Imagined Communities

Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism BENEDICT ANDERSON

Revised Edition First published b !erso "#$% This re&ised and e'tended edition published b !erso "##" Se&enth impression "##( !erso ) Ne* +eft Boo,s -./ ( 0eard Street1 +ondon 2l ! %3R -SA/ "$4 !aric, Street1 Ne* 5or,1 N5 "44"676(4( British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Anderson1 Benedict1 1936Imagined communities/ reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism87re&8 ed8 "8 Nationalism8 3istor I8 Title 320.5409 ISBN 47$(4#"7%9#7: ISBN 47$(4#"7:6(7$ ;<b,= US Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Anderson1 Benedict R8 O>?8 ;Benedict Richard O>?orman=8 "#%(7 Imagined communities/ reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism)Benedict Anderson87Re&8 and e'tended ed81 9nd ed8 p8 cm8 Includes bibliographical references ;p8 = and inde'8 ISBN 47$(4#"7%9#7:87ISBN 47$(4#"7:6(7$ ;pb,8= "8 Nationalism@3istor 8 I8 Title8 AC%""8A(:( "##" %948:>6@dc94 T peset b ?CS1 +eighton BuBBard1 Beds8 <rinted in the -SA b Courier Companies1 Inc8 Scanners note : Index is omitted from this digital version. Page n m!ers in the original edition is referred to in s" are !rac#ets $%&.

Contents
<reface to the Second Edition 'i " Introduction " 9 Cultural Roots # % The Origins of National Consciousness %C 6 Creole <ioneers 6C : Old +anguages1 Ne* 0odels (C ( Official Nationalism and Imperialism $% C The +ast 2a&e ""% $ <atriotism and Racism "6" # The Angel of 3istor ":: "4 Census1 0ap1 0useum "(% "" 0emor and Forgetting "$C Bibliograph 94C Inde' 9"%

Ac,no*ledgments
Di'E As

*ill be apparent to the reader1 m thin,ing about nationalism has been deepl affected b the *ritings of Erich Auerbach1 2alter BenFamin and !ictor Turner8 In preparing the boo, itself1 I ha&e benefitted enormousl from the criticism and ad&ice of m brother <err Anderson1 Anthon Barnett1 and Ste&e 3eder8 A8 A8 Ballard1 0ohamed Chambas1 <eter .atBenstein1 the late Re' 0ortimer1 Francis 0ulhern1 Tom Nairn1 Shiraishi Ta,ashi1 Aim Siegel1 +aura Summers1 and Esta -ngar also ga&e me in&aluable help in different *a s8 Naturall 1 none of these friendl critics should be held in an *a accountable for the te't>s deficiencies1 *hich are *holl m responsibilit 8 I should perhaps add that I am b training and profession a specialist on Southeast Asia8 This admission ma help to e'plain some of the boo,>s biases and choices of e'amples1 as *ell as to deflate its *ould7be7global pretensions8
D'E 3e regards it as his tas, to brush histor against the grain8 2alter BenFamin1 Ill minations Thus from a 0i'ture of all ,inds began1 That 3et>rogeneous Thing1 'n Englishman: In eager Rapes1 and furious +ust begot1 Bet*i't a <ainted (ritton and a Scot: 2hose gend>ring Offspring Guic,l learnt to bo*1 And o,e their 3eifers to the Roman <lough/ From *hence a 0ongrel half7bred Race there came1 2ith neither Name nor Nation1 Speech or Fame8 In *hose hot !eins no* 0i'tures Guic,l ran1 Infus>d bet*i't a Saxon and a )ane. 2hile their Ran, Daughters1 to their <arents Fust1 Recei&>d all Nations *ith <romiscuous +ust8 This Nauseous Brood directl did contain The *ell7e'tracted Blood of Englishmen . . . *rom Daniel Defoe1 +he +r e-(orn Englishman

<reface to the Second Edition

D'iE 2ho

*ould ha&e thought that the storm blo*s harder the farther it lea&es <aradise

behindH The armed conflicts of "#C$7C# in Indochina1 *hich pro&ided the immediate occasion for the original te't of Imagined ,omm nities- seem alread 1 a mere t*el&e ears later1 to belong to another era8 Then I *as haunted b the prospect of further full7scale *ars bet*een the socialist states8 No* half these states ha&e Foined the debris at the Angel>s feet1 and the rest are fearful of soon follo*ing them8 The *ars that the sur&i&ors face are ci&il *ars8 The li,elihood is strong that b the opening of the ne* millennium little *ill remain of the -nion of So&iet Socialist Republics e'cept888 republics8 Should all this ha&e someho* been foreseenH In "#$% I *rote that the So&iet -nion *as >as much the legatee of the prenational d nastic states of the nineteenth centur as the precursor of a t*ent 7first centur internationalist order8> But1 ha&ing traced the nationalist e'plosions that destro ed the &ast pol glot and pol ethnic realms *hich *ere ruled from !ienna1 +ondon1 Constantinople1 <aris and 0adrid1 I could not see that the train *as laid at least as far as 0osco*8 It is melanchol consolation to obser&e that histor seems to be bearing out the >logic> of Imagined ,omm nities better than its author managed to do8 It is not onl the *orld that has changed its face o&er the past D'iiE t*el&e ears8 The stud of nationalism too has been startlingl transformed 7 in method1 scale1 sophistication1 and sheer Guantit 8 In the English language alone1 A8 A8 Armstrong>s .ations (efore .ationalism ;"#$9=1 Aohn (re i//01s .ationalism and the State ;"#$9=1 Ernest ?ellner>s .ations and .ationalism ;"#$%=1 0irosla& 3roch>s Social Preconditions of .ational Revival in E ro%e ;"#$:=1 Anthon Smith>s +he Ethnic 2rigins of .ations ;"#$(=1 <8 ChatterFee>s .ationalist +ho ght and the ,olonial 3orld ;"#$(=1 and Eric 3obsba*m>s .ations and .ationalism since 1455 ;"##4=7 to name onl a fe* of the ,e te'ts7ha&e1 b their historical reach and theoretical po*er1 made largel obsolete the traditional literature on the subFect8 In part out of these *or,s has de&eloped an e'traordinar proliferation of historical1 literar 1 anthropological1 sociological1 feminist1 and other studies lin,ing the obFects of these fields of enGuir to nationalism and nation8" To adapt Imagined ,omm nities to the demands of these &ast changes in the *orld and in the te't is a tas, be ond m present means8 It seemed better1 therefore1 to lea&e it largel as an >unrestored>period piece1 *ith its o*n characteristic st le1 silhouette1 and mood8 T*o things gi&e me comfort8 On the one hand1 the full final outcome of de&elopments in the old socialist *orld remain shrouded in the obscurit ahead8 On the other hand1 the idios ncratic method and preoccupations of Imagined ,omm nities seem to me still on the margins of the ne*er scholarship on nationalism7in that sense1 at least1 not full superseded8 2hat I ha&e tried to do1 in the present edition1 is simpl to correct errors of fact1 conception1 and interpretation *hich I should ha&e a&oided in preparing the original &ersion8 These corrections 7 in the spirit of "#$%1 as it *ere 7in&ol&e some alterations of the first edition1 as *ell as t*o ne* chapters1 *hich basicall ha&e the character of discrete appendices8 In the main te't1 I disco&ered t*o serious errors of translation1 at least one unfulfilled promise1 and one misleading emphasis8 -nable to read Spanish in "#$%1 I thoughtlessl relied on +eon 0a8 ?uerrero>s English translation of Aose RiBal>s .oli 6e +angere- although earlier D'iiiE translations *ere a&ailable8 It *as onl in "##4 that I disco&ered ho* fascinatingl corrupt ?uerrero>s &ersion *as8 For a long1 important Guotation from Otto Bauer>s )ie

.ationalit7tenfrage nd die So8ial-demo#ratie I laBil relied on Oscar AasBi>s translation8 0ore recent consultation of the ?erman original has sho*n me ho* far AasBi>s political predilections tinted his citations8 In at least t*o passages I had faithlessl promised to e'plain *h BraBilian nationalism de&eloped so late and so idios ncraticall b comparison *ith those of other +atin American countries8 The present te't attempts to fulfil the bro,en pledge8 It had been part of m original plan to stress the Ne* 2orld origins of nationalism8 0 feeling had been that an unselfconscious pro&incialism had long s,e*ed and distorted theoriBing on the subFect8 European scholars1 accustomed to the conceit that e&er thing important in the modern *orld originated in Europe1 too easil too, >second generation> ethnolinguistic nationalisms ;3ungarian1 CBech1 ?ree,1 <olish1 etc8= as the starting point in their modelling1 no matter *hether the *ere >for> or >against> nationalism8 I *as startled to disco&er1 in man of the notices of Imagined ,omm nities- that this Eurocentric pro&incialism remained Guite undisturbed1 and that the crucial chapter on the originating Americas *as largel ignored8 -nfortunatel 1 I ha&e found no better >instant> solution to this problem than to retitle Chapter 6 as >Creole <ioneers8> The t*o >appendices> tr to correct serious theoretical fla*s in the first edition89 A number of friendl critics had suggested that Chapter C ;>The +ast 2a&e>= o&ersimplified the process *hereb earl >Third 2orld> nationalisms *ere modelled8 Furthermore the chapter did not seriousl address the Guestion of the role of the local colonial state1 rather than the metropole1 in st ling these nationalisms8 At the same time1 I became uneasil a*are that *hat I had belie&ed to be a significantl ne* contribution to thin,ing about nationalism I D'i&E changing apprehensions of time 7 patentl lac,ed its necessar coordinate/ changing apprehensions of space8 A brilliant doctoral thesis b Thongchai 2inicha,ul1 a oung Thai historian1 stimulated me to thin, about mapping>s contribution to the nationalist imagination8 >Census1 0ap1 0useum> therefore anal ses the *a in *hich1 Guite unconsciousl 1 the nineteenth7centur colonial state ;and policies that its mindset encouraged= dialecticall engendered the grammar of the nationalisms that e&entuall arose to combat it8 Indeed1 one might go so far as to sa that the state imagined its local ad&ersaries1 as in an ominous prophetic dream1 *ell before the came into historical e'istence8 To the forming of this imagining1 the census>s abstract Guantification)serialiBation of persons1 the map>s e&entual logoiBation of political space1 and the museum>s >ecumenical1> profane genealogiBing made interlin,ed contributions8 The origin of the second >appendi'> *as the humiliating recognition that in "#$% I had Guoted Renan *ithout the slightest understanding of *hat he had actuall said/ I had ta,en as something easil ironical *hat *as in fact utterl biBarre8 The humiliation also forced me to realiBe that I had offered no intelligible e'planation of e'actl ho*1 and *h 1 ne*7emerging nations imagined themsel&es antiGue8 2hat appeared in most of the scholarl *ritings as 0achia&ellian hocus7pocus1 or as bourgeois fantas 1 or as disinterred historical truth1 struc, me no* as deeper and more interesting8 Supposing >antiGuit > *ere1 at a certain historical Functure1 the necessar0 conse" ence of >no&elt H> If nationalism *as1 as I supposed it1 the e'pression of a radicall changed form of consciousness1 should not a*areness of that brea,1 and the necessar forgetting of the older consciousness1 create its o*n narrati&eH Seen from this perspecti&e1 the ata&istic fantasiBing characteristic of most nationalist thought after the "$94s appears an epiphenomenonJ *hat is reall important is the structural alignment of post7 "$94s nationalist >memor > *ith the inner premises and con&entions of modern biograph and autobiograph 8 Aside from an theoretical merits or demerits the t*o >appendices> ma pro&e to ha&e1 each

has its o*n more e&er da limitations8 The data for >Census1 0ap1 0useum> are dra*n *holl from Southeast Asia8 In some *a s this region offers splendid opportunities for D'&E comparati&e theoriBing since it comprises areas formerl coloniBed b almost all the great imperial po*ers ;England1 France1 3olland1 <ortugal1 Spain and the -nited States= as *ell as uncoloniBed Siam8 Nonetheless1 it remains to be seen *hether m anal sis1 e&en if plausible for this region1 can be con&incingl applied around the globe8 In the second appendi'1 the s,etch empirical material relates almost e'clusi&el to 2estern Europe and the Ne* 2orld1 regions on *hich m ,no*ledge is Guite superficial8 But the focus had to be there since it *as in these Bones that the amnesias of nationalism *ere first &oiced o&er8 (enedict 'nderson *e!r ar0 1991
"8 3obsba*m has had the courage to conclude from this scholarl e'plosion that the age of nationalism is near its end/ 0iner&a>s o*l flies at dus,8 98 The first appendi' originated in a paper prepared for a conference held in .arachi in Aanuar "#$#1 sponsored b the 2orld Institute for De&elopment Economics Research of the -nited Nations -ni&ersit 8 A s,etch for the second appeared in +he +imes 9iterar0 S %%lement of Aune "%1"#$(1 under the rubric >Narrating the Nation8>

"8 Introduction
D"E <erhaps *ithout being much noticed et1 a fundamental transformation in the histor of 0ar'ism and 0ar'ist mo&ements is upon us8 Its most &isible signs are the recent *ars bet*een !ietnam1 Cambodia and China8 These *ars are of *orld7historical importance because the are the first to occur bet*een regimes *hose independence and re&olutionar credentials are undeniable1 and because none of the belligerents has made more than the most perfunctor attempts to Fustif the bloodshed in terms of a recogniBable 6arxist theoretical perspecti&e8 2hile it *as still Fust possible to interpret the Sino7So&iet border clashes of "#(#1 and the So&iet militar inter&entions in ?erman ;"#:%=1 3ungar ;"#:(=1 CBechoslo&a,ia ;"#($=1 and Afghanistan ;"#$4= in terms of7 according to taste 7 >social imperialism1> >defending socialism1> etc81 no one1 I imagine1 seriousl belie&es that such &ocabularies ha&e much bearing on *hat has occurred in Indochina8 If the !ietnamese in&asion and occupation of Cambodia in December "#C$ and Aanuar "#C# represented the first large-scale conventional :ar *aged b one re&olutionar 0ar'ist regime against another1" China>s assault on !ietnam in Februar rapidl confirmed D9E the precedent8 Onl the most trusting *ould dare *ager that in the declining ears of this centur an significant outbrea, of inter7state hostilities *ill necessaril find the -SSR and the <RC7 let alone the smaller socialist states 7 supporting1 or fighting on1 the same side8 2ho can be confident that 5ugosla&ia and Albania *ill not one da come to blo*sH Those &ariegated groups *ho see, a *ithdra*al of the Red Arm from its encampments in Eastern Europe should remind themsel&es of the degree to *hich its o&er*helming presence has1 since "#6:1 ruled out armed conflict bet*een the region>s 0ar'ist regimes8 Such considerations ser&e to underline the fact that since 2orld 2ar II e&er successful re&olution has defined itself in national terms7the <eople>s Republic of China1 the Socialist Republic of !ietnam1 and so forth 7 and1 in so doing1 has grounded itself firml in a territorial and social space inherited from the prere&olutionar past8 Con&ersel 1 the fact that the So&iet -nion shares *ith the -nited .ingdom of ?reat Britain and Northern Ireland the rare distinction of refusing nationalit in its naming suggests that it is as much the legatee of the prenational d nastic states of the nineteenth centur as the precursor of a t*ent 7first centur

internationalist order89 Eric 3obsba*m is perfectl correct in stating that >0ar'ist mo&ements and states ha&e tended to become national not onl in form but in substance1 i8e81 nationalist8 There is nothing to suggest D%E that this trend *ill not continue8>% Nor is the tendenc confined to the socialist *orld8 Almost e&er ear the -nited Nations admits ne* members8 And man >old nations1> once thought full consolidated1 I find themsel&es challenged b >sub>7nationalisms *ithin their borders7nationalisms *hich1 naturall 1 dream of shedding this sub7ness one happ da 8 The realit is Guite plain/ the >end of the era of nationalism1> so long prophesied1 is not remotel in sight8 Indeed1 nation7ness is the most uni&ersall legitimate &alue in the political life of our time8 But if the facts are clear1 their e'planation remains a matter of long7standing dispute8 Nation1 nationalit 1 nationalism 7 all ha&e pro&ed notoriousl difficult to define1 let alone to anal se8 In contrast to the immense influence that nationalism has e'erted on the modern *orld1 plausible theor about it is conspicuousl meagre8 3ugh Seton72atson1 author of far the best and most comprehensi&e English7language te't on nationalism1 and heir to a &ast tradition of liberal historiograph and social science1 sadl obser&es/ >Thus I am driven to the conclusion that no Kscientific definitionK of the nation can be de&isedJ et the phenomenon has e'isted and e'ists8>6 Tom Nairn1 author of the path7brea,ing +he (rea#- % of (ritain- and heir to the scarcel less &ast tradition of 0ar'ist historiograph and social science1 candidl remar,s/ >The theor of nationalism represents 0ar'ism>s great historical failure8>: But e&en this confession is some*hat misleading1 insofar as it can be ta,en to impl the regrettable outcome of a long1 self7conscious search for theoretical clarit 8 It *ould be more e'act to sa that nationalism has pro&ed an uncomfortable anomal0 for 0ar'ist theor and1 precisel for that reason1 has been largel elided1 rather than confronted8 3o* else to e'plain 0ar'>s failure to e'plicate the crucial adFecti&e in his memorable formulation of "$6$/ >The proletariat of each countr D6E must1 of course1 first of all settle matters *ith its o:n bourgeoisie>H( 3o* else to account for the use1 for o&er a centur 1 of the concept >national bourgeoisie> *ithout an serious attempt to Fustif theoreticall the rele&ance of the adFecti&eH 2h is this segmentation of the bourgeoisie 7 a *orld7class insofar as it is defined in terms of the relations of production 7 theoreticall significantH The aim of this boo, is to offer some tentati&e suggestions for a more satisfactor interpretation of the >anomal > of nationalism8 0 sense is that on this topic both 0ar'ist and liberal theor ha&e become etiolated in a late <tolemaic effort to >sa&e the phenomena>J and that a reorientation of perspecti&e in1 as it *ere1 a Copernican spirit is urgentl reGuired8 0 point of departure is that nationalit 1 or1 as one might prefer to put it in &ie* of that *ord>s multiple significations1 nation7ness1 as *ell as nationalism1 are cultural artefacts of a particular ,ind8 To understand them properl *e need to consider carefull ho* the ha&e come into historical being1 in *hat *a s their meanings ha&e changed o&er time1 and *h 1 toda 1 the command such profound emotional legitimac 8 I *ill be tr ing to argue that the creation of these artefacts to*ards the end of the eighteenth centur C *as the spontaneous distillation of a comple' >crossing> of discrete historical forcesJ but that1 once created1 the became >modular1> capable of being transplanted1 *ith &ar ing degrees of self7consciousness1 to a great &ariet of social terrains1 to merge and be merged *ith a correspondingl *ide &ariet of political and ideological constellations8 I *ill also attempt to sho* *h these particular cultural artefacts ha&e aroused such deep attachments8

CONCE<TS AND DEFINITIONS

D:E Before addressing the Guestions raised abo&e1 it seems ad&isable to consider briefl the concept of >nation> and offer a *or,able definition8 Theorists of nationalism ha&e often been perple'ed1 not to sa irritated1 b these three parado'es/ ;"= The obFecti&e modernit of nations to the historian>s e e &s8 their subFecti&e antiGuit in the e es of nationalists8 ;9= The formal uni&ersalit of nationalit as a socio7cultural concept 7 in the modern *orld e&er one can1 should1 *ill >ha&e> a nationalit 1 as he or she >has> a gender7&s8 the irremediable particularit of its concrete manifestations1 such that1 b definition1 >?ree,> nationalit is sui generis8 ;%= The >political> po*er of nationalisms &s8 their philosophical po&ert and e&en incoherence8 In other *ords1 unli,e most other isms1 nationalism has ne&er produced its o*n grand thin,ers/ no 3obbeses1 TocGue&illes1 0ar'es1 or 2ebers8 This >emptiness> easil gi&es rise1 among cosmopolitan and pol lingual intellectuals1 to a certain condescension8 +i,e ?ertrude Stein in the face of Oa,land1 one can rather Guic,l conclude that there is >no there there>8 It is characteristic that e&en so s mpathetic a student of nationalism as Tom Nairn can nonetheless *rite that/ > KNationalismK is the patholog of modern de&elopmental histor 1 as inescapable as KneurosisK in the indi&idual1 *ith much the same essential ambiguit attaching to it1 a similar built7in capacit for descent into dementia1 rooted in the dilemmas of helplessness thrust upon most of the *orld ;the eGui&alent of infantilism for societies= and largel incurable8>$ <art of the difficult is that one tends unconsciousl to h postasiBe the e'istence of Nationalism7*ith7a7big7N ;rather as one might Age7*ith7a7capital7A= and then to classif >it> as an ideolog 8 ;Note that if e&er one has an age1 Age is merel an anal tical e'pression8= It *ould1 I thin,1 ma,e things easier if one treated it as if it belonged *ith >,inship> and >religion>1 rather than *ith >liberalism> or >fascism>8 In an anthropological spirit1 then1 I propose the follo*ing D(E definition of the nation/ it is an imagined political communit 7 and imagined as both inherentl limited and so&ereign8 It is imagined because the members of e&en the smallest nation *ill ne&er ,no* most of their fello*7members1 meet them1 or e&en hear of them1 et in the minds of each li&es the image of their communion8# Renan referred to this imagining in his sua&el bac,7handed *a *hen he *rote that >Or l>essence d>une nation est Gue tous les indi&idus aient beaucoup de choses en commun1 et aussi Gue tous aient oublie bien des choses8>"4 2ith a certain ferocit ?ellner ma,es a comparable point *hen he rules that >Nationalism is not die a*a,ening of nations to self7consciousness/ it invents nations *here the do not e'ist8>"" The dra*bac, to this formulation1 ho*e&er1 is that ?ellner is so an'ious to sho* that nationalism masGuerades under false pretences that he assimilates >in&ention> to >fabrication> and >falsit >1 rather than to >imagining> and >creation>8 In this *a he implies that >true> communities e'ist *hich can be ad&antageousl Fu'taposed to nations8 In fact1 all communities larger than primordial &illages of face7to7face contact ;and perhaps e&en these= are imagined8 Communities are to be distinguished1 not b their falsit )genuineness1 but b the st le in *hich the are imagined8 Aa&anese &illagers ha&e al*a s ,no*n that the are connected to people the ha&e ne&er seen1 but these ties *ere once imagined particularisticall 7 as indefinitel stretchable nets of ,inship and clientship8 -ntil Guite recentl 1 the Aa&anese language had no *ord meaning the abstraction >societ 8> 2e ma toda thin, of the French aristocrac of the ancien regime as a classJ but surel it *as imagined DCE this *a onl &er late8"9 To the Guestion >2ho is the Comte de LH> the normal ans*er *ould ha&e been1 not >a member of the aristocrac 1> but >the lord of L1> >the uncle of the Baronne de 58>or >a client of the Due de M8> The nation is imagined as limited because e&en the largest of them1 encompassing perhaps a billion li&ing human beings1 has finite1 if elastic1 boundaries1 be ond *hich lie other nations8 No nation imagines itself coterminous *ith man,ind8 The most messianic nationalists do not

dream of a da *hen all the members of the human race *ill Foin their nation in the *a that it *as possible1 in certain epochs1 for1 sa 1 Christians to dream of a *holl Christian planet8 It is imagined as sovereign because the concept *as born in an age in *hich Enlightenment and Re&olution *ere destro ing the legitimac of the di&inel 7ordained1 hierarchical d nastic realm8 Coming to maturit at a stage of human histor *hen e&en the most de&out adherents of an uni&ersal religion *ere inescapabl confronted *ith the li&ing %l ralism of such religions1 and the allomorphism bet*een each faith>s ontological claims and territorial stretch1 nations dream of being free1 and1 if under 8?od1 directl so8 The gage and emblem of this freedom is the so&ereign state8 Finall 1 it is imagined as a comm nit0- because1 regardless of the actual ineGualit and e'ploitation that ma pre&ail in each1 the nation is al*a s concei&ed as a deep1 horiBontal comradeship8 -ltimatel it is this fraternit that ma,es it possible1 o&er the past t*o centuries1 for so man millions of people1 not so much to ,ill1 as *illingl to die for such limited imaginings8 These deaths bring us abruptl face to face *ith the central problem posed b nationalism/ *hat ma,es the shrun,en imaginings of recent histor ;scarcel more than t*o centuries= generate such colossal sacrificesH I belie&e that the beginnings of an ans*er lie in the cultural roots of nationalism8
"8 This formulation is chosen simpl to emphasiBe the scale and the st le of the fighting1 not to assign blame8 To a&oid possible misunderstanding1 it should be said that the December "#C$ in&asion gre* out of armed clashes bet*een partisans of the t*o re&olutionar mo&ements going bac, possibl as far as "#C"8 After April "#CC1 border raids1 initiated b the Cambodians1 but Guic,l follo*ed b the !ietnamese1 gre* in siBe and scope1 culminating in the maFor !ietnamese incursion of December "#CC8 None of these raids1 ho*e&er1 aimed at o&erthro*ing enem regimes or occup ing large territories1 nor *ere the numbers of troops in&ol&ed comparable to those deplo ed in December "#C$8 The contro&ers o&er the causes of the *ar is most thoughtfull pursued in/ Stephen <8 3eder1 >The .ampuchean7!ietnamese Conflict1> in Da&id 28 <8 Elliott1 ed81 +he +hird Indochina ,onflict- pp8 9"7(CJ Anthon Barnett1 >Inter7Communist Conflicts and !ietnam1> ( lletin of ,oncerned 'sian Scholars- ""/6 ;October7December "#C#=1 pp8 97#J and +aura Summers1 >In 0atters of 2ar and Socialism Anthon Barnett *ould Shame and 3onour .ampuchea Too 0uch1K ibid81 pp8 "47"$8 98 An one *ho has doubts about the -.>s claims to such parit *ith the -SSR should as, himself *hat nationalit its name denotes/ ?reat Brito7IrishH %8 Eric 3obsba*m1 >Some Reflections on KThe Brea,7up of BritainK>1 .e: 9eft Revie:- "4: ;September7October "#CC=1 p8 "%8 68 See his .ations and States- p8 :8 Emphasis added8 :8 See his >The 0odern Aanus>1 .e: 9eft Revie:- #6 ;No&ember7December "#C:=1 p8 %8 This essa is included unchanged in +he (rea#- % of (ritain as chapter # ;pp8 %9#7(%=8 (8 .arl 0ar' and Friedrich Engels1 +he ,omm nist 6ani;esto- in the Selected 3or#s- I1 p8 6:8 Emphasis added8 In an theoretical e'egesis1 the *ords >of course> should flash red lights before the transported reader8 C8 As Aira .emilainen notes1 the t*in >founding fathers> of academic scholarship on nationalism1 3ans .ohn and Carleton 3a es1 argued persuasi&el for this dating8 Their conclusions ha&e1 I thin,1 not been seriousl disputed e'cept b nationalist ideologues in particular countries8 .emilainen also obser&es that the *ord >nationalism> did not come into *ide general use until the end of the nineteenth centur 8 It did not occur1 for e'ample1 in man standard nineteenth centur le'icons8 If Adam Smith conFured *ith the *ealth of>nations1> he meant b the term no more than >societies> or >states8> Aira .emilainen1 .ationalism- pp8 "41 %%1 and 6$76#8 $8 +he (rea#- % of (ritain- p8 %:#8

