegrityandthecommunityremainsboundtogether. AnotherfactorthatcontributestoMalerkotla'shealthyciviclifeisthatthereare

numerousassociationsinMalerkotlaforcharitable,religious,political,professional,andsocial servicepurposes.Therepresentationandleadershipwithinthesegroupsisoftenquitediverse. In2001thepresidentsofthelocalRotaryClub,LionsClubwereHindusandtheBar AssociationwasledbyaSikh.Alocalprofessionalsociety,thePrintersAssociations executivecouncilconsistedoftwoJains,aHindu,andaMuslim.586Thistypeofjoint membershipandleadershipisconsistentwiththetypeofinterethnicassociationalformsof engagementthatVarshneyarguesarethemostsignificantfactorsinthereductionofethnic conflictincommunities.587 TheneighborhoodsofMalerkotlaarefairlyintegratedforatownwithaseventypercent

Muslimmajority.TworegionsarealmostentirelyMuslim:MalerandJamalpura.However,the remainderofthemunicipalityisfairlywelldistributed.Thisintegrationisinnosmallpart responsibleforthehighlevelofinteractionbetweenneighborsofvariousreligions.Iwas frequentlyinformedofandoftenwitnessedthetypesofcustomsandassociationsbetween

Nandy et al., Creating a Nationality, p. 149 Source: The Tribune, June 15, 2001. http://www.tribuneindia.com/2001/20010615/region.htm 587 Varshney, "Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society: India and Beyond."
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neighborsthatareconducivetopositiverelations.Theseincludevisiting,sendingsweetsor otherfoodstuffsatthetimeofafestivalorafamilyeventsuchasabirth,marriage,ordeath.A residentagainemploystheanalogyofafamilytodescribesuchinter-religiousrelationsin Malerkotla: Inreality,fromthiswecometoknowthateverybodyrespectseachothers religion.Theydonotsaytoeachothertoadoptthisreligion.Theyfollowtheir ownreligion,andthishasmaintainedthebrotherhood.Thisiswhatisspecial aboutMalerkotla. AtseveralweddingsIattendedtherewereseparatearrangementsmadeforvegetarianfoodtobe served.Localcharitiesseekpublicparticipationfromallreligiousgroups.Forexample,ata groupweddingofsevenimpoverishedcouples,thediaswassharedbyprominentHindus, Muslims,Sikhs,andJains(andoneAmericananthropologist).Theeventwasheldatthe HanumanTempleinahallconstructedinmemoryofthewifeofalocalJainclothmerchantand philanthropist.Atnumerousfuneralgatheringsandinthehomesofthebereaved,neighbors, friends,andassociatesofallreligionsweregenerallyinattendancetopaytheirrespects.At culturaleventssuchasmushairas(poetryrecitations),awardevents,andconferencesmembers ofallreligiouscommunitieswereactiveparticipants.Intheorganizationofalocalheritage societywithwhichIwasinvolved,therewasadeliberateefforttoensurethattheleadershipand membershipwouldbefromasbroadabaseaspossible.Ultimatelythepresidentofthe organizationwasSikh,thevicepresidentwasMuslim,andthesecretarywasaHindu.Abrief surveyofofficeholdersinnumerouslocalassociationsrevealsinmost(otherthanwholly sectariansocietiessuchastheMuslimWelfareSocietyorAkhilBharatiyaVidhyarthiParishad) thereisatleastsomedegreeofdiversity.

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Conclusion
TheregulationofthedargahofHaiderShaikhandthetownofMalerkotlaworkin

parallelprocesses.Organizedbysemiformalandformalregulatoryauthorities,thevalidating mechanismsoftheirauthorityandthestructuresofappropriateconductareenactedbythe constituentcommunitiesinbotharenas.Thetechniquesofgovernanceinoperationattheshrine includedirectivesonbehavior,physicalbarrierstocertainactsorprocedures,andverbal exchangesbetweentheauthoritiesandthedevotees.Thevalidityofthesetechniquesiseither affirmedthroughdeliberateorunreflectiveacceptanceoftheauthorityofthekhalfahsorchelas orcontestedthroughstrategicperformancesofalternativeoroppositionalmodesofengagement withthesaintorthesociety.Asinanyregime,thestructuresofauthorityandthecodesof conductareofteninvisible,butareperceivablethroughthepatternsofbehaviororconsciousness dominatingintheregion.AtHaiderShaikh'sdargahandinMalerkotla,thehegemonyofthe institutionalizedpeacesystemismanifestintheoverwhelmingtendencyinallspheresof communitylifetowardsanengagedpluralismwhichdemandsanddefinesappropriateand acceptingconductfromthedevoteesandthecitizenryofallreligionsandperspectives. Theefficacyoftheseregulatorytechniquesisperhapsmostreadilydiscernibleinthefew

instancesinwhichpeopleexpressedoppositiontothegoverningideology.Forexample,onceas IwalkedthroughthemainbazaarinMalerkotlaIwasbeckonedintoashopownedbyamiddle agedHinduman.HewarnedmeagainstblindacceptanceofthevisionofMalerkotlaasa peacefulplace,sayingthatpeopleareoftenkaptideceitful,insincere,andfalse.Hewas miserableherebecauseitisimpossibletosayanythingnegativeaboutanyonewithoutbeing attacked.Thisclearlyindicatesthepervasivenessofsocialcensureagainstanytypeofgross partisanshiporreligiouschauvinism.Furthermore,themandeclinedtobeinterviewedonthe

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recordanddidnotwishtoberecorded.Irefertohimherebecausethiswasoneoftheonlysuch conversationsIexperiencedoverayearandahalfinMalerkotla. OneothermomentstandsoutinwhichtheHindumistrichangedsubjectsfromhisstory ofHaiderShaikhandbegantodiscusstherelationsbetweenMuslimsandHindusintown.First heinvokedtheHinduepicMahabharata.Hehadearlierrecountedthecommonlyheldbelief thatthereisaconnectionbetweenMalerkotla.Manylocalsofallreligiousfaithsassertthatthe ruleroftheregionpriortoHaiderShaikhwasadescendentofBhima,oneofthefivePandava brotherswhofoughtforjusticeandtherestorationofdharmaagainsttheirimmorallymotivated kinsmentheKauravas.However,themistriuseshisreferencetotheepictoshiftthepurposeof hisnarrativeandmakeintroduceastatementabouttheoriginofIslam.Followingthe Mahabharatawar,heclaimedthatthelosingKaurava,KingDhrtarashtraandhiswifeGandhari, wenttoMecca.Overtime,theKauravaclanbecameknownastheQuraysh,theclanintowhich theProphetMuhammadwasborn.ThustheMuslimpeoplearedescendedfromtheantagonistic peoplewhothreateneddharmarajya,theruleoforderinIndia.Furthermore,theirritual practicesareimproperlyoriented,asomaticsignaloftheirinherentimmorality: Thisisourbelief,thattheQuraysharefromtheKauravas.Thosepeoplebow theirheadstothisside[gestureswest].Wearesuryavanshi[turnedtothesun], wedopranam[obeisance]tothesun.Nowinthesecountries,theidolsof MahatmaBuddhaarebroken,theidolsarebroken. ThelastremarkreferstothedestructionbytheTalibaninearlyMarchof2001ofthegiantfifthcenturyCEBuddhastatuesatBamiyan,Afghanistan.588Thisconversationtookplaceatthe sametime,andclearlybearssomeoftheanti-Muslimsentimentthataroseintheaftermathofthe
As mentioned in Chapter 2, these events had triggered some incidents of anti-Muslim violence across India and resulted in a great deal of anger against such extreme iconoclasm. In Punjab there were reports from Amritsar and nearby Patiala that pig meat was thrown into a mosque and that the Qur'an had been burned, but no such events occurred in Malerkotla. In Malerkotla these events were marked by a voluntary hartal, or closure of business that was observed by all the local businesses, Muslim, Hindu and Sikh. Some members of the Muslim community had proposed a protest march but were discouraged by the local leaders.
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destruction.ByassociatingtheQurayshandtheProphetMuhammadwiththerulerdefeatedby theforcesofdharma,aclearmoraljudgmentonthatlineageismade.Thisassertionalso signaledanincreaseinatoneofanti-Muslimsentimentintheconversationasawhole. ThereferencetotheBamiyanBuddhasledtoageneraldebateovertherelationship betweenHindusandMusliminthetown.Onemanassertedvehementlythattherewasnolove betweenthecommunitiesandthattheMuslimsoppressandshunHindusinnumerousways:by notinvitingthemintotheirhomes,complainingaboutnoisefromtemples,thinkingHindusare dirty,andsoon.Theseassertionsbroughtonaninterestingdiscussionbetweenthefour(Hindu andJain)menpresent. Respondent1: Ifyouwillconstructonemandir[temple],thesesisterfucker Muslimsgetburnt.Haveweeveraskedthemwhytheyoffernamaz [prayer]fivetimesaday? R2: WefeelgoodthattheytakethenameofGod. R1: Ifweusespeakersinthetemples,thewholeareahasaproblem.Allthe mian[Muslims]ofMalerkotlahaveaproblem,theysayourchildrenare sleeping,stopit,youaredoingarati[worship].SometimesIsayletitgo. SometimesIreplywithangerandsometimeswithhumbleness.Evena degradedassholemianwhodoesnotknowhowtotalkhasanobjection [i.e.totheHinduprayer]. mistri: See,thethingisourVishvakarmaMandir,amancamethereandsaid,stop thespeaker,itisthetimeofournamaz.IsaidgotoPakistanifyouwant tooffernamaz. R3: Leaveit,dontmakejokes. mistri: Itisnotajoke,itisamatterofrightbehavior. R3: Maybeyoumighthaverelationswiththewrongorbadpeople.Ihave relationswithgoodpeople Thisbecameagenuineandheateddebateinthegroup,astheyexpressedobviousfrustrationand hostilitytowardstheMuslimpopulation.Itemergedthatoneman(R1)feltunequivocallythat Malerkotlawasfalselypaintedasapeacefulplace.Themistri'sfeelingsweremixed,andthe othertwo(R2andR3)firmlybelievedthatMalerkotlasreputationasapeacefultownof communalharmonywasessentiallytrue.Theyacknowledgethatbadthingshappeneverywhere

