The Old New Social History and The New Old Social History (Tilly C., 1984)

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The Old New Social History and the New Old Social History Author(s): Charles Tilly Source: Review (Fernand Braudel Center), Vol. 7, No. 3 (Winter, 1984), pp. 363-406 Published by: Research Foundation of SUNY for and on behalf of the Fernand Braudel Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40241514 . Accessed: 21/09/2013 11:21
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363-406 VII 3, Winter Review, 1984,
The Old New Social and theNew History Old Social History*
Charles Tilly
Renewed? SocialHistory of 1968,thelearned In thespring journalDaedalusconofhistorians. Thegroup someestabincluded vened a covey It alsobrought inpeople lished suchas FelixGilbert. sages, Lee Benson, FrankManuel, forexample, Genovese, Eugene - who had been exploring new techand David Rothman or attempting to employ in historical niquesand materials, hadgrown that ideasandprocedures up inthesocial analysis to be known of themwerecoming as A number sciences. the "New Social called of History". practitioners something inadvance, memoranda ofthe Several prepared participants as dealt with suchesoteric andsomeofthememoranda topics The wordstripped the "cliometrics" and"prosopography". theimagination. butstirred For,inthe1960's, many tongue, alikewere and practice that historical felt historians theory thechanges threatened Somefelt changes. great undergoing
to theConference address ofthekeynote version is a much-revised Thisarticle of New York at Buffalo, on New Directionsin History,State University versioncirculatedunder the same titleas October 1980. An intermediate Working Paper No. 218, Center for Research on Social Organization, to Dawn Hendricksfor help with of Michigan. I am grateful University led byLouise Tillyand seminar of Michigan and to a University bibliography, of thesectionon FernandBraudel. EmamanuelLe Roy Ladurieforcriticism
1984ResearchFoundationof SUN Y
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the properperformance of the historian's function: Jacques * Barzun(1974), forone, fulminated against"psycho-history and "quanto-history" as pseudo-history. Others felt that Lee Benson, stood on the of threshold Science: history finally for that will example, spokeofthelikelihood "[T]he conditions existinthenotdistant future forAmerican politicalhistorians to achievethe scientific estatepredicted by Buckle,or, more . . . that such conditions will exist for those precisely, individualsable and willingto pay the psychological costs requiredto break freefromold routines"(1966: 16). Most alerthistorians, whether withfear or hope, sensed thatthe faced imminent choiceswhoseconsequences could profession transform the and the that profoundly history, historiography, had learned. they inthat1968meeting aboutthefuture Participants disagreed ofthepast.Yetthey on the of So agreed desirability discussion. Daedalus flewto anotherconclave,thisone in Rome. Then came a pair ofjournal issues,and finally a whole book. The book, publishedin 1972,appeared underthe titleHistorical Studies Today. Its topicscovereda wide range:quantitative theNew Urban History, oral history, an epitaphfor history, theold politicalhistory, a mixedassessment ofrecent applicationsofpsychology to historical and- as promised analysis, a thoughtful of prosopography. treatment Convened today, how would a similarset of historians of history? What has come of the pronounceon the future 1960's promises?What changes in historicalpracticehave occurred sincethen?What lessonshave we learned?Concenon social history, letus wander trating defined, broadly among these without too an effort strenuous to lock questions, making theiranswersin place. Let us pay particular attention to the historical endeavorswhichin the 1960'sbegan to displaythe of social science:self-conscious stigmata explicationof condeliberate of ceptsandmodels; comparison individuals, groups, ofthem) a common places,orevents (often many placedwithin and fixationon reliableformsof measurement, framework; numerical treatment of evidence.Ecofrequently involving
Old New,NewOld SocialHistory
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urban nomic history, archeology, demographic history, history, and family labor,agricultural, plussomekindsof political, intellectual the history, history, Diplomatic history qualify. of other branches art and of agriculhistory science, history, in contrast, tural,labor, and politicalhistory, generally anditsentangletheNewSocialHistory alooffrom remained were andare inthesocialsciences. ments Important changes them in I but shall fields as in those well, neglect here, occurring I know thevarious known favor ofthefields best: enterprises as socialhistory. loosely
and Prophet LawrenceStone,Prosopographer
thana catchmore became In those fields, prosopography alltheDaedalian a crucial Itbecame word. Through practice. was Lawrence chief the present discussions, prosopographer of historian England.Stone had Stone,the distinguished of the English a massivecollective biography published of the in a vastanalysis and was thenengaged aristocracy, centerThe classes. landed of character England's changing in venture an ambitious was,in fact, pieceof thatanalysis of four of a large "samples" country catalogue prosopography: Lawrence centuries. the down owners andtheir houses through as that Stoneoncedescribed C. Fawtier andJeanne study
methodsof analysisto data of varying designedto apply statistical and traditional test some to in order impressions subjective quality, in the social and structure social about mobility English assumptions at thispointcredits EarlyModernand Modernperiods.[A footnote Social ScienceBoard and theNational theMathematical from grants Science Foundation.]It is generally agreedthatEnglandwas historsocietiesof the world, and in the of first the modernizing ically to evolvea and thefirst to industrialize thatshewas thefirst particular it a over For structure. constitutional based century stableand broad wisdomthatthesephenomenacan be has been partof conventional class ofthemiddle oftheslowgrowth firstly explainedin terms partly which oftheease with and professional ofbusiness men,and secondly thesocial and political thismiddleclass could moveupwardthrough
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systems.So far, however,these is no reliable body of statistical information of thisbold withwhichto checkand evaluatethetruth and far-reaching Thisparticular is narrowly focused hypothesis. study on a single thedegreeofinterpntration ofthelanded aspect,namely and merchant/ classes as testedbythechanging compoprofessional sitionof thelocal ruralelites(Stone & Stone, 1972:56).
In this study,then, prosopography would begin to verify social mobility previously hypothetical arguments concerning in Englandfrom1540 to 1879. A "reliablebody of statistical evidence" would supplant the "subjectiveimpressions and traditional far that so had assumptions" prevailed. his moregeneralstatement forthe 1972 Historical Writing StudiesToday,LawrenceStonedisplayed cautiousoptimism. If historianskept their heads and hearts, he suggested, could sharpentheireyes. "Prosopography", prosopography "collective or "multiple-career-line biography", analysis",he to a ratherold procedurethathad pointed out, all referred Simplyacquired a new range of applications.It was "[T]he of thecommonbackground characteristics of a investigation of in actors means of a of collective their group history by study lives"(Stone, 1972b: 107). That old procedure, folproperly lowed,had healingpowers.It could,he declared,
combine the humane skill in historical reconstruction through meticulous on thesignificant concentration detailand theparticular and theoretical of the example,withthe statistical preoccupations socialscientists; itcouldform themissing connection between political and social history whichat present are all too often in treated history indifferent either orin largely watertight compartments, monographs different ofa single volume.It could helpreconcile to chapters history And itcould form one string sociologyand psychology. amongmany to tie the excitingdevelopments in intellectual and culturalhistory down to the social, economic,and politicalbedrock(Stone, 1972b: 134).
