Baker et al.

OF JOURNAL / PARENTING INTERPERSONAL AMONG VIOLENCE LATINOS / November 2001 This study examined predictors of parenting stress and competence within a sample of 43 immigrant Latino couples, in which some of the men had perpetrated abuse against their partners. It was hypothesized that more physical and psychological abuse perpetrated by men against their partners would be associated with higher parenting stress and lower parenting competence for fathers and mothers. Results indicated that parenting stress and competence for fathers and mothers were not uniform. Fathers parenting stress was not related to the predictor variables, whereas mothers parenting stress was related only to physical abuse. Fathers parenting competence was related to both physical and psychological abuse whereas mothers parenting competence was not related to the predictor variables. When comparing Latino fathers and Latina mothers, there were differences in parenting stress, with fathers experiencing less, but no differences in parenting competence.

Parenting Stress and Parenting Competence Among Latino Men Who Batter
CHARLENE K. BAKER JULIA L. PERILLA FRAN H. NORRIS
Georgia State University

The relation between parenting and domestic violence has been studied extensively in the past two decades. Some of this research has focused on child outcomes, whereas other studies have addressed issues of parenting among battered women. Few studies, however, have explored male batterers as parents, because men have not usually been incorporated into research models regarding domestic violence and parenting outcomes (Mathews, 1995; Peled, 2000). The negative effects on child outcomes due to the presence of domestic violence have been well documented (Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Jouriles, Norwood, McDonald, Vincent, & Mahoney, 1996; Wolfe, Jaffe, Wilson, & 1 Zak, 1985), although none of these studies were conducted with Latino/a
Authors Note: This research was supported by Grant No. R03DA11152 from the Interagency Consortium on Violence Against Women and Family Violence Research. The authors thank the Caminar Latino Intervention team for their help in conceptualizing the project and collecting the data, as well as Roger Bakeman for his comments on earlier drafts. Address correspondence to Charlene Baker, Department of Psychology, Georgia State University, University Plaza, Atlanta, GA 30303, or e-mail at bakerck@juno.com.
JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE, Vol. 16 No. 11, November 2001 1139-1157 2001 Sage Publications

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children. The majority of studies regarding parenting and domestic violence have been conducted with battered women (Henderson, 1993; Hughes, 1982; Levendosky & Graham-Bermann, 1998; Levendosky, Lynch, & GrahamBermann, 2000; Ritchie & Holden, 1998; Sullivan et al., 1997; Weaver, 1993). The research in this area has produced mixed findings: poor parenting practices in some cases (Hughes, 1982) and warm, nurturing parenting in others (Sullivan et al., 1997). With few exceptions (e.g., Levendosky & GrahamBermann, 1998), studies have not examined separately the effects of psychological and physical abuse on parenting. This distinction could be important, given that women often experience different types of abuse, which may have different effects on parenting outcomes. Knowledge about these differences could be helpful in programs and interventions that target women who have been abused. It is interesting to note the paucity of studies regarding male batterers perceptions of their parenting, given what is known about the relation between partner abuse and child abuse. Studies have documented that children are present in 40% to 70% of all violent episodes and that if the mother is experiencing abuse, the child is more likely to be the target of abuse as well (Edleson, 1999; Stark & Flitcraft, 1988; Suh & Abel, 1990). Even if men do not physically abuse their children, they can be defined as psychologically abusive, as they are responsible for their childrens exposure to violence. As a result, men may feel stress associated with parenting, as well as feelings of parental incompetence. Consistent with Hobfalls (1989) conservation of resources model for conceptualizing stress, parenting stress may be associated with an environment in which loss occurs (e.g., actual loss such as time or finances as well as the absence of expected gains from the parenting role such as closeness and affection). In addition, feelings of parenting incompetence may result when abusive men lack satisfaction with the quality of their child-rearing skills (e.g., feel they yell too much, are too critical, or do not give enough positive attention to their children). To our knowledge, no empirical evidence is available as to whether there is an association between mens abusive behavior and their reports of parenting stress and competence. Rather, published studies have examined male batterers behaviors toward their children, with results suggesting that they tend to be more inconsistent and harsher in their discipline than battered women (Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Jouriles & Norwood, 1995). In these studies, data were obtained from mothers reports of fathers behavior. Not only were fathers excluded, but also the focus was on parenting behavior. In the present study, we were interested in fathers and mothers perceptions of stress and competence as parents, which can only be reported by the person himself or herself.