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andtheyhaveinMalerkotlaaswell,butbyandlargemostpeoplearegood.However,nogroup, religiousorpolitical,isexemptfromcorruption.TherespondentR3expressedthesituationthus: Onlytwoorthreepercentarebadelements,onlytwoorthreepercentspoilthe wholecommunity,nowweJainshavefourhundredhouses,butonlyafewgive therightwaytosociety.Likethosethatarenotallowingthemunshis[Jain mendicants]tocometoMalerkotla.Alltheinstitutionshavevillainy,thereis cheatingorswindlinginalltemples,thereischeating,theyarerunningtheirown business,allaremoneytakers,managers,theSub-DivisionalMagistrate(SDM) andDeputyCommissioner(DC)aremoneytakers. Heextendedthisgeneralindictmentofsociety,includingtheSikhSDMandtheHinduDC,to expressfrustrationwiththepoliticalparties,allofwhomanipulatereligionfortheirown advantage.HecharacterizedthepoliticalpartyoftheBJP,forexample,asacunningparty, theytakethenamesofHindus,buttheyareagainstthem.Theyhavetakentheveilofreligion. Allfourmennoddedinagreementwiththisassessment. Ultimately,thisexchangebroughttotheforeanumberofcounter-discoursestothe

dominantportrayalofMalerkotlaasazoneofpeace.Thisdebateallowedboththeairingof divisiveandcontradictoryperspectives,andcreatedanopportunityformembersoftheJainand HinducommunitytofindspaceforthemselvesinatownheavilydominatedbyMuslimsand Muslimhistory.Thoughwellversedin,andevenproudof,aspectsofMalerkotlashistory,their prideistingedwithaknowledgethattheMuslimsofMalerkotlaenjoyaprivilegedstatus,not justaspreviousrulers,butongoingasthesymbolicvalueofthisMuslimconstituencyputsthe townoneverystateandregionalpoliticianspoliticalmap.Thustheironworkersimultaneously praisedthemiraculouspowersofHaiderShaikhandexpresseddevotiontothesaint,butinhis narrative,hepositionedHaiderShaikhabovetheSultan.TherespondentR1,whovoicedthe greatestdistrustanddislikeforMuslims,wasquietedbyhisfriendswhoattemptedtoremind himofthepervasivenessofcorruptionandthatmostpeoplearegoodhearted.Suchexchanges

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showhowcommunitieswithinMalerkotlamanagetheirownidentitieswithintheframeworkof PathanMuslimdominanceandpower.Althoughfrustrationandhostilityisarticulated,itis clearlysignaledtobeinappropriateandeffortsatpacifyingeachotherandtheothercommunities areundertaken.ThisechoestheperspectivetakenbyAbdulRauf,whoassertedthatthekeyto peacewasthepracticeofself-policingwithineachreligiouscommunity.Inthistechniqueof governance,hostile,extremist,orcombativeelementswithineachgroupareconstrainedand compelledthroughmethodsmostappropriateandresonanttothatindividualorgroup.By internalizingthisaspectofgovernmentality,thecoercivepoweroftheentirecommunity reinforcesthedominantidentityofMalerkotlaandthedargahofHaiderShaikhasplacesof peace.

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Conclusion
Malerkotlaisnotautopia.Itisnotaplacewherebadthingsneverhappenorwhere

peopleneverantagonizeoneanother.Itisaplacelikeanyother:uniqueinsomeways,typicalin others.Becauseofthis,thedynamicofinter-religiousexchangewithintheterritoryiswellworthourattention.ThesharedsacredandcivicspacesofMalerkotlaprovidestagesupon whichonecanviewthechoreographyofeverydaylifeinaplacewhereanethicofharmony prevails.TheparticularstagesIhavechosentoexploreinvolvesharednarrative,ritual,and regulatorypracticesthatbyandlargehelptopromotepeace.AlthoughIwouldstopshortof assertingthatan"institutionalizedpeacesystem"isinplacehere,thereisundeniablyahistorical, political,andsocialprocessinMalerkotlathatsuppressesdivisivenessandrewardsconviviality. InthepreviouschaptersIhaveattemptedtodocumentthewaysinwhichcertainkey individualsandeventsinMalerkotla'spasthavecometoshapecollectiverepresentationsofthe community'sidentityasaplaceofpeace.ThesharedshrinetoHaiderShaikhandtheshared historyofthehaadanaaratogetherplaypowerfulrolesinsustainingapeacefulmulti-religious civilsociety.AfternotonlywithstandingbutrisingabovethebloodshedofPartitionin1947, theseindividualsandeventsbecamesymbolsofMalerkotla'sidentity,appearinginnarratives, memorializedincollectiverituals,andidealizedasmodelsofgoodgovernance.Inthiswaythey havebecomepowerfulresourcesinthemoldingofapeacefulpluralsocietyinaregionwhere suchplaceswerefewandfarbetween.Thesefiguresandeventsblendintothecollective imaginationofMalerkotla'sresidentsandvisitors,interminglingwithlaterhappeningssuchas thepeaceatPartition.Theethicofharmonythathascometocharacterizepost-Partition Malerkotlarestsuponthespiritualpowerofthefoundingfather,HaiderShaikhandthehaada naaraprotestagainsttheexecutionofGuruGobindSingh'ssonsbytheShaikh'sdescendentSher
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MohammadKhan.Withoutpassingjudgmentontheveracityoftheblessingsgivento MalerkotlabyHaiderShaikhorGuruGobindSingh(duetothehaadanaara),itisstillpossible toperceivetheprofoundimpactthatthesharedbeliefintheseblessingshashadontheformation ofacollectiveidentityinMalerkotla.Thecoerciveforceofthiscollectiverepresentation constrainsresidentstoactinaccordancewiththeidea.Regularmemorialrecollectionsofkey historicfiguresandeventskeepthesepowerfulconceptsaliveandmeaningfulforthepopulation. Theregulationoftheshrineandthetownreinforcesappropriatebeliefsandbehaviors, generatingtheinstitutionalstructuresnecessarytosupporttheheterogeneouscommunity. Atsharedsacredandcivicsitesthenarrative,ritual,andregulatoryaspectsofinter-