Thus the new ways in history could lead historians to basic social processes without their contact with losingthem day-today experience. LawrenceStonecertainly had hisfinger on theright button. In oneform oranother, collective constituted biography surely
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inthehistorical thesingle influential innovation most practice ofthepostwar As Stonesaid,itwasnotentirely new: period. since Sir LewisNamier had (1957) eightlong biographized Roman historians hadbeen Parliaments, perpetuaeenth-century for is and"collective decades, biography" ting prosopography ofCraneBrinton's old book onemore nameforthemethod at leastfourfeatures Nevertheless, (1957) on theJacobins. inthe1940's from collective the begun biography distinguished from elite its predecessors: (1) its extension clearly-visible to run-of-the-mill militants, workers, ordinary populations in increase andeven entire communities; (2) the corresponding of the use ofpersons wide thesheer numbers described; (3) models statistical sometimes statistical including description, and finally, thesocial sciences; (4) thesheer adoptedfrom Urban of its and history, populaapplication. range frequency of political, and somebranches tionhistory, laborhistory, all createdtheirown and intellectual economic, history of thehistories ofcollective forms standard Later, biography. minorities and ofracialand ethnic ofmigration, thefamily, as a central collective procedure. biography incorporated Stone's1972credo:that believed actedas ifthey Historians ofevents andsocial revealed thepattern collective biography with contact individual while relations experience. maintaining
Second Thoughts
Lawrence thePrinceton A decadeafter however, meeting, In 1979, thenew hehailed for hadlosthisoldzest Stone ways. that events hadcome He concluded ofnarrative." the "revival thathad and determinism as thetechniques backintostyle, their of to lose the 1960's the historians began appeal. captured wrote Stone, "Manyhistorians,"
now believethatthe cultureof the group,and even the will of the at leastas important causal agents ofchange arepotentially individual, ofmaterial forces as theimpersonal growth. outputand demographic reasonwhythelatter the shouldalwaysdictate Thereis no theoretical
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ratherthan vice versa,and indeed evidenceis pilingup of former, (Stone, 1979:9). examplesto thecontrary
The bedrockhad crumbled to sand.The newwayshad become old ways,suspectin their turn. were "scientific" Threedifferent sortsof soi-disant history therefore, accordingto Stone, losing theirfallowings:the Marxisteconomicmodel,theFrenchecological-demographic cliometric method.The supporters model,and theAmerican ofall three had once,said Stone,claimedto be on their wayto cast-iron solutions
for such hitherto baffling questionsas the causes of "greatrevolutraditional oftheshifts from to capitalism, and from feudalism tions", to modernsocieties.This heady optimism, whichwas so apparent from twogroups the1930sto the1960s, was buttressed amongthefirst suchas of"scientific thatmaterial conditions historians'* bythebelief betweenpopulation and food supply, changes in the relationship werethedriving and classconflict, changesinthemeansofproduction forcesin history. cultural, Many, but not all, regardedintellectual, as mere religious, legal,even political,developments psychological, or demographicdeterminism epiphenomena.Since economic and/ ofhistorical the thecontent ofthenewgenre dictated research, largely and rather thanthenarrative to organize modewas bestsuited analytic thedata, and thedata themselves had as faras possibleto be present in nature(Stone, 1979:7). quantitative
The revival ofnarrative, itfollows, thedeclineofthat registers "economicand/ or demographic As theauthor determinism". of studies of class structure, social mobility,educational - all significantly and the pattern of revolution enrollments, informed the models and methods of social by contemporary - Stone shouldknowwhereof science he speaks. What caused the revivalof narrative? What chased the Stone cataloguesthesecauses: declineof analytic history? a. Widespread disillusion economicdeterminism with in history, most likelypromotedby a declinein the - especommitment ofwestern intellectuals ideological ciallywhenit came to Marxism; b. revived oftheimportance awareness ofpolitical and military power;
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of quantitative c. themixedrecord work, especially outbylarge when research basedonthe carried teams, and embodiedin sophisticated use of computers, mathematical procedures. Stoneseesthesituation, as Lawrence Thesenewconditions, "todiscover what totry wasgoing oncemore freed historians it was like tolive in the and what oninside heads past, people's leadbacktotheuseof which inthepast\ inevitably questions narrative" (Stone,1979:13). for the workof Stone saves his strongest disapproval Robert the inevitable names "cliometricians". Fogel only (He recall thebad to hisreaders and Stanley leaving Engerman, inthe Thecliometricians "weallknow.") "specialize examples the of teams of data of vast assistants, by quantities assembling it the to and use of the electronic computer process all, mathematical ofhighly procedures sophisticated application obtained" to theresults (Stone,1979:11). that theobjections Stonelodges these procedures, Against assistants thatresearch data are too unreliable, historical uniform ofostensibly theapplication with be trusted cannot mathematical that rules,thatcodingloses crucialdetails, aremeant to historians tothe areincomprehensible results they on of evidence the that tapes computer storage persuade, that ofconclusions theverification blocks historians, byother of sense and tendto lose their theinvestigations wit, grace, noneofthe that ofstatistical inthepursuit results, proportion ofthe to the has bludgeoning yielded bigquestions actually ofthe the "in that and general sophistication big-data people, of the the exceed to hastended data, reliability methodology - tobe - uptoa point seems oftheresults theusefulness while ofthe to themathematical correlation in inverse complexity of data-collection" scale the and grandiose methodology socialhistorian, eminent European (Stone,1979:13).Forthis thattook shape in the 1960'shave the large enterprises attractions. losttheir obviously likewise an eminent E.J. Hobsbawm, Europeansocial on Lawrence a has historian, recently published commentary that Hobsbawm later Stone's (1980)doubts therevival essay.
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ofnarrative in is as extensive as Stonesuggests, and questions itconstitutes a rejection oftheearlierhopes anycase whether for social history. The visiblechangesin historical writing, to more according Hobsbawm, likely represent: in presenting 1. experiments the resultsof complex historical analysis; 2. attempts of thosevariedresults; at synthesis 3. theextension oftheideas and procedures of social to areasofinquiry notably history political history thathad previously been leftoutside; 4. the desire to have a well-defined and sharplysocial situation serve as the historioportrayed between social graphical junction large processesand individual historical experience. These factors, repliedHobsbawmto Stone,
demonstrate thatit is possibleto explainmuchofwhathe surveys as thecontinuation ofpasthistorical means,instead enterprises byother of as proofsof theirbankruptcy. One would not wishto denythat some historians themas bankrupt or undesirable and wishto regard changetheirdiscoursein consequence,forvariousreasons,some of themintellectually dubious,someto be takenseriously. Clearlysome historianshave shifted from"circumstances" to "men" (including thata simplebase/superstructure model women),or have discovered and economichistory are notenough,or- sincethepay-off has been - are no longerenough. Some may well have converysubstantial vinced themselves that there is an incompatibility betweentheir "scientific" and "literary" functions. But itis notnecessary to analyse thepresent inhistory fashions as a rejection ofthepast,and in entirely so faras they cannotbe entirely it willnotdo analysedin suchterms, (Hobsbawm, 1980:8).