#8 Cf8 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- p8 :/ >All that I can find to sa is that a nation e'ists *hen a significant number of people in a communit consider themsel&es to form a nation1 or beha&e as if the formed one8> 2e ma translate >consider themsel&esK as >imagine themsel&es8> "48 Ernest Renan1 >Nu>est7ce Gu>une nationH> in 2E vres ,om%l<tes- 1- p8 $#98 3e adds/ >tout cito en franOais doit a&oir oublie> la Samt7BarthPlem 1 les massacres du 0idi an L3Ie siecle8 Il n> a pas en France di' families Gui puissent fournir la preu&e d>une origine franGue 888K ""8 Ernest ?ellner1 +ho ght and ,hange- p8 "(#8 Emphasis added8 "98 3obsba*m1 for e'ample1 >fi'es> it b sa ing that in "C$# it numbered about 6441444 in a population of 9%144414448 ;See his +he 'ge of Revol tion- p8 C$=8 But *ould this statistical picture of the noblesse ha&e been imaginable under the ancien regime=

98 Cultural Roots
D#E No more arresting emblems of the modern culture of nationalism e'ist than cenotaphs and tombs of -n,no*n Soldiers8 The public ceremonial re&erence accorded these monuments precisel !eca se the are either deliberatel empt or no one ,no*s *ho lies inside them1 has no true precedents in earlier times8" To feel the force of this modernit one has onl to imagine the general reaction to the bus bod *ho >disco&ered> the -n,no*n Soldier>s name or insisted on filling the cenotaph *ith some real bones8 Sacrilege of a strange1 contemporar ,indQ 5et &oid as these tombs are of identifiable mortal remains or immortal souls1 the are nonetheless saturated *ith ghostl national imaginings89 ;This is *h so man different nations D"4E ha&e such tombs *ithout feeling an need to specif the nationalit of their absent occupants8 2hat else could the be ! t ?ermans1 Americans1 Argentinians888 H= The cultural significance of such monuments becomes e&en clearer if one tries to imagine1 sa 1 a Tomb of the -n,no*n 0ar'ist or a cenotaph for fallen +iberals8 Is a sense of absurdit a&oidableH The reason is that neither 0ar'ism nor +iberalism are much concerned *ith death and immortalit 8 If the nationalist imagining is so concerned1 this suggests a strong affinit *ith religious imaginings8 As this affinit is b no means fortuitous1 it ma be useful to begin a consideration of the cultural roots of nationalism *ith death1 as the last of a *hole gamut of fatalities8 If the manner of a man>s d ing usuall seems arbitrar 1 his mortalit is inescapable8 3uman li&es are full of such combinations of necessit and chance8 2e are all a*are of the contingenc and ineluctabilit of our particular genetic heritage1 our gender1 our life7era1 our ph sical capabilities1 our mother7tongue1 and so forth8 The great merit of traditional religious *orld7&ie*s ;*hich naturall must be distinguished from their role in the legitimation of specific s stems of domination and e'ploitation= has been their concern *ith man7in7the7 cosmos1 man as species being1 and the contingenc of life8 The e'traordinar sur&i&al o&er thousands of ears of Buddhism1 Christianit or Islam in doBens of different social formations attests to their imaginati&e response to the o&er*helming burden of human suffering @ disease1 mutilation1 grief1 age1 and death8 2h *as I born blindH 2h is m best friend paral sedH 2h is m daughter retardedH The religions attempt to e'plain8 The great *ea,ness of all e&olutionar )progressi&e st les of thought1 not e'cluding 0ar'ism1 is that such Guestions are ans*ered *ith impatient silence8% At the D""E same time1 in different *a s1 religious thought also responds to obscure intimations of immortalit 1 generall b transforming fatalit into continuit ;,arma1 original sin1 etc8= In this *a 1 it concerns itself *ith the lin,s bet*een the dead and the et unborn1 the m ster of re7generation8 2ho e'periences their child>s conception and birth *ithout diml apprehending a combined con7 nectedness1 fortuit 1 and fatalit in a language of >continuit >H ;Again1 the disad&antage of

e&olutionar )progressi&e thought is an almost 3eraclitean hostilit to an idea of continuit 8= I bring up these perhaps simpleminded obser&ations primaril because in 2estern Europe the eighteenth centur mar,s not onl the da*n of the age of nationalism but the dus, of religious modes of thought8 The centur of the Enlightenment1 of rationalist secularism1 brought *ith it its o*n modern dar,ness8 2ith the ebbing of religious belief1 the suffering *hich belief in part composed did not disappear8 Disintegration of paradise/ nothing ma,es fatalit more arbitrar 8 Absurdit of sal&ation/ nothing ma,es another st le of continuit more necessar 8 2hat then *as reGuired *as a secular transformation of fatalit into continuit 1 contingenc into meaning8 As *e shall see1 fe* things *ere ;are= better suited to this end than an idea of nation8 If nation7states are *idel conceded to be >ne*> and >historical1> the nations to *hich the gi&e political e'pression al*a s loom out of an immemorial past16 and1 still more important1 D"9E glide into a limitless future8 It is the magic of nationalism to turn chance/ Fnto destin 8 2ith Debra *e might sa 1 >5es1 it is Guite accidental that I am born FrenchJ but after all1 France is eternal8> Needless to sa 1 I am not claiming that the appearance of nationalism to*ards the end of the eighteenth centur *as >produced> b the erosion of religious certainties1 or that this erosion does not itself reGuire a comple' e'planation8 Nor am I suggesting that someho* nationalism historicall >supersedes> religion8 2hat I am proposing is that nationalism has to be understood b aligning it1 not *ith self7consciousl held political ideologies1 but *ith the large cultural s stems that preceded it1 out of *hich7as *ell as against *hich7it came into being8 For present purposes1 the t*o rele&ant cultural s stems are the religio s comm nit0 and the d0nastic realm. For both of these1 in their he da s1 *ere ta,en7for7granted frames of reference1 &er much as nationalit is toda 8 It is therefore essential to consider *hat ga&e these cultural s stems their self7e&ident plausibilit 1 and at the same time to underline certain ,e elements in their decomposition8

T3E RE+I?IO-S CO00-NIT5

Fe* things are more impressi&e than the &ast territorial stretch of the -mmah Islam from 0orocco to the Sulu Archipelago1 of Christendom from <aragua to Aapan1 and of the Buddhist *orld from Sri +an,a to the .orean peninsula8 The great sacral cultures ;and for our purposes here it ma be permissible to include >Confucianism>= incorporated conceptions of immense communities8 But Christendom1 the Islamic -mmah1 and e&en the 0iddle .ingdom @ *hich1 though *e thin, of it toda as Chinese1 imagined itself not as Chinese1 but as D"%E central @ *ere imaginable largel through the medium of a sacred language and *ritten script8 Ta,e onl the e'ample of Islam/ if 0aguindanao met Berbers in 0ecca1 ,no*ing nothing of each other>s languages1 incapable of communicating orall 1 the none7 theless understood each other>s ideographs1 !eca se the sacred te'ts the shared e'isted onl in classical Arabic8 In this sense1 *ritten Arabic functioned li,e Chinese characters to create a communit out of signs1 not sounds8 ;So toda mathematical language continues an old tradition8 Of *hat the Thai call R Rumanians ha&e no idea1 and &ice &ersa1 but both comprehend the s mbol8= All the great classical communities concei&ed of themsel&es as cosmicall central1 through the medium of a sacred language lin,ed to a superterrestrial order of po*er8 Accordingl 1 the stretch of *ritten +atin1 <ali1 Arabic1 or Chinese *as1 in theor 1 unlimited8 ;In fact1 the deader the *ritten language7the farther it *as from speech7the better/ in principle e&er one has access to a pure *orld of signs8= 5et such classical communities lin,ed b sacred languages had a character distinct from the

imagined communities of modern nations8 One crucial difference *as the older communities> confidence in the uniGue sacredness of their languages1 and thus their ideas about admission to membership8 Chinese mandarins loo,ed *ith appro&al on barbarians *ho painfull learned to paint 0iddle .ingdom ideograms8 These barbarians *ere alread half*a to full absorption8: 3alf7ci&iliBed *as &astl better than barbarian8 Such an attitude *as certainl not peculiar to the Chinese1 nor confined to antiGuit 8 Consider1 for e'ample1 the follo*ing >polic on barbarians>formulated b the earl 7nineteenth7centur Colombian liberal <edro Fermin de !argas/
To e'pand our agriculture it *ould be necessar to hispaniciBe our Indians8 Their idleness1 stupidit 1 and indifference to*ards normal endea&ours causes one to thin, that the come from a degenerate race *hich deteriorates in proportion to the distance from its origin 888 it :o ld !e ver0 desira!le that the Indians !e exting ished- !0 miscegenation :ith $1>& the :hites- declaring them free of tri! te and other charges- and giving them %rivate %ro%ert0 in land.6

3o* stri,ing it is that this liberal still proposes to >e'tinguish> his Indians in part b >declaring them free of tribute> and >gi&ing them pri&ate propert in land>1 rather than e'terminating them b gun and microbe as his heirs in BraBil1 Argentina1 and the -nited States began to do soon after*ards8 Note also1 alongside the condescending cruelt 1 a cosmic optimism/ the Indian is ultimatel redeemable 7 b impregnation *ith *hite1 >ci&iliBed> semen1 and the acGuisition of pri&ate propert 1 li#e ever0one else. ;3o* different Fermin>s attitude is from the later European imperialist>s preference for >genuine> 0ala s1 ?ur,has1 and 3ausas o&er >half7 breeds1> >semi7educated nati&es1> >*ogs>1 and the li,e8= 5et if the sacred silent languages *ere the media through *hich the great global communities of the past *ere imagined1 the realit of such apparitions depended on an idea largel foreign to the contemporar 2estern mind/ the non7arbitrariness of the sign8 The ideograms of Chinese1 +atin1 or Arabic *ere emanations of realit 1 not randoml fabricated representations of it8 2e are familiar *ith the long dispute o&er the appropriate language ;+atin or &ernacular= for the mass8 In the Islamic tradition1 until Guite recentl 1 the Nur>an *as literall untranslatable ;and therefore untranslated=1 because Allah>s truth *as accessible onl through the unsubstitutable true signs of *ritten Arabic8 There is no idea here of a *orld so separated from language that all languages are eGuidistant ;and thus interchangeable= signs for it8 In effect1 ontological realit is apprehensible onl through a single1 pri&ileged s stem of re7 presentation/ the truth7language of Church +atin1 Nur>anic Arabic1 or E'amination Chinese8C And1 as truth7languages1 imbued *ith an impulse largel foreign to D":E nationalism1 the impulse to*ards con&ersion8 B con&ersion1 I mean not so much the acceptance of particular religious tenets1 but alchemic absorption8 The barbarian becomes >0iddle .ingdom>1 the Rif 0uslim1 the Ilongo Christian8 The *hole nature of man>s being is sacrall malleable8 ;Contrast thus the prestige of these old *orld7languages1 to*ering high o&er all &ernaculars1 *ith Esperanto or !olapii,1 *hich lie ignored bet*een them8= It *as1 after all1 this possibilit of con&ersion through the sacred language that made it possible for an >Englishman> to become <ope$ and a >0anchu> Son of 3ea&en8 But e&en though the sacred languages made such communities as Christendom imaginable1 the actual scope and plausibilit of these communities can not be e'plained b sacred script alone/ their readers *ere1 after all1 tin literate reefs on top of &ast illiterate oceans8# A fuller e'planation reGuires a glance at the relationship bet*een the literati and their societies8 It *ould be a mista,e to &ie* the former as a ,ind of theological technocrac 8 The languages the sustained1 if abstruse1 had none of the self7arranged abstruseness of la* ers> or economists>Fargons1 on the margin of societ >s idea of realit 8 Rather1 the literati *ere adepts1 strategic strata in a cosmological hierarch of *hich the ape' *as di&ine8"4 The fundamental conceptions about >social groups> *ere centripetal and hierarchical1 rather than boundar 7

oriented and horiBontal8 The astonishing po*er of the papac in its noonda is onl comprehensible in terms of a trans7European +atin7*riting cleris 1 and a conception of the *orld1 shared b &irtuall e&er one1 that the bilingual intelligentsia1 b mediating bet*een &ernacular and +atin1 mediated D"(E bet*een earth and hea&en8 ;The a*esomeness of e'communication reflects this cosmolog 8= 5et for all the grandeur and po*er of the great religiousl imagined communities1 their tinsel?conscio s coherence *aned steadil after the late 0iddle Ages8 Among the reasons for this decline1 I *ish here to emphasiBe onl the t*o *hich are directl related to these communities> uniGue sacredness8 First *as the effect of the e'plorations of the non7European *orld1 *hich mainl but b no means e'clusi&el in Europe >abruptl *idened the cultural and geographic horiBon and hence also men>s conception of possible forms of human life8>"" The process is alread apparent in the greatest of all European tra&el7boo,s8 Consider the follo*ing a*ed description of .ublai .han b the good !enetian Christian 0arco <olo at the end of the thirteenth centur /"9
The grand ,han1 ha&ing obtained this signal &ictor 1 returned *ith great pomp and triumph to the capital cit of .anbalu8 This too, place in the month of No&ember1 and he continued to reside there during the months of Februar and 0arch1 in *hich latter *as o r festi&al of Easter8 Being a*are that this *as one of o r principal solemnities1 he commanded all the Christians to attend him1 and to bring *ith them their Boo,1 *hich contains the four ?ospels of the E&angelists8 After causing it to be repeatedl perfumed *ith incense1 in a ceremonious manner1 he de&outl ,issed it1 and directed that the same should be done b all his nobles *ho *ere present8 This *as his usual practice upon each of the principal Christian festi&als1 such as Easter and ChristmasJ and he obser&ed the same at the festi&als of the Saracens1 Ae*s1 and idolaters8 -pon being as,ed his moti&e for this conduct1 he said/ >There are four great <rophets *ho are re&erenced and *orshipped b the different classes of man,ind8 The Christians regard Aesus Christ as their di&init J the Saracens1 0ahometJ the Ae*s1 0osesJ and the idolaters1 Sogomombar7,an1 the most eminent among their idols8 I do honour and sho* respect to all the four1 and in&o,e to m aid :hichever amongst them is in tr th s %reme in heaven.1 But from the D"CE manner in *hich his maFest acted to*ards them1 it is e&ident that he regarded the faith of the Christians as the truest and the best888

2hat is so remar,able about this passage is not so much the great 0ongol d nast>s calm religious relati&ism ;it is still a religio s relati&ism=1 as 0arco <olo>s attitude and language8 It ne&er occurs to him1 e&en though he is *riting for fello*7European Christians1 to term .ublai a h pocrite or an idolater8 ;No doubt in part because >in respect to number of subFects1 e'tent of territor 1 and amount of re&enue1 he surpasses e&er so&ereign that has heretofore been or that no* is in the *orld8 >="% And in the unselfconscious use of >our> ;*hich becomes >their>=1 and the description of the faith of the Christians as >truest1> rather than >true1> *e can detect the seeds of a territorialiBa7tion of faiths *hich foreshado*s the language of man nationalists ;>our> nation is >the best>7in a competiti&e1 com%arative field@. 2hat a re&ealing contrast is pro&ided b the opening of the letter *ritten b the <ersian tra&eller >Rica>tohis friend >Ibben>from <aris in >"C"9>/"6
The <ope is the chief of the ChristiansJ he is an ancient idol1 *orshipped no* from habit8 Once he *as formidable e&en to princes1 for he *ould depose them as easil as our magnificent sultans depose the ,ings of Iremetia or ?eorgia8 But nobod fears him an longer8 3e claims to be the successor of one of the earliest Christians1 called Saint <eter1 and it is certainl a rich succession1 for his treasure is immense and he has a great countr under his control8

The deliberate1 sophisticated fabrications of the eighteenth centur Catholic mirror the nai&e

realism of his thirteenth7centur predecessor1 but b no* the >relati&iBation> and >territorialiBation> are utterl selfconscious1 and political in intent8 Is it unreasonable to see a parado'ical elaboration of this e&ol&ing tradition in the A atollah Ruhollah .homeini>s identification of The ?reat Satan1 not as a D"$E heres 1 nor e&en as a demonic personage ;dim little Carter scarcel fitted the bill=1 but as a nation1= Second *as a gradual demotion of the sacred language itself8 2riting of mediae&al 2estern Europe1 Bloch noted that >+atin *as not onl the language in *hich teaching *as done1 it *as the onl0 lang age ta ght. ": ;This second >onl > sho*s Guite clearl the sacredness of +atin @ no other language *as thought *orth the teaching8= But b the si'teenth centur all this *as changing fast8 The reasons for the change need not detain us here/ the central importance of print7capitalism *ill be discussed belo*8 It is sufficient to remind oursel&es of its scale and pace8 Feb&re and 0artin estimate that CCS of the boo,s printed before ":44 *ere still in +atin ;meaning nonetheless that 9%S *ere alread in &ernaculars=8"( If of the $$ editions printed in <aris in ":4" all but $ *ere in +atin1 after ":C: a maForit *ere al*a s in French8"C Despite a temporar come7bac, during the Counter7Reformation1 +atin>s hegemon *as doomed8 Nor are *e spea,ing simpl of a general popularit 8 Some*hat later1 but at no less diBB ing speed1 +atin ceased to be the language of a pan7European high intelligentsia8 In the se&enteenth centur 3obbes ;":$$7"(C$= *as a figure of continental reno*n because he *rote in the truth7language8 Sha,espeare ;":(67"("(=1 on the other hand1 composing in the &ernacular1 *as &irtuall un,no*n across the Channel8"$ And had English not become1 t*o hundred ears later1 the pre7eminent *orld7imperial language1 might he not largel ha&e retained his original insular obscurit H 0ean*hile1 these men>s cross7Channel near7 contemporaries1 Descartes ;":#(7"(:4= and <ascal ;"(9%7"((9= conducted most of their correspondence in +atinJ but &irtuall all of !oltaire>s ;"(#67"CC$= *as in the &ernacular8"# >After "(641 *ith fe*er and fe*er boo,s coming out in +atin1 and more and more in the &ernacular languages1 publishing *as ceasing to be an D"#E international DsicE enterprise8> 94 In a *ord1 the fall of +atin e'emplified a larger process in *hich the sacred communities integrated b old sacred languages *ere graduall fragmented1 pluraliBed1 and territorialiBed8

T3E D5NASTIC REA+0

These da s it is perhaps difficult to put oneself empatheticall into a *orld in *hich the d nastic realm appeared for most men as the onl imaginable >political> s stem8 For in fundamental *a s >serious> monarch lies trans&erse to all modern conceptions of political life8 .ingship organiBes e&er thing around a high centre8 Its legitimac deri&es from di&init 1 not from populations1 *ho1 after all1 are subFects1 not citiBens8 In the modern conception1 state so&ereignt is full 1 flatl 1 and e&enl operati&e o&er each sGuare centimetre of a legall demarcated territor 8 But in the older imagining1 *here states *ere defined b centres1 borders *ere porous and indistinct1 and so&ereignties faded imperceptibl into one another89" 3ence1 parado'icall enough1 the ease *ith *hich pre7modern empires and ,ingdoms *ere able to sustain their rule o&er immensel heterogeneous1 and often not e&en contiguous1 populations for long periods of time899 D94E One must also remember that these antiGue monarchical states e'panded not onl b *arfare but b se'ual politics @ of a ,ind &er different from that practised toda 8 Through the general principle of &erticalit 1 d nastic marriages brought together di&erse populations under ne* apices8 <aradigmatic in this respect *as the 3ouse of 3absburg8 As the tag *ent1 (ella gerant alii t felix ' stria n !eA 3ere1 in some*hat abbre&iated form1 is the later d nasts> titulature89%

Emperor of AustriaJ .ing of 3ungar 1 of Bohemia1 of Dalmatia1 Croatia1 Sla&onia1 ?alicia1 +odomeria1 and Ill riaJ .ing of Aerusalem1 etcJ Archdu,e of Austria DsicEJ ?rand Du,e of Tuscan and Craco*J Du,e of +oth DaE ringia1 of SalBburg1 St ria1 Carinthia1 Carniola1 and Bu,o&inaJ ?rand Du,e of Trans l&ania1 0argra&e of 0ora&iaJ Du,e of -pper and +o*er Silesia1 of 0odena1 <arma1 <iacenBa1 and ?uastella1 of Aussch*itB and Sator1 of Teschen1 Friaul1 Ragusa1 and MaraJ <rincel Count of 3absburg and T rol1 of . burg1 ?orB1 and ?radis,aJ Du,e of Trient and BriBenJ 0argra&e of -pper and +o*er +ausitB and in IstriaJ Count of 3ohenembs1 Feld,irch1 BregenB1 Sonnenberg1 etc8J +ord of Trieste1 of Cattaro1 and abo&e the 2indisch 0ar,J ?reat !o &od of the !o &odina1 Ser&ia8888 etc8

This1 AasBi Fustl obser&es1 *as1 >not *ithout a certain comic aspect888 the record of the innumerable marriages1 huc,sterings and captures of the 3absburgs8> In realms *here pol g n *as religiousl sanctioned1 comple' s stems of tiered concubinage *ere essential to the integration of the realm8 In fact1 ro al lineages often deri&ed their prestige1 aside from an aura of di&init 1 from1 shall *e sa 1 miscegenationH96 For such D9"E mi'tures *ere signs of a superordinate status8 It is characteristic that there has not been an >English> d nast ruling in +ondon since the ele&enth centur ;if then=J and *hat >nationalit > are *e to assign to the BourbonsH9: During the se&enteenth centur 1 ho*e&er 7 for reasons that need not detain us here 7 the automatic legitimac of sacral monarch began its slo* decline in 2estern Europe8 In "(6#1 Charles Stuart *as beheaded in the first of the modern *orld>s re&olutions1 and during the "(:4s one of the more important European states *as ruled b a plebeian <rotector rather than a ,ing8 5et e&en in the age of <ope and Addison1 Anne Stuart *as still healing the sic, b the la ing on of ro al hands1 cures committed also b the Bourbons1 +ouis L! and L!I1 in Enlightened France till the end of the ancien regime.B6 But after "C$# the principle of +egitimac had to be loudl and selfconsciousl defended1 and1 in the process1 >monarch >became a semi7standardiBed model8 Tenn: and Son of 3ea&en became >Emperors8> In far7off Siam Rama ! ;Chulalong,orn= sent his sons and nephe*s to the courts of St8 <etersburg1 +ondon and Berlin to learn the intricacies of the *orld7model8 In "$$C1 he instituted the reGuisite principle of succession7b 7legal7primogeniture1 thus bringing Siam >into line *ith the Kci&iliBedK monarchies of Europe8>9C The ne* s stem brought to the throne in "#"4 an erratic homose'ual *ho *ould certainl ha&e been passed o&er in an earlier age8 3o*e&er1 inter7monarchic appro&al of his ascension as Rama !I *as sealed b the attendance at his coronation of princelings from Britain1 Russia1 ?reece1 S*eden1 Denmar, @ and AapanQ9$ D99E As late as "#"61 d nastic states made up the maForit of the membership of the *orld political s stem1 but1 as *e shall be noting in detail belo*1 man d nasts had for some time been reaching for a >national> cachet as the old principle of +egitimac *ithered silentl a*a 8 2hile the armies of Frederic, the ?reat ;r8 "C647"C$(= *ere hea&il staffed b >foreigners>1 those of his great7nephe* Friedrich 2ilhelm III ;r8 "C#C7"$64= *ere1 as a result of Scharnhorst>s1 ?neisenau>s and Clause*itB>s spectacular reforms1 e'clusi&el >national7 <russian8 >9#