religiousexchangearekeyinteractivearenasthat,ifsuccessfullymanaged,contributeto peacefulcommunities.InthisdissertationIsoughttoelucidatethisprocessofexchangeby exploringeachoftheseelements.ChapterOnedocumentedmuchofMalerkotla'shistory, highlightinginter-religiousrelationssincethefoundationoftheprincipalityin1454.Fromthat surveyitisclearthatMalerkotla'spastisfullofeventsthatcouldaseasilyhavebeenthebasis forhighlyantagonisticrelationsbetweenreligions.YetsincethePartitionof1947,whenthe kingdomdidnotsuccumbtotheviolencethatswirledaroundit,thehistoryofthestatehasbeen strategicallyminedbythecommunitytoprovideastrongfoundationfortheperpetuationof peace.Theremainingchaptersdemonstratedhowthatfoundationisconstructedthrough narrative,ritual,andregulatorypracticesthatintegratethesharedsacredandcivicspacesof Malerkotla. Ibeganbyexploringthenarrativeelementofexchange:thestoriespeopletellandthose

theyhavewrittendown.ChaptersTwoandThreeexploredaccountsofHaiderShaikhand Malerkotlarespectively,showinghowresidentsandvisitorsusetheseresourcestoproducea

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harmoniousidentity.Thesechaptersalsorevealedhowthesenarrativeshaveincreasingly emphasizedthepeacefulandcooperativeelementsofthepast,acceleratingpost-Partitiondueto thecombinedimpactofMalerkotla'ssuccessfulmanagementofthecrisisin1947andtheir suddenlyhigh-profileroleastheonlyMuslimconstituencyinIndianPunjab.Thisprocessis furtherdocumentedinPartTwowhichaddressestherituallevelsofexchangeinthedargahas wellasinthestreetsandhomesofMalerkotla.ChapterFouronthetombcultexploredtheritual practicespastandpresentengagedinbySikhs,Muslims,andHindus.Thedelicatebalanceof thesepracticesiscarefullymaintainedinordertopermitcontradictorybeliefs,behaviors,and theologiestocoexistandeveninterpenetrate.ChapterFiveexploredtheformulaic,repetitive modesofinteractionthatarecentraltotheethicofharmonyandtraditionsofthetownatlarge.I alsodocumentedritualconflictspastandpresentandhowtheyhavebeenmanaged(byandlarge successfully)throughthecombinedeffortsofcommunitymembersandleaders.PartThree turnedtotheregulatoryregimesthatstructureandorganizethedargahandthetown.Chapter Sixfocusedonthetwoformsofauthorityatthedargahthekhalifahsandthechelas,Hindu andSikhdevoteeswhoexperiencepossessionbythesaint'sspirit.ChapterSevendiscussedthe historyofauthorityinthecivilandpoliticalspheres.Itexcavateselectoralandminority religiouspoliticsinMalerkotlaandPunjab,demonstratingthecarefulbalanceofpowerthatis maintainedinordertosustainthetenuouspositionofthisMuslimmajoritycommunityinaSikh majoritystateinaHindumajoritynation.Togetherthesespacesofdiscursive,ritual,and regulatoryexchangeconstituteapolitycharacterizedbymutualrespectandrecognitiona functioningpluralsociety.

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Ratherthanattemptingtoseparatethereligiousfromthecivicorthepolitical,inthis dissertationIhavesoughttodemonstratehowdeeplyinterwoventhesethreeaspectsofsociety are.ThisisreflectedintheunderstandingofmanylocalsandvisitorstoHaiderShaikh'sdargah, whentheydescribeMalerkotlaastheShaikh'swilayat.ThistermidentifiesMalerkotlaasthe territoryunderhiscustodianshipandencompassesbothspiritualandtemporalmodesofpower, referringtotheabilityandtheauthoritytoprotectaparticularregion.589Thenotionofwilayat highlightsthedelicatebalancebetweenthespiritualandthetemporalthatsustainsthecollective representationofMalerkotlaasazoneofpeace.IntheprecedingchaptersIhaveattemptedto presentthewaysinwhichthesaintandthesettlementhefoundedservesymbolicallyshapethe ethicofharmonythatpervadesthecommunity.Fromthenarrativespeopletelltotheritualsthey performtothewaystheygoverntheirlives,thisconceptualstructureisembeddedinthe everydaylivesofthecommunity.Understoodaswilayat,Malerkotla'sprotectorsknownas walsarethosefigureswhoseshadowslieoverthetown'shistoryandlandscape.Haider Shaikh,SherMuhammadKhan,andIftikharAliKhanarethebuzurganedin,thepiouselders whoselegaciescontinuetobeusedasresourcesbycommunitymembersandleaders.Eachruler isassociatedwithmiraculousevents:thefoundationandpreservationofthetown,theproteston behalfofGobindSingh'ssonsandthesubsequentblessingoftheGuru,andthesuccessand safetyatPartitionareallmomentswhichremainpartoftheactiveloreandself-imaginingofthe population.Significantly,thoughtheseimportantsymbolicfiguresandeventsareopento multivocalrepresentationsandinterpretations.PeopleinteractatthedargahofHaiderShaikhin
The Arabic root, - signifies closeness and its derivations encompass meanings ranging from physical proximity, to friendship, to governance. wilyt in its temporal sense refers merely to sovereign power and governance. A wl can signify both a worldly governor or guardian as well as a holy person or saint. A related term mutawll denotes a manager of a property, and is often applied to the caretakers of Muslim shrines. J. M. Cowan, ed., Hans Wehr Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic (Ithaca, NY: Spoken Language Services, Inc., 1994).
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avarietyofways,sometellstoriesthatidentifythesaintasawarrior,othersasaruler,othersas amiracleworkingfaqr.Somebowdowntohimandhisdescendents,someaskforblessings uponhimorfromhim,andothersvisitinordertoseeandbeseenamonglike-mindedfolks. Similarly,somearedescendedfromHaiderShaikhbyblood,othersreceivehisdescendingspirit, andotherssimplyrespecthispietyandlegacy.Thereasonsandwaysforvisitingthedargahare many,buttheyprovideafocusedwindowontothedynamicofinter-religiousrelationsin Malerkotla.Hereinthiscrowded,enclosedtombshrine,thereisplentyofspaceforall. ThetombshrinesofMuslimsaintsfunctionascentersfortheconcentrationand

redistributionoftheconstitutiveelementsofauthority.Therichritualandnarrativerepertoires ofthesesitesenableresidentsanddevoteestoassumemultiplesubjectpositionsinrelationtothe shrine.Themultiplicityactivatesandvalidatesthedargahasacollectiverepresentationofa placeinwhichanidealizedpluralsocietyactuallyexists.Thispresentexistenceisstrengthened bynarrativerepresentationsofthepastefficacyofHaiderShaikhinpreservingthepeaceand harmonyoftheregion.Thebeliefintheongoingpresenceandaccessibilityofthesaintsspirit makesthecontinuationofworshipacriticalelementforresidentsanddevotees.Properadab (etiquette)mustbeobservedinrelationtothespirit,butthevariantinterpretationsofwhat constitutesappropriatebehaviororbeliefarerarelybroughtintoconflict.Inthisway,the complexritualandnarrativerepertoireofdevotionandexchangeatHaiderShaikhsdargah activatesthesiteasaconstitutiveelementinmakingMalerkotlaawilayatofpeace. Amongthecoreofdevoteesandritualspecialistsatthedargah,anumberofindividuals refertoHaiderShaikhasdarbar,aPersiantermevokingtheauthorityassociatedwiththecourt ofaruler.Heisalsoreferredtoassarkar,aHinditermforgovernmentandtemporalauthority. TheShaikhissometimesdeclaredtobethepresidentofthecommunityofsaintsburiedin