The issueis squarely joined. On theone side,Stone interprets recenttrendsin the writing of history as signsof disillusion withwhatwe mustnow,alas, call theold newsocial history, as augursoftheriseofthenewold social history. On theother Hobsbawm sees the same somewhat minified side, trends, by with Stone's of estimates as evidence, comparison them, likely
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onthe ofthe that arenowbuilding historians accomplishments to flourish inthe1960's. sort ofsocialhistory that began that Both ourobservers historical hasrecently agree practice on of the extent the if shift. even shifted, they They disagree that ofthe shift andofthe intheir views attitude differ reflects, thenewpractices andtheold.On thewhole, relation between recent is closer to Hobsbawm thanto of trends myreading to the Hobsbawm misses extent that Stone.I think, however, on the of a oversold themselves decade historians which ago notrealizing that ofthesocialsciences, explanatory powers inspecifying what effective were much more those disciplines outsuperficial andinruling hadtobe explained explanations theaverage that inproducing than explanations couldsatisfy and a new madedisappointment, The overselling historian. Hobsbawm also failsto fordeep causes,inevitable. search and the between link the out demographic paradoxical bring favor in the to of us that economic determinisms began many in a 1960'sand a sortof voluntaristic populism belief, its ownhistory. that form, peoplemaketheir ordinary simplest rather ofhistorical thedialectic To a large research, extent, the for accounts inhistorians9 thanalterations consciousness, We to take to the 1970's. from the 1960's inpractice shifts ought ofthe that thecompeting thefact from explanations pleasure mode. anda mentalist fallintoa determinist themselves shift oneofthe andStonerecalls Hobsbawm between Thedebate of natures about the fundamental history, old, disagreements andsocialreality. historiography,
How theModels Matter: New (and Newer)UrbanHistory
I think currents? these wecareabout Should historiographie all of us offer and thedefinitions justifications affect so. They of the system forthe historical Theyinfluence enterprise. most other. on each we rewards and And, impose priorities vulnerable atitsmost affect historical practice they important,
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The numberof Ph.D.'s in point: the doctoral dissertation. its awardedeach yearintheUnitedStatesis downfrom history of Yet of more to 900. 1970's than the 1,000 early vicinity peak it is probablystilltruethatthe majority of all person-hours devoted to professionalhistoricalresearchgoes into the that It couldwellbe true ofdoctoraldissertations. preparation the majorityof all pages of professional history published research undertaken fordoctoraldissertations. (We can report of or measure the perverseindividualism and/ inefficiency professional history by thefactthatmostdissertation-writers - locating only acquire the essential skills of their trade those and synthesizing documentsin archives,criticizing to the and their literature, documents, linking findings existing so on in thecourseof doingtheir and dissertation research, largely on their own.) The subjects and styles of those so faras I can tell,respond muchmoredecisively dissertations, to shifting oftheviability or ofone sortofresearch assessments another than do the works-in-progress of the discipline's veterans.Students look to the future,and their teachers authorities encouragethemto take the risks.When history's creditone model or discredit their another, colleaguesoften theirown them and sometimes challenge vigorously modify who really practicesin small ways. But it is theirstudents even today, hold future change direction.Those students, in their hands. practice to ourgeneral favorite My topic.It exampleis quitegermane concerns theso-calledNew UrbanHistory. Earlyinthe1960's, from that information demonstrated Stephan Thernstrom as and manusources such directories widely-available city intoorigin-destination censuses couldbe reshaped tables script similarto those sociologistsused to analyze occupational father from to son or within own career. a worker's mobility himself us that has reminded Harriet (Thernstrom graciously Frank Merle Goldstein and had Curti, Owsley, Owsley, Sidney done someofthepathbreaking technical it work;nevertheless, was Thernstrom's Povertyand Progress[1964] that made take notice.) younghistorians Thernstrom In the case of Newburyport, Massachusetts, evidence ethnic that produced indicating groups had not
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in their buthad adopted ratesof "success", differed simply for securing theirfamilies9 somewhat different strategies in little the that futures; aggregate mobility occupational was slightly that but thenetmovement occurred, upward; over had not declined substantially mobility occupational to move werevery workers time;and thatunskilled likely - when theydidn'tmove up. The on- to leave the city becauseof its technical attention attracted demonstration Thernstrom attention because Itattracted managed virtuosity. to exposethefalsehistorical sociologist Lloyd assumptions famous made Warner had (his concerning Newburyport (1963) because itbore, attention Mostofall,itattracted Yankee City). of Was American on atleast history: questions indirectly,great Did that America thelandofopportunity? nineteenth-century and Did America's later for fade mobility immigrants? promise for chances the reduce ethnic working-class fragmentation States? intheUnited militancy were students Graduate quickto seethepromise especially Soon dozensof of collective of thisnewform biography. historical the inprogress, were dissertations doctoral pursuing of social group community bycommunity, mobility analysis on the Ata famous andsource meeting bysource. bygroup, in 1968, cityheld at Yale University nineteenth-century - mainly ofcollaborators anda crowd Thernstrom youngsters, - identified themofthehistorical profession bythestandards Thernstrom When ofhistorical school selves as a new practice. editedthe conference and RichardSennett papers,they in theNew subtitle the book with their "Essays published Urban History". ofwriting and rewriting, a lag fortheagonies Then,with Philadelandmonographs: oftheses, cametheflood articles, Los Milwaukee, Boston, Birmingham, Omaha, Chicago, phia, San Hamilton, Troy, KingPoughkeepsie, Angeles, Francisco, of inthe screen the crossed andBuffalo company viewing ston, of theanalysis American cities. North other Although many it elsewhere that the excitement never socialmobility generated likewise collective did in North America, began biographers as andsimilar sources census records outmanuscript sorting in and themeansofreconstructing city populations Europe
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otherparts of the world. For the most part,thatwas what historians meantwhenthey spoke oftheNew UrbanHistory. back at of activity in 1975, Stephan this torrent Looking Thernstrom commentedwryly that "I am now inclinedto believethat, holy, just as theHoly Roman Empirewas neither is notso new,it thenewurbanhistory Roman,noran empire, that shouldnotbe identified as urban,and there is somedanger He itwillcease to be history" 1977: 44). (Thernstrom, pointed out the dangersof thoughtless uncritical imitation, compilation of defective and team research, sources,bureaucratized into of science. He did the uncouth social slovenly prose sliding was out the wave he had started that not, however,point itself. spending limitsof the one-city Why and how? First,the inherent visiwere occupationalmobility study becoming increasingly ble. Therewas thedifficulty oftracing thelivesofpeople who - and, forthatmatter, or leftoutsidethecityitself of arrived arrivalor departure from erroneous distinguishing recording There was the uncerand, more important, non-recording. or that over variations tainty averages manycities,based on the occupational titles reportedfor adult males, actually Therewere thestructure ofAmerican represented opportunity. thedebatableassumptions about class and mobility builtinto the very method: that occupations formeda well-defined, rankorder;thatthecentral therates issuesconcerned unitary and pathsofachievement and groups; families, byindividuals, that one could reasonablypostpone the analysis of labor markets until and employers' thedifferentials hiring strategies werethereto be explained.There were othertechnicaland had conceptual problems which critics and practitioners uncovered. Secondly, urban historianswere findingthe statistical answersyielded by theirhistoricalsociologyunnecessarily thin.As Peter Decker put it, at the close of his own recent collective ofSan Francisco's in white-collar workers biography thenineteenth-century,
The internal ifrecognized aretoo often at all byhistorians, differences, described statistical and techniques. measures onlythrough Rarelyare
Old New,New Old Social History
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the social contextin whichtheyoccur. This theyexplainedwithin and anxieties ofthosewhose context includesthehopes,aspirations, the To excludetheseconsiderations, livesarebeingmeasured. through how indiviis to disregard exclusiveuse of quantitative techniques, duals perceivetheir own realityand to preclude any normative in a society social mobility (Decker, 1978:250). judgements regarding
ofthoughts that a summary statement We havein Decker's - notjust to a greatmanyhistorians have been occurring - working ofsocial intheshadow historians American urban have should all facts we have discovered science.They in themselves analyses longago: thatstatistical recognized the effective that never almost conclusions; unambiguous yield not useofsocial-scientific more, requires generally procedures historical than the of statement average less, arguments explicit social-scientific account;and that on the whole,existing far atdiscrediting better work explanasuperficial approaches thanat whathas to be explained tionsand at specifying are historians that likelyto find explanations generating entails an extent that To the explanation adequate adequate. in ofthe situations actors' historical experiences reconstructing andsimilar collective found which themselves, biography they holdlittle other in all their regards) power (for techniques such ofyielding explanations. promise