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Although it is not comparable directly with marital violence, some insight can be drawn from the literature on marital conflict, where relationship dynamics are similar. Conflict between couples can lead to stress, and such stress can compromise parenting. There have been general studies on marital conflict and parent-child relationships with results suggesting that competent parenting strategies are difficult to achieve in the presence of marital discord (Belsky, 1984; Erel & Burman, 1995). For example, studies have reported that marital quality is associated with a fathers perceived sense of competence in his parenting abilities and a mothers positive attitude toward parenting (Bogenschneider, Small, & Tsay, 1997; Crnic & Acevedo, 1995; Deater-Deckard & Scarr, 1996; McBride, 1989; Parke, 1995; Stoneman, Brody, & Burke, 1989). If there is little research regarding abusive mens perceptions of their parenting, there has been even less research examining the parenting experiences of Latinos. Most of the research on parenting in the United States has been conducted with White and African American men (see exceptions by Bronstein, 1984; Dumka, Gonzales, Wood, & Formoso, 1998; Mirand, 1997; Powell, 1995). Powell (1995) points out that one barrier to developing relevant parenting programs for Latino fathers is the lack of information about them. Furthermore, there have been no published studies on the parenting experiences of Latino male batterers. A possible reason could be the image that Latino fathers do not play an active role in the care of their children. Traditional views regarding the primary roles of women as caregivers to children and of men as breadwinners and providers for their family may have something to do with this perception. Ethnographic studies by Lewis (1960) and Madsen (1973) found that, in Mexican families, fathers tended to avoid intimacy and were not affectionate with their children as a means to elicit their respect (cited in Mirand, 1988). Two studies have contradicted these findings. Rubel (1966) found that men were warm and affectionate in relating to young children. Bronsteins (1984) study with Mexican mothers and fathers indicated that fathers were more playful and companionable with their children than were mothers. Recently, Mirand (1997) interviewed Latino men about their roles as fathers and found that many placed an emphasis on both nurturing and providing financially for their children. Mirand also reported that Latino men born outside the United States and those interviewed in Spanish were more likely to stress being good providers rather than being loving and affectionate to their children. Regarding mothers, there is some evidence that Latinas do internalize the expectation to nurture, care for, and maintain the family connections (Vasquez, 1994). However, more recent work has begun to contradict stereo-

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types of Latina mothers (Street Chilman, 1993; Williams, 1990). Womens roles in the family appear to be changing (especially among younger Latinas), as they are forced to work outside the home to sustain the household. Therefore, although mothers may still be responsible for homemaking and child rearing, the rigid differentiation of sex role tasks may be relaxed as both mothers and fathers begin to share these responsibilities (Mirand, 1988; Street Chilman, 1993). In our work with Latino batterers (many of whom are of Mexican descent) for the past 6 years, we have observed that the traditional strong and rigid gender roles are present in some form among many (but certainly not all), especially those from rural places in Latin America. As a result of the changing roles in many Latino families, however, it appears that men, especially younger ones, are actively attempting to learn the skills necessary to become increasingly involved in their childrens caregiving. The presence of violence within the home, however, may be having a substantial impact on this endeavor. The need for additional empirical data regarding this issue is quite clear. To this effect, the present study examined the relation between domestic violence and parenting stress and perceived competence in Latino couples. Because we were interested in enhancing our understanding of distinct parenting dynamics within couples, we compared men and womens perceptions of parenting stress and competence. All couples participating in this study were living together. As a result, each couple provided the context in which abuse was occurring. Predictors of parenting stress and competence were explored separately for men and women. Also, mothers and fathers were compared on their reports of parenting stress and competence. The hypotheses for this study were the following:
Hypothesis 1: Mens perpetration of psychological and physical abuse against their partners is positively associated with their parenting stress and negatively associated with their parenting competence. Hypothesis 2: Womens experiences of psychological and physical abuse is positively associated with their parenting stress and negatively associated with their parenting competence. Hypothesis 3: Men report less parenting stress and less parenting competence than women.