A<<RE3ENSIONS OF TI0E
It *ould be short7sighted1 ho*e&er1 to thin, of the imagined communities of nations as simpl gro*ing out of and replacing religious communities and d nastic realms8 Beneath the decline of sacred communities1 languages and lineages1 a fundamental change *as ta,ing place in modes of apprehending the *orld1 *hich1 more than an thing else1 made it possible

to >thin,> the nation8 To get a feeling for this change1 one can profitabl turn to the &isual representations of the sacred communities1 such as the reliefs and stained7glass *indo*s of mediae&al churches1 or the paintings of earl Italian and Flemish masters8 A characteristic feature of such representations is something misleadingl analogous to >modern dress>8 The shepherds *ho ha&e follo*ed the star to the manger *here Christ is born bear the features of Burgundian peasants8 The !irgin 0ar is figured as a Tuscan merchant>s daughter8 In man paintings the commissioning patron1 in full burgher or noble costume1 appears ,neeling in adoration alongside the shepherds8 2hat seems incongruous toda ob&iousl appeared *holl natural to the e es of mediae&al *orshippers8 2e are faced *ith a *orld in D9%E *hich the figuring of imagined realit *as o&er*helmingl &isual and aural8 Christendom assumed its uni&ersal form through a m riad of specificities and particularities/ this relief1 that *indo*1 this sermon1 that tale1 this moralit pla 1 that relic8 2hile the trans7European +atin7reading cleris *as one essential element in the structuring of the Christian imagination1 the mediation of its conceptions to the illiterate masses1 b &isual and aural creations1 al*a s personal and particular1 *as no less &ital8 The humble parish priest1 *hose forebears and frailties e&er one *ho heard his celebrations ,ne*1 *as still the direct intermediar bet*een his parishioners and the di&ine8 This Fu'taposition of the cosmic7uni&ersal and the mundane7particular meant that ho*e&er &ast Christendom might be1 and *as sensed to be1 it manifested itself vario sl0 to particular S*abian or Andalusian communities as replications of themsel&es8 Figuring the !irgin 0ar *ith >Semitic> features or >first7centur > costumes in the restoring spirit of the modern museum *as unimaginable because the mediae&al Christian mind had no conception of histor as an endless chain of cause and effect or of radical separations bet*een past and present8%4 Bloch obser&es that people thought the must be near the end of time1 in the sense that Christ>s second coming could occur at an moment/ St8 <aul had said that >the da of the +ord cometh li,e a thief in the night8> It *as thus natural for the great t*elfth7centur chronicler Bishop Otto of Freising to refer repeatedl to >*e *ho ha&e been placed at the end of time8> Bloch concludes that as soon as mediae&al men >ga&e themsel&es up to meditation1 nothing *as farther from their thoughts than the prospect of a long future for a oung and &igorous human race8>%" Auerbach gi&es an unforgettable s,etch of this form of consciousness/%9
D96E If an occurrence li,e the sacrifice of Isaac is interpreted as prefiguring the sacrifice of Christ1 so that in the former the latter is as it *ere announced and promised and the latter >fulfills>888 the former1 then a connection is established bet*een t*o e&ents *hich are lin,ed neither temporall nor causall 7a connection *hich it is impossible to establish b reason in the horiBontal dimension 888 It can be established onl if both occurrences are &erticall lin,ed to Di&ine <ro&idence1 *hich alone is able to de&ise such a plan of histor and suppl the ,e to its understanding 888 the here and no* is no longer a mere lin, in an earthl chain of e&ents1 it is sim ltaneo sl0 something *hich has al*a s been1 and *ill be fulfilled in the futureJ and strictl 1 in the e es of ?od1 it is something eternal1 something omnitemporal1 something alread consummated in the realm of fragmentar earthl e&ent8

3e rightl stresses that such an idea of sim ltaneit0 is *holl alien to our o*n8 It &ie*s time as something close to *hat BenFamin calls 0essianic time1 a simultaneit of past and future in an instantaneous present8%% In such a &ie* of things1 the *ord >mean*hile> cannot be of real significance8 Our o*n conception of simultaneit has been a long time in the ma,ing1 and its emergence is certainl connected1 in *a s that ha&e et to be *ell studied1 *ith the de&elopment of the secular sciences8 But it is a conception of such fundamental importance that1 *ithout ta,ing it

full into account1 *e *ill find it difficult to probe the obscure genesis of nationalism8 2hat has come to ta,e the place of the mediae&al conception of simultaneit 7along7time is1 to borro* again from BenFamin1 an idea of >homogeneous1 empt time1> in *hich simultaneit is1 as it *ere1 trans&erse1 cross7time1 mar,ed not b prefiguring and fulfilment1 but b temporal coincidence1 and measured b cloc, and calendar8%6 2h this transformation should be so important for the birth of the imagined communit of the nation can best be seen if *e consider the basic structure of t*o forms of imagining *hich first flo*ered in D9:E Europe in the eighteenth centur / the no&el and the ne*spaper8%: For these forms pro&ided the technical means for >re7presenting> the #ind of imagined communit that is the nation8 Consider first the structure of the old7fashioned no&el1 a structure t pical not onl of the masterpieces of BalBac but also of an contemporar dollar7dreadful8 It is clearl a de&ice for the presentation of simultaneit in >homogeneous1 empt time1> or a comple' gloss upon the *ord >mean*hile>8 Ta,e1 for illustrati&e purposes1 a segment of a simple no&el7plot1 in *hich a man ;A= has a *ife ;B= and a mistress ;C=1 *ho in turn has a lo&er ;D=8 2e might imagine a sort of time7chart for this segment as follo*s/
+ime: Events: I A Guarrels *ith B C and D ma,e lo&e II A telephones C B shops D pla s pool III D gets drun, in a bar A dines at home *ith B C has an ominous dream

Notice that during this seGuence A and D ne&er meet1 indeed ma not e&en be a*are of each other>s e'istence if C has pla ed her cards right8%( 2hat then actuall lin,s A to DH T*o complementar conceptions/ First1 that the are embedded in >societies> ;2esse'1 +iibec,1 +os Angeles=8 These societies are sociological entities of such firm and stable realit that their members ;A and D= can e&en be described as passing each other on the street1 *ithout e&er becoming acGuainted1 and still be connected8%C Second1 that A and D are D9(E embedded in the minds of the omniscient readers8 Onl the 1 li,e ?od1 *atch A telephoning C1 B shopping1 and D pla ing pool all at once. That all these acts are performed at the same cloc,ed1 calendrical time1 but b actors *ho ma be largel una*are of one another1 sho*s the no&elt of this imagined *orld conFured up b the author in his readers> minds8%$ The idea of a sociological organism mo&ing calendricall through homogeneous1 empt time is a precise analogue of the idea of the nation1 *hich also is concei&ed as a solid communit mo&ing steadil do*n ;or up= histor 8%# An American *ill ne&er meet1 or e&en ,no* the names of more than a handful of his 96414447odd fello*7Americans8 3e has no idea of *hat the are up to at an one time8 But he has complete confidence in their stead 1 anon mous1 simultaneous acti&it 8 The perspecti&e I am suggesting *ill perhaps seem less abstract if *e turn to inspect briefl four fictions from different cultures and different epochs1 all but one of *hich1 nonetheless1 are ine'tricabl bound to nationalist mo&ements8 In "$$C1 the >Father of Filipino Nationalism>1 Aose RiBal1 *rote the no&el .oli 6e +angere- *hich toda is regarded as the greatest achie&ement of modern Filipino literature8 It *as also almost the first no&el *ritten b an >Indio8>64 3ere is ho* it mar&ellousl begins/6"
To*ards the end of October1 Don Santiago de los Santos1 popularl ,no*n as Capitan Tiago1 *as gi&ing a dinner part 8 Although1 D9CE contrar to his usual practice1 he had announced it onl that

afternoon1 it *as alread the subFect of e&er con&ersation in Binondo1 in other Guarters of the cit 1 and e&en in Dthe *alled inner cit ofE Intramuros8 In those da s Capitan Tiago had the reputation of a la&ish host8 It *as ,no*n that his house1 li,e his countr 1 closed its doors to nothing1 e'cept to commerce and to an ne* or daring idea8 So the ne*s coursed li,e an electric shoc, through the communit of parasites1 spongers1 and gatecrashers *hom ?od1 in 3is infinite goodness1 created1 and so tenderl multiplies in 0anila8 Some hunted polish for their boots1 others loo,ed for collar7buttons and cra&ats8 But one and all *ere preoccupied *ith the problem of ho* to greet their host *ith the familiarit reGuired to create the appearance of longstanding friendship1 or1 if need be1 to e'cuse themsel&es for not ha&ing arri&ed earlier8 The dinner *as being gi&en at a house on Anloague Street8 Since *e do not recall the street number1 *e shall describe it in such a *a that it ma still be recogniBed 7 that is1 if earthGua,es ha&e not et destro ed it8 2e do not belie&e that its o*ner *ill ha&e had it torn do*n1 since such *or, is usuall left to ?od or to Nature1 *hich1 besides1 holds man contracts *ith our ?o&ernment8

E'tensi&e comment is surel unnecessar 8 It should suffice to note that right from the start the image ;*holl ne* to Filipino *riting= of a dinner7part being discussed b hundreds of unnamed people1 *ho do not ,no* each other1 in Guite different parts of 0anila1 in a particular month of a particular decade1 immediatel conFures up the imagined communit 8 And in the phrase >a house on Anloague StreetK *hich >*e shall describe in such a *a that it ma still be recogniBed1> the *ould7be recogniBers are *e7Filipino7readers8 The casual pro7 gression of this house from the >interior> time of the no&el to the >e'terior> time of the D0anilaE reader>s e&er da life gi&es a h pnotic confirmation of the solidit of a single communit 1 embracing characters1 author and readers1 mo&ing on*ard through calendrical time869 Notice too the tone8 2hile RiBal has not the faintest idea of his D9$E readers> indi&idual identities1 he *rites to them *ith an ironical intimac 1 as though their relationships *ith each other are not in the smallest degree problematic86% Nothing gi&es one a more Foucauldian sense of abrupt discontinuities of consciousness than to compare .oli *ith the most celebrated pre&ious literar *or, b an >Indio>1 Francisco Balagtas ;BaltaBar=>s Pinagdaanang ( ha0 ni *lorante at ni 9a ra sa ,ahariang 'l!ania DThe Stor of Florante and +aura in the .ingdom of AlbaniaE1 the first printed edition of *hich dates from "$("1 though it ma ha&e been composed as earl as "$%$866 For although Balagtas *as still ali&e *hen RiBal *as born1 the *orld of his masterpiece is in e&er basic respect foreign to that of .oli. Its setting @ a fabulous mediae&al Albania @ is utterl remo&ed in time and space from the Binondo of the "$$4s8 Its heroes @ Florante1 a Christian Albanian nobleman1 and his bosom7friend Aladin1 a 0uslim ;>0oro>= <ersian aristocrat @ remind us of the <hilippines onl b the Christian70oro lin,age8 2here RiBal deliberatel sprin,les his Spanish prose *ith Tagalog *ords for >realistic>1 satirical1 or nationalist effect1 Balagtas unselfconsciousl mi'es Spanish phrases into his Tagalog Guatrains simpl to heighten the grandeur and sonorit of his diction8 .oli *as meant to be read1 *hile *lorante at 9a ra *as to be sung aloud8 0ost stri,ing of all is Balagtas>s handling of time8 As +umbera notes1 >the unra&elling of the plot does not follo* a chronological order8 The stor begins in medias res- so that the complete stor comes to us through a series of speeches that ser&e as flashbac,s8>6: Almost half of the %## Guatrains are accounts of Florante>s childhood1 student ears in Athens1 and subseGuent militar e'ploits1 gi&en b the hero in con&ersation *ith D9#E Aladin86( The >spo,en flashbac,> *as for Balagtas the onl alternati&e to a straightfor*ard single7file narrati&e8 If *e learn of Florante>s and Aladin>s >simultaneous> pasts1 the are connected b their con&ersing &oices1 not b the structure of the epic8 3o* distant this techniGue is from that of the no&el/ >In that same spring1 *hile Florante *as still stud ing in Athens1 Aladin *as e'pelled from his so&ereign>s court888> In effect1 it ne&er

occurs to Balagtas to >situate> his protagonists in >societ 1> or to discuss them *ith his audience8 Nor1 aside from the mellifluous flo* of Tagalog pol s llables1 is there much >Filipino> about his te't86C In "$"(1 se&ent ears before the *riting of .oli- Aose AoaGuin FernandeB de +iBardi *rote a no&el called El Peri" illo Sarniento DThe Itching <arrotE1 e&identl the first +atin American *or, in this genre8 In the *ords of one critic1 this te't is >a ferocious indictment of Spanish administration in 0e'ico/ ignorance1 superstition and corruption are seen to be its most notable characteristics8>6$ The essential form of this >nationalist> no&el is indicated b the follo*ing description of its content/6#
From the first1 Dthe hero1 the Itching <arrotE is e'posed to bad influences 7 ignorant maids inculcate superstitions1 his mother indulges his *hims1 his teachers either ha&e no &ocation or no abilit to D%4E discipline him8 And though his father is an intelligent man *ho *ants his son to practise a useful trade rather than s*ell the ran,s of la* ers and parasites1 it is <eriGuillo>s o&er7fond mother *ho *ins the da 1 sends her son to uni&ersit and thus ensures that he *ill learn onl superstitious nonsense 888 <eriGuillo remains incorrigibl ignorant despite man encounters *ith good and *ise people8 3e is un*illing to *or, or ta,e an thing seriousl and becomes successi&el a priest1 a gambler1 a thief1 apprentice to an apothecar 1 a doctor1 cler, in a pro&incial to*n 888 These episodes %ermit the a thor to descri!e hos%itals- %risons- remote villages- monasteries- *hile at the same time dri&ing home one maFor point7 that Spanish go&ernment and the education s stem encourage parasitism and laBiness888 <eriGuillo>s ad&entures se&eral times ta,e him among Indians and Negroes888

3ere again *e see the >national imagination> at *or, in the mo&ement of a solitar hero through a sociological landscape of a fi'it that fuses the *orld inside the no&el *ith the *orld outside8 This picaresGue to r d1horison - hospitals1 prisons1 remote &illages1 monasteries1 Indians1 Negroes 7 is nonetheless not a to rd monde. The horiBon is clearl bounded/ it is that of colonial 0e'ico8 Nothing assures us of this sociological solidit more than the succession of plurals8 For the conFure up a social space full of com%ara!le prisons1 none in itself of an uniGue importance1 but all representati&e ;in their simultaneous1 separate e'istence= of the oppressi&eness of this colon 8:4 ;Contrast prisons in the Bible8 The are ne&er imagined as t0%ical of this or that societ 8 Each1 li,e the one *here Salome *as be*itched b Aohn the Baptist1 is magicall alone8= Finall 1 to remo&e the possibilit that1 since RiBal and +iBardi both *rote in Spanish1 the frame*or,s *e ha&e been stud ing are someho* >European>1 here is the opening of Semarang Citam DBlac, SemarangE1 a tale b the ill7fated oung Indonesian communist7 nationalist 0as 0arco .artodi,romo1:" published seriall in "#96/:9
$31& It :as Co 1cloc#- Sat rda0 eveningD oung people in Semarang ne&er sta ed at home on Saturda night8 On this night ho*e&er nobod *as about8 Because the hea& da 7long rain had made the roads *et and &er slipper 1 all had sta ed at home8 For the *or,ers in shops and offices Saturda morning *as a time of anticipation 7 anticipating their leisure and the fun of *al,ing around the cit in the e&ening1 but on this night the *ere to be disappointed 7 because of letharg caused b the bad *eather and the stic, roads in the ,ampungs8 The main roads usuall crammed *ith all sorts of traffic1 the footpaths usuall teeming *ith people1 all *ere deserted8 No* and then the crac, of a horse7cab>s *hip could be heard spurring a horse on its *a 7 or the clip7clop of horses> hoo&es pulling carriages along8 Semarang *as deserted8 The light from the ro*s of gas lamps shone straight do*n on the shining asphalt road8 Occasionall the clear light from the gas lamps *as dimmed as the *ind ble* from the east8888

A oung man *as seated on a long rattan lounge reading a ne*spaper8 3e *as totall engrossed8 3is occasional anger and at other times smiles *ere a sure sign of his deep interest in the stor 8 3e turned the pages of the ne*spaper1 thin,ing that perhaps he could find something that *ould stop him feeling so miserable8 All of a sudden he came upon an article entitled/ <ROS<ERIT5 A destitute &agrant became ill and died on the side of the road from e'posure8 The oung man *as mo&ed b this brief report8 3e could Fust imagine the suffering of the poor soul as he la d ing on the side of the road 888 One moment he felt an e'plosi&e anger *ell up inside8 Another moment he felt pit 8 5et another moment his anger *as directed at D%9E the social s stem *hich ga&e rise to such po&ert 1 *hile ma,ing a small group of people *ealth 8

3ere1 as in El Peri" illo Sarniento- *e are in a *orld of plurals/ shops1 offices1 carriages1 ,ampungs1 and gas lamps8 As in the case of .oli- *e7the7Indonesian7readers are plunged immediatel into calendrical time and a familiar landscapeJ some of us ma *ell ha&e *al,ed those >stic, > Semarang roads8 Once again1 a solitar hero is Fu'taposed to a socioscape described in careful1 general detail8 But there is also something ne*/ a hero *ho is ne&er named1 but *ho is freGuentl referred to as 1o r oung man>8 <recisel the clumsiness and literar nai&et of the te't confirm the unselfconscious >sincerit > of this pronominal adFecti&e8 Neither 0arco nor his readers ha&e an doubts about the reference8 If in the Focular7sophisticated fiction of eighteenth7 and nineteenth7centur Europe the trope >our hero> merel underlines an authorial pla *ith a;n = reader1 0arco>s >our oung man1> not least in its no&elt 1 means a oung man *ho belongs to the collecti&e bod of readers of Indonesianand thus1 implicitl 1 an embr onic Indonesian >imagined communit 8> Notice that 0arco feels no need to specif this communit b name/ it is alread there8 ;E&en if pol lingual Dutch colonial censors could Foin his readership1 the are e'cluded from this >ourness1> as can be seen from the fact that the oung man>s anger is directed at >the1> not >our1> social s stem8= Finall 1 the imagined communit is confirmed b the doubleness of our reading about our oung man reading8 3e does not find the corpse of the destitute &agrant b the side of a stic, Semarang road1 but imagines it from the print in a ne*spaper8:% Nor does he care the slightest *ho the dead &agrant indi&iduall *as/ he thin,s of the representati&e bod 1 not the personal life8 It is fitting that in Semarang Citam a ne*spaper appears embedded D%%E in fiction1 for1 if *e no* turn to the ne*spaper as cultural product1 *e *ill be struc, b its profound ficti&eness8 2hat is the essential literar con&ention of the ne*spaperH If *e *ere to loo, at a sample front page of1 sa 1 +he .e: Eor# +imes- *e might find there stories about So&iet dissidents1 famine in 0ali1 a gruesome murder1 a coup in IraG1 the disco&er of a rare fossil in Mimbab*e1 and a speech b 0itterrand8 2h are these e&ents so Fu'taposedH 2hat connects them to each otherH Not sheer caprice8 5et ob&iousl most of them happen independentl 1 *ithout the actors being a*are of each other or of *hat the others are up to8 The arbitrariness of their inclusion and Fu'taposition ;a later edition *ill substitute a baseball triumph for 0itterrand= sho*s that the lin,age bet*een them is imagined8 This imagined lin,age deri&es from t*o obliGuel related sources8 The first is simpl calendrical coincidence8 The date at the top of the ne*spaper1 the single most important emblem on it1 pro&ides the essential connection 7 the stead on*ard cloc,ing of homogeneous1 empt time8:6 2ithin that time1 >the *orld> ambles sturdil ahead8 The sign for this/ if 0ali disappears from the pages of +he .e: Eor# +imes after t*o da s of famine reportage1 for months on end1 readers do not for a moment imagine that 0ali has disappeared

or that famine has *iped out all its citiBens8 The no&elistic format of the ne*spaper assures them that some*here out there the >character> 0ali mo&es along Guietl 1 a*aiting its ne't reappearance in the plot8 The second source of imagined7lin,age lies in the relationship bet*een the ne*spaper1 as a form of boo,1 and the mar,et8 It has been estimated that in the 647odd ears bet*een the publication of the ?utenberg Bible and the close of the fifteenth centur 1 more than 9414441444 printed &olumes *ere produced in Europe8:: Bet*een ":44 and "(441 the number manufactured had reached bet*een D%6E ":414441444 and 944144414448:( >From earl on888 the printing shops loo,ed more li,e modern *or,shops than the monastic *or,rooms of the 0iddle Ages8 In "6::1 Fust and Schoeffer *ere alread running a business geared to standardised production1 and t*ent ears later large printing concerns *ere operating e&er *here in all DsicE Europe8>:C In a rather special sense1 the boo, *as the first modern7st le mass7produced industrial commodit 8:$ The sense I ha&e in mind can be sho*n if *e compare the boo, to other earl industrial products1 such as te'tiles1 bric,s1 or sugar8 For these commodities are meas red in mathematical amounts ;pounds or loads or pieces=8 A pound of sugar is simpl a Guantit 1 a con&enient load1 not an obFect in itself8 The boo,1 ho*e&er7and here it prefigures the durables of our time 7 is a distinct1 self7contained obFect1 e'actl reproduced on a large scale8:# One pound of sugar flo*s into the ne'tJ each boo, has its o*n eremitic self7sufficienc 8 ;Small *onder that libraries1 personal collections of mass7 produced commodities1 *ere alread a familiar sight1 in urban centres li,e <aris1 b the si'teenth centur 8=(4 In this perspecti&e1 the ne*spaper is merel an >e'treme form> of the boo,1 a boo, sold on a colossal scale1 but of ephemeral popularit 8 D%:E 0ight *e sa / one7da best7sellersH(" The obsolescence of the ne*spaper on the morro* of its printing 7 curious that one of the earlier mass7produced commodities should so prefigure the inbuilt obsolescence of modern durables7nonetheless1 for Fust this reason1 creates this e'traordinar mass ceremon / the almost precisel simultaneous consumption ;>imagining>= of the ne*spaper7as7fiction8 2e ,no* that particular morning and e&ening editions *ill o&er*helmingl be consumed bet*een this hour and that1 onl on this da 1 not that8 ;Contrast sugar1 the use of *hich proceeds in an uncloc,ed1 continuous flo*J it ma go bad1 but it does not go out of date8= The significance of this mass ceremon 7 3egel obser&ed that ne*spapers ser&e modern man as a substitute for morning pra ers 7 is parado'ical8 It is performed in silent pri&ac 1 in the lair of the s,ull8(9 5et each communicant is *ell a*are that the ceremon he performs is being replicated simultaneousl b thousands ;or millions= of others of *hose e'istence he is confident1 et of *hose identit he has not the slightest notion8 Furthermore1 this ceremon is incessantl repeated at dail or half7dail inter&als throughout the calendar8 2hat more &i&id figure for the secular1 historicall cloc,ed1 imagined communit can be en&isionedH(% At the same time1 the ne*spaper reader1 obser&ing e'act replicas of his o*n paper being consumed b his sub*a 1 barbershop1 or residential neighbours1 is continuall reassured that the imagined *orld is &isibl rooted in D%(E e&er da life8 As *ith .oli 6e +angere- fiction seeps Guietl and continuousl into realit 1 creating that remar,able confidence of communit in anon mit *hich is the hallmar, of modern nations8 Before proceeding to a discussion of the specific origins of nationalism1 it ma be useful to recapitulate the main propositions put for*ard thus far8 Essentiall 1 I ha&e been arguing that the &er possibilit of imagining the nation onl arose historicall *hen1 and *here1 three fundamental cultural conceptions1 all of great antiGuit 1 lost their a'iomatic grip on men>s minds8 The first of these *as the idea that a particular script7language offered pri&ileged access to ontological truth1 precisel because it *as an inseparable part of that truth8 It *as this idea that called into being the great transcontinental sodalities of Christendom1 the