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Malerkotla,indicatingthatheisthefirstandmostpowerfulamongtheholydeadofthetown. Somecallhimbadshah,meaningruleroremperor.Themutawallicaretakerofamuchsmaller localdargahdescribedtheShaikhastheleaderofarhanmajlis(spiritualgathering)ofallthe buriedsaintsintheregion.Asthemutawalliexplainedthesituation,"whenamajlisoccurs,all cometogether.Thesemeetingsareheld,andthenhealsositsthere.BabaHaiderShaikhisthe badshahofallofthem,heisabigbuzurg[piouselder]."590Thissentimentwasechoedbya memberofthekhalifahfamilywhodoesnotsitattheshrineandrarelygoestherehimself.But hetooassertedthesupremacyandpowerofHaiderShaikhbygivingthemeaningofthesaints name:"BabaHaiderShaikhisthehead[sadr]ofall.ShaikhSadruddinSadriJahan.Thehead ofreligion[dn]andheadoftheworld[jahan]also."591Suchlabelsindicatethat,atleast symbolically,thetrueauthorityintownisHaiderShaikh,nottheformerNawaborthecurrent MunicipalCommittee.ThisdemonstratesthedualroleoftheSufisaintasmasterofbothduniya anddn,worldlinessandgodliness.InMalerkotla,asoutlinedinChapterOne,theseroleswere infactjoinedintheearlyperiodofthekingdom,deepeningHaiderShaikh'ssymbolicpowerof toprotectthespirituallivesandthephysicalsecurityoftheregion.Themoderndeploymentof suchrepresentationsoftheShaikhextendthisinterpenetrationtothepresent.Malerkotlaisnota pluralistsocietyinwhichreligiousconvictionsareeradicated.Onthecontrary,thepublic exchangeofpietyisanimportantmodethroughwhichpowerisdisplayed. Narratives,Rituals,andRegulations AsdiscussedinrelationtothenarrativesofHaiderShaikhandthedargah,Malerkotlas foundationbythesaintisseenasauspiciousandprotectivenotjustbydescendants,rulers,and Muslims,butbytheHinduandSikhpopulationaswell.Hisspiritualpower,orbarakat,
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pervadestheland,protectingitfrommalignforcesbothinternalandexternal.Eachreligious communityfindsawaytoestablishalinktothispowerfulsymbolicfigure.Muslims,especially therulingelite,tendtohistoricizethesaint,glorifyinghisimperialconnectionsandhisroleas thepioneerofIslamintheregion.HindusandSikhstendtospiritualizehim,emphasizingthe saint'spietyandpoweroverhisMuslim-nessortemporalauthority.HaiderShaikhswilayatis alsoextendedthroughoutthetownthroughstrategicnarrativelinkagestootherlocalshrines, throughtheoralaccountsofthefoundationandpreservationofMalerkotla,andthroughthe ritualembodimentofhisspiritfortheongoingdispensationofhealing,protection,andblessings. TheseprocessesallowHaiderShaikh'sentourageofsaintlyandhumanassistantstoexpandhis traditiontoincludenon-Muslimfiguresandelements.Thissharedlaboralsocontributestothe productionandmaintenanceofpeace. Further,asoutlinedattheendofChapterSevenintheconversationinwhichseveral HinduswhovoicedantagonismtowardsMuslimsweresilenced,thereisadeliberatesuppression ofcounternarrativestothedominantidentityofharmoniouscoexistence.Thissuppression occursorally,asinthatexample,andthroughvariouswrittenstrategies.Forexample, potentiallyconflictingorantagonisticelementsoraccountsareincorporatedinto,andmanaged by,writtenhistoriessuchasthelastNawabofMalerkotla,IftikharAliKhan'sHistory.In dealingwiththewidespreadbeliefinapre-existingHindukingdomintheareaofMalerkotla,the Nawabwrites"Itisnotaltogetherimprobablethataccordingtoancienttraditionsthisisthesame villagewhichwaspopulatedbyRajaBhimSen,brotherofMaharajaYudhishtraofthe Pandavas."592RatherthansuppressapowerfulHinduhistoryofthetypethatinmanyinstances couldcontributetoanimosityandleadtoretribution,theNawabdeftlyacknowledgesthishistory

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andproceedstorecounthisowngenealogyofauthority.593ByinvokingthisHindupast,Khan goesontoincorporateitintothebroaderhistoricalframeofMalerkotlaasalandofpeaceful coexistence.TheassociationwiththeMahabharatadoesnotdiminishagrandnarrativeof Muslimsuperiority;ratheritisoneelementintherichanddiverseheritageofMalerkotla.Itis transformedintoapointofpride,notcontention. Thetombitselfandtheopportunityforexchangeandencounterwithinitsconfinesare alsoconstitutiveelementsingeneratingcommunalharmony.Thenatureoftheritualsand practicesthattakeplaceinandaroundthedargahoutlinedinChapterFourilluminatetheways inwhichthesimultaneityofdifferenceisfacilitatedbythevariousritualspecialistsanddevotees whosharethespace.Theseemplacedpracticesareboththeresultofthemanifestblessingof HaiderShaikhandtheyarethemselvesproductiveofthatstateofpeace.Thesaintsbarakat thusemergesintwoways:firstthroughprayersandintercessorypowersHaiderShaikhandthe othersaintsinMalerkotlacreateakindofforcefieldaroundthesettlementwhichpreventscrises afflictingotherareassuchaswar,terrorism,ornaturaldisastersfromtouchingMalerkotla. Thesecrucialexpressiveexchangesoccuronasociallevelandmustengageallof multiple"languages"inorderforsuccessfulrecognitiontooccur.Wehaveseensomeofthe expressiveartsofritual,narrative,andspatialinteractionsinMalerkotla.Hereweexploredthe formalandinformalexchangesthatfacilitaterecognition.Thelanguagesofexpressiveexchange attheregulatorylevelrangefromvotingtovisiting,frommediatingtomeeting,andfrom participatingtoobserving.Thusthenotionthatpluralsocietycanbebroughtaboutthrough