The direction of the hypotheses was guided by the present studys theoretical perspective, in which domestic violence is seen as a fundamental violation of human rights. In our study, we conceptualized the individual instances of violence that a man perpetrates against his partner as a result of a decision

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he has made. Thus, we do not believe that there is any valid reason why a man would use violence against a woman because of stress he may feel or behaviors on her part. Therefore, hypotheses suggesting that high levels of parenting stress and low levels of parenting competence are precursors to violence would not be justified. Also consistent with our theoretical perspective, only male violence against women was examined. Although studies have suggested that women are as likely to batter as are men, these studies have also been challenged for not contextualizing their results (e.g., although women do physically assault men, often it is in self-defense). Therefore, the present study was gender specific: We were interested in exploring parenting in the context of Latino couples in which male violence against women was present.

METHOD

Participants The current study was part of a larger study seeking to evaluate an intervention program for Latino families affected by domestic violence. Whereas the larger study analyzed pretests and posttests, this study used data from the pretest phase only. A total of 54 couples were asked to participate in the study. In seven cases, data were collected from only one of the partners, and so these cases were dropped from the analyses. Also, four of the couples did not have children and, therefore, were not included in the study. The final response rate was 80%. The participants were 43 immigrant Latino couples living in a southeastern metropolitan area. Two groups of couples were recruited. The first group (n = 26) consisted of couples in which the men had been court-ordered to attend a batterers intervention program due to their violent behavior against their partners. Abused women and their children participated in the program on a volunteer basis. Services offered to men and women in the intervention group were considered remuneration in kind. The comparison group (n = 17) consisted of volunteer couples recruited from programs and services offered by a Catholic mission in a Latino section of the city. Comparison couples were not perfectly matched one to one; rather, there was an attempt to create a comparison group that had similar distributions of age, education, and country of origin. Comparison couples were offered $30 for their participation. Table 1 shows sample characteristics for intervention and comparison groups separated by gender. There were no differences in country of origin; most of the participants were born in Mexico (85% of intervention and 74%

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TABLE 1: Sample Characteristics for Mens and Womens Intervention and Comparison Groups Intervention Group n Men Age Years in United States Number of children Years in relationship Years in school Women Age Years in United States Number of children Years in relationship Years in school *p < .05. 26 29.76 9.42 2.38 6.31 8.00 26 25.88 5.65 2.38 5.50 8.31 4.41 3.93 1.30 3.10 3.26 4.29 4.79 1.24 3.88 4.02 17 29.88 7.24 2.71 7.20 10.06 6.88 7.10 2.49 5.36 4.56 2.33* 0.95 0.55 1.32 1.47 M SD n 17 32.88 8.74 2.71 7.21 8.12 7.47 5.74 2.49 5.09 3.82 1.72 0.43 0.56 0.66 0.09 Comparison Group M SD t

of comparison group). In addition, there were no differences in employment status. About 94% of men in both intervention and comparison groups were employed. About 53% of women in the intervention group were employed, compared to 61% of women in the comparison group. Measures Parenting stress and competence. The Parenting Stress Scale, developed by Berry and Jones (1995), is an 18-item measure appropriate for both mothers and fathers and for parents of children with and without clinical problems. The scale was recently developed as an alternative to the Parenting Stress Index (PSI) (Abidin, 1986). To test the scales validity, Berry and Jones (1995) compared it to the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS) (Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermelstein, 1983) and the PSI. The Parenting Stress Scale correlated with the PSS (r = .41, p < .01) and with the PSI total (r = .75, p < .01). Furthermore, it significantly differentiated between mothers of children receiving treatment for behavioral problems and mothers of children who were not in treatment. In this study, one item was dropped from the scale because it had a negative item-to-total correlation even after the item had been recoded. The item was, I would do anything for my children. The remaining 17 items produced an alpha coefficient of .72.