Islamic -mmah1 and the rest8 Second *as the belief that societ *as naturall organiBed around and under high centres 7monarchs *ho *ere persons apart from other human beings and *ho ruled b some form of cosmological ;di&ine= dispensation8 3uman lo alties *ere necessaril hierarchical and centripetal because the ruler1 li,e the sacred script1 *as a node of access to being and inherent in it8 Third *as a conception of temporalit in *hich cosmolog and histor *ere indistinguishable1 the origins of the *orld and of men essentiall identical8 Combined1 these ideas rooted human li&es firml in the &er nature of things1 gi&ing certain meaning to the e&er da fatalities of e'istence ;abo&e all death1 loss1 and ser&itude= and offering1 in &arious *a s1 redemption from them8 The slo*1 une&en decline of these interlin,ed certainties1 first in 2estern Europe1 later else*here1 under the impact of economic change1 >disco&eries> ;social and scientific=1 and the de&elopment of increasingl rapid communications1 dro&e a harsh *edge bet*een cosmolog and histor 8 No surprise then that the search *as on1 so to spea,1 for a ne* *a of lin,ing fraternit 1 po*er and time meaningfull together8 Nothing perhaps more precipitated this search1 nor made it more fruitful1 than print7capitalism1 *hich made it possible for rapidl gro*ing numbers of people to thin, about themsel&es1 and to relate themsel&es to others1 in profoundl ne* *a s8
"8 The ancient ?ree,s had cenotaphs1 but for specific1 ,no*n indi&iduals *hose bodies1 for one reason or another1 could not be retrie&ed for regular burial8 I o*e this information to m B Bantinist colleague Audith 3errin8 98 Consider1 for e'ample1 these remar,able tropes/ "8 >The long gre line has ne&er failed us8 2ere ou to do so1 a million ghosts in oli&e drab1 in bro*n ,ha,i1 in blue and gre 1 *ould rise from their *hite crosses1 thundering those magic *ords/ Dut 1 honour1 countr 8> 98 >0 estimate of Dthe American man7at7armsE *as formed on the battlefield man 1 man ears ago1 and has ne&er changed8 I regarded him then1 as I regard him no*1 as one of the *orld>s noblest figuresJ not onl as one of the finest militar characters1 but also as one of the most stainless DsicE8888 3e belongs to histor as furnishing one of the greatest e'amples of successful patriotism DsicE8 3e belongs to posterit as the instructor of future generations in the principles of libert and freedom8 3e belongs to the present1 to us1 b his &irtues and his achie&ements8> Douglas 0acArthur1 >Dut 1 3onour1 Countr 1> Address to the -8S8 0ilitar Academ 1 2est <oint1 0a "91 "#(91 in his ' Soldier S%ea#s- pp8 %:6 and %:C8 %8 Cf8 Regis Debra 8 >0ar'ism and the National Nuestion1> .e: 9eft Revie:- "4: ;September7October "#CC=1 p8 9#8 In the course of doing field*or, in Indonesia in the "#(4s I *as struc, b the calm refusal of man 0uslims to accept the ideas of Dar*in8 At first I interpreted this refusal as obscurantism8 SubseGuentl I came to see it as an honourable attempt to be consistent/ the doctrine of e&olution *as simpl not compatible *ith the teachings of Islam8 2hat are *e to ma,e of a scientific materialism *hich formall accepts the findings of ph sics about matter1 et ma,es so little effort to lin, these findings *ith the class struggle1 re&olution1 or *hate&er8 Does not the ab ss bet*een protons and the proletariat conceal an unac,no*ledged metaph sical conception of manH But see the refreshing te'ts of Sebastiano Timpanaro1 2n 6aterialism and +he *re dian Sli%- and Ra mond 2illiams>thoughtful response to them in >Timpanaro>s 0aterialist Challenge1K .e: 9eft Revie:- "4# ;0a 7Aune "#C$=1 pp8 %7"C8 68 The late <resident Su,arno al*a s spo,e *ith complete sincerit of the %:4 ears of colonialism that his >Indonesia> had endured1 although the &er concept >Indonesia> is a t*entieth7centur in&ention1 and most of toda >s Indonesia *as onl conGuered b the Dutch bet*een "$:4 and "#"48 <reeminent among contemporar Indonesia>s national heroes is the earl nineteenth7centur Aa&anese <rince Diponegoro1 although the <rince>s o*n memoirs sho* that he intended to >conGuer Dnot liberateQEAT%fd1> rather than e'pel >the Dutch8>Indeed1 he clearl had no concept of >the Dutch> as a collecti&it 8 See 3arr A8 Benda and Aohn A8 +ar,in1 eds81 +he 3orld of So theast 'sia- p8 ":$J and Ann.umar1 >Diponegoro;"CC$H7"$::=1> Indonesia- "% ;April "#C9=1 p8 "4%8 Emphasis added8 Similarl 1 .emal Atatiir, named one of his state ban,s the Eti Ban,a ;3ittite Ban,= and another the Sumerian Ban,8 ;Seton72atson1 .ations and States- p8 9:#=8 These ban,s flourish toda 1 and there is no reason to doubt that man Tur,s1 possibl not e'cluding .emal himself1 seriousl sa*1 and see1 in the 3ittites and Sumerians their Tur,ish forebears8 Before laughing too hard1 *e should remaind oursel&es of Arthur and Boadicea1 and ponder the commercial success of Tol,ien>s m thographies8 :8 3ence the eGuanimit *ith *hich SiniciBed 0ongols and 0anchus *ere accepted as Sons of 3ea&en8

(8 Aohn + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- 15F5-15B6- p8 9(48 Emphasis added8 C8 Church ?ree, seems not to ha&e achie&ed the status of a truth7language8 The reasons for this >failure> are &arious1 but one ,e factor *as certainl the fact that ?ree, remained a living demotic speech ;unli,e +atin= in much of the Eastern Empire8 This insight I o*e to Audith 3errin8 $8 Nicholas Bra,espear held the office of pontiff bet*een "":6 and "":# under the name Adrian I!8 #8 0arc Bloch reminds us that >the maForit of lords and man great barons Din mediae&al timesE *ere administrators incapable of stud ing personall a report or an account8> *e dal Societ0- I- p8 $"8 "48 This is not to sa that the illiterate did not read8 2hat the read1 ho*e&er1 *as not *ords but the &isible *orld8 >In the e es of all *ho *ere capable of reflection the material *orld *as scarcel more than a sort of mas,1 behind *hich too, place all the reall important thingsJ it seemed to them also a language1 intended to e'press b signs a more profound realit 8> Ibid8 p8 $%8 ""8 Erich Auerbach1 6imesis- p8 9$98 "98 0arco <olo1 +he +ravels of 6arco Polo- pp8 ":$7:#8 Emphases added8 Notice that1 though ,issed1 the E&angel is not read8 "%8 +he +ravels of 6arco Polo- p8 ":98 "68 3enri de 0ontesGuieu1 Persian 9etters- p8 $"8 The 9ettres Persanes first appeared in "C9"8 ":8 Bloch1 *e dal Societ0- I1 p8 CC8 Emphasis added8 "(8 +ucien Feb&re and 3enri7Aean 0artin1 +he ,oming of the (oo#- pp8 96$76#8 "C8 Ibid81 p8 %9"8 "$8 Ibid81 p8 %%48 "#8 Ibid81 pp8 %%"7%98 948 Ibid81 pp8 9%97%%8 The original French is more modest and historicall e'act/ >Tandis Gue Ton edite de moins en moins d>ou&rages en latin1 et une proportion touFours plus grande de te'tes en langue nationale1 le commerce du li&re se morcelle en Europe8> 91'%%arition d 9ivre- p8 %:(8 9"8 Notice the displacement in rulers> nomenclature that corresponds to this transformation8 Schoolchildren remember monarchs b their first names ;*hat :as 2illiam the ConGueror>s surnameH=1 presidents b their last ;*hat :as Ebert>s Christian nameH=8 In a *orld of citiBens1 all of *hom are theoreticall eligible for the presidenc 1 the limited pool of >ChristianU names ma,es them inadeGuate as specif ing designators8 In monarchies1 ho*e&er1 *here rule is reser&ed for a single surname1 it is necessaril >Christian>names1 *ith numbers1 or sobriGuets1 that suppl the reGuisite distinctions8 998 2e ma here note in passing that Nairn is certainl correct in describing the "C4C Act of -nion bet*een England and Scotland as a >patrician bargain1> in the sense that the union>s architects *ere aristocratic politicians8 ;See his lucid discussion in +he (rea#- % of (ritain- pp8 "%(f=8 Still1 it is difficult to imagine such a bargain being struc, bet*een the aristocracies of t*o republics8 The conception of a -nited Gingdom *as surel the crucial mediating element that made the deal possible8 9%8 Oscar AasBi1 +he )issol tion of the Ca!s! rg 6onarch0- p8 %68 968 0ost notabl in pre7modern Asia8 But the same principle *as at *or, in monogamous Christian Europe8 In "#"41 one Otto Forst put out his 'hnentafel Seiner Gaiserlichen nd Gcniglichen Coheit des d rchla chtigsten Cern Er8her8ogs *ran8 *erdinand- listing 9146C of the soon7to7be7assassinated Archdu,e>s ancestors8 The included "16$( ?ermans1 "96 French1 "#( Italians1 $# Spaniards1 :9 <oles1 6C Danes1 94 Englishmen)*omen1 as *ell as four other nationalities8 This >curious documentK is cited in ibid81 p8 "%(1 no8 "8 I can not resist Guoting here FranB Aoseph>s *onderful reaction to the ne*s of his erratic heir7apparent>s murder/ >In this manner a superior po*er has restored that order *hich I unfortunatel *as unable to maintain> ;ibid81 <7 "9:=8

9:8 ?ellner stresses the t pical foreignness of d nasties1 but interprets the phenomenon too narro*l / local aristocrats prefer an alien monarch because he *ill not ta,e sides in their internal ri&alries8 +ho ght and ,hange- p8 "%(8
9(8 0arc Bloch1 9es Rois +ha mat rges- pp8 %#4 and %#$7##8 9C8 Noel A8 Batt e1 >The 0ilitar 1 ?o&ernment and Societ in Siam1 "$($7"#"41> <hD thesis1 Cornell "#C61 p8 9C48 9$8 Stephen ?reene1 >Thai ?o&ernment and Administration in the Reign of Rama !I ;"#"47"#9:=1> <hD thesis1 -ni&ersit of +ondon "#C"1 p8 #98 9#8 0ore than "1444 of the C14447$1444 men on the <russian Arm >s officer list in "$4( *ere foreigners8 >0iddle7class <russians *ere outnumbered b foreigners in their o*n arm J this lent colour to the sa ing that <russia *as not a countr that had an arm 1 but an arm that had a countr 8> In "C#$1 <russian reformers had demanded a >reduction b one half of the number of foreigners1 *ho still amounted to about :4S of the pri&ates8888K Alfred !agts1 ' Cistor0 of 6ilitarism- pp8 (6 and $:8 %48 For us1 the idea of >modern dress1> a metaphorical eGui&alencing of past *ith present1 is a bac,handed recognition of their fatal separation8 %"8 Bloch1 *e dal Societ0- I1 pp8 $67$(8 %98 Auerbach1 6imesis- p8 (68 Emphasis added8 Compare St8 Augustine>s description of the Old Testament as >the shado* of Di8e8 cast bac,*ards b E the future8> Cited in Bloch1 *e dal Societ0- I1 p8 #48 %%8 2alter BenFamin1 Ill minations- p8 9(:8 %68 Ibid81 p8 9(%8 So deep7l ing is this ne* idea that one could argue that e&er essential modern conception is based on a conception of >mean*hile>8 %:8 2hile the Princesse de ,leves had alread appeared in "(C$1 the era of Richardson1 Defoe and Fielding is the earl eighteenth centur 8 The origins of the modern ne*spaper lie in the Dutch gaBettes of the late se&enteenth centur J but the ne*spaper onl became a general categor of printed matter after "C448 Feb&re and 0artin1 +he ,oming of the (oo#- p8 "#C8 %(8 Indeed1 the plot>s grip ma0 de%end at Times I1 II1 and III on A1 B1 C and D not ,no*ing *hat the others are up to8 %C8 This pol phon decisi&el mar,s off the modern no&el e&en from so brilliant a forerunner as <etronius>s Sat0ricon. Its narrati&e proceeds single file8 If Encolpius be*ails his oung lo&er>s faithlessness1 *e are not simultaneousl sho*n ?ito in bed *ith Asc ltus8 %$8 In this conte't it is re*arding to compare an historical no&el *ith documents or narrati&es from the period fictionaliBed8 %#8 Nothing better sho*s the immersion of the no&el in homogeneous1 empt time than the absence of those prefator genealogies1 often ascending to the origin of man1 *hich are so characteristic a feature of ancient chronicles1 legends1 and hol boo,s8 648 RiBal *rote this no&el in the colonial language ;Spanish=1 *hich *as then the lingua franca of the ethnicall di&erse Eurasian and nati&e elites8 Alongside the no&el appeared also for the first time a >nationalist> press1 not onl in Spanish but in such >ethnic> languages as Tagalog and Ilocano8 See +eopoldo 58 5abes1 >The 0odern +iterature of the <hilippines1> pp8 9$C7%491 in <ierre7 Bernard +afont and Den s +ombard ;eds=1 9iterat res ,ontem%oraines de I1'sie d S d-Est. 6"8 Aose RiBal1 .oli 6e +angere ;0anila/ Institute Nacional de 3istoria1 "#C$=1 p8 "8 0 translation8 At the time of the original publication of Imagined ,omm nities- I had no command of Spanish1 and *as thus un*ittingl led to rel on the instructi&el corrupt translation of +eon 0aria ?uerrero8 698 Notice1 for e'ample1 RiBal>s subtle shift1 in the same sentence1 from the past tense of >created> Hcrio@ to the all7of7us7together present tense of >multiplies> Hm lti%lica@. 6%8 The ob&erse side of the readers> anon mous obscurit *as)is the author>s immediate celebrit 8 As *e shall see1 this obscurit )celebrit has e&er thing to do *ith the spread of print7capitalism8 As earl as ":#% energetic Dominicans had published in 0anila the )octrina ,hristiana. But for centuries thereafter print remained under tight ecclesiastical control8 +iberaliBation onl began in the "$(4s8 See Bien&enido +8 +umbera1 +agalog Poetr0 1I4F-1595- +radition and Infl ences in its )evelo%ment- pp8 %:1 #%8 668 Ibid81 p8 "":8 6:8 Ibid81 p8 "948 6(8 The techniGue is similar to that of 3omer1 so abl discussed b Auerbach1 6imesis- ch8 " ;>Od sseus> Scar>=8 6C8><aalam Albaniang pinamama anan ng casama1 t1 lupit1 bangis caliluhan1 acong tangulan mo1 i1 cusa mang pinata sa i o1 i1 malaGui ang panghihina ang8>

>Fare*ell1 Albania1 ,ingdom no* of e&il1 cruelt 1 brutishness and deceitQ I1 our defender1 *hom ou no* murder Ne&ertheless lament the fate that has befallen ou8> This famous stanBa has sometimes been interpreted as a &eiled statement of Filipino patriotism1 but +umbera con&incingl sho*s such an interpretation to be an anachronistic gloss8 +agalog Poetr0- p8 "9:8 The translation is +umbera>s8 I ha&e slightl altered his Tagalog te't to conform to a "#C% edition of the poem based on the "$(" imprint8 6$8 Aean Franco1 'n Introd ction to S%anish-'merican 9iterat re- p8 %68 6#8 Ibid81 pp8 %:7%(8 Emphasis added8 :48 This mo&ement of a solitar hero through an adamantine social landscape is t pical of man earl ;anti7=colonial no&els8 :"8 After a brief1 meteoric career as a radical Fournalist1 0arco *as interned b the Dutch colonial authorities in Bo&en Digul1 one of the *orld>s earliest concentration camps1 deep in the interior s*amps of *estern Ne* ?uinea8 There he died in "#%91 after si' ears confinement8 3enri Chambert7+oir1 >0as 0arco .artodi,romo ;c8 "$#47"#%9= ou D8>Education <olitiGue1> p8 94$1 in 9itterat res con-tem%oraines de I1'sie d S d-Est. A brilliant recent full7length account of 0arco>s career can be found in Ta,ashi Shiraishi1 'n 'ge in 6otion: Po% lar Radicalism in Java- 191B-19B6- chapters 97: and $8 :98 As translated b <aul Tic,ell in his +hree Earl0 Indonesian Short Stories !0 6as 6arco Gartodi#romo Hc. 159F-193B@- p8 C8 Emphasis added8 :%8 In "#961 a close friend and political all of 0arco published a no&el titled Rasa 6erdi#a DFeeling Free)The Feel of FreedomE8 Of the hero of this no&el ;*hich he *rongl attributes to 0arco= Chambert7+oir *rites that >he has no idea of the meaning of the *ord KsocialismK/ nonetheless he feels a profound malaise in the face of the social organiBation that surrounds him and he feels the need to enlarge his horiBons b t*o methods/ travel and reading.1 ;>0as 0arco>1 p8 94$8 Emphasis added8= The Itching <arrot has mo&ed to Aa&a and the t*entieth centur 8 :68 Reading a ne*spaper is li,e reading a no&el *hose author has abandoned an thought of a coherent plot8 ::8 Feb&re and 0artin1 +he ,oming of the (oo#- p8 "$(8 This amounted to no less than %:1444 editions produced in no fe*er than 9%( to*ns8 As earl as "6$41 presses e'isted in more than ""4 to*ns1 of *hich :4 *ere in toda >s Ital 1 %4 in ?erman 1 # in France1 $ each in 3olland and Spain1 : each in Belgium and S*itBerland1 6 in England1 9 in Bohemia1 and " in <oland8 >From that date it ma be said of Europe that the printed boo, *as in uni&ersal use8K ;p8 "$9=8 :(8 Ibid81 p8 9(98 The authors comment that b the si'teenth centur boo,s *ere readil a&ailable to an one *ho could read8 :C8 The great Ant*erp publishing house of <lantin controlled1 earl in the si'teenth centur 1 96 presses *ith more than "44 *or,ers in each shop8 Ibid81 p8 "9:8 :$8 This is one point solidl made amidst the &agaries of 0arshall 0c+uhan>s K ten!erg Kalax0 ;p8 "9:=8 One might add that if the boo, mar,et *as d*arfed b the mar,ets in other commodities1 its strategic role in the dissemination of ideas nonetheless made it of central importance to the de&elopment of modern Europe8 :#8 The principle here is more important than the scale8 -ntil the nineteenth centur 1 editions *ere still relati&el small8 E&en +uther>s Bible1 an e'traordinar best7seller1 had onl a 614447cop first edition8 The unusuall large first edition of Diderot>s Enc0clo%edic numbered no more than 619:48 The a&erage eighteenth7centur run *as less than 914448 Feb&re and 0artin1 +he ,oming of the (oo#- pp8 9"$7948 At the same time1 the boo, *as al*a s distinguishable from other durables b its inherentl limited mar,et8 An one *ith mone can bu CBech carsJ onl CBech7readers *ill bu CBech7language boo,s8 The importance of this distinction *ill be considered belo*8 (48 Furthermore1 as earl as the late fifteenth centur the !enetian publisher Aldus had pioneered the portable >poc,et edition8K ("8 As the case of Semarang Citatn sho*s1 the t*o ,inds of best7sellers used to be more closel lin,ed than the are toda 8 Dic,ens too serialiBed his popular no&els in popular ne*spapers8 (98 ><rinted materials encouraged silent adherence to causes *hose ad&ocates could not be located in an one parish and *ho addressed an in&isible public from afar8> EliBabeth +8 Eisenstein1 >Some ConFectures about the Impact of <rinting on 2estern Societ and Thought1 1Jo rnal of 6odem Cistor0- 64/ " ;0arch "#($=1 p8 698 (%8 2riting of the relationship bet*een the material anarch of middle7class societ and an abstract political state7order1 Nairn obser&es that >the representati&e mechanism con&erted real class ineGualit into the abstract egalitarianism of citiBens1 indi&idual egotisms into an impersonal collecti&e *ill1 *hat *ould other*ise be chaos into a ne* state legitimac 8> +he (rea#- % of (ritain- p8 968 No doubt8 But the representati&e mechanism ;electionsH= is a rare and mo&eable feast8 The generation of the impersonal *ill is1 I thin,1 better sought in the diurnal regularities of the imagining life8

%8 The Origins of National Consciousness

D%CE If the de&elopment of print7as7commodit is the ,e to the generation of *holl ne* ideas of simultaneit 1 still1 *e are simpl at the point *here communities of the t pe >horiBontal7secular1 trans&erse7time> become possible8 2h 1 *ithin that t pe1 did the nation become so popularH The factors in&ol&ed are ob&iousl comple' and &arious8 But a strong case can be made for the primac of capitalism8 As alread noted1 at least 9414441444 boo,s had alread been printed b ":441t signalling the onset of BenFamin>s >age of mechanical reproduction8> If manuscript ,no*ledge *as scarce and arcane lore1 print ,no*ledge li&ed b reproducibilit and dissemination89 If1 as Feb&re and 0artin belie&e1 possibl as man as 94414441444 &olumes had been manufactured b "(441 it is no *onder that Francis Bacon belie&ed that print had changed >the appearance and state of the *orld8>% One of the earlier forms of capitalist enterprise1 boo,7publishing D%$E felt all of capitalism>s restless search for mar,ets8 The earl printers established branches all o&er Europe/ >in this *a a &eritable KinternationalK of publishing houses1 *hich ignored national DsicE frontiers1 *as created8>6 And since the ears ":447"::4 *ere a period of e'ceptional European prosperit 1 publishing shared in the general boom8 >0ore than at an other time> it *as >a great industr under the control of *ealth capitalists8>: Naturall 1 >boo,7sellers *ere primaril concerned to ma,e a profit and to sell their products1 and conseGuentl the sought out first and foremost those *or,s *hich *ere of interest to the largest possible number of their con7 temporaries8>( The initial mar,et *as literate Europe1 a *ide but thin stratum of +atin7readers8 Saturation of this mar,et too, about a hundred and fift ears8 The determinati&e fact about +atin7aside from its sacralit 7 *as that it *as a language of bilinguals8 Relati&el fe* *ere born to spea, it and e&en fe*er1 one imagines1 dreamed in it8 In the si'teenth centur the proportion of bilinguals *ithin the total population of Europe *as Guite smallJ &er li,el no larger than the proportion in the *orld>s population toda 1 and 7 proletarian internationalism not*ithstanding 7 in the centuries to come8 Then and no* the bul, of man,ind is monoglot8 The logic of capitalism thus meant that once the elite +atin mar,et *as saturated1 the potentiall huge mar,ets represented b the monoglot masses *ould bec,on8 To be sure1 the Counter7 Reformation encouraged a temporar resurgence of +atin7publishing1 but b the mid7 se&enteenth centur the mo&ement *as in deca 1 and fer&entl Catholic libraries replete8 0eantime1 a Europe7*ide shortage of mone made printers thin, more and more of peddling cheap editions in the &ernaculars8C D%#E The re&olutionar &ernaculariBing thrust of capitalism *as gi&en further impetus b three e'traneous factors1 t*o of *hich contributed directl to the rise of national consciousness8 The first1 and ultimatel the least important1 *as a change in the character of +atin itself8 Than,s to the labours of the 3umanists in re&i&ing the broad literature of pre7 Christian antiGuit and spreading it through the print7mar,et1 a ne* appreciation of the sophisticated st listic achie&ements of the ancients *as apparent among the trans7European intelligentsia8 The +atin the no* aspired to *rite became more and more Ciceronian1 and1 b the same to,en1 increasingl remo&ed from ecclesiastical and e&er da life8 In this *a it acGuired an esoteric Gualit Guite different from that of Church +atin in mediae&al times8 For the older +atin *as not arcane because of its subFect matter or st le1 but simpl because it *as *ritten at all1 i8e8 because of its status as text. No* it became arcane because of *hat *as *ritten1 because of the language7in7itself8 Second *as the impact of the Reformation1 *hich1 at the same time1 o*ed much of its