Indeed it is the manipulation of just this sort of history that materially contributed to the exacerbation of tensions in India over the Babri Masjid. Indeed the extremely popular broadcast of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata on national television in India was a major factor in building Hindu nationalist fervor to the point where the sixteenth century mosque was destroyed on December 6, 1992. This has been thoroughly studied from a number of perspectives. One of the more interesting recent works on the subject is Arvind Rajagopal, Politics after Televesion, (New York; Cambridge University Press, 2001).
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macrolevelprograms,stateintervention,orcivilsocietalparticipationaloneisinsufficient.To berecognizedthelanguagesoflove,ofart,ofselfhoodthatisthelanguagesofdeepest meaningmustalsobecomeintelligiblebetweenpersonsandpopulations.Second,outof gratitudeandrespectfortheirsafetyandpeace,faithinthesaintisaffirmedandvalidated.In acknowledgmentoftheirblessings,residentsofallreligious,social,andethnicgroupscometo theshrineandtheretheyencountereachother.Havingcomeforthesamepurpose,people manifesttheirdevotiontothesaintandrecognizeeachotherasmutualbeneficiariesofthe benevolentmercyofGodandthesaints.594Onedoesnotneedtomakeajudgmentaboutthe metaphysicaltruthofthisassertiontograspthepowerofthiswidespreadbelief.Thepeaceand unityinMalerkotlaisareality.Whetheritisunderstoodasablessingfromthesaintornot,it mustbecherishedandmaintainedbycontinuingthetraditionsofthesaints,honoringthem,and respectingtheothersindividualsandcommunitieswhodosoastheyarealsointegralin maintainingtheefficacyofthisbelief.AswesawinthecaseofonelocalscheduledcasteHindu politician,heattendstheshrinesoastodemonstratepubliclythatheisnotagainstMuslimsor Muslimplacesinanyway.Heandothersseeitaspoliticallyandsociallyadvisabletoopenly participateinthetombcult.Othersexpresssthemorecredulousviewthatattheshrinedevotees exchangelovebetweeneachotherastheydowiththeShaikh.Eventhosemostcriticalofthe
Charles Taylor, in recent work on multiculturalism in society asserts that in heterogeneous societies the struggle is for recognition, and this is an essentially dialogical process. The form of recognition may vary, but the fact of it cannot. Indeed one of the greatest crises of liberal political theory in the face of plural society is to define what constitutes recognition: the acknowledgement of difference and uniqueness or the erasure of difference and enforcement of universal equality. But in order to become fully human, we must first, in Taylor's view, define ourselves. This process is most fully articulated by Taylor in Sources of the Self: The Making of Modern Identity, (Cambridge, MA; Harvard University Press, 1989). In order to understand the connection between identity and recognition, we must understand this process' "fundamentally dialogical character. We become full human agents, capable of understanding ourselves, and hence of defining our identity, through our acquisition of rich human languages of expression. For my purposes here, I want to take language in a broad sense, covering not only the words we speak, but also other modes of expression whereby we define ourselves, including the 'languages' of art, of gesture of love, and the like. But we learn these modes of expression through exchanges with others. People do not acquire the languages needed for self-definition on their own. The genesis of the human mind is in this sense not monological, not something each person accomplishes on his or her own, but dialogical." Charles Taylor, Multiculturalism and "the Politics of Recognition," (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1992), p. 32.
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traditionofziyaratdonotdirectlyattackordisparagethesaint.ThelocalJama#at-iIslamand TablghJama#atleadersadoptaquietistapproachtoreformingtheMuslimpopulation.The qualityofthecommunityinMalerkotlaissuchthatintoleranceandaggressivepoliticsarenot well-received. ThepoweroftheshrineofHaiderShaikhtodrawpeopletogetherisevidencednotonly

bythelocalpopulationwhoarticulatetheirfaithintheshrinebutalsobydevoteesfromoutside. TheregionofPunjabinwhichMalerkotlaissituatedwasdeeplyaffectedbythetraumaof Partition.TheneighboringprincelystatesofPatialaandJindweredevastatedbyinter-religious violenceandnearlyallthesurvivingMuslimslefttheseregions.595Yetsuchtragedieshavenot negativelyimpactedattendanceatthedargahofHaiderShaikhbynon-Muslimsornonresidents.Onthecontrary,alllocalreportsindicateanincreaseinattendanceatHaiderShaikhs festivalssincePartition.TheSikhrulersofPatialaneverdiscontinuedtheirannualofferingsin supportofthedargah.Itisimportanttonotealsothatespeciallyafter1947,manydargahscame undernewmanagementandarecurrentlymaintainedbyHindusorSikhs.Inahighlycharged communalenvironmentwhereHindusareencouragedtoboycottMuslimbusinessesandwhere Sikhnationalistsarediscouragedfromattendingnon-Sikhshrines,itissignificantthatpatronage
Once an elderly Muslim who had moved to Malerkotla from Patiala at Partition recounted to me a memory of seeing people pulled from mosques and Muslim bodies hung from minarets. For further works on the devastating impact on Punjab of the Partition, and especially on the role of the Maharaja of Patiala in fomenting the situation, see: Ian Copland, "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947," Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (2002), "The Political Geography of Religious Conflict: Towards an Explanation of the Relative Infrequency of Communal Riots in the Indian Princely States," International Journal of Punjab Studies (Volume 7, no. 1, 2000), and The Princes of India in the Endgame of Empire: 1917-1947, (New Delhi; Cambridge University Press, 1999); Disturbances in the Punjab, 1947: A Compilation of Official Documents, (Islamabad; Government of Pakistan, Cabinet Division, National Documentation Centre, 1995); Anders Bjorn Hansen, Partition and Genocide: Manifestation of Violence in Punjab, 1937-1947, (New Delhi; India Research Press, 2002); Ikram Ali Malik, Hindu -Muslim Riots in the British Punjab (1849-1900), (Lahore; Gosha-i-Adab, 1984); Dr. Sir Gokul Chand Narang, The Plight of Punjab Minorities under the So-Called Unionist Govt., edited by Ram lal Tara, (Lahore; Sunday Times Press, 1941); B. S. Nijjar, Punjab under the British Rule (1849-1947), (New Delhi; K B Publications, 1974); Qalb-i-Abid, Muslim Politics in the Punjab, 1921-1947, (Lahore; Vanguard, 1992); Mian Muhammad Sadullah, ed. The Partition of the Punjab, 1947: A Compilation of Official Documents, (Lahore; National Documentation Centre, 1983); Amarjit Singh, Punjab Divided: Politics of the Muslim League and Partition, 19351947, (New Delhi; Kanishka Publishers, 2001).
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ofMuslimshrinesdoesnotatleastshifttothoseshrinesmanagedbynon-Muslimsorthatsuch pilgrimagesdonotdiminishaltogether.596 GivingPeaceaChance HavingdocumentedtherangeofperspectivespastandpresentaboutHaiderShaikh,his

tombandhistown,itemergesthatinthiscommunitythereareseveralfactorsthatdiminishthe likelihoodofdispute.First,theownershipandidentityoftheshrinearenotinquestion. Althoughthereissomephysicalevidencethatcouldbeusedtochallengethearchitectural historyofthesite,andthereareoralhistoriesofapriorHindukingdomassociatedwithan importantHinduepic,thelastfivehundredyearsofMuslimdominancehasbeenofsucha qualitythateffortstochallengethesitesidentityhaveapparentlyneverbeenseriously undertaken.AlthoughmanyoftheNawabsseemtohavebeenreasonablemenandgoodleaders, severalothersappearinthehistoriesasincompetent,eveninsane.597Yet,assurveysafter Partitionindicate,onlyafewoftheeliteMuslimsleftforPakistan,whiletherestofthe population,Sikh,Hindu,andMuslim,remainedinpartduetotheirconfidenceintheNawaband eachother.TheongoingelectoralsuccessofthePathanclanfurthertestifiestoagenerally positiveviewoftheNawabsandkhalfahsandtheirroleingoverningnotjusttheshrinebutalso thetown.

Indeed, elsewhere in the dissertation I propose that it is exactly this feature that contributes to the growing popularity of Haider Shaikhs dargh among non-Muslims. It is significant that in order to reach the dargh one must come through one of the neighborhoods in Malerkotla that is almost wholly Muslim. Except on a Thursday or a festival day, few non-Muslims would be present in the streets leading up to the shrine. For Hindus and Sikhs coming from outside Malerkotla, this would be an unusual and possibly intimidating experience since for the last 55 years, there have been almost no Muslims in Punjab at all. Thus two generations have come in Punjab who have known few if any Muslims, even as they are surrounded by architectural evidence of their earlier presence in the form of mosques, homes, schools, and darghs . 597 See for example a fascinating file on Nawab Ibrahim Ali Khan who appears to have gone quite mad at the end of his life. In the India Office Collection there are a couple letters from a British doctor who had been summoned to evaluate him in which his paranoias are detailed. IOC, R/1/1/696. Mental Incapacity of Nawab.
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AsecondfactorthatreducesthelikelihoodofcommunaltensionsinMalerkotlaisthat