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The Parent Performance subscale of the Cleminshaw-Guidubaldi Parent Satisfaction Scale was used as a measure of parenting competence (Guidubaldi & Cleminshaw, 1985). Guidubaldi and Cleminshaw established construct validity by comparing the Parent Satisfaction Scale with other satisfaction measurements (e.g., marital life). Results showed consistent significant relationships between the Parent Satisfaction Scale and the Dyadic Adjustment Scale (Spanier, 1976) and the Life Satisfaction Index (Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin, 1961). The alpha coefficient for this study was .72. No validity studies of the Parenting Stress Scale and the Parent Performance subscale have been conducted with Latino populations. Both instruments used a 4-point Likert scale with responses ranging from 1 = strongly agree to 4 = strongly disagree. No Spanish language versions of the Parenting Stress Scale and the Parent Performance subscale were available, so translations were made. The scales were translated by a bilingual researcher of Colombian origin and then checked by people from Cuba, Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Argentina. Back translations were completed by a bilingual native English speaker unfamiliar with the original scales, using the criteria suggested by Brislin, Lonner, and Thorndike (1973). After the scales were translated, members of the research team (all were Latinos) examined the scales and found them to be relevant to their experiences as parents. In addition, we conducted pilot tests with five Latino couples. They reported that the questions were understandable and held meaning for them, thus supporting that the scales had face validity for this sample. Domestic violence. Physical and psychological violence was measured using two standardized instruments: the Physical Aggression subscale of the Conflict Tactics Scale-Form N (CTS) (Straus, 1979) and the Psychological Maltreatment of Women Inventory (PMWI) (Tolman, 1988). Because neither of the individual instruments had been normed on Latino batterers and their partners, both were used in this study so as to ascertain their reliability and appropriateness for this population. Two items were added to the Physical Aggression subscale: (a) My partner demands sex whether I want it or not and (b) My partner threw or smashed or hit or kicked something. These items were added to be consistent with the conceptualization of physical violence used in the batterers intervention program, including sexual violence and indirect physical violence. Spanish versions of the CTS and PMWI were created using the same translation procedures outlined above. The measures

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used a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = never to 5 = frequently. In this study, the reliability of the two scales was quite high, with alphas of .88 for the CTS with the two additions and .97 for the PMWI. Parenting support. Participants were asked about the support they received as parents with the open-ended question, Whom can you turn to for support with parenting issues or questions? Responses were later coded into specific categories. Procedures Participants in the intervention group were couples in which the men had been referred by the court for domestic violence services. Project staff conducted an initial intake with the couple to determine the appropriateness of the referral to the program. At this time, the abused woman was invited to participate in a womens support and education group and was encouraged to bring her children to age-appropriate support groups while her partner attended the batterers program. After the couples had consented to participate in the batterers program, project staff described the research component of the program. Couples understood that participation in the research project was voluntary and in no way affected services received through the batterers and abused womens groups. Furthermore, it was clearly explained to the male batterer that his participation in the research would not affect his court status. If the couple agreed to participate, staff arranged to interview the couple separately prior to their attending the groups. A member of the research team approached couples for the comparison group as they waited to receive services (e.g., medical clinic, English classes, etc.) at a Catholic mission serving Latinos. Couples were asked if they would be interested in participating in a research project on family dynamics. If the couple agreed to participate, they were interviewed separately at that time, or if this was inconvenient, a more suitable time was established for the interviews. Consent forms were obtained from all participants. As with all scales and open-ended questions, consent forms were read to participants and questions were answered before their signatures were obtained. Because of the sensitive nature of the information that was being collected, participant names were not included on the questionnaires. Each participant was assigned a study ID number, with participant names, ID numbers, and the data kept in separate locations.

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RESULTS

Intervention and comparisons groups were compared on the predictor and dependent variables. Analyses were conducted separately for men and women. There were no significant differences between the two groups, with the exception of physical abuse experienced by women (see Table 2). This difference was to be expected, given how intervention participants were selected into the study. The absence of differences on the remaining variables may have been a result of our attempt to draw a community sample of couples in which the men had not been court mandated, couples who were similar in age and country of origin to couples from the intervention group. Once the present study began, we realized that although the comparison couples had not sought services for domestic violence, both physical and psychological abuse was present in several couples. Therefore, subsequent analyses were conducted with the total group of men and the total group of women. Comparing Fathers and Mothers Using the combined samples of men and women, a within-subjects design was used to examine differences in the mean levels of physical abuse, psychological abuse, parenting stress, and parenting competence between partners. Table 3 shows the means, standard deviations, and paired t values for men and women. Effect sizes were calculated to show the magnitude of difference between mens and womens scores. These values can be compared with a general rule by Cohen (1988) suggesting that an effect size of .20 could be judged as small, .50 as medium, and .80 as large. As expected, men on average reported perpetrating less physical and psychological abuse against their partners than women reported experiencing from their partners. In addition, men reported experiencing less parenting stress than women reported. There were no gender differences in parenting competence. Regarding parenting support, only 31% of men compared to 53% of women reported that they had someone to turn to for parenting issues or questions. Parenting Stress and Competence Within Groups of Fathers and Mothers The intercorrelations among the predictor and dependent variables for the samples of mothers and fathers are presented in Table 4. These correlations show significant bivariate relations between mens competence and their perpetration of physical and psychological abuse and between womens parenting stress and their experiences of physical abuse.