success to print7capitalism8 Before the age of print1 Rome easil *on e&er *ar against heres in 2estern Europe because it al*a s had better internal lines of communication than its challengers8 But *hen in ":"C 0artin +uther nailed his theses to the chapel7door in 2ittenberg1 the *ere printed up in ?erman translation1 and >*ithin ": da s Dhad beenE seen in e&er part of the countr 8>$ In the t*o decades ":947":64 three times as man boo,s *ere published in ?erman as in the period ":447":941 an astonishing transformation to *hich +uther *as absolutel central8 3is *or,s represented no less than one third of all ?erman7 language boo,s sold bet*een ":"$ and ":9:8 Bet*een ":99 and ":6(1 a total of 6%4 editions ;*hole or partial= of his Biblical translations appeared8 >2e ha&e here for the first time a trul mass readership and a popular literature *ithin e&er bod >s reach8># In effect1 +uther became the first best7selling author so #no:n. Or1 to put it another *a 1 the first *riter *ho could >sell> his ne: boo,s on the basis of his name8"4 D64E 2here +uther led1 others Guic,l follo*ed1 opening the colossal religious propaganda *ar that raged across Europe for the ne't centur 8 In this titanic >battle for men>s minds>1 <rotestantism *as al*a s fundamentall on the offensi&e1 precisel because it ,ne* ho* to ma,e use of the e'panding &ernacular print7mar,et being created b capitalism1 *hile the Counter7Reformation defended the citadel of +atin8 The emblem for this is the !atican>s Index 9i!ror m Prohi!itor m - to *hich there *as no <rotestant counterpart 7 a no&el catalogue made necessar b the sheer &olume of printed sub&ersion8 Nothing gi&es a better sense of this siege mentalit than Francois I>s panic,ed ":%: ban on the printing of an boo,s in his realm 7 on pain of death b hangingQ The reason for both the ban and its un7 enforceabilit *as that b then his realm>s eastern borders *ere ringed *ith <rotestant states and cities producing a massi&e stream of smugglable print8 To ta,e Cal&in>s ?ene&a alone/ bet*een ":%% and ":64 onl 69 editions *ere published there1 but the numbers s*elled to :9C bet*een "::4 and ":(61 b *hich latter date no less than 64 separate printing7presses *ere *or,ing o&ertime8"" The coalition bet*een <rotestantism and print7capitalism1 e'ploiting cheap popular editions1 Guic,l created large ne* reading publics 7 not least among merchants and *omen1 *ho t picall ,ne* little or no +atin7and simultaneousl mobiliBed them for politico7religious purposes8 Ine&itabl 1 it *as not merel the Church that *as sha,en to its core8 The same earthGua,e produced Europe>s first important non7d nastic1 non7cit states in the Dutch Republic and the Common*ealth of the <uritans8 ;Francois I>s panic *as as much political as religious8= Third *as the slo*1 geographicall une&en1 spread of particular &ernaculars as instruments of administrati&e centraliBation b certain *ell7positioned *ould7be absolutist monarchs8 3ere it is useful to remember that the uni&ersalit of +atin in mediae&al 2estern Europe ne&er corresponded to a uni&ersal political s stem8 The D6"E contrast *ith Imperial China1 *here the reach of the mandarinal bureaucrac and of painted characters largel coincided1 is instructi&e8 In effect1 the political fragmentation of 2estern Europe after the collapse of the 2estern Empire meant that no so&ereign could monopoliBe +atin and ma,e it his7and7onl 7 his language7of7state1 and thus +atin>s religious authorit ne&er had a true political analogue8 The birth of administrati&e &ernaculars predated both print and the religious uphea&al of the si'teenth centur 1 and must therefore be regarded ;at least initiall = as an independent factor in the erosion of the sacred imagined communit 8 At the same time1 nothing suggests that an deep7seated ideological1 let alone proto7national1 impulses underla this &ernaculariBation *here it occurred8 The case of >England> 7 on the north*estern peripher of +atin Europe 7 is here especiall enlightening8 <rior to the Norman ConGuest1 the language of the court1 literar and administrati&e1 *as Anglo7Sa'on8 For the ne't centur and a half &irtuall all ro al

documents *ere composed in +atin8 Bet*een about "944 and "%:4 this state7+atin *as superseded b Norman French8 In the meantime1 a slo* fusion bet*een this language of a foreign ruling class and the Anglo7Sa'on of the subFect population produced Earl English8 The fusion made it possible for the ne* language to ta,e its turn1 after "%(91 as the language of the courts7and for the opening of <arliament8 2 cliffe>s &ernacular man scri%t Bible follo*ed in "%$98"9 It is essential to bear in mind that this seGuence *as a series of>state1>not >national1> languagesJ and that the state concerned co&ered at &arious times not onl toda >s England and 2ales1 but also portions of Ireland1 Scotland and *rance. Ob&iousl 1 huge elements of the subFect populations ,ne* little or nothing of +atin1 Norman French1 or Earl English8"% Not till almost a centur after Earl English>s political enthronement *as +ondon>s po*er s*ept out of >France>8 On the Seine1 a similar mo&ement too, place1 if at a slo*er pace8 D69E As Bloch *ril puts it1 >French1 that is to sa a language *hich1 since it *as regarded as merel a corrupt form of +atin1 too, se&eral centuries to raise itself to literar dignit >1"6 onl became the official language of the courts of Fustice in ":%#1 *hen Francois I issued the Edict of !illers7 Cotterets8": In other d nastic realms +atin sur&i&ed much longer 7 under the 3absburgs *ell into the nineteenth centur 8 In still others1 >foreign> &ernaculars too, o&er/ in the eighteenth centur the languages of the Romano& court *ere French and ?erman8"( In e&er instance1 the >choice> of language appears as a gradual1 unselfconscious1 pragmatic1 not to sa haphaBard de&elopment8 As such1 it *as utterl different form the selfconscious language policies pursued b nineteenth7centur d nasts confronted *ith the rise of hostile popular linguistic7nationalisms8 ;See belo*1 Chapter (=8 One clear sign of the difference is that the old administrati&e languages *ere ; st that: languages used b and for officialdoms for their o*n inner con&enience8 There *as no idea of s stematicall imposing the language on the d nasts> &arious subFect populations8"C Nonetheless1 the ele&ation of these &ernaculars to the status of languages7of7po*er1 *here1 in one sense1 the *ere competitors *ith +atin ;French in <aris1 DEarl E English in +ondon=1 made its o*n contribution to the decline of the imagined communit of Christendom8 At bottom1 it is li,el that the esotericiBation of +atin1 the Reformation1 and the haphaBard de&elopment of administrati&e &ernaculars are significant1 in the present conte't1 primaril in a negati&e sense7in their contributions to the dethronement of +atin8 It is Guite possible to concei&e of the emergence of the ne* imagined national communities *ithout an one1 perhaps all1 of them being present8 2hat1 in a positi&e sense1 made the ne* communities imaginable *as a half7fortuitous1 but e'plosi&e1 interaction bet*een D6%E a s stem of production and producti&e relations ;capitalism=1 a technolog of communications ;print=1 and the fatalit of human linguistic di&ersit 8"$ The element of fatalit is essential8 For *hate&er superhuman feats capitalism *as capable of1 it found in death and languages t*o tenacious ad&ersaries8"# <articular languages can die or be *iped out1 but there *as and is no possibilit of human,ind>s general linguistic unification8 5et this mutual incomprehensibilit *as historicall of onl slight importance until capitalism and print created monoglot mass reading publics8 2hile it is essential to ,eep in mind an idea of fatalit 1 in the sense of a general condition of irremediable linguistic di&ersit 1 it *ould be a mista,e to eGuate this fatalit *ith that common element in nationalist ideologies *hich stresses the primordial fatalit of %artic lar languages and their association *ith %artic lar territorial units8 The essential thing is the inter%la0 bet*een fatalit 1 technolog 1 and capitalism8 In pre7print Europe1 and1 of course1 else*here in the *orld1 the di&ersit of spo,en languages1 those languages that for their

spea,ers *ere ;and are= the *arp and *oof of their li&es1 *as immenseJ so immense1 indeed1 that had print7capitalism sought to e'ploit each potential oral &ernacular mar,et1 it *ould ha&e remained a capitalism of pett proportions8 But these &aried idiolects *ere capable of being assembled1 *ithin definite limits1 into print7languages far fe*er in number8 The &er arbitrariness of an s stem of signs for sounds facilitated the assembling process894 ;At the same time1 the more ideographic the signs1 the &aster the potential D66E assembling Bone8 One can detect a sort of descending hierarch here from algebra through Chinese and English1 to the regular s llabaries of French or Indonesian8= Nothing ser&ed to >assemble> related &ernaculars more than capitalism1 *hich1 *ithin the limits imposed b grammars and s nta'es1 created mechanicall reproduced print7languages capable of dissemination through the mar,et89" These print7languages laid the bases for national consciousnesses in three distinct *a s8 First and foremost1 the created unified fields of e'change and communication belo* +atin and abo&e the spo,en &ernaculars8 Spea,ers of the huge &ariet of Frenches1 Englishes1 or Spanishes1 *ho might find it difficult or e&en impossible to understand one another in con&ersation1 became capable of comprehending one another &ia print and paper8 In the process1 the graduall became a*are of the hundreds of thousands1 e&en millions1 of people in their particular language7field1 and at the same time that onl0 those hundreds of thousands1 or millions1 so belonged8 These fello*7readers1 to *hom the *ere connected through print1 formed1 in their secular1 particular1 &isible in&isibilit 1 the embr o of the nationall imagined communit 8 Second1 print7capitalism ga&e a ne* fi'it to language1 *hich in the long run helped to build that image of antiGuit so central to the subFecti&e idea of the nation8 As Feb&re and 0artin remind us1 the printed boo, ,ept a permanent form1 capable of &irtuall infinite reproduction1 temporall and spatiall 8 It *as no longer subFect to the indi&idualiBing and >unconsciousl moderniBing> habits of monastic scribes8 Thus1 *hile t*elfth7centur French differed mar,edl from that *ritten b !illon in the fifteenth1 the rate of change slo*ed decisi&el in the si'teenth8 >B the "Cth centur languages in Europe had generall assumed their modern forms8>99 To D6:E put it another *a 1 for three centuries no* these stabiliBed print7languages ha&e been gathering a dar,ening &arnishJ the *ords of our se&enteenth7centur forebears are accessible to us in a *a that to !illon his t*elfth7centur ancestors *ere not8 Third1 print7capitalism created languages7of7po*er of a ,ind different from the older administrati&e &ernaculars8 Certain dialects ine&itabl *ere >closer> to each print7language and dominated their final forms8 Their disad&antaged cousins1 still assimilable to the emerging print7language1 lost caste1 abo&e all because the *ere unsuccessful ;or onl relati&el successful= in insisting on their o*n print7form8 >North*estern ?erman> became <latt Deutsch1 a largel spo,en1 thus sub7standard1 ?erman1 because it *as assimilable to print7?erman in a *a that Bohemian spo,en7CBech *as not8 3igh ?erman1 the .ing>s English1 and1 later1 Central Thai1 *ere correspondingl ele&ated to a ne* politico7cultural eminence8 ;3ence the struggles in late7t*entieth7centur Europe b certain >sub7>nationalities to change their subordinate status b brea,ing firml into print7and radio8= It remains onl to emphasiBe that in their origins1 the fi'ing of print7languages and the differentiation of status bet*een them *ere largel unselfconscious processes resulting from the e'plosi&e interaction bet*een capitalism1 technolog and human linguistic di&ersit 8 But as *ith so much else in the histor of nationalism1 once >there1> the could become formal models to be imitated1 and1 *here e'pedient1 consciousl e'ploited in a 0achia&ellian spirit8 Toda 1 the Thai go&ernment acti&el discourages attempts b foreign missionaries to pro&ide its hill7tribe minorities *ith their o*n transcription7s stems and to de&elop publications in

their o*n languages/ the same go&ernment is largel indifferent to *hat these minorities s%ea#. The fate of the Tur,ic7spea,ing peoples in the Bones incorporated into toda >s Tur,e 1 Iran1 IraG1 and the -SSR is especiall e'emplar 8 A famil of spo,en languages1 once e&er *here assemblable1 thus comprehensible1 *ithin an Arabic orthograph 1 has lost that unit as a result of conscious manipulations8 To heighten Tur,ish7Tur,e >s national consciousness at the e'pense of an *ider Islamic identification1 AtatVr, imposed D6(E compulsor romaniBation89% The So&iet authorities follo*ed suit1 first *ith an anti7Islamic1 anti7<ersian compulsor romaniBation1 then1 in Stalin>s "#%4s1 *ith a Russif ing compulsor C rilliciBation896 2e can summariBe the conclusions to be dra*n from the argument thus far b sa ing that the con&ergence of capitalism and print technolog on the fatal di&ersit of human language created the possibilit of a ne* form of imagined communit 1 *hich in its basic morpholog set the stage for the modern nation8 The potential stretch of these communities *as inherentl limited1 and1 at the same time1 bore none but the most fortuitous relationship to e'isting political boundaries ;*hich *ere1 on the *hole1 the high*ater mar,s of d nastic e'pansionisms=8 5et it is ob&ious that *hile toda almost all modern self7concei&ed nations7and also nation7 states7ha&e >national print7languages>1 man of them ha&e these languages in common1 and in others onl a tin fraction of the population >uses> the national language in con&ersation or on paper8 The nation7states of Spanish America or those of the >Anglo7Sa'on famil > are conspicuous e'amples of the first outcomeJ man e'7colonial states1 particularl in Africa1 of the second8 In other *ords1 the concrete formation of contemporar nation7states is b no means isomorphic *ith the determinate reach of particular print7languages8 To account for the discontinuit 7in7connectedness bet*een print7languages1 national consciousness1 and nation7states1 it is necessar to turn to the large cluster of ne* political entities that sprang up in the 2estern hemisphere bet*een "CC( and "$%$1 all of *hich self7consciousl defined themsel&es as nations1 and1 *ith the interesting e'ception of BraBil1 as ;non7d nastic= republics8 For not onl *ere the historicall the first such states to emerge on the *orld stage1 and therefore ine&itabl pro&ided the first real models of *hat such states should >loo, li,e1> but their numbers and contemporar births offer fruitful ground for comparati&e enGuir 8
"8 The population of that Europe *here print *as then ,no*n *as about "44144414448 Feb&re and 0artin1 +he ,oming of the (oo#- pp8 96$76#8 98 Emblematic is 0arco <olo>s +ravels- *hich remained largel un,no*n till its first printing in "::#8 <olo1 +ravels- p8 'iii8 %8 Nuoted in Eisenstein1 >Some ConFectures1> p8 :(8 68 Feb&re and 0artin1 +he ,oming of the (oo#- p8 "998 ;The original te't1 ho*e&er1 spea,s simpl of >par7dessus les frontieres8> 9 1'%%arition- p8 "$68= :8 Ibid81 p8 "$C8 The original te't spea,s of>puissants> ;po*erful= rather than >*ealth > capitalists8 91'%%arition- p8 9$"8 (8 >3ence the introduction of printing *as in this respect a stage on the road to our present societ of mass consumption and standardisation8> Ibid81 pp8 9:#7(48 ;The original te't has >une ci&ilisation de masse et de standardisation1> *hich ma be better rendered >standardised1 mass ci&iliBation8> 91'%%arition- p8 %#6=8 C8 Ibid81 p8 "#:8 $8 Ibid81 pp8 9$#7#48

#8 Ibid81 pp8 9#"7#:8 "48 From this point it *as onl a step to the situation in se&enteenth7centur France *here Corneille1 0oliere1 and +a Fontaine could sell their manuscript tragedies and comedies directl to publishers1 *ho bought them as e'cellent in&estments in &ie* of their authors> mar,et reputations8 Ibid81 p8 "("8 ""8 Ibid81 pp8 %"47":8 "98 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- pp8 9$79#J Bloc,1 *e dal Societ0- I1 p8 C:8 "%8 2e should not assume that administrati&e &ernacular unification *as immediatel or full achie&ed8 It is unli,el that the ?u enne ruled from "68 Bloch1 *e dal Societ0- I1 p8 #$8 ":8 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- p8 6$8 "(8 Ibid81 p8 $%8 "C8 An agreeable confirmation of this point is pro&ided b Francois I1 *ho1 as *e ha&e seen1 banned all printing of boo,s in ":%: and made French the language of his courts four ears laterQ "$8 It *as not the first >accident>of its ,ind8 Feb&re and 0artin note that *hile a &isible bourgeoisie alread e'isted in Europe b the late thirteenth centur 1 paper did not come into general use until the end of the fourteenth8 Onl paper>s smooth plane surface made the mass reproduction of te'ts and pictures possible 7 and this did not occur for still another se&ent 7fi&e ears8 But paper *as not a European in&ention8 It floated in from another histor 7 China>s7 through the Islamic *orld8 +he ,oming of the (oo#- pp8 991 %41 and 6:8 "#8 2e still ha&e no giant multinationals in the *orld of publishing8 948 For a useful discussion of this point1 see S8 38 Steinberg1 *ive C ndred Eears of Printing- chapter :8 That the sign o gh is pronounced differentl in the *ords although1 bough1 lough1 rough1 cough1 and hiccough1 sho*s both the idiolectic &ariet out of *hich the no*7standard spelling of English emerged1 and the ideographic Gualit of the final product8 9"8 I sa >nothing ser&ed 8 88 more than capitalism> ad&isedl 8 Both Steinberg and Eisenstein come close to theomorphiBing >print> " a print as the genius of modern histor 8 Feb&re and 0artin ne&er forget that behind print stand printers and publishing firms8 It is *orth remembering in this conte't that although printing *as in&ented first in China1 possibl :44 ears before its appearance in Europe1 it had no maFor1 let alone re&olutionar impact @ precisel because of the absence of capitalism there8 998 +he ,oming of the (oo#- p8 %"#8 Cf8 91'%%arition- p8 6CC/ >Au L!IIe siecle1 les langues nationales apparaissent un peu partout cristallisees8> 9%8 3ans .ohn1 +he 'ge of .ationalism- p8 "4$8 It is probabl onl fair to add that .emal also hoped thereb to align Tur,ish nationalism *ith the modern1 romaniBed ci&iliBation of 2estern Europe8 968 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- p8 %"C8

68 Creole <ioneers
D6CE The ne* American states of the late eighteenth and earl nineteenth centuries are of unusual interest because it seems almost impossible to e'plain them in terms of t*o factors *hich1 probabl because the are readil deri&able from the mid7centur nationalisms of Europe1 ha&e dominated much pro&incial European thin,ing about the rise of nationalism8 In the first place1 *hether *e thin, of BraBil1 the -SA1 or the former colonies of Spain1 language *as not an element that differentiated them from their respecti&e imperial

metropoles8 All1 including the -SA1 *ere Creole states1 formed and led b people *ho shared a common language and common descent *ith those against *hom the fought8" Indeed1 it is fair to sa that language *as ne&er e&en an issue in these earl struggles for national liberation8 In the second place1 there are serious reasons to doubt the applicabilit in much of the 2estern hemisphere of Nairn>s other*ise persuasi&e thesis that/ The arri&al of nationalism in a distincti&el modern sense *as tied to the political baptism of the lo*er classes888 Although sometimes D6$E hostile to democrac 1 nationalist mo&ements ha&e been in&ariabl populist in outloo, and sought to induct lo*er classes into political life8 In its most t pical &ersion1 this assumed the shape of a restless middle7 class and intellectual leadership tr ing to sit up and channel popular class energies into support for the ne* states89 At least in South and Central America1 European7st le >middle classes> *ere still insignificant at the end of the eighteenth centur 8 Nor *as there much in the *a of an intelligentsia8 For >in those Guiet colonial da s little reading interrupted the statel and snobbish rh thm of men>s li&es8>% As *e ha&e seen1 the first Spanish7American no&el *as published onl in "$"(1 *ell after the *ars for independence had bro,en out8 The e&idence clearl suggests that leadership *as held b substantial lando*ners1 allied *ith a some*hat smaller number of merchants1 and &arious t pes of professional ;la* ers1 militar men1 local and pro&incial functionaries=86 Far from see,ing to >induct the lo*er classes into political life1> one ,e factor initiall spurring the dri&e for independence from 0adrid1 in such important cases as !eneBuela1 0e'ico and <eru1 *as the fear of>lo*er7class> political mobiliBations/ to *it1 Indian or Negro7 sla&e uprisings8: ;This fear onl increased *hen 3egel>s >secretar of the 2orld7Spirit> conGuered Spain in "$4$1 thereb depri&ing the Creoles of peninsular militar bac,up in case of emergenc 8= In <eru1 memories of the great;ac" erie led b Tupac Amarii ;"C647"C$"= *ere still fresh8( In "C#"1 Toussaint +>Ou&erture led an insurrection of blac, sla&es that produced in "$46 the second independent republic in the 2estern hemisphere 7 and terrified the great sla&e7o*ning D6#E planters of !eneBuela8C 2hen1 in "C$#1 0adrid issued a ne*1 more humane1 sla&e la* specif ing in detail the rights and duties of masters and sla&es1 >the Creoles reFected state inter&ention on the grounds that sla&es *ere prone to &ice and independence DQE1 and *ere essential to the econom 8 In !eneBuela 7 indeed all o&er the Spanish Caribbean 7planters resisted the la* and procured its suspension in "C#68>$ The +iberator Boli&ar himself once opined that a Negro re&olt *as >a thousand times *orse than a Spanish in&asion8 ># Nor should *e forget that man leaders of the independence mo&ement in the Thirteen Colonies *ere sla&e7o*ning agrarian magnates8 Thomas Aefferson himself *as among the !irginian planters *ho in the "CC4s *ere enraged b the lo alist go&ernor>s proclamation freeing those sla&es *ho bro,e *ith their seditious masters8"4 It is instructi&e that one reason *h 0adrid made a successful come7bac, in !eneBuela from "$"67"$"( and held remote Nuito until "$94 *as that she *on the support of sla&es in the former1 and of Indians in the latter1 in the struggle against insurgent Creoles8"" 0oreo&er1 the long duration of the continental struggle against Spain1 b then a second7rate European po*er and one itself recentl conGuered1 suggests a certain >social thinness> to these +atin American independence mo&ements8 5et the :ere national independence mo&ements8 Boli&ar came to change his mind about sla&es1"9 and his fello*7liberator San 0artin decreed in "$9" that >in the future the aborigines shall not be called D:4E

Indians or nati&esJ the are children and citi8ens of <eru and the shall be ,no*n as <eru&ians8>"% ;2e might add/ in spite of the fact that as et print7capitalism had not reached these illiterates8= 3ere then is the riddle/ *h *as it precisel creole communities that de&eloped so earl conceptions of their nation7ness 7 :ell !efore most of E ro%e1= 2h did such colonial pro&inces1 usuall containing large1 oppressed1 non7Spanish7spea,ing populations1 produce Creoles *ho consciousl redefined these populations as fello*7nationalsH And Spain1"6 to *hom the *ere1 in so man *a s1 attached1 as an enem alienH 2h did the Spanish7 American Empire1 *hich had e'isted calml for almost three centuries1 Guite suddenl fragment into eighteen separate statesH The t*o factors most commonl adduced in e'planation are the tightening of 0adrid>s control and the spread of the liberaliBing ideas of the Enlightenment in the latter half of the eighteenth centur 8 It is undoubtedl true that the policies pursued b the capable >enlightened despot> Carlos III ;r8 "C:#7"C$$= increasingl frustrated1 angered1 and alarmed the upper creole classes8 In *hat has sometimes sardonicall been called the second conGuest of the Americas1 0adrid imposed ne* ta'es1 made their collection more efficient1 enforced metro7 politan commercial monopolies1 restricted intra7hemispheric trade to its o*n ad&antage1 centraliBed administrati&e hierarchies1 and promoted a hea& immigration of %enins lares.1I 0e'ico1 for e'ample1 in the earl eighteenth centur pro&ided the Cro*n *ith an annual re&enue of about %14441444 pesos8 B the centur >s end1 ho*e&er1 the sum had almost Guintupled to "6144414441 of *hich onl 614441444 *ere used to defra the costs of local administration8"( <arallel to this1 the le&el of peninsular migration b the decade D:"E "C$47 "C#4 *as fi&e times as high as it had been bet*een "C"47"C%48"C There is also no doubt that impro&ing trans7Atlantic communications1 and the fact that the &arious Americas shared languages and cultures *ith their respecti&e metropoles1 meant a relati&el rapid and eas transmission of the ne* economic and political doctrines being produced in 2estern Europe8 The success of the Thirteen Colonies> re&olt at the end of the "CC4s1 and the onset of the French Re&olution at the end of the "C$4s1 did not fail to e'ert a po*erful influence8 Nothing confirms this >cultural re&olution> more than the per&asi&e re% !licanism of the ne*l independent communities8"$ No*here *as an serious attempt made to recreate the d nastic principle in the Americas1 e'cept in BraBilJ e&en there1 it *ould probabl not ha&e been possible *ithout the immigration in "$4$ of the <ortuguese d nast himself1 in flight from Napole>on8 ;3e sta ed there for "% ears1 and1 on returning home1 had his son cro*ned locall as <edro I of BraBil8="# 5et the aggresi&eness of 0adrid and the spirit of liberalism1 *hile central to an understanding of the impulse of resistance in the Spanish Americas1 do not in themsel&es e'plain *h entities li,e Chile1 !eneBuela1 and 0e'ico turned out to be emotionall plausible D:9E and politicall &iable194 nor *h San 0artin should decree that certain aborigines be identified b the neological ><eru&ians8> Nor1 Wultimatel 1 do the account for the real sacrifices made8 For *hile it is certain that the upper Creole classes1 conceived as historical social formations- did nicel out of independence o&er the long haul1 man actual members of those classes living bet*een "$4$ and "$9$ *ere financiall ruined8 ;To ta,e onl one e'ample/ during 0adrid>s counter7offensi&e of "$"67"( >more than t*o7thirds of !eneBuela>s lando*ning families suffered hea& confiscations8K9"= And Fust as man *illingl ga&e up their li&es for the cause8 This *illingness to sacrifice on the part of comfortable classes is food for thought8 2hat thenH The beginnings of an ans*er lie in the stri,ing fact that >each of the ne* South