Alternatives and Syntheses
as far into cities hadbitten ofAmerican allstudents Notthat whomDeckercastithestatistical appleas thepredecessors to in hadmanaged labor historians, particular, gates-urban attention that ofpopulist a kind construct history gaveample oflife, theeveryday ofwork, thequality to theorganization treatment AlanDawley's ofmilitancy. forms andthe struggles, thenow-standard leatherworkers ofLynn's (1976)combined examinations with ofoccupational searching mobility analyses the ofbelief andaction. David Montgomery (1972)recreated Laurie inPittsburgh, as heandBruce ofwork (1973, rhythms andcompetithe oforganizations revealed both 1980) patterns ofnineteenth-century thebrawls andprotests tionunderlying
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the Philadelphia.A German,Dirk Hoerder(1977), discerned embeddedin the workers' doctrinesof popular sovereignty riotsofrevolutionary Herbert Massachusetts. Gutman(1976) culture and the mounted a great quest for working-class or unmaking ofthatAmerican class. Gutman working making from and others, in fact, drewa good deal oftheir inspiration suchas E. J. Hobsbawm, Europeansocial and laborhistorians and E. P. Thompson. GeorgeRude, MichellePerrot, Americanurban historyinvolves much more activityI of studiesof haven'tmentioned: theenormous concatenation nineteenth-century Philadelphia coordinated by Theodore fine (1978, 1979);OliverZunz'sexquisitely analyses Hershberg inDetroit; of land use distribution and (1977, 1982) population of Allan Pred's treatments (1973) of the time-geography Americanurbanization;examinationsof American urban of racial segregation, of urban of thedevelopment migration, of women'sworkexperiences, ofjob-finding and thecreation of and in class our cities, occupationalcommunities, power and more."Urban history" overflows its banks,and spreads intothewholeplainofAmerican sociallife. Anyonegeneralizationabout urbanhistory therefore invites at leasttwo exceptions. Yet in verygeneraltermsmy description holds: In most of Americanurban history, the 1960's broughta precincts of enthusiam forself-conscious quickening conceptualization and modeling, fordeliberate often (and quantitative) comparison ofmultiple and forrigorous thissort units, measurement; of enterprise, with its social-scienceovertones,tended to separatefromthe finequalitativestudiesof individualand thatcontinued; as the1970'smovedon,more groupexperience and moredoubts about the adequacy of the social scientific model arose among its followersand its critics,and urban historianstried increasingly either to enrich their pallid collective withcolorings of individual biographies experience or to discoverthicker to thinconclusionsabout alternatives social mobility and stratification. The modelappliesleastwellto thefieldsofhistorical work thatdevelopedin closestconcert withspecific social sciences:
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economic anddemographic Rearcheology, history, history. in still searchers these fields the tended and tend toget bulk oftheir ofhistory outside and to follow the proper, training of intellectual the social sciences than rather of agendas For and for that better to orientation social worse, history. them science from insulated thepriorities and pressures of other Eveninthese historians. someshifts fields, nevertheless, - away from the occurred construcdazzling chrome-and-glass letussay, the tions ofthe1960's, toward more subdued elegant, woodand brassofthelate 1970's. Economic historians who were conversant with economic andeconomodels thoroughly theauthor ofa superb The suchas Jande Vries, metrics, text, in the time,place, and theycared to root theiranalyses ofthechanges were they studying. historiography On the demographic and David side, KeithWrightson us the of their book Levine have (1979) given splendid example on an English 152Sto 1700.A (Essex),from village, Ierling ofthe over collective entire recorded the biography population the Thefine two forms book's centuries backbone. demographic a sensitive index ofchanging reconstruction fortunes provided of well classes the as as some different signs among population, of local socialstructure. for It showed, as to thecharacter inIerling andfertility, "that theageatmarriage and example, were theprime ofdemographic notmortality, control. agents of were of While the short-run mortality implicationsepidemic in thelong wereoflittle realconsequence, they importance strict & Levine, 1979: the Malthusian run" 72).Thus (Wrightson ofold-regime decimated populations periodically by picture their fails to because resources and famine they outgrew plague fit thefacts. Yetallwasnotbucolic inIerling: the harmony demographic evidence reveals thegrowth ofa largeclassofpoor likewise rural theincreasing division oftheparish between laborers, landed haves andlandless Thatiswhere have-nots. Wrightson andLevine uswith a model for the localsocialhistory provide of thefuture. For insteadof resting withtheir impressive into delved court church evidence, records, demographic they
Economyof Europe in an Age of Crisis(1976), showedthat
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could gettheir tax records, and every other records, scrapthey to tracethematerial ofexistence, handson in order conditions the routinesof everydaylife,the structures of power and Never offaith and disbelief. and theaffirmations punishment, have we seen more clearlythe emergenceof a confident, inpious,sober,responsible, comfortable classoflocal notables whoworked but(above all) firm control ofthemanyhirelings their themechanisms land.Neverhavewe had better displayed and consequencesof theprocessesof ruralproletarianization thattook place so widely in Europe. Levine and did an extraordinary piece of work, Wrightson but their general style of analysis was not unique. Alan a Macfarlaneand his collaborators(1978) have undertaken - analy- and computer-coordinated similarly comprehensive sis of a singleparish,Earls Colne, from1400 to 1750. Jeanof Claude Perrot(1975) has made the demographic history Caen thethreadforthestitching together eighteenth-century ofthecity's As Hobsbawm(1980) suggests, wholeroundoflife. these studies informed new, thick, community demographically of analytichistory. do not represent an abandonment They showus skilled therangeoftheir analyses, analysts broadening their and seeking effective results. waysto communicate Is CrassnessAmerican? and Levine are not Americansor AmericanWrightson the Briton andtheCanadianlearned their trained; demographic in a that for been a fountof the has history Cambridge years art. E. A. Wrigley of Cambridgeand Louis Henryof Paris, thetwomostinfluential inthecreation ofthe very likely figures in we know have wider today, fallowings demographic history North America. and the rest of in than Britain, France, Europe In thisfield, as in thelabor history overwhichsuchfigures as allieshaveexercised andtheir E. J.Hobsbawm, E. P. Thompson, led theway. so greatan influence, Europeanshave commonly of and critics, American, quantification Although European and social-scientific models in history have sometimes porthem as quintessential ofAmerican trayed expressions vulgarity
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theinitial to bothhas often and imperialism, come impulse from in their fullest have and versions Europe fact, commonly oftheUnited States. outside appeared Thesituation resembles theparadoxical bywhich processes ofthe almost Roman received Rome, Empire, every city except a "Roman" with ordo orby its and decumanus, plan, ground of French with which thepurest feudalism, grants specimen a chain of subordinates from extending through actually notin France butin Quebec. to peasant, sovereign appeared ofcentralized, Forthereally massive building team-operated, files of historical we data, computer-based "process-produced" of national For thecreation go to Germany. demographic ofexperience, wego to France over series centuries extending andcomandBritain. Forthecoordination, standardization, of of numbers demographically-based puterlinking large we go to Sweden.Perhapsthe most studies, community arereliable, almost one:ifcurrent caseis this signs surprising on files of evidence historical population large unimaginably available to become willsoonstart in,ofall places, changes with American these mainland China.Bycomparison efforts, and computation look into historical compilation forays modest indeed. When oneofthese Letmenotexaggerate. large enterprises haveusually somewhere Americans hastaken appeared shape, American Forexample, RonaldLee hasfigured onthescene. onreconstructing work in the Group's importantly Cambridge American JamesLee (no and trends, Englishpopulation of an important is playing surveys partin Chinese relation) some fordemographic their sources Furthermore, history. havestrongly influenced American rather undertakings large world. Two arethe the rest of the research examples through offertility decline conducted by analyses country-by-country inthe1960's(1979), Coalecreated thePrinceton Ansley group ofmachine-readable evidence created collections andthe huge for PolitiConsortium the Inter-University by Michigan-based the1950's. the cal and Social Research since American Still, forBig Data and bigger research teams has been reputation In international the American perspective, greatly exaggerated. ofindividual than includes more itsshare historical profession
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their handwritten notesabout with investigators, carrying no machines andusing more a typewriter exotic than or them, photocopier.