eveninpost-PartitionPunjabwhenthepreviousnumericsuperiorityofMuslimsisradically reversed,themajoritySikhsandHindusdonottargetthisshrineasapainfulreminderofan oppressiveIslamicpast.Quitetheoppositeistrue.Politicalandsocialmileageisgainedby openlyembracingthedargahanditslegacy,notbychallengingit.Also,thepolitical prominenceofthisloneMuslimconstituencybringsitspecialattentionfromthepowerbrokers ofthestate.Asthelargestindustrialtowninitsdistrict,Malerkotlahasenjoyedconsiderable growthoverthelastyears.Thisalsocontributestothethirdfactor;theeconomicimportanceof theshrinetotheentireMalerkotlacommunityisevident.Hundredsofthousandsofpilgrims visittheshrineeveryyearandmanytakeadvantageoftheirvisittopurchaselocally manufacturedgoods,especiallymetalware. Fourth,theactiverepertoireofnarrativesaboutHaiderShaikhandMalerkotlaavailable

tothecommunityandthedevoteesfromoutsidearewideranging,non-exclusiveandallowfora varietyofusagesbymultipleinterlocutors.ThestoriesaboutMalerkotlatoldbeforeandafter 1947focusontwosymbolicevents,thehaadanaaraandPartition.Thesemomentsstandoutin sharpreliefagainstthebackdropofwhatwouldotherwisebetheratherunremarkablehistoryof aminorprincelystate.EachaccountpositsitsowntheoryofMalerkotla'speacefulplural society.Fifth,therituallifeofHaiderShaikh'sdargahdemonstratesanadditionallevelof integration.Thereisarelativeuniformityofpracticewithvariationoccurringmostlyintermsof degree.Forexample,mostpilgrimsapproachthebaseofthetombdirectlybuttheirsalutations rangefromsimplyraisingtheirhandstototalprostration,kissing,andpressingone'sselftothe tomb.WithintheritualspacedevoteesmayobserveIslamicprayerstylesbelievingthattobe appropriatefortheworshipofaMuslimsaintandtheymayuseIslamicvocabularytodescribe

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theirpracticesandexperience.Ontheotherhand,HindusandSikhsmayemploymodesof worshiportermsthatresonatemorewiththeirowntraditions.Thismultivocaland heterogeneousritualpracticecreatesthenecessaryconditionsforoneoftheimportant misrecognizedresultsofritualexchangeasritualperformersinevitablyobserveandcreatespace foreachother,generatinggroundsformoresustainedandengageddialogue. Finally,andperhapsmostimportantly,thebeliefintheprotectivepowerofthefounding

fatherispervasiveamongallcastes,classes,genders,agegroups,andreligions.Theencounters atthetombbetweendevoteesofallkindsareactivelyembracedandvaluedbythemajorityof residentsandvisitors.Thelocalpoliticalauthoritiesalsocelebratetheshrine.Evenconservative Muslimgroupswhoopposeziyaratdonotactivateaggressivelyagainsttheshrine,choosingless confrontationalwaysofspreadingtheirviewsandpromotingtheirownvarietyofsecularism. Thoughtheirinfluencehasandwilllikelycontinuetoimpactthelocalpopulation,thetoneand qualityoftheirattitudetowardstheshrineisasignificantfactorinmaintainingapeacefuland activetolerance. MultivocalandMulticonfessional HaiderShaikh,hishistory,hishagiography,hisdargah,andhisterritorycanbemadeto

fitintoeveryonesgrandnarrativeofpeace,nomattertheirreligionortheirorientationwithin thatreligion.Forsomethesaintisoneexampleofapan-IndianprocessofIslamization.For othersheistheirprogenitor,theirDadaji,whosearrivalhereistheoriginoftheirownlife, livelihood,andfaith.ForsometheShaikhisapowerful,miracleworkingsaint,whose intercessorypowershavebroughtthemhealth,wealth,andchildren,aswellaspeace.Andfor someheisanimportantmanwhosemarriagetoanEmperorsdaughterledtothesettlementof theregion,andwhoselegacyofpeaceandjusticemustberespected,butnotworshipped.The

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Shaikhisachameleontohisinterlocutors.Hemetamorphosesintoeachaccount,givingshape andsubstancetoeachpersonsideaofcitizenship,devotion,domination,mediation,orheritage. Theritualsperformedatthetombrepresentarangeofideasandbehaviorsavailabletothe adherentsofmultiplereligions.FromthehighlyIslamicformalityoftheRamadan#urs,tothe efflorescenceofpeople,practicesandpossessionsatthemelatothemundaneexchangesatthe shrineatothertimes,thespaceisnotonlythestageuponwhichanidealofopennessand pluralismispubliclyperformed.Thesiteitself,itsstructure,situation,andthewaysinwhichits builtenvironmentisimagined,engaged,andmaintainedarealsoresourcesingeneratingan atmosphereofexpansivenessratherthanexclusivity.Thefactthatevenresidentswhodonot patronizethedargahoftenchooseto,orientthemselvesinrelationtothesaintandtheshrine furtherdemonstrateshowHaiderShaikhswilayatworks.Thisamorphousqualityispossible becausepeoplemakeitso.HaiderShaikhcanbeanythingheisneededtobebecausenoonehas tried(atleast,noonehassucceeded)inmakinghimonlyonething.Thus,histradition,his tomb,andhistownarecapableofcontainingmultipleandsometimescontradictorymeanings andholdingthem,notmerelyinpassiveabeyance,butinactiveengagementinsuchawaythat contradictionsdonotleadtoclashesandmultiplicitydoesnotresultinmadness. ThepresentabilityofMalerkotlatowithstandinternalandexternalstressestothe

communalfabricisreinforcedbypastsuccessesinhandlingconflictsthatarose.Asseenin ChapterFivewiththemulti-layeredandcomplexsetofissuesthataroseoverthepublicaudition ofaratiandkatha,thesituationwaseventuallyresolved.Butthatresolutionwasprimarilythe resultofeffortsbythecommunitymembers.LaterchallengessuchasAyodhyain1992,Gujarat in2002,andthefalloutafterthedestructionoftheBamiyanBuddhashavebeensuccessfully met.Inpartthishasbeenpossiblebecauseoftheregularmemorialobservationofsymbolic

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eventssuchasthehaadanaaraandthepeaceatPartition.Confrontedwithaconstantdroning litanyofMalerkotla'speacefulnature,thefurorofinflammatoryeventsisreadilydissipated. TheworkofdissipatingsuchchallengeswasdiscussedinChaptersSixandSevenwhere

wesawhowpotentialconflictsareobviatedthroughactiveeffortsofoutreachbycommunity leaders,residents,andvisitorsfromoutside.Theeffectiveregulationofthedargahandthetown reflecttherelationsbetweenauthoritiesandtheconstituentpopulation.Theproperfunctioning ofthesesharedritualandcivicspacesisassuredbythecooperationbetweenpotentially competinginterestgroupsandbythecoerciveforceofMalerkotla'sdominantethicofharmony. TheeventsandencountersdiscussedinChaptersFiveandSeveneffectivelydispelany

notionofpeaceasmerelythenon-eventofviolenceorasaforcedstasis.Inthedisputeoverthe publicperformanceofaratiandnamazaveryseriousdivisioninMalerkotla'scommunityfabric couldhavetakenroot.Likewise,thevirulentsentimentsexpressedbysomewithintheHindu communitytodaycould,ifallowed,escalateintoamuchmorepervasiveandpoisonous sentiment.Tocontroltheseeventsandexchanges,forceisinvolved,asiscompulsion,andeven oppression.Oppositionalpositionsandantagonismsareactivelysilencedbothpubliclyand privately,throughthecoercivepowerofthegoverningregimesofauthority.Someofthese coercivetechniquesareinstitutionalized,suchaspeacecommittees,MunicipalCommittees, communitywelfaresocieties,andtheowner-operatorkhalfahsatthedargahofHaiderSheikh. Othersmethodsaresemiformal,suchastheproceduresemployedbyHinduandSikhchelasin encouragingtheirclienteletosupportandpatronizetheMuslimkhalfahs.Theirconversational tacticsaregivenstrengthandadegreeofformality,astheytemporallyandtemporarilybecome vehiclesforthevoiceofthesaint.Informal,inter-andintra-personalexchangesalsoreinforce thepositivevalueonbridgebuilding,conciliation,andinter-religiousharmony.Asevidencedin