American republics had been an administrati&e unit from the si'teenth to the eighteenth centur 8>99 In this respect the foreshado*ed the ne* states of Africa and parts of Asia in the mid t*entieth centur 1 and form a sharp contrast to the ne* European states of the late nineteenth and earl t*entieth centuries8 The original shaping of the American administrati&e units *as to some e'tent arbitrar and fortuitous1 mar,ing the spatial limits of particular militar conGuests8 But1 o&er time1 the de&eloped a firmer realit under the influence of geographic1 political and economic factors8 The &er &astnessofthe Spanish American empire1 the enormous &ariet of its soils and climates1 and1 abo&e all1 the immense difficult of communications in a pre7industrial age1 tended to gi&e these units a self7contained character8 ;In the colonial era the sea Fourne from Buenos Aires to Acapulco too, four months1 and the return trip e&en longerJ the o&erland tre, from Buenos Aires to Santiago normall lasted t*o months1 and that to Cartagena nine89%= In addition1 0adrid>s commercial policies had the effect of turning administrati&e units into separate economic Bones8 >All competition D:%E *ith the mother countr *as forbidden the Americans1 and e&en the indi&idual parts of the continent could not trade *ith each other8 American goods en route from one side of America to the other had to tra&el circuitousl through Spanish ports1 and Spanish na&igation had a monopol on trade *ith the colonies8>96 These e'periences help to e'plain *h >one of the basic principles of the American re&olution> *as that of 1 ti %ossidetis b *hich each nation *as to preser&e the territorial status Guo of "$"41 the ear *hen the mo&ement for independence had been inaugurated8>9: Their influence also doubtless contributed to the brea,7up of Boli&ar>s short7li&ed ?ran Colombia and of the -nited <ro&inces of the Rio de la <lata into their older constituents ;*hich toda are ,no*n as !eneBuela7Colombia7Ecuador and Argentina7-rugua 7<aragua 7Boli&ia=8 Nonetheless1 in themselves- mar,et7Bones1 >natural>7geographic or politico7administrati&e1 do not create attachments8 2ho *ill *illingl die for Comecon or the EECH To see ho* administrati&e units could1 o&er time1 come to be concei&ed as fatherlands1 not merel in the Americas but in other parts of the *orld1 one has to loo, at the *a s in *hich administrati&e organiBations create meaning8 The anthropologist !ictor Turner has *ritten illuminatingl about the Fourne >1 bet*een times1 statuses and places1 as a meaning7creating e'perience89( All such Fourne s reGuire interpretation ;for e'ample1 the Fourne from birth to death has gi&en rise to &arious religious conceptions8= For our purposes here1 the modal Fourne is the pilgrimage8 It is not simpl that in the minds of Christians1 0uslims or 3indus the cities of Rome1 0ecca1 or Benares *ere the centres of sacred geographies1 but that their centralit *as e'perienced and D:6E >realiBed> ;in the stagecraft sense= b the constant flo* of pilgrims mo&ing to*ards them from remote and other:ise nrelated localities8 Indeed1 in some sense the outer limits of the old religious communities of the imagination *ere determined b *hich pilgrimages people made89C As noted earlier1 the strange ph sical Fu'taposition of 0ala s1 <ersians1 Indians1 Berbers and Tur,s in 0ecca is something incomprehensible *ithout an idea of their communit in some form8 The Berber encountering the 0ala before the .aaba must1 as it *ere1 as, himself/ >2h is this man doing *hat I am doing1 uttering the same *ords that I am uttering1 e&en though *e can not tal, to one anotherH> There is onl one ans*er1 once one has learnt it/ >Because :e... are 0uslims8> There *as1 to be sure1 al*a s a double aspect to the choreograph of the great religious pilgrimages/ a &ast horde of illiterate &ernacular7spea,ers pro&ided the dense1 ph sical realit of the ceremonial passageJ *hile a small segment of literate bilingual adepts dra*n from each &ernacular communit performed the unif ing rites1 interpreting to their respecti&e follo*ings the meaning of their collecti&e motion89$ In a pre7print age1 the realit of the imagined religious communit depended profoundl on countless1 ceaseless tra&els8 Nothing more impresses one about 2estern Christendom in its he da than the uncoerced flo* of faithful see,ers from all o&er Europe1 through the celebrated >regional centres> of monastic learning1 to Rome8 These great +atin7spea,ing institutions dre* together *hat toda *e *ould perhaps

regard as Irishmen1 Danes1 <ortuguese1 ?ermans1 and so forth1 in communities *hose sacred meaning *as e&er da deciphered from their members> other*ise ine'plicable Fu'taposition in the refector 8 Though the religious pilgrimages are probabl the most touching D::E and grandiose Fourne s of the imagination1 the had1 and ha&e1 more modest and limited secular counterparts89# For our present purposes1 the most important *ere the differing passages created b the rise of absolutiBing monarchies1 and1 e&entuall 1 Europe7centred *orld7imperial states8 The inner thrust of absolutism *as to create a unified apparatus of po*er1 controlled directl b 1 and lo al to1 the ruler over against a decentraliBed1 particularistic feudal nobilit 8 -nification meant internal interchangeabilit of men and documents8 3uman interchangeabilit *as fostered b the recruitment 7 naturall to &ar ing e'tents7of homines novi- *ho1 Fust for that reason1 had no independent po*er of their o*n1 and so could ser&e as emanations of their masters> *ills8%4 Absolutist functionaries thus undertoo, Fourne s *hich *ere basicall different from those of feudal nobles8%" The difference can be represented schematicall as follo*s/ In the modal feudal Fourne 1 the heir of Noble A1 on his father>s death1 mo&es up one step to ta,e that father>s place8 This ascension reGuires a round7trip1 to the centre for in&estiture1 and then bac, home to the ancestral demesne8 For the ne* functionar 1 ho*e&er1 things are more comple'8 Talent1 not death1 charts his course8 3e sees before him a summit rather than a centre8 3e tra&els up its corniches in a series of looping arcs *hich1 he hopes1 *ill become smaller and tighter as he nears the top8 Sent out to to*nship A at ran, !1 he ma return to the capital at ran, 2J proceed to pro&ince B at ran, LJ continue to &ice7ro alt C at ran, 5J and end his pilgrimage in the capital at ran, M8 On this Fourne there is no assured resting7placeJ e&er pause is pro&isional8 The last thing the functionar *ants is to return homeJ for he has no home *ith an intrinsic &alue8 And this/ on his up*ard7spiralling road he encounters as eager fello*7pilgrims his functionar colleagues1 from places and families he has scarcel D:(E heard of and surel hopes ne&er to ha&e to see8 But in e'periencing them as tra&elling7companions1 a consciousness of connectedness ;>2h are :e... here. .. together1=1@ emerges1 abo&e all *hen all share a single language7of7state8 Then1 if official A from pro&ince B administers pro&ince C1 *hile official D from pro&ince C administers pro&ince B 7 a situation that absolutism begins to ma,e li,el 7that e'perience of interchangeabilit reGuires its o*n e'planation/ the ideolog of absolutism1 *hich the ne* men themsel&es1 as much as the so&ereign1 elaborate8 Documentar interchangeabilit 1 *hich reinforced human inter7changeabilit 1 *as fostered b the de&elopment of a standardiBed language7of7state8 As the statel succession of Anglo7 Sa'on1 +atin1 Norman1 and Earl English in +ondon from the ele&enth through the fourteenth centuries demonstrates1 an0 *ritten language could1 in principle1 ser&e this function 7 pro&ided it *as gi&en monopol rights8 ;One could1 ho*e&er1 argue that *here &ernaculars1 rather than +atin1 happened to hold the monopol 1 a further centraliBing function *as achie&ed1 b restricting the drift of one so&ereign>s officials to his ri&als> machines/ so to spea, ensuring that 0adrid>s pilgrim7functionaries *ere not interchangeable *ith those of <aris8= In principle1 the e'tra7European e'pansion of the great ,ingdoms of earl modern Europe should ha&e simpl e'tended the abo&e model in the de&elopment of grand1 transcontinental bureaucracies8 But1 in fact1 this did not happen8 The instrumental rationalit of the absolutist apparatus 7 abo&e all its tendenc to recruit and promote on the basis of talent rather than of birth7operated onl fitfull be ond the eastern shores of the Atlantic8%9 The pattern is plain in the Americas8 For e'ample1 of the "C4 &icero s in Spanish America prior to "$"%1 onl 6 *ere Creoles8 These figures are all the more startling if *e note that in

"$44 less than :S of the %19441444 creole >*hites> in the 2estern Empire ;imposed on about "%1C441444 indigenes= *ere Spain7born Spaniards8 On the e&e D:CE of the re&olution in 0e'ico1 there *as onl one Creole bishop1 although Creoles in the &icero alt outnumbered %enins lares b C4 to I8%% And1 needless to sa 1 it *as nearl unheard7of for a Creole to rise to a position of official importance in Spain8%6 0oreo&er1 the pilgrimages of Creole functionaries *ere not merel &erticall barred8 If peninsular officials could tra&el the road from MaragoBa to Cartagena1 0adrid1 +ima1 and again 0adrid1 the >0e'ican> or >Chilean> Creole t picall ser&ed onl in the territories of colonial 0e'ico or Chile/ his lateral mo&ement *as as cramped as his &ertical ascent8 In this *a 1 the ape' of his looping climb1 the highest administrati&e centre to *hich he could be assigned1 *as the capital of the imperial administrati&e unit in *hich he found himself8%: 5et on this cramped pilgrimage he found tra&elling7companions1 *ho came to sense that their fello*ship *as based not onl on that pilgrimage>s particular stretch1 but on the shared fatalit of trans7Atlantic birth8 E&en if he *as born *ithin one *ee, of his father>s D:$E migration1 the accident of birth in the Americas consigned him to subordination 7 e&en though in terms of language1 religion1 ancestr 1 or manners he *as largel indistinguishable from the Spain7born Spaniard8 There *as nothing to be done about it/ he *as irremedia!l0 a Creole8 5et ho* irrational his e'clusion must ha&e seemedQ Nonetheless1 hidden inside the irrationalit *as this logic/ born in the Americas1 he could not be a true SpaniardJ ergo- born in Spain1 the %enins lar could not be a true American8%( 2hat made the e'clusion appear rational in the metropoleH Doubtless the confluence of a time7honoured 0achia&ellism *ith the gro*th of conceptions of biological and ecological contamination that accompanied the planetar spread of Europeans and European po*er from the si'teenth centur on*ards8 From the so&ereign>s angle of &ision1 the American Creoles1 *ith their e&er7gro*ing numbers and increasing local rootedness *ith each succeeding generation1 presented a historicall uniGue political problem8 For the first time the metropoles had to deal *ith7for that era7&ast numbers of >fello*7Europeans> ;o&er three million in the Spanish Americas b "$44= far outside Europe8 If the indigenes *ere conGuerable b arms and disease1 and controllable b the m steries of Christianit and a completel alien culture ;as *ell as1 for those da s1 an ad&anced political organiBation=1 the same *as not true of the Creoles1 *ho had &irtuall the same relationship to arms1 disease1 Christianit and European culture as the metropolitans8 In other *ords1 in principle1 the had readil at hand the political1 cultural and militar means for successfull asserting themsel&es8 The constituted simultaneousl a colonial communit and an upper class8 The *ere to be economicall subFected and e'ploited1 but the *ere also essential to the stabilit of the empire8 One can see1 in this light1 a certain parallelism bet*een the position of the Creole D:#E magnates and of feudal barons1 crucial to the so&ereign>s po*er1 but also a menace to it8 Thus the %enins lares dispatched as &icero s and bishops ser&ed the same functions as did the homines novi of the proto7absolutist bureaucracies8%C E&en if the &icero *as a grandee in his Andalusian home1 here1 :1444 miles a*a 1 Fu'taposed to the Creoles1 he *as effecti&el a homo nov s full dependent on his metropolitan master8 The tense balance bet*een peninsular official and Creole magnate *as in this *a an e'pression of the old polic of divide et im%era in a ne* setting8 In addition1 the gro*th of Creole communities1 mainl in the Americas1 but also in parts of Asia and Africa1 led ine&itabl to the appearance of Eurasians1 Eurafricans1 as *ell as Euramericans1 not as occasional curiosities but as &isible social groups8 Their emergence permitted a st le of thin,ing to flourish *hich foreshado*s modern racism8 <ortugal1 earliest of Europe>s planetar conGuerors1 pro&ides an apt illustration of this point8 In the last decade of the fifteenth centur Dom 0anuel I could still >sol&e> his >Ae*ish Guestion> b mass1 forcible conversion - possibl the last European ruler to find this solution both satisfactor

and >natural>8%$ +ess than a centur later1 ho*e&er1 one finds Ale'andre !alignano1 the great reorganiBer of the Aesuit mission in Asia bet*een ":C6 and "(4(1 &ehementl opposing the admission of Indians and Eurindians to the priesthood in these terms/%#
All these dus, races are &er stupid and &icious1 and of the basest spirits 888 As for the mesti8os and castifos- *e should recei&e either &er fe* or none at allJ especiall *ith regard to the mesti8os- since the more nati&e blood the ha&e1 the more the resemble the Indians and the less the are esteemed b the <ortuguese8

;5et !alignano acti&el encouraged the admission of Aapanese1 .oreans1 Chinese1 and >Indochinese> to the priestl function I perhaps D(4E because in those Bones mestiBos had et to appear in an numbersH= Similarl 1 the <ortuguese Franciscans in ?oa &iolentl opposed admission of Creoles to the order1 alleging that >e&en if born of pure *hite parents Dthe E ha&e been suc,led b Indian a ahs in their infanc and thus had their blood contaminated for life8>64 Bo'er sho*s that >racial> bars and e'clusions increased mar,edl during the se&enteenth and eighteenth centuries b comparison *ith earlier practice8 To this malignant tendenc the re&i&al of large7scale sla&er ;for the first time in Europe since antiGuit =1 *hich *as pioneered b <ortugal after ":"41 made its o*n massi&e contribution8 Alread in the "::4s1 "4S of +isbon>s population *ere sla&esJ b "$44 there *ere close to a million sla&es among the 91:441444 or so inhabitants of <ortugal>s BraBil86" Indirectl 1 the Enlightenment also influenced the cr stalliBation of a fatal distinction bet*een metropolitans and Creoles8 In the course of his t*ent 7t*o ears in po*er ;"C::7"CCC=1 the enlightened autocrat <ombal not onl e'pelled the Aesuits from <ortuguese domains1 but made it a criminal offence to call >coloured> subFects b offensi&e names1 such as >nigger> or >mestico> DsicE8 But he Fustified this decree b citing ancient Roman conceptions of imperial citiBenship1 not the doctrines of the %hiloso%hes 169 0ore t picall 1 the *ritings of Rousseau and 3erder1 *hich argued that climate and >ecolog > had a constituti&e impact on culture and character1 e'erted *ide influence86% It *as onl too eas from there to ma,e the con&enient1 &ulgar deduction that Creoles1 born in a sa&age hemisphere1 *ere b nature different from1 and inferior to1 the metropolitans 7 and thus unfit for higher office866 D("E Our attention thus far has been focussed on the *orlds of functionaries in the Americas 7 strategicall important1 but still small *orlds8 0oreo&er1 the *ere *orlds *hich1 *ith their conflicts bet*een %enins lares and Creoles1 predated the appearance of American national consciousnesses at the end of the eighteenth centur 8 Cramped &iceregal pilgrimages had no decisi&e conseGuences until their territorial stretch could be imagined as nations1 in other *ords until the arri&al of print7capitalism8 <rint itself spread earl to Ne* Spain1 but for t*o centuries it remained under the tight control of cro*n and church8 Till the end of the se&enteenth centur 1 presses e'isted onl in 0e'ico Cit and +ima1 and their output *as almost e'clusi&el ecclesiastical8 In <rotestant North America printing scarcel e'isted at all in that centur 8 In the course of the eighteenth1 ho*e&er1 a &irtual re&olution too, place8 Bet*een "(#" and "$941 no less than 91"94 >ne*spapers> *ere published1 of *hich 6(" lasted more than ten ears86: The figure of BenFamin Fran,lin is indelibl associated *ith Creole nationalism in the northern Americas8 But the importance of his trade ma be less apparent8 Once again1 Feb&re and 0artin are enlightening8 The remind us that >printing did not reall de&elop in DNorthE America during the eighteenth centur until printers disco&ered a ne* source of income 7 the ne*spaper8>6( <rinters starting ne* presses al*a s included a ne*spaper in their productions1 to *hich the *ere usuall the main1 e&en the sole1 contributor8 Thus the printer7Fournalist *as initiall an essentiall North American phenomenon8 Since the main problem facing the

printer7Fournalist *as reaching readers1 there de&eloped an alliance *ith the post7master so intimate that often each became the other8 3ence1 the printer>s office emerged as the ,e to North American communications and communit intellectual life8 In Spanish America1 albeit more slo*l and intermittentl 1 similar processes D(9E produced1 in the second half of the eighteenth centur 1 the first local presses86C 2hat *ere the characteristics of the first American ne*spapers1 North or SouthH The began essentiall as appendages of the mar,et8 Earl gaBettes contained 7 aside from ne*s about the metropole 7commercial ne*s ;*hen ships *ould arri&e and depart1 *hat prices *ere current for *hat commodities in *hat ports=1 as *ell as colonial political appointments1 marriages of the *ealth 1 and so forth8 In other *ords1 *hat brought together1 on the same page1 this marriage *ith that ship1 this price *ith that bishop1 *as the &er structure of the colonial administration and mar,et7s stem itself8 In this *a 1 the ne*spaper of Caracas Guite naturall 1 and e&en apoliticall 1 created an imagined communit among a specific assemblage of fello*7readers1 to *hom these ships1 brides1 bishops and prices belonged8 In time1 of course1 it *as onl to be e'pected that political elements *ould enter in8 One fertile trait of such ne*spapers *as al*a s their pro&incialit 8 A colonial Creole might read a 0adrid ne*spaper if he got the chance ;but it *ould sa nothing about his *orld=1 but man a peninsular official1 li&ing do*n the same street1 *ould1 if he could help it1 not read the Caracas production8 An as mmetr infinitel replicable in other colonial situations8 Another such trait *as pluralit 8 The Spanish7American Fournals that de&eloped to*ards the end of the eighteenth centur *ere *ritten in full a*areness of pro&incials in *orlds parallel to their o*n8 The ne*spaper7readers of 0e'ico Cit 1 Buenos Aires1 and Bogota1 e&en if the did not read each other>s ne*spapers1 *ere nonetheless Guite conscious of their e'istence8 3ence a *ell7,no*n doubleness in earl Spanish7American nationalism1 its alternating grand stretch and particularistic localism8 The fact that earl 0e'ican nationalists *rote of themsel&es as nosotros los 'mericanos and of their countr as n estra 'merica- has been interpreted as re&ealing the &anit of the local Creoles *ho1 because 0e'ico *as far the most &aluable of Spain>s American possessions1 sa* themsel&es as the centre of the Ne* 2orld86$ But1 in fact1 people D(%E all o&er Spanish America thought of themsel&es as >Americans1> since this term denoted precisel the shared fatalit of e'tra7Spanish birth86# At the same time1 *e ha&e seen that the &er conception of the ne*spaper implies the refraction of e&en >*orld e&ents> into a specific imagined *orld of &ernacular readersJ and also ho* important to that imagined communit is an idea of stead 1 solid simultaneit through time8 Such a simultaneit the immense stretch of the Spanish American Empire1 and the isolation of its component parts1 made difficult to imagine8:4 0e'ican Creoles might learn months later of de&elopments in Buenos Aires1 but it *ould be through 0e'ican ne*spapers1 not those of the Rio de la <lataJ and the e&ents *ould appear as >similar to> rather than >part of e&ents in 0e'ico8 In this sense1 the >failure> of the Spanish7American e'perience to generate a permanent Spanish7America7*ide nationalism reflects both the general le&el of de&elopment of capitalism and technolog in the late eighteenth centur and the >local> bac,*ardness of Spanish capitalism and technolog in relation to the administrati&e stretch of the empire8 ;The *orld7historical era in *hich each nationalism is born probabl has a significant impact on its scope8 Is Indian nationalism not inseparable from colonial administrati&e7mar,et unification1 after the 0utin 1 b the most formidable and ad&anced of the imperial po*ersH= The <rotestant1 English7spea,ing Creoles to the north *ere much more fa&ourabl situated for realiBing the idea of >America> and indeed e&entuall succeeded in appropriating the e&er da title of >Americans>8 The original Thirteen Colonies comprised an area D(6E smaller

than !eneBuela1 and one third the siBe of Argentina8:" Bunched geographicall together1 their mar,et7centres in Boston1 Ne* 5or,1 and <hiladelphia *ere readil accessible to one another1 and their populations *ere relati&el tightl lin,ed b print as *ell as commerce8 The >-nited States> could graduall multipl in numbers o&er the ne't "$% ears1 as old and ne* populations mo&ed *est*ards out of the old east coast core8 5et e&en in the case of the -SA there are elements of comparati&e >failure> or shrin,age 7 non7absorption of English7 spea,ing Canada1 Te'as>s decade of independent so&ereignt ;"$%:76(=8 3ad a siBeable English7spea,ing communit e'isted in California in the eighteenth centur 1 is it not li,el that an independent state *ould ha&e arisen there to pla Argentina to the Thirteen Colonies> <eruH E&en in the -SA1 the affecti&e bonds of nationalism *ere elastic enough1 combined *ith the rapid e'pansion of the *estern frontier and the contradictions generated bet*een the economies of North and South1 to precipitate a *ar of secession almost a cent r0 after the )eclaration of Inde%endenceD and this *ar toda sharpl reminds us of those that tore !eneBuela and Ecuador off from ?ran Colombia1 and -rugua and <aragua from the -nited <ro&inces of the Rio de la <lata8:9 B *a of pro&isional conclusion1 it ma be appropriate to re7emphasiBe the limited and specific thrust of the argument so far8 It is intended less to e'plain the socio7economic bases of anti7metropolitan resistance in the 2estern hemisphere bet*een sa 1 "C(4 and "$%41 than *h the resistance *as concei&ed in plural1 >national> forms7rather than in others8 The economic interests at sta,e are *ell7,no*n and ob&iousl of fundamental importance8 D(:E +iberalism and the Enlightenment clearl had a po*erful impact1 abo&e all in pro&iding an arsenal of ideological criticisms of imperial and anciens regimes. 2hat I am proposing is that neither economic interest1 +iberalism1 nor Enlightenment could1 or did1 create in themselves the #ind- or shape1 of imagined communit to be defended from these regimes> depredationsJ to put it another *a 1 none pro&ided the frame*or, of a ne* consciousness 7 the scarcel 7seen peripher of its &ision 7 as opposed to centre7field obFects of its admiration or disgust8:% In accomplishing this specific tas,1 pilgrim Creole functionaries and pro&incial Creole printmen pla ed the decisi&e historic role8
"8 Creole H,riollo@- person of ;at least theoreticall = pure European descent but born in the Americas ;and1 b later e'tension1 an *here outside Europe=8 98 +he (rea#- % of (ritain- p8 6"8 %8 ?erhard 0asur1 Simon (olivar- p8 "C8 68 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- pp8 "67"C and passim8 These proportions arose from the fact that the more important commercial and administrati&e functions *ere largel monopoliBed b Spain7born Spaniards1 *hile land7o*ning *as full open to Creoles8 :8 In this respect there are clear analogies *ith Boer nationalism a centur later8 (8 It is perhaps notable that Tupac Amarti did not entirel repudiate allegiance to the Spanish ,ing8 3e and his follo*ers ;largel Indians1 but also some *hites and mestiBos= rose in fur against the regime in +ima8 0asur1 (olivar- p8 968 C8 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- p8 94"8 $8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- p8 "#98 #8 Ibid81 p8 9968 "48 Ed*ard S8 0organ1 >The 3eart of Aefferson1> +he .e: Eor# Revie: of (oo#s- August "C1 "#C$1 p8 98