WillAnthropology Save Us?
oneofthemajor American individualism may helpexplain ofsocial-scientific the reactions tothe excesses history: alleged turn to anthropology self-conscious as a guideto historical in question has an odd The "anthropology" reconstruction. with its connection to thediscipline thatgoesbythatname, over over evolution itsdebates controversies andmaterialism, the origins of the of ideologies of honor,its exploration ofthe intricacies ofkinship and language, and itschronicles riseand fallofpeasantries We rural and proletariats. might better ofhistorians calltheanthropology to which a number their havebeenturning hopes"retrospective ethnography". The idea is to recreate of the past as a crucialsituations would hveexperienced them. thoughtful participant-observer Someadvocates ofretrospective the Gilbert ethnography adopt Geertz of"thick tend Ryle-Clifford they program description"; to holdup as exemplars Natalie Davis'sdramatic reconstructions(1975)of sixteenth-century festivals notto and follies, mention Geertz's ownportrayal of a Balinese (1973) cockfight. William Sewell hasrecently a book(1980)about written French inthe eraofthe of workers which an Revolution, pivots analysis of and on the changing conceptions property group identity infundamental Geertzian ideathat alterations arethe concepts basesofdeepsocialchange, andthat those show alterations up inthe of contention. claims and More such efforts are language to come. thephrase has not Although "retrospective ethnography" inthehistoriographical historliterature, gained anycurrency iansfollowing this often make a of deliberate path point their turn toanthropology, with theold andoftheir dissatisfaction newsocialhistory. Sewellhimself invokes cultural explicitly and Clifford deand self-consciously Geertz, anthropology scribes hismove from the of structures anddeterminisms away
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to Bryan Thepreface Palmer's standard socialhistory. study from workers in Hamilton, 1860to Ontario, (1979)ofskilled ofalternatives. clear statement 1914 includes an exceptionally at It deserves quotation length:
arewellaware,has becomeone of socialhistorians as many Hamilton, inNorthAmerica.MichaelB. communities studied themostintensely Katz and his ongoingCanadian Social History Projecthave utilized data to launchone ofthemoresophisticated community quantitative While Katz's work of social scientific studiesin the history inquiry. his structural demands respect,particularly analysesof inequality, an it remains and social open questionas to how mobility, transiency, It thus much numericaldata can tell us about cultureor conflict. sources(newspapers, to probetraditional seemedfitting manuscript to see whatthey could offer. and local records) and archival holdings, it has yielded an While such material is truly impressionistic, collectionofdata thattellus muchabout obscurecorners impressive world. and twentieth-century of thenineteenthframework within looms the theoretical Beyondthe data, however, which this study evolves. While sections of the book have been witha kind of structuralist somewhatinfluenced by my wrestling rootedin historical is to a structuralism . . . the attachment theory analysis, informedbut not dominated by the approach of the rather ofLevi-Strauss, thestructuralism It is,inshort, anthropologist. Whereone has, at least,a partial ofAlthusser. thanthestructuralism theotheris unashamedly and empirical forhistory findings, respect of theory. withthereification abstraction antihistorical, masking If of thesocial sciencesand history. This study, then,is no marriage it does not totallyaccept thejudgementof RichardCobb thatit is of willevergetmuchprofit from thecompany thathistorians unlikely it cannotarguewithElizabethFox-Genovese'sand social scientists, in Eugene D. Genovese's recentremarkson the dangersinherent Far too often, the fromotherdisciplines. "borrowing" promiscuous thesociologist, the has movedhimtoward ownlackofrigor historian's ortheanthropologist; and thetheoretical theeconomist, psychologist, gains have been minimal.These advocates of the interdisciplinary forin to theworst kindofdefeatism, succumbed approachhave often problemsthey have interpretive looking for answers to history's of the social subordinatedClio to the jargonisticantihumanism and elaborate control sciences,repletewith theirclinical sterility mechanisms. The past, however,was neverso tidy(Palmer, 1979: xii-xiii).
Marxof "empirical on thetradition Palmer calls,instead, conflict are Culture and E. P. ism" by Thompson. exemplified
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his method. to be his themes,sympathetic reconstruction Palmerdoes not summonClifford Geertzto testify Although he ofsocial-scientific theimpoverished history, against rigidity does advocatea program of thickdescription. ethnoThe best-known recentexample of retrospective and more has lessto do with Clifford Geertz, however, graphy, EmmanuelLe Roy to do with theold-fashioned villagestudy. Ladurie's spectacularMontaillou(1975) givesan accountof It lifeand love in a fourteenth-century community. Pyrenean that follows an outline couldeasilyhaveguidedan ethnography done 50 years ago: sex, courtship,marriage,life-cycles, ofsolidarity, and on downthechecklist. forms (It gatherings, would conveythetexture of thebook a bit morefaithfully the and explainsome ofitsbest-selling appeal to enumerate sex ... as sex,courtship, sex,marriage, sex,life-cycles, subjects and so on.) ButLe Roy Laduriedoes thestandard ethnography withexceptionalpanache,and withan extraordinary source: the transcript of of the inquisition's interrogations searching local people. Montaillou nurturedheresy;the inquisitive followedthe trailof bishop sentto trackdown the heretics mistakenbeliefinto the routines, crises,and peccadillos of to handle Le had thecleverness life. Roy Ladurie day-to-day thetranscript likean oral-history itstestimonies tape,splicing with hisowncommentaries, and specutogether comparisons, The readerfindshimself in the lations.Result: a revelation. midst of a and familiar round somehow weird, very earthy, yet of life. Le Roy Ladurie did not, to be sure, inventthe method on hisown. Ethnographers suchas Oscar Lewis(e.g., entirely fornotebooks, had since substituted 1961) long tape recorders and inserted into their long stripsof theirtaped interviews books on rural and urban life. A whole guild of "oral withits public running fromgeneralreadersto historians", of recent history,has the students antiquariansthrough Within intobeing. French Le Roy Laduriehad sprung history, thesplendid whobuiltabroad reconexampleofAlainLottin, struction on the social life ( 1968) ofLille'sseventeenth-century base of a journal keptby a modesttextileartisan.Insteadof foran editionofthetextwitha longintroduction and settling
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the phrasesof Lottinchose to interweave learnedfootnotes, of the his own his and the the with man, milieu, portrait journal on The the sources of relies standard a whole. as portrait city institutional Lottin's and economic, history. demographic, lies somewhere between lilloistherefore the ouvrier Chavatte, the of Levine and and structural Wrightson retrospective history of Le Roy Ladurie. ethnography workhas appeared variantof anthropological Yet another often feminism. and of women in the history Ethnographers into noting the concrete put a great deal of thier effort ofthepopulation. someimportant within connections segment on womresearch American most-read of the some Similarly, of Carroll the en-for example, Smith-Rosenberg writings the to reconstruct (1975) and Nancy Cott (1977)- attempts womento each other.The and solidarities networks linking to networks of ranges frominformal tracing interpersonal its historical In both in it does as anthropology. just precise, and its anthropological version,the network analysisserves ofthegroupcope how members to clarify twopurposes:first, of their areas in other face difficulties with lives;secondly, they show up in that conflicts and the solidarities to help explain Thisapproachbecomes controversial, obviously, publicaffairs. to the extent that it reduces women's public claims to of theirprivatepreoccupations. Competinghisexpressions involvement women's base after all, traditions, toriographical on women's and forabolition, in thestruggles rights suffrage, of a on the development of real interests, the articulation or both. social self-conscious movement, solidary, On of thefamily. A similardivisionappears in thehistory have we a term the stretch side the"anthropological" bit), (to Edward suchas PhilippeAries,RandolphTrumbach, writers Shorter,and our mentor,Lawrence Stone. Althoughthey on in manyregards, converge they amongthemselves disagree of life as in of the interpretation changes family expressions for Thus mentalities, Weltanschauungen. changein attitudes, in our own era has individualism Ariestheriseof overriding On the "materialist" of the family. brokenthe old solidarity and "political" sides (to use a pair of equally tendentious as thatofLouise Tillyand we havesuchinterpretations terms),
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JoanScott, whoportray infamily alterations structure under industrial instrategy as collective shifts conditioned capitalism intheorganization ofproduction. Since especially bychanges contains contemporary anthropology actually energetic for ofsocial "materialist" accounts and"political" spokesmen other and the distinction between life, apanthropological tosocialhistory atthis toloseallclarity. proaches begins point the distinction remains. It represents an old Nevertheless, division within those onthe itself: between who, anthropology toculture, orwill, and whole, belief, give explanatory priority those whogivepriority to material conditions andpower.