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theconversationlastcitedbetweenseveralHindusandJains,theopportunitytovoiceopposition iscritical,butisactivelycounteredandsuppressed.ThepeaceofMalerkotlaisbynomeans devoidofpressure,socialcontrols,andenforcement,butitisalsoapointofprideandamajor aspectofthecommunity'sidentity.Thesymbolicpowerofthisidentityisanimportantresource foralltheentirecommunityasithasheightenedthecivicprofileonthestatelevel,maximizing Malerkotla'sabilitytocompeteforfiniteresourcesintermsofgovernmentsupportandpolitical power.Thepersonalvalueofthecommunityidentityisperhapsbestexpressedbyoneofthe residentswhosaid,"Ourforefatherslivedtogether,HinduMuslimandSikh.In1947Muslims fromheredidnotmigrateandlivedhereinharmony.Ifsomesmallquarrelsoccur,lateronall becomeone.Ournatureisthatweeasilygoonthesamewayasearlier,thewayofloveand harmony." PracticingPluralism InthisdissertationIhighlighttheminor,dailyactivitiesthatcontributetopeacebecause

theyaretypicallytakenforgranted,bothbysocialtheoristsandbycommunitiesthemselves. Buttheimportanceofsuchexchanges,suchconsciouseffortsatinclusionandparticipationis,I believe,amuchundervaluedmeasureofthedepthofengagedpluralisminamulticultural society.Theroleofsharedspaces,bothsacredandcivic,insupportingmulticonfessional communitiesisalsoacrucialpartofthepracticeofpluralism.AsDianaEckexplains, "pluralismrequiresthecultivationofpublicspacewhereweallencounteroneanother."598In Malerkotlathesespacesarenumerous,andtheyarecultivated,theyarenotwhollyaccidental. Atthelevelofgovernance,politicalandcivilsociety,andineverydaycontexts,peopleofall religiousaffiliationsengageinavarietyofexchangesfromtheeconomictotheinterpersonal.

Diana Eck, "The Challenge of Pluralism," Nieman Reports (Volume XLVII, no. 2, 1993), available at http://www.pluralism.org/research/articles/cop.php?from=articles_index
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Theydosonotbybracketingtheirreligiousidentities,butbyusingtheirreligiousbeliefsasa basisforsuchexchange.AsintheexampleoftheJama#at-iIslamleaderwhoactivelysought tobuildbridgeswithotherfaiths,itisclearthatonedoesnothavetoforsakeastrong commitmenttoone'sownreligioninordertoengageininter-religiousdialogue.Indeed,fora genuinedialoguetotakeplace,retainingone'sreligiousidentityisnecessary.599 Thusrelativism,perhapsasmuchasactiveintolerance,thwartsgenuineinter-religious

understanding.Areligiouslypluralsocietyinwhichthepoliticsofrecognitionarefunctioning optimallygoesbeyondmeretolerance.Tolerance,afterall,is"adeceptivevirtue.Infact, toleranceoftenstandsinthewayofengagement.Tolerancedoesnotrequireustoattemptto understandoneanotherortoknowanythingaboutoneanother.Sometimestolerancemaybeall thatcanbeexpected.Itisastepforwardfromactivehostility,butitisalongwayfrom pluralism."600InMalerkotla,pluralismexceedstheminimumrequirementsoftolerance.Inthis diverseregion,thepoliticsofrecognitionoccurateverylevelofsocietyandhavesustainedthe communitythroughnumeroustimesofstress. Thisstudyoftheritual,narrative,andregulatorypracticesatthedargahofHaider

ShaikhandthetownofMalerkotlademonstratedhowsharedshrinesandsharedcivicspace promoteandevengenerateadynamicofinter-religiousengagementdeliberatelydesignedto promotecooperationanddiscouragediscord.Inparticular,thesesharedspacesilluminatedthe waysinwhichthehighlyfraughtrelationsbetweenHindus,SikhsandMuslimsarecarriedout onadailybasisthroughthesesymboliczonesofexchange.Atthesesitesnon-Muslimsand

As Eck points out, "pluralism is not simply relativism, but makes room for real commitment. In the public square or in the interfaith council, commitments are not left at the door. On the contrary, the encounter of a multicultural society must be the encounter of commitments, the encounter of each other with all our particularities and angularities. This is a critical point to see plainly, because through a cynical intellectual sleight of hand, some critics have linked pluralism with a valueless relativism -- an undiscriminating twilight in which "all cats are gray," all perspectives equally viable, and as a result, equally uncompelling. The encounter of a pluralistic society is not premised on achieving agreement, but achieving relationship." Eck, "The Challenge of Pluralism." 600 Ibid.
599

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MuslimsalikeengageIslamicspacerituallyanddiscursively,derivingspiritualandpolitical benefitfromtheinter-religiousexperience.Asweshallsee,storiesandpersonaltestimonies activatethemulti-confessionalshrineandtownassymbolicidentitymarkers,ritualconflictsare circumventedthroughdialogueandmutualvalidation.Andfinally,regulatorycompetitionatthe managerial,proprietary,andpoliticallevelsisnegotiatedandmanagedinbotharenasofshrine andtowninordertomaintainthedominantethosofharmony.Contrarytotheviewthatshared shrinesandmulti-religiouscommunitiesareinherentlyconflicted,attheseplacesalthough distinctionsbetweenreligionsareoftenmade,discrepanciesarerarelyseenasantagonisticor threatening.Onthecontrary,themultivocalityofthesharedritual,narrativeandadministrative lifeoftheshrinesandthetownisnotonlypartoftheappealbutisalsoasourceoftheireffective power.Thus,thesesharedsacredplacesserveaspowerfulresourcesforcommunitybuilding andthepromotionofharmoniouscivilsociety.Asinteractivenodesbetweenindividuals, religions,genders,classes,agegroups,etc.,thebodilyanddiscursivepracticesandexperiences atthesiteareopportunitiesforthepublicperformanceofacommunityandindividualidentity characterizedbyopennessandinclusivenessratherthanexclusivityandhostility.

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AppendixA:MalerkotlaRulingFamily
Ruler YearsRuled

ShaykhSadruddinSadar-iJahan 1454-1515 Shaykh#Isa 1508-1538 KhanMuhammadShah 1538-1545 KhwajaMadudKhan 1545-1566 FatehMuhammadKhan 1566-1600 MuhammadBayzidKhan 1600-1659 FerozKhan 1659-1672 SherMuhammadKhan 1672-1712 GhulamHussainKhan 1712-1717 JamalKhan 1717-1755 BhikanKhan 1755-1763 BahadurKhan 1763-1766 #UmarKhan 1766-1780 AsadullahKhan 1780-1784 AtaullahKhan 1784-1810 WazirAliKhan 1810-1821 AmirAliKhan 1821-1846 MehboobAliKhan 1846-1857 SikanderAliKhan 1858-1871 IbrahimAliKhan 1871-1908 AhmadAliKhan 1908-1947 IftikharAliKhan 1947-1948
Sources: Brara,Rita."MarriageandKinship."PhD dissertation,DelhiUniversity,1989. Khan,IftikharAli.HistoryoftheRuling FamilyofSheikhSadruddinSadar-i-JahanofMalerkotla(1449A.D.to 1948A.D.).EditedbyR.K.Ghai.Patiala:PunjabiUniversity Press,2000[1948]. Khan,InayatAli.ADescriptionofthePrincipalKotla Afghans.Lahore:CivilandMilitaryGazettePress,1882. MalerKotlaStateGazetteer.Lahore:TheCivilandMilitaryGazettePress,1904.