""8 0asur1 (olivar- p8 94CJ + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- p8 9%C8 "98 Not *ithout some t*ists and turns8 3e freed his o*n sla&es shortl after !eneBuela>s declaration of independence in "$"48 2hen he fled to 3aiti in "$"(1 he obtained militar assistance from <resident Ale'andre <etion in return for a promise to end sla&er in all territories liberated8 The promise *as redeemed in Caracas in "$"$7but it should be remembered that 0adrid>s successes in !eneBuela bet*een "$"6 and "$"( *ere in part due to her emancipation of lo al sla&es8 2hen Boli&ar became president of ?ran Colombia ;!eneBuela1 Ne* ?ranada and Ecuador= in "$9"1 he as,ed for and obtained from Congress a la* freeing the sons of sla&es8 3e >had not as,ed Congress to *ipe out sla&er because he did not *ant to incur the resentment of the big lando*ners8> 0asur1 (olivar- pp8 "9:1 94(794C1 %9#1 and %$$8 "%8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- p8 9C(8 Emphasis added8 "68 An anachronism8 In the eighteenth centur the usual term *as still +as Espanas Dthe SpainsE1 not Espafia DSpainE8 Seton 2atson1 .ations and States- p8 :%8 ":8 This ne* metropolitan aggressi&eness *as partl the product of Enlightenment doctrines1 partl of chronic fiscal problems1 and partl 1 after "CC#1 of *ar *ith England8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- pp8 67 "C8 "(8 Ibid81 p8 %4"8 Four millions *ent to subsidiBe administration of other parts of Spanish America1 *hile si' millions *ere pure profit8 "C8 Ibid81 p8 "C8 "$8 The Constitution of the First !eneBuelan Republic ;"$""= *as in man places borro*ed &erbatim from that of the -nited States8 0asur1 (olivar- p8 "%"8 "#8 A superb1 intricate anal sis of the structural reasons for BraBilian e'7ceptionalism can be found in Aose 0urilo de Car&alho1 ><olitical Elites and State Building/ The Case of Nineteenth7Centur BraBil>1 ,om%arative St dies in Societ0 and Cistor0- 96/% ;"#$9=1 pp8 %C$7##8 T*o of the more important factors *ere/ ;"= Educational differences8 2hile >t*ent 7three uni&ersities *ere scattered in *hat e&entuall *ould become thirteen different countries> in the Spanish Americas1 ><ortugal refused s stematicall to allo* the organiBation of an institution of higher learning in her colonies1 not considering as such the theological seminaries8> 3igher education *as onl to be had in Coimbra -ni&ersit 1 and thither1 in the motherland1 *ent the Creole elite>s children1 the great maForit stud ing in the facult of la*8 ;9= Different career possibilities for Creoles8 De Car&alho notes >the much greater e'clusion of American7born Spaniards from the higher posts in the Spanish side DsicE8> See also Stuart B8 Sch*artB1 >The Formation of a Colonial Identit in BraBil1> chapter 9 in Nicholas Cann and Anthon <agden1 eds1 ,olonial Identit0 in the 'tlantic 3orld- 1IFF-15FF- *ho notes in passing ;p8 %$= that >no printing press operated in BraBil during the first three centuries of the colonial era8> 948 0uch the same could be said of +ondon>s stance &is7a7&is the Thirteen Colonies1 and of the ideolog of the "CC( Re&olution8 9"8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- p8 94$J cf8 0asur1 (olivar- pp8 #$7## and 9%"8 998 0asur1 (olivar- p8 (C$8 9%8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- pp8 9:79(8 968 0asur1 (olivar- p8 "#8 Naturall these measures *ere onl partiall enforceable1 and a good deal of smuggling al*a s *ent on8 9:8 Ibid81 p8 :6(8 9(8 See his +he *orest of S0m!ols- 's%ects of .dem! Rit al- especiall the chapter >Bet*i't and Bet*een/ The +iminal <eriod in Rites de Passage.1 For a later1 more comple' elaboration1 see his )ramas- *ields- and 6eta%hors- S0m!olic 'ction in C man Societ0- chapter : ;><ilgrimages as Social <rocesses>= and ( ;><assages1 0argins1 and <o&ert / Religious S mbols of Communitas>=8 9C8 See Bloch1 *e dal Societ0- I1 p8 (68

9$8 There are ob&ious analogies here *ith the respecti&e roles of bilingual intelligentsias and largel illiterate *or,ers and peasants in the genesis of certain nationalist mo&ements 7 prior to the coming of radio8 In&ented onl in "$#:1 radio made it possible to b pass print and summon into being an aural representation of the imagined communit *here the printed page scarcel penetrated8 Its role in the !ietnamese and Indonesian re&olutions1 and generall in mid7t*entieth7centur nationalisms1 has been much underestimated and understudied8 9#8 The >secular pilgrimage> should not be ta,en merel as a fanciful trope8 Conrad *as being ironical1 but also precise1 *hen he described as >pilgrims> the spectral agents of +eopold II in the heart of dar,ness8 %48 Especiall *here/ ;a= monogam *as religiousl and legall enforcedJ ;b= primogeniture *as the ruleJ ;c= non7d nastic titles *ere both inheritable and conceptuall and legall distinct from office7ran,/ i8e8 *here pro&incial aristocracies had significant independent po*er 7 England1 as opposed to Siam8 %"8 See Bloch1 *e dal Societ0- II1 pp8 699ff8 %98 Ob&iousl this rationalit should not be e'aggerated8 The case of the -nited .ingdom1 *here Catholics *ere barred from office until "$9#1 is not uniGue8 Can one doubt that this long e'clusion pla ed an important role in fostering Irish nationalismH %%8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- pp8 "$7"#19#$8 Of the roughl ":1444 %enins lares- half *ere soldiers8 %68 In the first decade of the nineteenth centur there seem to ha&e been about 644 South Americans resident in Spain at an one time8 These included the >Argentinian> San 0artin1 *ho *as ta,en to Spain as a small bo 1 and spent the ne't 9C ears there1 entering the Ro al Academ for noble outh1 and pla ing a distinguished part in the armed struggle against Napoleon before returning to his homeland on hearing of its declaration of independenceJ and Boli&ar1 *ho for a time boarded in 0adrid *ith 0anuel 0ello1 >American> lo&er of Nueen 0arie +ouise8 0asur describes him as belonging ;c8 "$4:= to >a group of oung South Americans> *ho1 li,e him1 >*ere rich1 idle and in disfa&our *ith the Court8 The hatred and sense of inferiorit felt b man Creoles for the mother countr *as in them de&eloping into re&olutionar impulses8> (olivar- pp8 6"76C1 and 6(#7C4 ;San 0artin=8 %:8 O&er time1 militar pilgrimages became as important as ci&ilian8 >Spain had neither the mone nor the manpo*er to maintain large garrisons of regular troops in America1 and she relied chiefl on colonial militias1 *hich from the mid7eighteenth centur *ere e'panded and reorganiBed8> ;Ibid81 p8 "4=8 These militias *ere Guite local1 not interchangeable parts of a continental securit apparatus8 The pla ed an increasingl critical role from the "C(4s on1 as British incursions multiplied8 Boli&ar>s father had been a prominent militia commander1 defending !eneBuelan ports against the intruders8 Boli&ar himself ser&ed in his father>s old unit as a teenager8 ;0asur1 (olivar- pp8 %4 and %$=8 In this respect he *as t pical of man of the first7generation nationalist leaders of Argentina1 !eneBuela1 and Chile8 See Robert +8 ?ilmore1 ,a dillism and 6ilitarism in Lene8 ela- 151F191F- chapter (D>The 0ilitia>E and C D>The 0ilitar >E8 %(8 Notice the transformations that independence brought the Americans/ first7generation immigrants no* became >lo*est> rather than >highest>1 i8e8 the ones most contaminated b a fatal place of birth8 Similar in&ersions occur in response to racism8 >Blac, blood>7 taint of the tar7brush7came1 under imperialism1 to be seen as hopelessl contaminating for an >*hite8> Toda 1 in the -nited States at least1 the >mulatto> has entered the museum8 The tiniest trace of >blac, blood> ma,es one beautifull Blac,8 Contrast Fermin>s optimistic program for miscegenation1 and his absence of concern for the colour of the e'pected progen 8 %C8 ?i&en 0adrid>s deep concern that the management of the colonies be in trust*orth hands1 >it *as a'iomatic that the high posts be filled e'clusi&el *ith nati&e7born Spaniards>8 0asur1 (olivar- p8 "48 %$8 Charles R8 Bo'er1 +he Port g ese Sea!orne Em%ire- 1>1I-15BI- p8 9((8 %#8 Ibid81 p8 9:98 648 Ibid81 p8 9:%8 6"8 Rona Fields1 +he Port g ese Revol tion and the 'rmed *orces 6ovement- p8 ":8 698 Bo'er1 +he Port g ese Sea!orne Em%ire- pp8 9:C7:$8

6%8 .emilainen1 .ationalism- pp8 C97C%8 668 I ha&e emphasiBed here the racialist distinctions dra*n bet*een %enins lares and Creoles because the main topic under re&ie* is the rise of Creole nationalism8 This should not be understood as minimiBing the parallel gro*th of Creole racism to*ards mestiBos1 Negroes1 and IndiansJ nor the *illingness of an unthreatened metropole to protect ;up to a certain point= these unfortunates8 6:8 Feb&re and 0artin1 +he ,oming of the (oo#- pp8 94$7""8 6(8 Ibid81 p8 9""8 6C8 Franco1 'n Introd ction- p8 9$8 6$8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- p8 %%8 6#8 >A peon came to complain that the Spanish o&erseer of his estancia had beaten him8 San 0artin *as indignant1 but it *as a nationalist rather than socialist indignation8 K2hat do ou thin,H After three ears of re&olution1 a mat rmngo D&ulg81 <eninsular SpaniardE dares to raise his hand against an AmericanQK > Ibid81 p8 $C8 :48 A spell7binding e&ocation of the remoteness and isolation of the Spanish7American populations is 0arGueB>s picture of the fabulous 0acondo in 2ne C ndred Eears of Solit de. :"8 The total area of the Thirteen Colonies *as %9916#C sGuare miles8 That of !eneBuela *as %:91"6%J of Argentina1 "14C914(CJ and of Spanish South America1 %16"C1(9: sGuare miles8 :98 <aragua forms a case of e'ceptional interest8 Than,s to the relati&el bene&olent dictatorship established there b the Aesuits earl in the se&enteenth centur 1 the indigenes *ere better treated than else*here in Spanish America1 and ?uarani achie&ed the status of print7language8 The Cro*n>s e'pulsion of the Aesuits from Spanish America in "C(C brought the territor into the Rio de la <lata1 but &er late in the da 1 and for little more than a generation8 See Seton72atson1 .ations and States- pp8 944794"8 :%8 It is instructi&e that the Declaration of Independence in "CC( spea,s onl of >the people>1 *hile the *ord >nation>ma,esitsdebutonl in the Constitution of "C$#8 .emilainen1 .ationalism- p8 "4:8

:8 Old +anguages1 Ne* 0odels

D(CE The close of the era of successful national liberation mo&ements in the Americas coincided rather closel *ith the onset of the age of nationalism in Europe8 If *e consider the character of these ne*er nationalisms *hich1 bet*een "$94 and "#941 changed the face of the Old 2orld1 t*o stri,ing features mar, them off from their ancestors8 First1 in almost all of them >national print7languages>*ere of central ideological and political importance1 *hereas Spanish and English *ere ne&er issues in the re&olutionar Americas8 Second1 all *ere able to *or, from &isible models pro&ided b their distant1 and after the con&ulsions of the French Re&olution1 not so distant1 predecessors8 The >nation> thus became something capable of being consciousl aspired to from earl on1 rather than a slo*l sharpening frame of &ision8 Indeed1 as *e shall see1 the >nation> pro&ed an in&ention on *hich it *as impossible to secure a patent8 It became a&ailable for pirating b *idel different1 and sometimes une'pected1 hands8 In this chapter1 therefore1 the anal tical focus *ill be on print7language and pirac 8 In blithe disregard of some ob&ious e'tra7European facts1 the great Aohann ?ottfried &on 3erder ;"C667"$4%= had declared1 to*ards the end of the eighteenth centur 1 that/ >Denn ;edes !ol, ist !ol,J es hat D($E seine National Bildung *ie seine Sprache8>" This splendidl eng-European conception of nation7ness as lin,ed to a pri&ate7propert language had *ide influence in nineteenth7centur Europe and1 more narro*l 1 on subseGuent theoriBing about the nature of nationalism8 2hat *ere the origins of this dreamH 0ost probabl 1 the la in the profound shrin,age of the European *orld in time and space that began alread in the

fourteenth centur 1 and *as caused initiall b the 3umanists> e'ca&ations and later1 parado'icall enough1 b Europe>s planetar e'pansion8 As Auerbach so *ell e'presses it/9
2ith the first da*n of humanism1 there began to be a sense that the e&ents of classical histor and legend and also those of the Bible *ere not separated from the present simpl b an e'tent of time but also b com%letel0 different conditions of life. 3umanism *ith its program of rene*al of antiGue forms of life and e'pression creates a historical perspecti&e in depth such as no pre&ious epoch ,no*n to us possessed/ the humanists see antiGuit in historical depth1 and1 against that bac,ground1 the dar, epochs of the inter&ening 0iddle Ages888 8 DThis made impossibleE re7 establishing the autarchic life natural to antiGue culture or the historical nai&ete> of the t*elfth and thirteenth centuries8

The gro*th of *hat might be called >comparati&e histor >led in time to the hitherto unheard7 of conception of a >modernit > e'plicitl Fu'taposed to >antiGuit 1> and b no means necessaril to the latter>s ad&antage8 The issue *as fiercel Foined in the >Battle of Ancients and 0oderns> *hich dominated French intellectual life in the last Guarter of the se&enteenth centur 8% To Guote Auerbach again1 >-nder +ouis LI! the French had the courage to consider their o*n D(#E culture a &alid model on a par *ith that of the ancients1 and the imposed this &ie* upon the rest of Europe8>6 In the course of the si'teenth centur 1 Europe>s >disco&er > of grandiose ci&iliBations hitherto onl diml rumoured7in China1 Aapan1 Southeast Asia1 and the Indian subcontinent7or completel un,no*n 7 ABtec 0e'ico and Incan <eru 7 suggested an irremediable human pluralism8 0ost of these ci&iliBations had de&eloped Guite separate from the ,no*n histor of Europe1 Christendom1 AntiGuit 1 indeed man/ their genealogies la outside of and *ere unassimilable to Eden8 ;Onl homogeneous1 empt time *ould offer them accommodation8= The impact of the >disco&eries> can be gauged b the peculiar geographies of the imaginar polities of the age8 0ore>s Mto%ia- *hich appeared in ":"(1 purported to be the account of a sailor1 encountered b the author in Ant*erp1 *ho had participated in Amerigo !espucci>s "6#C7"6#$ e'pedition to the Americas8 Francis Bacon>s .e: 'tlantis ;"(9(= *as perhaps ne* abo&e all because it *as situated in the <acific Ocean8 S*ift>s magnificent Island of the 3ou hnhnms ;"C9(= came *ith a bogus map of its South Atlantic location8 ;The meaning of these settings ma be clearer if one considers ho* unimaginable it *ould be to place <lato>s Republic on an map1 sham or real8= All these tongue7in7chee, -topias1 >modelled> on real disco&eries1 are depicted1 not as lost Edens1 but as contem%orar0 societies8 One could argue that the had to be1 since the *ere composed as criticisms of contemporar societies1 and the disco&eries had ended the necessit for see,ing models in a &anished antiGuit 8: In the *a,e of the -topians came the luminaries of the Enlightenment1 !ico1 0ontesGuieu1 !oltaire1 and Rousseau1 *ho increasingl e'ploited a >real> non7Europe for a barrage of sub&ersi&e *ritings directed against current European social and political institutions8 In effect1 it became possible to thin, of Europe as onl DC4E one among man ci&iliBations1 and not necessaril the Chosen or the best8( In due course1 disco&er and conGuest also caused a re&olution in European ideas about language8 From the earliest da s1 <ortuguese1 Dutch1 and Spanish seamen1 missionaries1 merchants and soldiers had1 for practical reasons 7 na&igation1 con&ersion1 commerce and *ar 7 gathered *ord7lists of non7European languages to be assembled in simple le'icons8 But it *as onl in the later eighteenth centur that the scientific comparati&e stud of languages reall got under *a 8 Out of the English conGuest of Bengal came 2illiam Aones>s pioneering in&estigations of Sans,rit ;"C$(=1 *hich led to a gro*ing realiBation that Indie ci&iliBation *as far older than that of ?reece or Audaea8 Out of Napoleon>s Eg ptian e'pedition came

Aean Champollion>s decipherment of hierogl phics ;"$%:=1 *hich plural7iBed that e'tra7 European antiGuit 8C Ad&ances in Semitics undermined the idea that 3ebre* *as either uniGuel ancient or of di&ine pro&enance8 Once again1 genealogies *ere being concei&ed *hich could onl be accommodated b homogeneous1 empt time8 >+anguage became less of a continuit bet*een an outside po*er and the human spea,er than an internal field created and accomplished b language users among themsel&es8>$ Out of these disco&eries came philolog 1 *ith its studies of comparati&e grammar1 classification of languages into families1 and reconstructions b scientific reasoning of >proto7languages> out of obli&ion8 As 3obsba*m rightl obser&es1 here *as >the first science *hich regarded e&olution as its &er core8># From this point on the old sacred languages 7 +atin1 ?ree,1 and 3ebre* 7 *ere forced to mingle on eGual ontological footing *ith a motle plebeian cro*d of &ernacular ri&als1 in a mo&ement *hich complemented their earlier demotion in the mar,et7place b print7 capitalism8 If all languages no* shared a common ;intra7=mundane DC"E status1 then all *ere in principle eGuall *orth of stud and admiration8 But b *hoH +ogicall 1 since no* none belonged to ?od1 b their ne* o*ners/ each language>s nati&e spea,ers7and readers8 As Seton72atson most usefull sho*s1 the nineteenth centur *as1 in Europe and its immediate peripheries1 a golden age of &ernaculariBing le'icographers1 grammarians1 philologists1 and litterateurs8"4 The energetic acti&ities of these professional intellectuals *ere central to the shaping of nineteenth7centur European nationalisms in complete contrast to the situation in the Americas bet*een "CC4 and "$%48 0onolingual dictionaries *ere &ast compendia of each language>s print7treasur 1 portable ;if sometimes barel so= from shop to school1 office to residence8 Bilingual dictionaries made &isible an approaching egalitarianism among languages 7 *hate&er the political realities outside1 *ithin the co&ers of the CBech7 ?erman)?erman7CBech dictionar the paired languages had a common status8 The &isionar drudges *ho de&oted ears to their compilation *ere of necessit dra*n to or nurtured b the great libraries of Europe1 abo&e all those of the uni&ersities8 And much of their immediate clientele *as no less ine&itabl uni&ersit and pre7uni&ersit students8 3obsba*m>s dictum that >the progress of schools and uni&ersities measures that of nationalism1 Fust as schools and especiall uni&ersities became its most conscious champions1> is certainl correct for nineteenth7centur Europe1 if not for other times and places8"" DC9E One can thus trace this le'icographic re&olution as one might the ascending roar in an arsenal alight1 as each small e'plosion ignites others1 till the final blaBe turns night into da 8 B the middle of the eighteenth centur 1 the prodigious labours of ?erman1 French and English scholars had not onl made a&ailable in hand printed form &irtuall the entire e'tant corpus of the ?ree, classics1 along *ith the necessar philological and le'icographic adFuncts1 but in doBens of boo,s *ere recreating a glittering1 and firml pagan1 ancient 3ellenic ci&iliBation8 In the last Guarter of the centur 1 this >past> became increasingl accessible to a small number of oung ?ree,7spea,ing Christian intellectuals1 most of *hom had studied or tra&elled outside the confines of the Ottoman Empire8"9 E'alted b the philhellenism at the centres of 2estern European ci&iliBation1 the undertoo, the >debarbariBing> of the modern ?ree,s1 i8e81 their transformation into beings *orth of <ericles and Socrates8"% Emblematic of this change in consciousness are the follo*ing *ords of one of these oung men1 Adamantios .oraes ;*ho later became an ardent le'icographerQ=1 in an address to a French audience in <aris in "$4%/"6
For the first time the nation sur&e s the hideous spectacle of its ignorance and trembles in measuring *ith the e e the distance separating it from its ancestors> glor 8 This painful discover0ho*e&er1 does not precipitate the ?ree,s into despair/ 2e are the descendants of ?ree,s1 the

implicitl told themsel&es1 *e must either tr to become again *orth of this name1 or *e must not bear it8

Similarl in the late eighteenth centur 1 grammars1 dictionaries and histories of Rumanian appeared1 accompanied b a dri&e1 successful at first in the 3absburg realms1 later in the Ottoman1 for the replacement of C rillic b the Roman alphabet ;mar,ing DC%E Rumanian sharpl off from its Sla&ic7Orthodo' neighbours=8": Bet*een "C$# and "C#61 the Russian Academ 1 modelled on the Academic Franchise1 produced a si'7&olume Russian dictionar 1 follo*ed b an official grammar in "$498 Both represented a triumph of the &ernacular o&er Church Sla&onic8 Although right into the eighteenth centur CBech *as the language onl of the peasantr in Bohemia ;the nobilit and rising middle classes spo,e ?erman=1 the Catholic priest Aosef Dobro&s, ;"C:%7"$9#= produced in "C#9 his Keschichte der !ohmischen S%rache nd ahem 9iterat r- the first s stematic histor of the CBech language and literature8 In "$%:7%# appeared Aosef Aungmann>s pioneering fi&e7&olume CBech7?erman dictionar 8"( Of the birth of 3ungarian nationalism Ignotus *rites that it is an e&ent >recent enough to be dated/ "CC91 the ear of publication of some unreadable *or,s b the &ersatile 3ungarian author ? org Bessen ei1 then a resident in !ienna and ser&ing in 0aria Theresa>s bod guard8888 Bessen ei>s magna o%era *ere meant to pro&e that the 3ungarian language *as suitable for the &er highest literar genre8X"C Further stimulus *as pro&ided b the e'tensi&e publications of Ferenc .aBincB ;"C:#7"$%"=1 >the father of 3ungarian literature1> and b the remo&al1 in "C$61 of *hat became the -ni&ersit of Budapest to that cit from the small pro&incial to*n of Trna&a8 Its first political e'pression *as the +atin7spea,ing 0ag ar nobilit >s hostile reaction in the "C$4s to Emperor Aoseph II>s decision to replace +atin b ?erman as the prime language of imperial administration8"$ In the period "$447"$:41 as the result of pioneering *or, b nati&e DC6E scholars1 three distinct literar languages *ere formed in the northern Bal,ans/ Slo&ene1 Serbo7Croat1 and Bulgarian8 If1 in the "$%4s1 >Bulgarians> had been *idel thought to be of the same nation as the Serbs and Croats1 and had in fact shared in the Ill rian 0o&ement1 a separate Bulgarian national state *as to come into e'istence b "$C$8 In the eighteenth centur 1 -,rainian ;+ittle Russian= *as contemptuousl tolerated as a language of o,els8 But in "C#$ I&an .otlare&s, *rote his 'eneid- an enormousl popular satirical poem on -,rainian life8 In "$461 the -ni&ersit of .har,o& *as founded and rapidl became the centre for a boom in -,rainian literature8 In "$"# appeared the first -,rainian grammar7onl "C ears after the official Russian one8 And in the "$%4s follo*ed the *or,s of Taras She&chen,o1 of *hom Seton72atson obser&es that >the formation of an accepted -,rainian literar language o*es more to him than to an other indi&idual8 The use of this language *as the decisi&e stage in the formation of an -,rainian national consciousness8X"# Shortl thereafter1 in "$6(1 the first -,rainian nationalist organiBation *as founded in .ie&7b a historianQ In the eighteenth centur the language7of7state in toda >s Finland *as S*edish8 After the territor >s union *ith CBardom in "$4#1 the official language became Russian8 But an >a*a,ening> interest in Finnish and the Finnish past1 first e'pressed through te'ts *ritten in +atin and S*edish in the later eighteenth centur 1 b the "$94s *as increasingl manifested in the &ernacular894 The leaders of the burgeoning Finnish nationalist mo&ement *ere >persons *hose profession largel consisted of the handling of language/ *riters1 teachers1 pastors1 and la* ers8 The stud of fol,lore and the redisco&er and piecing together of popular epic poetr *ent together *ith the publication of grammars and dictionaries1 and led to the appearance of periodicals *hich ser&ed to standardiBe Finnish literar Di8e8 print7E language1 on behalf of *hich stronger political DC:E demands could be ad&anced8 >9" In the case of Nor*a 1 *hich had long shared a *ritten language *ith the Danes1 though *ith a completel

different pronunciation1 nationalism emerged *ith I&ar Aasen>s ne* Nor*egian grammar ;"$6$= and dictionar ;"$:4=1 te'ts *hich responded to and stimulated demands for a specificall Nor*egian print7language8 Else*here1 in the latter portion of the nineteenth centur 1 *e find Afri,aner nationalism pioneered b Boer pastors and litterateurs1 *ho in the "$C4s *ere successful in ma,ing the local Dutch patois into a literar language and naming it something no longer European8 0aronites and Copts1 man of them products of Beirut>s American College ;founded in "$((= and the Aesuit College of St8 Aoseph ;founded in "$C:= *ere maFor contributors to the re&i&al of classical Arabic and the spread of Arab nationalism899 And the seeds of Tur,ish nationalism are easil detectable in the appearance of a li&el &ernacular press in Istanbul in the "$C4s89% Nor should *e forget that the same epoch sa* the &ernaculariBation of another form of printed page/ the score8 After Dobro&s, came Smetana1 D&ora,1 and Aanace,J after Aasen1 ?riegJ after .aBincB 1 Bela Barto,J and so on *ell into our centur 8 At the same time1 it is self7e&ident that all these le'icographers1 philologists1 grammarians1 fol,lorists1 publicists1 and composers did not carr on their re&olutionar acti&ities in a &acuum8 The *ere1 after all1 producers for the print7mar,et1 and the *ere lin,ed1 &ia that silent baBaar1 to consuming publics8 2ho *ere these consumersH In the most general sense/ the families of the reading classes7not merel the >*or,ing father1> but the ser&ant7girded *ife and the school7age children8 If *e note that as late as "$641 e&en in Britain and France1 the most ad&anced states in Europe1 almost half the population *as still illiterate ;and in bac,*ard Russia almost #$ per DC(E cent=1 >reading classes> meant people of some po*er8 0ore concretel 1 the *ere1 in addition to the old ruling classes of nobilities and landed gentries1 courtiers and ecclesiastics1 rising middle strata of plebeian lo*er officials1 professionals1 and commercial and industrial bourgeoisies8 0id7nineteenth7centur Europe *itnessed a rapid increase in state e'penditures and the siBe of state bureaucracies ;ci&il and militar =1 despite the absence of an maFor local *ars8 >Bet*een "$%4 and "$:4 public e'penditure per capita increased b 9: per cent in Spain1 b 64 per cent in France1 b 66 per cent in Russia1 b :4 per cent in Belgium1 b C4 per cent in Austria1 b C: per cent in the -SA1 and b o&er #4 per cent in The Netherlands8>96 Bureaucratic e'pansion1 *hich also meant bureaucratic specialiBation1 opened the gates of official preferment to much greater numbers and of far more &aried social origins than hitherto8 Ta,e e&en the decrepit1 sinecure7filled1 nobilit 7ridden Austro73ungarian state machiner / the percentage of men of middle class origins in the top echelons of its ci&il half rose from 4 in "$461 through 9C in "$9#1 %: in "$:#1 to :: in "$C$8 In the armed ser&ices1 the same trend appeared1 though characteristicall at a slo*er1 later pace/ the middle class component of the officer corps rose from "4 per cent to C: per cent bet*een "$:# and "#"$89: If the e'pansion of bureaucratic middle classes *as a relati&el e&en phenomenon1 occurring at comparable rates in both ad&anced and bac,*ard states of Europe1 the rise of commercial and industrial bourgeoisies *as of course highl une&en 7 massi&e and rapid in some places1 slo* and stunted in others8 But no matter *here1 this >rise> has to be understood in its relationship to &ernacular print7capitalism8 The pre7bourgeois ruling classes generated their cohesions in some sense outside language1 or at least outside print7language8 If the ruler of Siam too, a 0ala noble*oman as a concubine1 or if the .ing of England married a Spanish princess7did the e&er tal, seriousl togetherH Solidarities *ere the products of ,inship1 clientship1 and DCCE personal lo alties8 >French>