Materialism Lives
has by no means Despite all I have said, materialism from social history. As Hobsbawm's to disappeared reply Stoneindicates, social and economic historians have been tosort outandsynthesize themassofnew that evidence trying hasbeen onthe world's economic, accumulating large political, andsocialtransformations. For European since1400 history orso,the themes havebeen the concentration ofcapital, grand the growth of a proletarian labor force, the creation of national states andsystems ofstates, theemergence powerful ofmass ata national the ofEuropean rise andfall scale, politics the decline of and Hobsbawm hegemony, fertility mortality. himself hasmade to contributions the Far important synthesis. from thediscussion ofthese themes isgaining withering away, incoherence andenergy. is broadly By and large,thiswork(like Hobsbawm's) inconception: Marxist ata minimum, itbegins with of analysis theorganization of production and itsimplication forclass formation. On thesmallscale,theworkof Wrightson and Levine the sort ofsynthesis that hasits exemplifies counterparts inother work onEngland, andSweden. On France, Germany, thelargescale,promising recent take the form of syntheses andSchlumbohm's onprotoindustrialiKriedte, Medick, essays zation(forall their loose ends),of Lis and Soly'ssurvey of
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inEurope allitslackofattention to andcapitalism (for poverty of Wallerstein's to Immanuel from variation region), region worldon theseventeenth-century volume second European of the of treatment its controversial all "strength" (for system different states). seventeenth-century The awardforthemostsumptuous (if notforthemost hands down to Fernand recent synthesis goes conclusive) of capitalism and three-volume Braudel's exploration giant onward. Braudel's thefourteenth material lifefrom century He takes tothe as a whole. world extends beyond Europe scope and I have been social inalmost allthe reviewing, more. history communication, politics, geography, technology, Demography, eachother, andthrough flow andcultural together, production and common Braudel finds inhisaccount. threads, parallels, to venture of us dare where the rest barely interdependencies - or as as a Marxist Hard to classify factualsummaries. as comes nonetheless else Braudel through a thoranything ateachofthe Thatmaterialism materialist. appears oughgoing the volumes: successive the book's threelevelstreated by structures commercial ofeveryday andconstraints routines life; andinterdependence. economies world andcapitalism; ofthe sixteenthTwodecades survey rambling ago,Braudel's ofthe sense an Mediterranean extraordinary displayed century seemed that and structures changes among interdependence - for or evenantithetical oneanother, from remote instance, offluctuations as a function ofupland the rise andfall banditry samesenseat a that Nowhe conveys inlowland state power. andthe sixteenth the Mediterranean dwarfs scalethat century: from world ofthe entire theexperience hasbecome hissubject four Eventhose centuries. theeighteenth fifteenth the through to the as he movesbackward do notcontain centuries him, to the1970's.In three and forward RomanEmpire bulging of account no Braudel volumes, attempts lessthana general ofthenineteenth world thecapitalist theprocesses bywhich tookshape. centuries andtwentieth ofan H. ofthe work the schematism lacks Braudel's account conChilde. V. Gordon or G. Wells a nuances, Complexities,
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and doubts fill everychapter.The marvelous, tradictions, - plates,graphs,maps, diagrams,and abundantillustrations - nearly tablesbythehundreds ofthetext occupyabouta fifth a fall into new lend always insights, developing yetrarely neatly makesan explicit distinction Indeed,Braudeloften argument. of evidencefora betweenhis procedureand the assembling connectedset of propositions.As he begins a surveyof a in whichagricultural became number of instances capitalism forexample,he declaresthat"our aim is not to dominant, cases fortheirown sakes or to seek the studythesedifferent listforthewholeofEurope; meansofpreparing an exhaustive we onlywantto sketch a lineofreasoning" (Braudel,1979:II, 245). As crystallized in titles and subtitles,the topic's three divisions runas follows: culture and thestructure (1) material ofeveryday the and ofexchange; life; (2) economy (3) workings The breakdowndoes distinguish capitalismand world-time. theemphases ofthethree It does not,however, volumes. reflect a causal hierarchy or a tight model that we shall see analytical as we work our one volume after another. clearly waythrough In thefirst Braudelseeksto describe howthetechniques part, ofproduction, andconsumption varied distribution, throughout - especially the Western world - over the four the world after centuries 1400,and to showhowthosetechniques shaped The first volumerevealstherichness of everyday experience. BraudeFsreadingand reflection. Backed by his engaging and he givesus disquisitions on epiillustrations, well-produced on on the varieties of demics, agricultural techniques, herring, on thevagaries ofclothing Yeta careful reader encounters style. and disappointments. For one thing, it eventually surprises - despite becomesclearthat theampledemographic documen- Braudelhas little tationon which hedraws concern with vital as The such. section on avoids processes opening population most ofthequestions on which historical European demography has focused: the responsiveness of vital rates to economic therelationship between householdstructure and fluctuation,
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infertility, oflong-term theonset declines andso on. fertility, with concerns himself and Braudel size,growth, population of and as indices decline welfare, power, mainly vulnerability to theenvironment. as thevolume Braudel builds Again, proceeds up a casefor as a major brakeon European inefficient transportation toreconcile Yethenever economic that quite manages growth. of the conclusion withhis earlier Mediterranean portrayal or with thesortof routes as speedy "liquidroads", shipping Jande Vrieshas assembled thegreat evidence concerning of low-cost in the economic watertransport importance structure oftheLow Counandcommunication development a comparative tries. Ata minimum, onemight haveexpected that oftheadvantages hadaccess enjoyed byregions analysis andseas. to navigable rivers, canals, his readersby raising Most of all, Braudeltantalizes then the to levitate fundamental questions, leaving questions ofLewis ishisdiscussion themselves. Oneexample Mumford's broke narrow frame ofthe claim that nascent capitalism upthe the of a medieval new merchant cityby substituting power for oflandlords "No doubt, that andguildmasters: aristocracy tolink itself toa state which thecities, but butonly conquered theold institutions andattitudes, andentirely to inherit only ofdoingwithout thoseinstitutions and attitudes" incapable of Another the conclusion a is informative (1979:1,453). long, interactions of ofthe variants and andcredit: treatment money that all is money, onecanalsoclaim, "Butifonecanmaintain ata distance. that alliscredit: onthe reality contrary, promises, oneway, then the casecanbemade first the ... Inshort, other, the so-called "concluwithout (1979:1,419).Indeed, trickery" volume havethesameambivalent sions"oftheentire tone, noteofcomplaint abouttheinadequacy of an additional with theavailable evidence:
I would have likedmoreexplanations, and examples. justifications, Buta book is notindefinitely Andin order to pindownthe expansible.
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multipleaspects of materiallife,it would requireclose, systematic notto mention wholesetsofsyntheses. All thatis stilllacking studies, (1979: 1,493).