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AppendixB:Haadanaaratranslation Source:Khan,IftikharAli.HistoryoftheRulingFamilyofSheikhSadruddinSadar-I-Jahanof Malerkotla(1449A.D.To1948A.D.).EditedbyR.K.Ghai.Patiala:PunjabiUniversityPress, 2000[1948],page35-6. Omightykingoftheworldwhoonaccountofthyjusticehasplacedthythroneonthe azurevault;maythedappledhorseoftheskiesbeeverunderthycontrolbecausethouhast eclipsedthebrillianceofSunandMoonbythesplendourofthyinnumerablevictories. Thehumbleanddevotedpetitionerwithallrespectduetothegrandeuroftheshadowof Godandtothemightofthesaviouroftheworld,mostrespectfullybegstolayhishumbleappeal beforeyourmostGraciousmajestyandhopesfromYourImperialmajestysunfathomable kindnessandillimitablemagnanimitythattheAugustpersonoftheshadowofGod,viceregent oftheholyProphet(Peace[page36]beonhim)inthisworld,theincarnationofGodsmercy overhiscreaturesbysheermagnificence,bepleasedtobestowhiscompassionandforgiveness ontheyoungsonsofGobindSinghthe10thGuruoftheSikhnation.TheViceroyofSirhind provincewithaviewofavengingthedisobedienceanddisloyalactivitiesoftheGuruwhich mighthavebeencommittedbyhim,haswithoutanyfaultorcrimeoftheguiltlessandinnocent childrensimplyonthebasisoftheirbeingthescionsofGuruGobindSingh,condemnedthese minorsonsliabletoexecutionandhasproposedtowallthemupalivetilltheydie.Althoughno onedaretoraiseanobjectionagainsttheorderoftheViceroywhoseorderisasinevitableas death,yetthefaithfulservantsandwell-wishersofYourAugustmajestysempiredeemitmost advisabletohumblyappealandbringtoYourMajestysbenignnotice.Mayitbesaidthatifin viewofcertainimportantpoliticalconsiderationsYourMajestyisdisposedtoinflictsuitable punishmentontheSikhNationfortheirundesirableactivitiesinthepast,itwouldbequite compatiblewithjusticebutyourMajestyshumbleanddevotedservantthinksthatitwould,in

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nowwaybeconsistentwiththeprinciplesofsovereigntyandsupremepowertowreakthe vengeanceofthemisdeedsofawholenationontwoinnocentchildrenwho,onaccountoftheir tenderageandquiteinnocentandunabletotakeastandagainsttheallpowerfulViceroy.This sortofactionobviouslyappearstobeabsolutelyagainstthedictatesofIslamandthelaws propoundedbythefounderofIslam(MayGodsblessingsbeshoweredonhim)andYour MajestyshumbleservantisafraidthattheenactmentofsuchanatrociousActwouldperpetually remainanuglyblotonthefaceofYourMajestysrenownedjusticeandrighteousness.Itmay graciouslybeconsideredthatthemodeofinflictingthepunishmentandtortureascontemplated bytheViceroyofSirhindcanbynomeansbeconsideredcompatiblewiththeprinciplesof Supremerule,equityandjustice. InviewofaboveconsiderationsYourMajestyshumbleanddevotedservantmost respectfullytakesthelibertyofsuggestingthatifyourMajestyconsidersitexpedientthatthe sonsofShriGuruGobindSinghmaybekeptunderrestraintfromindulgingindisloyalactivites, itwouldbemoreappropriate,iftheycouldbeinternedintheRoyalcapitalatDelhi,tilltheyare dulyreformed,soastowillinglyacknowledgeallegianceandloyaltytothethrone.Inthe alternativeboththeboysmaybeplacedundermycaresoastokeepacheckontheiractionsand movementsandnottoallowthemtoentertainanykindofideasofseditionordisloyaltyintheir minds.Althoughthehumblepetitionerfearsthatthishumbleappealwhichisprompted exclusivelybythesenseofveracityandloyaltytothethronemaybedeemedastransgressingthe limitsofpropriety,yetthefearofGod[page37]andtheurgeoffaithdoesnotallowtheundue suppressionoftruths.IfthishumbleappealhasthehonourofmeetingtheRoyalacceptance,it shallbemostfortunate.Ifhoweverunfortunatelyitisdeprivedofthehonourofacceptance,still YourMajestyshumbleanddevotedservantshallhavetheconsolationofhavingperformedthe

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sacreddutyofexpressingwhatwasrightandjustandnothavingallowedhispentodeviatein theexpressionoftruth.

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AppendixC:letterfromthelastNawab,IftikharAliKhan,toM.R.Bhide,Esq.the RegionalCommisserionerandHomeMinisterofthePEPSU(PatialaandEastPunjab StatesUnion)datedJanuary11,1950. MydearMr.Bhide, WithreferencetoyourenquirytheotherdayatPatialaIamsendingyouadetailed statementregardingmanagement,etc.oftheShrineofHazratShaikhSadarudDinSadar-i-Jehan situatedatMalerkotla. TheShaikhwasthefounderoftheMalerkotlaStateandcommonancestoroftheRuling Family,waswellknowsforhissanctityandheldingreatreverencebypersonsofallcastesand creed.ImpressedbyhispietyandbraveryBahlolLodhi,KingofDelhimarriedhisdaughterTaj MurrassaBegumtohim.TheShaikhdiedin1508andisburiedinMaler.HisShrineisheldin greatreverencebypeopleofallcastesandcreedsandspeciallySikhsandHinduscomefrom distantplacestopayhomageandofferingsandnazars,evenuptothepresentday. ThemanagementoftheShrineiscarriedonasaprivaterightjointlybytheKhalifasand theMujawarseversincethedemiseoftheShaikhwithoutanyinterferencewhateverbythe State.TheKhalifasarealsodirectdescendantsoftheShaikh. ThereisnopermanentdedicatedincomeforthemaintenanceoftheShrineandtheonly incomewhichisconsideredaspersonalincomeoftheKhalifasandtheMujawars,isfrom offeringsandnazarspresentedbypersonsontheoccasionofUrsandspeciallyonThusdays fallinginthemonthofJeth,withNirjalaIkadshi. TheincomeisdistributedbetweenKhalifasandMujawarsasfollows:-
ClassofIncome Cash Livestock Clothand Jewelry ShareofKhalifas RupeesincoinsorC.Notes,small coinspresentedbyoneperson tothe totalvalueofonerupeeormore providedthatinanypicecoinsare includedin thechangethey willgo toMujawars allspeciesofanimalsabovegoat andsheep Allwoolen andsilkencloth AllKilaatsofCottonclothand Ornamentswhicharepresentedwith Khilaats.Threepiecesofcotton ClothconstituteacompleKhilaat ShareofMujawars Pice,andallsmallcoinsincasethe nazar fromonepersonisbelow the valueofonerupee

goatandsheepand allother livestocklikepoultry Anynumberofcotton cloth piecesfallingshortof acomplete Khilaatandallornaments presentedseparately

AnyotherlumpsumorlandsawardedbyanyonegototheKhalifas.Theexpenditure towardsrepairsoftheShrineandotherincidentalchargesisbornebytheKhalifasandMujawars jointlybycontributionatarationof:.Asumofrs250/-isearmarkedforthepurposeandis annuallydeductedfromthejointincomeaccordingtotheaboveratiofromthejointincome. Anyfurthersumifandwhenrequiredisraisedbyjointsubscriptionatthesameratio.The

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expenditureiscontrolledbytheSeniorKhalifaofthetime.KhalifaBahawalKhanisatpresent theSeniorKhalifa. Withregards,yourssincerely,IftikharAliKhan" Source:PunjabStateArchives,DharamArth,464/103.

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AppendixD:PunjabMap,1946

MalerkotlaStateistheyellowshadedterritoryinthecenter,slightlytotheleft.Itissurrounded bytheprincelystatesofPatialaandNabha,andLudhianaDistrict. Source:http://www.terra.es/personal7/jqvaraderey/punjab.htm

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AppendixE:SettlementMapofMalerkotla,1891

Source:C.L.J.H.Grey,OrdersPassedontheAssessmentReportoftheMalerKotlaState. Lahore:CivilandMilitaryGazettePress,1891.
493

AppendixF:Malerkotla,2001

Source:CulturalResourceConservationInitiative

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