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TABLE 2: Mens and Womens Intervention and Comparison Groups on Predictor and Dependent Variables Intervention Group n Men Mans physical abuse (1-5) Mans psychological abuse (1-5) Parenting stress (1-4) Parenting competence (1-4) Women Mans physical abuse (1-5) Mans psychological abuse (1-5) Parenting stress (1-4) Parenting competence (1-4) 26 1.35 1.47 1.78 2.01 26 1.88 1.99 1.92 2.29 .98 .96 .42 .53 .21 .33 .38 .48 17 1.18 1.51 2.00 2.29 .30 .50 .49 .58 2.83** 1.92 0.57 0.00 M SD n 17 1.14 1.33 1.60 2.29 .22 .28 .32 .65 3.18** 1.40 1.61 1.64 Comparison Group M SD t

NOTE: Ranges are in parentheses. **p < .01.

TABLE 3: Means, Standard Deviations, and t Scores for Men and Women on Predictor and Dependent Variables Men (n = 43) Variable Mans physical abuse (1-5) Mans psychological abuse (1-5) Parenting stress (1-4) Parenting competence (1-4) NOTE: Ranges are in parentheses. *p < .05. **p < .01. M 1.27 1.41 1.71 2.12 SD .24 .32 .37 .57 M 1.60 1.80 1.95 2.29 Women (n = 43) SD .85 .83 .44 .54 Paired t 2.52* 2.91** 3.11** 1.74

Effect Size .38 .45 .48 .26

To further examine the unique variance that each predictor accounts for in the dependent variables, hierarchical multiple regressions were performed separately for men and women. The covariates were number of children and mothers employment status and therefore were entered first in the regression

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TABLE 4: Correlation Matrix of Predictor and Dependent Variables Variable 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Number of children Woman employed Physical abuse Psychological abuse Parent stress Parent competence 1 . .14 .11 .20 .40** .12 2 .06 . .17 .20 .11 .06 3 .11 .11 . .68** .37* .08 4 .05 .12 .39* . .29 .26 5 .16 .05 .07 .24 . .37* 6 .02 .06 .44** .52** .41** .

NOTE: Correlations for men and women are above and below the diagonal, respectively. *p < .05. **p < .01.

equations. Studies have shown that number of children and mothers employment status influence parenting stress for men and women (Lavee, Sharlin, & Katz, 1996; McBride, 1989). Specifically, parenting stress was expected to increase when the family had more children living at home and when the mother was employed outside the home. These covariates were not included in the parenting competence models as there has been no proposed relation in the literature between these variables. Our study supported previous findings (see Table 4). The sample was homogenous in terms of reported income: All participants were low income. Also, all participants were in committed relationships. To examine the differential effects of physical and psychological abuse on parenting stress and competence, these variables were entered in separate steps. For men, none of the variables significantly predicted mens reports of parenting stress. Regarding parenting competence, psychological abuse significantly predicted parenting competence, such that the more psychological abuse men perpetrated against their partners, the less competence they felt as parents. Although physical abuse was also significantly related to parenting competence when it was entered into the model, in the final step, its effect became marginally significant according to conventional levels ( p = .056). For women, when physical abuse was entered in Step 2 (after controlling for number of children and employment), results indicated that it was a significant predictor of parenting stress. As in the regression for men, when psychological abuse was entered in the last step, the significance of physical abuse dropped to p = .058 and thus approached conventional levels of significance. Finally, neither physical nor psychological abuse significantly predicted womens reports of parenting competence. Tables 5 and 6 summarize these models and present beta weights and significance levels for each step of the models.