Five hundred pages into a dense compilation-cum-synthesis, one wonders. In thesecondvolume, from a survey ofthe Braudelproceeds of the world techniquesby whichpeople in different parts ofvarioustypes and scalesof exchanged goods to a discussion markets. He then tries to identify thepeculiarities ofcapitalism as activity and organization, before itsarticulation examining withsocial hierarchies, statestructures, and broad formsof civilization. a thick and of definiDespite thoughtful survey Braudel never out a ofthe definition tions, quitelays working capitalismhe has in mind.It takes a whileto see thathe has chosen to emphasizethe conditions of exchangerather than therelations ofproduction; hehas thusaligned himself, among recent combatants on that bloody field, with Immanuel Wallerstein and AndreGunderFrank,and separatedhimself fromanalystssuch as Robert Brenner and Witold Kula. In to claim Kula's that the who"refeudalized" landlords response eastern did and could calculate as capitalists, not, not, Europe Braudeldeclares:
To be sure,thatis nottheargument I wishto challenge. It seemsto me, thatthesecondserfdom was thecounterpoint ofa merchant however, which tookadvantage ofthesituation intheEast,and even, capitalism to someextent, based itsoperation there. The greatlandlord was nota but he was a tool and a collaboratorat the serviceof the capitalist, ofAmsterdam and other capitalism places. He waspart of thesystem (1979: II, 235).
What, then, is that capitalist system?Gradually,Braudel revealsa visionofcapitalism as an arrangement in whichtwo ormorelarge, market-connected "economicworlds" coherent, becomelinkedand interdependent theagencyof big through of in theroleof manipulators capital.Thus, Europeanhistory, in the development of capitalismbecomes grand commerce a single Thus,inBraudel's view, paramount. capital-concentratendsto emerge as thedominant center ofany tingmetropolis capitalist world-economy.
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Braudel'stackmovesus ina very different direction from the ofcapitalism as thesystem in whichtheholders identification of capital controlthebasic meansof production, and reduce labor to a factorof production, a commodity one buys and theconfrontation ofa capitalist sells;inthatsortofdefinition, - a personwho dependsforsurvival witha proletarian on the - occupiestheverycenter. sale of labor power WithBraudel, we do not recognizecapitalismby its characteristic social butbyitsgeneral With thealternative, relations, configuration. we recognize a capitalist of a social system by theprevalence that we can observe at the smallest scale. It is the relationship betweena blancmangeand a Saint-Honor:the difference smallest but spoonfulof the almondjelly is stillblancmange; unlesscrust,cream,and iced puffballs come together in the with right you have no Saint-Honor. Paradoxically, pattern, oncewehaveidentified the Braudel'sSaint-Honor capitalism, as Saint-Honor. That dishas a whole, every partofitqualifies is how Braudelcan say ofthenoncapitalist landlord:"He was of the system." part advandefinition has someanalytical Theexchange-oriented tages. For one thing,it trains attentionon the enormous who and othercapitalists of bankers, merchants, importance of production but plenty of pricesand profits; knewnothing theiractivities facilitated changesin the relationsof greatly theexchange-oriented definiFor another thing, production. between and largesmall-scale tionbrings out thecontinuity scale productionunder capitalism,and thus reduces our conditions of and laborunder on factories, fixation largefirms, of the concentration intensivetime- and work-discipline; to the made a difference certainly capital and of work-spaces autonomyof workersand the qualityof work,but cottage in a often ofproduction forms and related proceeded industry definithoroughly capitalistmanner.The exchange-oriented steers farclearofa misleading tionofcapitalism emphasison of production. thetechnology the Still, disadvantagesof Braudel's definition outweigh in turning technolThe definition, theadvantages. awayfrom the of abandons relations Encoogy, productionentirely.
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all and, as we have seen,serfdom mienda,hacienda,slavery, become capitalistformsof labor control.Large chunksof become capitalist.The historically-specific worldexperience of capitalismas a system of the gives analysis development way, paradoxically,to the veryinquiryit was supposed to and western oftheBritish replace:thesearchforexplanations "takeoff. European the In fact, Braudel gives some signs of compromising in as in this of his excessive broadness definition; many regard, others, he neglectsto stick to his announced principles throughoutthe inquiry. Having committedhimselfto a thelinkageoftwoor more ofcapitalism involving conception he has markets distinct merchants, by capital-wielding large, those of already committedhimselfto seeing the whole elementsof a capitalistsystem.Yet he marketsas integral in persists searchingwithinthose marketsfor signs of the for theendoftheold Thushedeclares ofcapitalism. emergence far of thepeasantworldremained that"The majority regime and itsprogress" from itsdemands, itsorder, (1979: capitalism, not invade did that he Thus concludes II, 255). "Capitalism RevoluoftheIndustrial themoment as suchuntil production of the conditions had transformed tion,whenmechanization becomean arenafor thatindustry insucha fashion production be a If consistency the expansionof profits" II, 327). (1979: that has no trouble Braudel of little minds, escaping hobgoblin demon. particular us withour demandsfor When Braudel is not bedeviling the his indecision. he Throughout consistency, again parades the to treat secondvolume,he repeatedly relationship begins thenveersaway. Savor and statemakers, betweencapitalists of his efforts: thissummary
thequestionwhich mustwe leave unanswered Finallyand especially, or has come up timeaftertime: Did the statepromotecapitalism, Even if one raisesdoubts didnt it? Did it push capitalismforward? eventsif- movedbyrecent ofthemodern about thematurity state, from thestate,one has to concedethatfrom one keepsone's distance the statewas involvedwith to the eighteenth the fifteenth century, But thatitwas one of Europe's newforces. and everything, everyone
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to its control?No, a does it explain everything, subjecteverything work times no. Furthermore, thousand doesntthereverse perspective as well?The statefavored capitalismand came to itsaid- no doubt. But let'sreverse theequation: thestatecheckstheriseof capitalism, are true, whichin itsturn can harmthestate.Boththings successively or simultaneously, and unpredictable reality alwaysbeingpredictable statehas beenone of themodern Favorable,unfavorable, complexity. the realitiesamid which capitalismhas made its way, sometimes sometimes and often hindered, enoughmovingahead on promoted, neutral ground(1979: II, 494).
thequestion that we must leaveunanswered Yes, it appears, wearrive after When atthesamepoint hascomeuptime time. incircles. wearewalking webegin tosuspect againandagain, I suppose, a great Thatis theprice, ofwalking with muser. The third of Braudel's witha magnum part opus begins delineation ofworld-economies as thefundamental of units andcontinues with a roughly analysis, chronological portrayal of thesuccessive thatprevailed in Europe world-economies andelsewhere intheworld. Thesurvey is complicated bythe simultaneous efforts to specify thechanging placesofsmaller areasand individual cities within those to world-economies, trace theinteractions if world-economies and as that among - to explain werenotalready howand whyEurope enough the became anditsprime world's master locusoflargefinally scale industrialization. Here especially Braudelletsshinea scintilla of sentimental chauvinism: Whydid Francenever become Number At one One? Braudel moment, quite permits himself thespeculation thatthedemands of Paris wereto blame. In themid-sixteenth century:
Did Paris missthe chance to acquire a measureof modernity, and to blame Paris9 France withher?That is possible. It is permissible to offices and land, operations possessingclasses, overlyattracted which were andeconomically lucrative, "socially enriching, individually III, 280; thequotationis fromDenis Richet). parasitic"(1979:
Braudel's never lasts Soonhesets off Fortunately, gloom long. on a knowledgeable of the exploration changing regional - one of the finest divisions within the Frencheconomy
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of the subjectanywhere. mode That conversational surveys both the charm of the volume. and the frustration provides a look becausetheconversation Precisely rangesso widely, back over the thirdvolume's subject matterbringsout an astonishingfact: the grand themes of the firstvolume - have almostentirely food,clothing, technology population, the sense of material lifeas a constraint disappeared!Despite on humanchoicesso well-conveyed volume,now bythatfirst we seen nothingof constraint. Braudel's discussionof the for peoplingof NorthAmericancolonies (1979: III, 348ff.), no the contribuinvolves effort whatsoever to example, judge or tionsofchanges mortality, migration, infertility, nuptiality, their to each other. relations Indeed,bythispointBraudelhas become so indifferent to populationproblems thathe settles forgraphsofEnglish and (1979: HI, fertility mortality changes 489) drawn fromG. M . Trevelyan'sancienttext on social in the openingvolume indications history. Despite contrary in the (and despitethecrucialplace ofBraudel'scollaborators of based social Braudel development demographically history), makes no significant effort eitherto analyze demographic or to incorporate themintohisexplanatory dynamics system. Somehowthatno longerseemsto be partof theproblem. What is? Early in Volume II, Brandel calls his readers9 In thesixteenth attention to a perplexing he situation. century, concludes,
thethickly oflarge settled oftheworld, to thepressures regions subject seemcloseto one another, moreorlessequal. No doubta populations, small difference can be enough to produce firstadvantages,then on theother and thus, subordinaand then side,inferiority superiority tion.Is thatwhathappened of the between and the rest world? . Europe . . One thinglooks certainto me: thegap between the Westand the other continents itto the"rationalization" appearedlate;to attribute ofthemarket still alone,as too manyofourcontemporaries economy have a tendency to do, is obviously In case, simplistic. any explaining the gap, whichgrewmore decisivewiththe years,is the essential in thehistory ofthemodern world(1979: II, 110-11). problem
The suggestion, tuckedinto Volume I, that a difference in between and the of the rest world energy supplies Europe might
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Theaction ofthe hasbythis time vanished. havebeencrucial, as a likely state has,as we haveseen,dissolved explanation. outto have oftheworld turn China,India,and other parts as ofthe as commercial created techniques sophisticatedthose ofgross national estimates PaulBairoch's products Europeans. a mixture with of attheendoftheeighteenth (quoted century ina stop-press revision inserted at andapproval consternation western no of show III, 460-461) significant advantage Europe - so "initial losesits orChina North America over advantage" as an explanation. ofcredibility shreds remaining an indirect Braudeloffers of Volume 481 III, By page Industrial Revolution defeat: oftheoretical admission "[T]he was then the whole and overturned which world, England, a a precisely initspath, delimited at anypoint subject, never, in a particular of problems, bundle place at a certain given inthisvastreview, recounted Alltheprevious time." history The on that outcome. Braudel tellsus, somehow converged into its is to breakit industrial growth onlywayto analyze elements onebyone,andto to takeup those elements, many earlier Braudel's That connections. their trace analyses multiple and intellectual an such forecast strategy, thatBraudel just a do noteliminate subtle with thestrategy follows brilliance, no answer whatsoever that certain emerges disappointment from all this questioning. powerful Braudel itlooksas though ofthethird Atthestart volume, Immanuel on his miracleby relying will tryto perform oftheEuropean model Wallerstein's world-system, especially But and periphery. of core,semiperiphery, its distinction of the relaxed identification more for a Braudel opts eventually Walleansagainst world's regions, economically independent claimthattheEuropean lerstein's world-economy capitalist intoa political one notto consolidate was thefirst empire, of worldthe potential as such stifle doubtsthatempires world-economies outmultiple andmaps economies, European unification ofthesixteenth critical thesupposedly wellbefore in his Wallerstein follow He especially building century. metroof thesuccessive account around hegemonies capitalist New London, Amsterdam, Genoa,Antwerp, Venice, polises:
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York.He accepts, fora while, unconventional Wallerstein's ofthe characterization Dutch seventeenth-century andEnglish statesas "strong" on theground thattheir modest states, with domdemonstrated theefficiency which their apparatus about inant When classes couldwork their will. self-conscious theproblem, to Wallerstein's focuson he remains faithful as ofexchange, rather relations ofproduction, conditions than theessential uses ofcapitalism. Butinfact heneither features the scheme as a toolofanalysis core/ /periphery semiperiphery norattempts Itis itbymeans ofhisstore totest ofinformation. a grand like a definitive . . . told and story, elegantly nothing solution Whatever elseitdoes or to the"essential problem". the failsto do, however, establishes Braudel's grandsurvey the in evolution enormous of material conditions importance ofEuropean life. Materialism lives.
Conclusion
Thepoint and is more as youreadBraudel Notice, general. othersyntheses, the revivalof how littletheyexemplify on retrospective howrarely narrative, ethnography, they rely how muchtheybuildtheir cases on thevery quantitative, Stone works that Lawrence andsocial-scientific demographic, refuse to go has condemned to bankruptcy. Somehow they oftheoldnewsocialhistory havenot, itis true, broke. Works in the Scientific Lee Bensononce lockedtogether History madethehistorical anticipated. Theyhave,on thecontrary, all the more of social structures and processes specificity itpossible to the old has made But new social apparent. history more connect with social individual experience large processes Research and and fully thaneverbefore. clearly, precisely, in inthat veincontinue to thrive ineconomic history, writing the in the in of the family, demographic history, history history of in thehistory of popularrebellion and collective action, ofpoverty, inhistorical studies andliteracy, aging, schooling . . . eveninurban crime, strikes, genetics, ethnicity migration, have oftheold newsocialhistory The practitioners history.
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feasible to incorporate intotheir modelfoundit perfectly quantitative, collective-biographical mongering, comparative, ofretrospective the andinsights endeavors devices ethnography. theLawrence if Wemust with Stoneof1972, endup agreeing theE. J.Hobsbawm of1980: the notof1979, andwith mission in is stillto "tietheexciting of socialhistory development down to the intellectual andcultural social, economic, history andpolitical bedrock."
References
at leastone representative citedinthetext, item item includes This bibliography every on historiography, a numberof recentwritings plus a by each authormentioned, have been producing varietyof recentworks in social history.Social historians like a comprehensive publicationsat far too fast a pace for this to be anything I foritto be a representative is too selective and myreading bibliography. inventory, discussed twoor three to provide havetried examplesofeach kindofresearch simply theflavorof thesocial history or thirty titles in the article, being giving plus twenty producedin the 1970's. & Gaunt,David, eds. (1978). Chanceand Hans Christian; Akerman, Sune; Johansen, Change: Social and Economic Studies in HistoricalDemographyin the Baltic Press. Area. Odense: ScandinavianUniversities Acta Alapuro, Risto (1977). "Peasants, States,and the CapitalistWorld System,** Sociologies XX, 2, 181-93. A Studyof Ronald (1981). Class,Politicsand EarlyIndustrial Capitalism: Aminzade, Toulouse.Albany:SUNY Press. Mid-Nineteenth Century Lancashire. Anderson,Michael (1971). Family Structurein Nineteenth-Century Univ.Press. Cambridge Cambridge: Paris: Pion. sous l'ancienrgime. Aries,Philippe(1960). L'Enfantet la vie familiale devant et de leursattitudes despopulations Aris,Philippe(1971). Histoire franaises la vie depuisde XVIII sicle.Paris: Seuil. and Changein an EnglishCountyTown:A Social Alan (1974). Stability Armstrong, Univ. Press. Cambridge Cambridge: Studyof York,1801-1851. Models of Aya, Rod (1979). "Theories of RevolutionReconsidered:Contrasting 39-100. and Society,VIII, 1, July, Collective Violence,** Theory inHistory. William O. (1971). Quantification Reading,MA: Addison-WesAydelotte, ley. eds. (1972). TheDimensions William O.; Bogue,Allan;& Fogel,Robert, of Aydelotte, Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press. Researchin History. Quantitative
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The Old New Social History and The New Old Social History (Tilly C., 1984)

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The Old New Social History and The New Old Social History (Tilly C., 1984)

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Research Foundation of SUNY

363-406 VII 3, Winter Review, 1984,

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Old New,NewOld SocialHistory

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Old New,New Old Social History

Old New, New Old Social History

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