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TABLE 5: Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses of Parenting Stress for Men and Women Variable Men Number of children Woman employed Physical abuse Psychological abuse 2 R 2 R Women Number of children Woman employed Physical abuse Psychological abuse 2 R 2 R NOTE: n = 42 for women and n = 43 for men. p < .06. *p < .05. **p < .01. Step 1 Step 2 Step 3

.16 .10

.15 .12 .08 .04 .00 .40** .20 .36* .33** .13*

.04

.15 .10 .20 .31 .12 .08 .41** .20 .37 .01 .33** .00

.44** .14

.20*

TABLE 6: Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses of Parenting Competence for Men and Women Variable Men Physical abuse Psychological abuse 2 R 2 R Women Physical abuse Psychological abuse 2 R 2 R NOTE: n = 42 for women and n = 43 for men. p < .06. *p < .05. **p < .01. Step 1 Step 2

.44** .19**

.28 .41** .34** .15** .19 .38 .08 .07

.08 .01

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DISCUSSION

The results of this study provide an intriguing glimpse at the issue of domestic violence and Latino fathers. As stated previously, there appears to be a gap in our understanding of parenting in the context of domestic violence. The focus of previous research has been on battered women as mothers, often to the exclusion of male batterers as fathers. In addition, the dearth of literature regarding Latino parents (especially immigrants) made our findings especially relevant. It is important to note that given the diversity of the Latino population, our purpose was not to generalize to all Latinos. Rather, it was to explore these issues with Latino immigrants as a way to begin to address the lack of research in this area. The most salient result in our study was the differential effects of domestic violence on men and women as it related to parenting stress and competence. Mens reports of parenting stress were significantly lower than their partners reports. This finding supports the social role hypothesis formulated by Barnett and Baruch (1987) regarding the relation between social responsibilities inside and outside the home and stress levels. As they propose, if men and women share responsibilities both inside and outside of the home, they should report similar stress levels. To the extent that this is not the case, stress levels should be different for men and women. Both men and women in this sample report that the men are primarily responsible for providing financially for their families, whereas the women have the primary responsibility for caring for their children. For women, the emphasis on taking care of the family may relate to more parenting stress. For men, the emphasis on being a provider may be associated with other types of stress not related to parenting because their contact with their children is limited as a result of extended working hours and multiple jobs. In fact, Crnic and Acevedo (1995) reported that mens levels of parenting stress were more influenced by situations outside the home, such as their employment. The fact that mens perpetration of violence against their partners did not influence their level of parenting stress contradicts the first hypothesis. One explanation is that Latino men, like men of other ethnic groups, may be outwardly oriented and experience greater levels of parenting stress from situations outside the home. Thus, it could be that, even in the presence of their perpetration of physical and psychological abuse against their partners, their perception of themselves as breadwinners rather than caregivers of their children could ameliorate their experience of stress as parents. In terms of the women, physical abuse was a significant predictor of parenting stress. Although the statistical significance did not meet conventional standards, physical abuse accounted for a significant amount of unique variance, with an

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effect size R = .13. This demonstrates the importance of considering the realworld effect of a variable rather than focusing exclusively on the size of Fs and statistical significance (Bakeman, 1992; Cohen, 1990; Schmidt, 1996). It was interesting that only physical abuse and not psychological abuse was related to parenting stress, as would have been expected per Levendosky and Graham-Bermanns (1998) findings. This may be due to our small sample size, but the issue is an important one with intervention and programmatic relevance and, as such, merits additional exploration. In terms of parenting competence, mens reports were not significantly different from their partners reports. However, the results of this study suggest that mens feelings of parenting competence seem to be tied to their behaviors toward their partners. Consistent with the studys hypotheses, reports of mens parenting competence were influenced by the physical and psychological abuse they perpetrated against their partners. Although in the final model, physical abuse was not statistically significant at conventional levels, it did account for 19% of the variance, illustrating the importance of this variable in predicting mens reports of parenting competence. Whereas Latino men are raised to be good providers and may equate financial responsibility with being a good father (Mirand, 1997), it appears that their use of violence against their partners is negatively related to their perceptions of parenting competence. Anecdotal reports from members of the batterers groups indicate that men are quite aware of the effects their abuse against their partners may have on their children, and this impact concerns them. These feelings may be influencing their sense of competence as fathers, as suggested by their expressed desire to participate in parenting classes (Perilla & Baker, 1997). Many of the study participants did indeed avail themselves of parenting classes held in the community. These actions may be related to the finding that almost 70% of men report having no one to turn to for parenting questions or concerns. As for women, their beliefs about being competent parents were not significantly influenced by their partners abuse. These results seem consistent with the value that Latinas hold toward being good mothers. From an early age, girls are expected to become mothers, and a great deal of a womans identity, especially among Latinas from traditional communities, is related to this role as adults. Although this may be changing, especially for younger Latinas, there is still evidence to suggest that the caretaking of children is primary for Latinas lives and, therefore, they learn to discharge this responsibility in a competent manner. In the presence of domestic violence, women may feel overwhelmed by the abuse, but their sense of self-efficacy as mothers is not easily shaken. This finding is also consistent with Levendosky et al.s (2000) research, suggesting that, for some women, violence in the

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relationship may increase their sense of competence as they focus attention on protecting their children. This study found support for the distinctive roles of mothers and fathers in this population. It appears that the mans role as provider for rather than caregiver to his children may be related to his reported low levels of parenting stress, even among men reporting abuse toward their partners. Conversely, the strong emphasis on the womans role as mother may help women to perceive themselves as competent parents even in the face of the abuse in their lives. Whereas these data provide an important link to understanding Latino couples experiences of parenting stress and competence, there are limitations to the study. Sample size, for example, could have influenced the results. Another limitation is the cross-sectional nature of the design. Although it may be appropriate on theoretical grounds to make directional statements about violence and stress, we must be clear that, without a longitudinal design, it is not possible to distinguish the order of these effects empirically. Also, regarding instruments used, we found that when assessing the cultural relevance of the parenting stress and competence measures, some questions produced more variability than others. Specifically, in the Parenting Stress Scale, variability on two items was small due to extreme positive answers. The items were I would do anything for my children if it was necessary and My children are an important source of affection for me. The Latino cultural value of familism may be at work here. By definition, familism is the strong identification and attachment of individuals within their families, such that family members will do anything for each other (i.e., providing material or emotional support to nuclear and extended family members) (Sabogal, Marn, Otero-Sabogal, VanOss Marn, & Perez-Stable, 1987). A question about a parents willingness to do anything for his or her child may have seemed obvious and thus may have been answered in the extreme positive direction. Regardless of the above, the scales had adequate reliability (alpha levels of .72 for both) as well as face validity, as stated in the method section. We believe that one of the studys contributions is the Spanish version of two instruments that seem to be appropriate for use with Latino populations. Despite its limitations, the study undoubtedly provides an important first step in understanding the parenting experiences of couples in relationships where domestic violence is present. Its first strength is the unique nature of the population being studied. The second is the manner in which it was studied. As mentioned previously, studies regarding Latino fathers are quite limited (Mirand, 1997; Powell, 1995); research on Latino batterers and

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parenting outcomes is almost nonexistent. Even more important, this study used a contextual approach in which parenting stress and competence were explored within the context of domestic violence from the perspectives of both the perpetrator and the abused woman. By comparing mothers and fathers reports regarding their experience of parenting stress and competence, we were able to explore in more depth the ecology in which parenting actually takes place. By contrasting the experience of mothers and fathers within the context of Latino families affected by domestic violence, we obtained data that will be useful in future interventions with both abused women and their batterers.

NOTE
1. Throughout this article, the terms Latino/Latinos will be used to refer to males and Latina/Latinas will be used to refer to females.

REFERENCES
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Charlene K. Baker is a doctoral candidate in community psychology at Georgia State University. Her research interests are domestic violence, homelessness, and development of systems-level responses to ending violence against women.

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Julia L. Perilla is a clinical community psychologist and assistant research professor in the Department of Psychology at Georgia State University. Her areas of interest are domestic violence, diversity issues, Latino families, and trauma. As coordinator of the Caminar Latino Program at Mercy Mobile Health Care (a community agency serving homeless, refugee, and immigrant populations) since 1990, she has had extensive experience working with Latino families affected by domestic violence. Fran H. Norris is a professor of community psychology at Georgia State University. She is interested in the psychosocial consequences of disasters, violence, and other types of traumatic events.