nobles could assist >English> ,ings against >French> monarchs1 not on the basis of shared language or culture1 but1 0achia&ellian calculations aside1 of shared ,insmen and friendships8 The relati&el small siBe of traditional aristocracies1 their fi'ed political bases1 and the personaliBation of political relations implied b se'ual intercourse and inheritance1 meant that their cohesions as classes *ere as much concrete as imagined8 An illiterate nobilit could still act as a nobilit 8 But the bourgeoisieH 3ere *as a class *hich1 figurati&el spea,ing1 came into being as a class onl in so man replications8 Factor 7o*ner in +ille *as connected to factor 7o*ner in + on onl b re&erberation8 The had no necessar reason to ,no* of one another>s e'istenceJ the did not t picall marr each other>s daughters or inherit each other>s propert 8 But the did come to &isualiBe in a general *a the e'istence of thousands and thousands li,e themsel&es through print7language8 For an illiterate bourgeoisie is scarcel imaginable8 Thus in *orld7historical terms bourgeoisies *ere the first classes to achie&e solidarities on an essentiall imagined basis8 But in a nineteenth7centur Europe in *hich +atin had been defeated b &ernacular print7capitalism for something li,e t*o centuries1 these solidarities had an outermost stretch limited b &ernacular legibilities8 To put it another *a 1 one can sleep *ith an one1 but one can onl read some people>s *ords8 Nobilities1 landed gentries1 professionals1 functionaries1 and men of the mar,et 7 these then *ere the %otential consumers of the philological re&olution8 But such a clientele *as almost no*here full realiBed1 and the combinations of actual consumers &aried considerabl from Bone to Bone8 To see *h 1 one has to return to the basic contrast dra*n earlier bet*een Europe and the Americas8 In the Americas there *as an almost perfect isomorphism bet*een the stretch of the &arious empires and that of their &ernaculars8 In Europe1 ho*e&er1 such coincidences *ere rare1 and intra7European d nastic empires *ere basicall pol &ernacular8 In other *ords1 po*er and print7language mapped different realms8 The general gro*th in literac 1 commerce1 industr 1 communications and state machineries that mar,ed the nineteenth centur created po*erful ne* impulses for &ernacular linguistic unification DC$E *ithin each d nastic realm8 +atin hung on as a language7of7state in Austro7 3ungar as late as the earl "$64s1 but it disappeared almost immediatel thereafter8 +anguage7of7state it might be1 but it could not1 in the nineteenth centur 1 be the language of business1 of the sciences1 of the press1 or of literature1 especiall in a *orld in *hich these languages continuousl interpenetrated one another8 0eantime1 &ernacular languages7of7state assumed e&er greater po*er and status in a process *hich1 at least at the start1 *as largel unplanned8 Thus English elbo*ed ?aelic out of most of Ireland1 French pushed Breton to the *all1 and Castilian reduced Catalan to marginalit 8 In those realms1 such as Britain and France1 *here1 for Guite e'traneous reasons1 there happened to be1 b mid7centur 1 a relati&el high coincidence of language7of7state and language of the population19( the general interpenetration alluded to abo&e did not ha&e dramatic political effects8 ;These cases are closest to those of the Americas8= In man other realms1 of *hich Austro73ungar is probabl the polar e'ample1 the conseGuences *ere ine&itabl e'plosi&e8 In its huge1 ramshac,le1 pol glot1 but increasingl literate1 domain the replacement of +atin b an0 &ernacular1 in the mid nineteenth centur 1 promised enormous ad&antages to those of its subFects *ho alread0 used that print7language1 and appeared correspondingl menacing to those *ho did not8 I emphasiBe the *ord an0- since1 as *e shall be discussing in greater detail belo*1 ?erman>s nineteenth centur ele&ation b the 3absburg court1 ?erman as some might thin, it1 had nothing *hate&er to do *ith ?erman nationalism8 ;-nder these circumstances1 one *ould e'pect a self7conscious nationalism to arise last in each d nastic realm among the nati&e7readers of the official &ernacular8 And such e'pectations are borne out b the historical record8=

In terms of our le'icographers> clienteles1 it is therefore not surprising to find &er different bodies of customers according to different political conditions8 In 3ungar 1 for e'ample1 *here DC#E &irtuall no 0ag ar bourgeoisie e'isted1 but one out of eight claimed some aristocratic status1 the parapets of print73ungarian *ere defended against the ?erman tide b segments of the pett nobilit and an impo&erished landed gentr 89C 0uch the same could be said of <olish7readers8 0ore t pical1 ho*e&er1 *as a coalition of lesser gentries1 academics1 professionals1 and businessmen1 in *hich the first often pro&ided leaders of >standing1> the second and third m ths1 poetr 1 ne*spapers1 and ideological formulations1 and the last mone and mar,eting facilities8 The amiable .oraes offers us a fine &ignette of the earl clientele for ?ree, nationalism1 in *hich intellectuals and entrepreneurs predominated/9$
In those to*ns *hich *ere less poor1 *hich had some *ell7to7do inhabitants and a fe* schools1 and therefore a fe* indi&iduals *ho could at least read and understand the ancient *riters1 the re&olution began earlier and could ma,e more rapid and more comforting progress8 In some of these to*ns1 schools are alread being enlarged1 and the stud of foreign languages and e&en of those sciences *hich are taught in Europe DsicE is being introduced into them8 The *ealth sponsor the printing of boo,s translated from Italian1 French1 ?erman1 and EnglishJ the send to Europe at their e'pense oung men eager to learnJ the gi&e their children a better education1 not e'cepting girls8888

Reading coalitions1 *ith compositions that la &ariousl on the spectrum bet*een 3ungarian and ?ree,1 de&eloped similarl throughout Central and Eastern Europe1 and into the Near East as the centur proceeded89# 3o* far the urban and rural masses shared in the ne* &ernacularl imagined communities naturall also &aried a D$4E great deal8 0uch depended on the relationship bet*een these masses and the missionaries of nationalism8 At one e'treme1 perhaps1 one might point to Ireland1 *here a Catholic priesthood dra*n from the peasantr and close to it pla ed a &ital mediating role8 Another e'treme is suggested b 3obsba*m>s ironic comment that/ >The ?alician peasants in "$6( opposed the <olish re&olutionaries e&en though these actuall proclaimed the abolition of serfdom1 preferring to massacre gentlemen and trust to the Emperor>s officials8>%4 But e&er *here1 in fact1 as literac increased1 it became easier to arouse popular support1 *ith the masses disco&ering a ne* glor in the print ele&ation of languages the had humbl spo,en all along8 -p to a point1 then1 Nairn>s arresting formulation 7>The ne* middle7class intelligentsia of nationalism had to in&ite the masses into histor J and the in&itation7card had to be *ritten in a language the understood>%" 7 is correct8 But it *ill be hard to see *h the in&itation came to seem so attracti&e1 and *h such different alliances *ere able to issue it ;Nairn>s middle7class intelligentsia *as b no means the onl host=1 unless *e turn finall to pirac 8 3obsba*m obser&es that >The French Re&olution *as not made or led b a formed part or mo&ement in the modern sense1 nor b men attempting to carr out a s stematic programme8 It hardl e&en thre* up KleadersK of the ,ind to *hich t*entieth centur re&olutions ha&e accustomed us1 until the post7re&olutionar figure of Napoleon8>%9 But once it had occurred1 it entered the accumulating memor of print8 The o&er*helming and be*ildering concatenation of e&ents e'perienced b its ma,ers and its &ictims became a >thing>7 and *ith its o*n name/ The French Re&olution8 +i,e a &ast shapeless roc, *orn to a rounded boulder b countless drops of *ater1 the e'perience *as shaped b millions of printed *ords into a >concept> on the printed page1 and1 in due course1 into a model8 2h >it> bro,e out1 *hat >it> aimed for1 *h >it> succeeded or failed1 became subFects for endless polemics on the part of friends and foes/ D$"E but of its >it7ness>1 as it *ere1 no one e&er after had much doubt8%% In much the same *a 1 the independence mo&ements in the Americas became1 as soon as the *ere printed about1 >concepts1> >models>1 and indeed >blueprints8> In >realit >1 >Boli&ar>s fear

of Negro insurrections and San 0artin>s summoning of his indigenes to <eru&ianness Fostled one another chaoticall 8 But printed *ords *ashed a*a the former almost at once1 so that1 if recalled at all1 it appeared an inconseGuential anomal 8 Out of the American *elter came these imagined realities/ nation7states1 republican institutions1 common citiBenships1 popular so&ereignt 1 national flags and anthems1 etc81 and the liGuidation of their conceptual opposites/ d nastic empires1 monarchical institutions1 absolutisms1 subFecthoods1 inherited nobilities1 serfdoms1 ghettoes1 and so forth8 ;Nothing more stunning1 in this conte't1 than the general >elision>of massi&e sla&er from the >modal> -SA of the nineteenth centur 1 and of the shared language of the >modal> Southern republics8= Furthermore1 the &alidit and generaliBabilit of the blueprint *ere undoubtedl confirmed b the %l ralit0 of the independent states8 In effect1 b the second decade of the nineteenth centur 1 if not earlier1 a >model> of >the> independent national state *as a&ailable for pirating8%6 ;The first groups to do so *ere the marginaliBed &ernacular7based coalitions of the educated on *hich this chapter has been focused8= But precisel because it *as b then a ,no*n model1 it imposed certain >standards> from *hich too7mar,ed de&iations *ere impermissible8 E&en bac,*ard and reactionar 3ungarian and <olish gentries *ere hard put to it not to ma,e a sho* of >in&iting in> ;if onl to the pantr = their oppressed compatriots8 If ou li,e1 the logic of San 0artin>s <eru&ianiBation *as at *or,8 If Y3ungariansZdeser&ed a D$9E national state1 then that meant 3ungarians1 all of themJ%: it meant a state in *hich the ultimate locus of so&ereignt had to be the collecti&it of 3ungarian7spea,ers and readersJ and1 in due course1 the liGuidation of serfdom1 the promotion of popular education1 the e'pansion of the suffrage1 and so on8 Thus the >populist> character of the earl European nationalisms1 e&en *hen led1 demagogicall 1 b the most bac,*ard social groups1 *as deeper than in the Americas/ serfdom had to go1 legal sla&er *as unimaginable 7 not least because the conceptual model *as set in ineradicable place8
"8 .emil[inen1 .ationalism- p8 698 Emphases added8 98 6imesis- p8 9$98 Emphasis added8 %8 The battle opened in "($# *hen the :#7 ear old Charles <errault published his poem Si<cle de 9o is le Krand- *hich argued that the arts and sciences had come to their full flo*ering in his o*n time and place8 68 6imesis- p8 %6%8 Notice that Auerbach sa s >culture>1 not >language>8 2e should also be char of attributing >nation7ness> to >their o*n8K :8 Similarl 1 there is a nice contrast bet*een the t*o famous 0ongols of English drama8 0arlo*e>s +atn! rlaine the Kreat ;":$C7":$$= describes a famous d nast dead since "64C8 Dr den>s ' rang8e! ;"(C(= depicts a contemporar reigning Emperor ;"(:$7"C4C=8 (8 So1 as European imperialism smashed its insouciant *a around the globe1 other ci&iliBations found themsel&es traumaticall confronted b pluralisms *hich annihilated their sacred genealogies8 The 0iddle .ingdom>s marginaliBation to the Far East is emblematic of this process8 C8 3obsba*m1 +he 'ge o; Revol tion- p8 %%C8 $8 Ed*ard Said1 2rientalism- p8 "%(8 #8 3obsba*m1 +he 'ge o; Revol tion- p8 %%C8 "48 >Fust because the histor of language is usuall in our time ,ept so rigidl apart from con&entional political1 economic and social histor 1 it has seemed to me desirable to bring it together *ith these1 e&en at the cost of less e'pertise8> .ations ami States- p8 ""8 In fact1 one of the most &aluable aspects of Seton72atson>s te't is precisel his attention to language histor 7 though one can disagree *ith the *a he emplo s it8

""8 +he 'ge of Revol tion- p8 "((8 Academic institutions *ere insignificant to the American nationalisms8 3obsba*n himself notes that though there *ere (1444 students in <aris at the time1 the pla ed &irtuall no role in the French Re&olution ;p8 "(C=8 3e also usefull reminds us that although education spread rapidl in the first half of the nineteenth centur 1 the number of adolescents in schools *as still minuscule b modern standards/ a mere "#1444 l0cee students in France in "$69J 941444 high school pupils among the ($14441444 population of Imperial Russia in "$:4J a li,el total of 6$1444 uni&ersit students in all Europe in "$6$8 5et in the re&olutions of that ear1 this tin 1 but strategic1 group pla ed a pi&otal role8 ;pp8 "((7(C=8 "98 The first ?ree, ne*spapers appeared in "C$6 in !ienna8 <hili,e 3etairia1 the secret societ largel responsible for the "$9" anti7Ottoman uprising1 *as founded in the >great ne* Russian grain port of OdessaK in "$"68 "%8 See Elie .edourie>s introduction to .ationalism in 'sia and 'frica- p8 648 "68 Ibid81 pp8 6%7668 Emphasis added8 The full te't of .oraes>s >The <resent State of Ci&iliBation in ?reece> is gi&en in pp8 ":C7$98 It contains a stunningl modern anal sis of the sociological bases for ?ree, nationalism8 ":8 Not pretending to an e'pert ,no*ledge of Central and Eastern Europe1 I ha&e relied hea&il on Seton7 2atson in the anal sis that follo*s8 On Rumanian1 see .ations and States- p8 "CC8 "(8 Ibid81 pp8 ":47":%8 "C8 <aul Ignotus1 C ngar0- p8 668 >3e did pro&e it1 but his polemical dri&e *as more con&incing than the aesthetic &alue of the e'amples he produced8> It is perhaps *orth noting that this passage occurs in a subsection entitled >The In&enting of the 3ungarian Nation1> *hich opens *ith this pregnant phrase/ >A nation is born *hen a fe* people decide that it should be8> "$8 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- pp8 ":$@("8 The reaction *as &iolent enough to persuade his successor +eopold II ;r8 "C#47"C#9= to reinstate +atin8 See also belo*1 Chapter !I8 It is instructi&e that .aBinc sided politicall *ith Aoseph II on this issue8 ;Ignotus1 C ngar0- p8 6$=8 "#8 .ations and States- p8 "$C8 Needless to sa 1 CBarism ga&e these people short shrift8 She&chen,o *as bro,en in Siberia8 The 3absburgs1 ho*e&er1 ga&e some encouragement to -,rainian nationalists in ?alicia7to counterbalance the <oles8 948 .emilainen1 .ationalism- %%. 94$7":8 9"8 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- p8 C98 998 Ibid81 pp8 9%9 and 9("8 9%8 .ohn1 +he 'ge of .ationalism- pp8 "4:7C8 This meant reFection of>Ottoman>1 a d nastic officialese combining elements of Tur,ish1 <ersian1 and Arabic8 Characteristicall 1 Ibrahim Sinasi1 founder of the first such ne*spaper1 had Fust returned from fi&e ears stud in France8 2here he led1 others soon follo*ed8 B "$C(1 there *ere se&en Tur,ish7language dailies in Constantinople8 968 3obsba*m1 +he 'ge of Revol tion- p8 99#8 9:8 <eter A8 .atBenstein1 )is;oined Partners- ' stria and Kerman0 since 151I- pp8 C61 ""98 9(8 As *e ha&e seen1 &ernaculariBation of the languages7of7state in these t*o realms *as under *a &er earl 8 In the case of the -.1 the militar subFugation of the ?aeltacht earl in the eighteenth centur and the Famine of the "$64s *ere po*erful contributor factors8 9C8 3obsba*n1 +he 'ge of Revol tion- p8 "(:8 For an e'cellent1 detailed discussion1 see Ignotus1 C ngar0- pp8 667:(J also AasBi1 +he )issol tion- pp8 996@9:8 9$8 .edourie1 .ationalism in 'sia and 'frica- p8 "C48 Emphasis added8 E&er thing here is e'emplar 8 If .oraes loo,s to >Europe1>it is o&er his shoulderJ he faces Constantinople8 Ottoman is not et a foreign language8 And non7labouring future *i&es are entering the print7mar,et8 9#8 For e'amples1 see Seton72atson1 .ations and States- pp8 C9 ;Finland=1 "6: ;Bulgaria=1 ":% ;Bohemia=1 and

6%9 ;Slo&a,ia=J .ohn1 +he 'ge of .ationalism- pp8 $% ;Eg pt= and "4% ;<ersia=8 %48 +he 'ge of Revol tion- p8 "(#8 %"8 +he (rea#- % of (ritain- p8 %648 %98 +he 'ge of Revol tion- p8 $48 %%8 Compare/ >The &er name of the Industrial Re&olution reflects its relati&el tard impact on Europe8 The thing DsicE e'isted in Britain before the *ord8 Not until the "$94s did English and French socialists 7 themsel&es an unprecedented group 7 in&ent it1 probabl b analog *ith the political re&olution of France8> Ibid81 p8 6:8 %68 It *ould be more precise1 probabl to sa that the model *as a comple' composite of French and American elements8 But the >obser&able realit > of France until after "$C4 *as restored monarchies and the ersatB d nasticism of Napoleon>s great7nephe*8 %:8 Not that this *as a clear7cut matter8 3alf the subFects of the .ingdom of 3ungar *ere non70ag ar8 Onl one third of the serfs *ere 0ag ar7spea,ers8 In the earl nineteenth centur 1 the high 0ag ar aristocrac spo,e French or ?ermanJ the middle and lo*er nobilit >con&ersed in a dog7+atin stre*n *ith 0ag ar1 but also *ith Slo&a,1 Serb1 and Romanian e'pressions as *ell as &ernacular ?erman8 888K Ignotus1 C ngar0- pp8 6:76(1 and $"8

(8 Official Nationalism and Imperialism

D$%E In the course of the nineteenth centur 1 and especiall in its latter half1 the philological7 le'icographic re&olution and the rise of intra7European nationalist mo&ements1 themsel&es the products1 not onl of capitalism1 but of the elephantiasis of the d nastic states1 created increasing cultural1 and therefore political1 difficulties for man d nasts8 For1 as *e ha&e seen1 the fundamental legitimac of most of these d nasties had nothing to do *ith nationalness8 Romano&s ruled o&er Tatars and +etts1 ?ermans and Armenians1 Russians and Finns8 3absburgs *ere perched high o&er 0ag ars and Croats1 Slo&a,s and Italians1 -,rainians and Austro7?ermans8 3ano&erians presided o&er Bengalis and Nuebecois1 as *ell as Scots and Irish1 English and 2elsh8" On the continent1 furthermore1 members of the same d nastic families often ruled in different1 sometimes ri&alrous1 states8 2hat nationalit should be assigned to Bourbons ruling in France and D$6E Spain1 3ohenBollerns in <russia and Rumania1 2ittelsbachs in Ba&aria and ?reeceH 2e ha&e also seen that for essentiall administrati&e purposes these d nasties had1 at different speeds1 settled on certain print7&ernaculars as languages7of7state 7 *ith the >choice> of language essentiall a matter of unselfconscious inheritance or con&enience8 The le'icographic re&olution in Europe1 ho*e&er1 created1 and graduall spread1 the con&iction that languages ;in Europe at least= *ere1 so to spea,1 the personal propert of Guite specific groups 7 their dail spea,ers and readers 7 and moreo&er that these groups1 imagined as communities1 *ere entitled to their autonomous place in a fraternit of eGuals8 The philological incendiaries thus presented the d nasts *ith a disagreeable dilemma *hich did not fail to sharpen o&er time8 No*here is this dilemma clearer than in the case of Austro7 3ungar 8 2hen the enlightened absolutist Aoseph II decided earl in the "C$4s to s*itch the language of state from +atin to ?erman1 >he did not fight1 for instance1 against the 0ag ar language1 but he fought against the +atin8888 3e thought that1 on the basis of the mediae&al +atin administration of the nobilit 1 no effecti&e *or, in the interest of the masses could ha&e been carried on8 The necessit of a unif ing language connecting all parts of his empire seemed to him a peremptor claim8 -nder this necessit he could not choose an other language than ?erman1 the onl one *hich had a &ast culture and literature under its s*a and *hich had a considerable minorit in all his pro&inces8>9 Indeed1 >the 3absburgs *ere not

a consciousl and conseGuentiall ?ermaniBing po*er888 8 There *ere Ca!s! rgs :ho did not even s%ea# Kerman. E&en those 3absburg emperors *ho sometimes fostered a polic of ?ermaniBa7tion *ere not led in their efforts b an nationalistic point of &ie*1 but their measures *ere dictated b the intent of unification and uni&ersalism of their empire8>% Their essential aim *as 3ausmacht8 After the middle of the nineteenth centur 1 ho*e&er1 ?erman D$:E increasingl acGuired a double status/ >uni&ersal7imperial> and >particular7national>8 The more the d nast pressed ?erman in its first capacit 1 the more it appeared to be siding *ith its ?erman7spea,ing subFects1 and the more it aroused antipath among the rest8 5et if it did not so press1 indeed made concessions to other languages1 abo&e all 3ungarian1 not onl *as unification set bac,1 but its ?erman7spea,ing subFects allo*ed themsel&es to feel affronted8 Thus it threatened to be hated simultaneousl as champion of the ?ermans and traitor to them8 ;In much the same *a 1 the Ottomans came to be hated b Tur,ish7spea,ers as apostates and b non7Tur,ish7spea,ers as Tur,ifiers8= Insofar as all d nasts b mid7centur *ere using some &ernacular as language7of7state16 and also because of the rapidl rising prestige all o&er Europe of the national idea1 there *as a discernible tendenc among the Euro70editerranean monarchies to sidle to*ards a bec,oning national identification8 Romano&s disco&ered the *ere ?reat Russians1 3ano&erians that the *ere English1 3ohenBollerns that the *ere ?ermans7and *ith rather more difficult their cousins turned Romanian1 ?ree,1 and so forth8 On the one hand1 these ne* identifications shored up legitimacies *hich1 in an age of capitalism1 scepticism1 and science1 could less and less safel rest on putati&e sacralit and sheer antiGuit 8 On the other hand1 the posed ne* dangers8 If .aiser 2ilhelm II cast himself as >No8 " ?erman1>he implicitl conceded that he *as one among man0 of the same #ind as himself- that he had a representati&e function1 and therefore could1 in principle1 be a traitor to his fello*7?ermans ;something inconcei&able in the d nast >s he da 8 Traitor to *hom or to *hatH=8 In the *a,e of the disaster that o&ertoo, ?erman in "#"$1 he *as ta,en at his implied *ord8 Acting in the name of the ?erman nation1 ci&ilian politicians ;publicl = and the ?eneral Staff ;*ith its usual courage1 secretl = sent him pac,ing from the Fatherland to an obscure Dutch suburb8 So too 0ohammad7ReBa <ahla&i1 ha&ing cast himself1 not as D$(E Shah1 but as Shah of Iran1 came to be branded traitor8 That he himself accepted1 not the &erdict1 but1 as it *ere1 the Furisdiction of the national court1 is sho*n b a small comed at the moment of his departure into e'ile8 Before climbing the ramp of hisFet1 he ,issed the earth for the photographers and announced that he *as ta,ing a small Guantit of sacred Iranian soil *ith him8 This ta,e is lifted from a film about ?aribaldi1 not the Sun .ing8: The >naturaliBations> of Europe>s d nasties 7 maneu&ers that reGuired in man cases some di&erting acrobatics7e&entuall led to *hat Seton72atson bitingl calls >official nationalisms1>( of *hich CBarist Russification is onl the best7,no*n e'ample8 These >official nationalisms> can best be understood as a means for combining naturaliBation *ith retention of d nastic po*er1 in particular o&er the huge pol glot domains accumulated since the 0iddle Ages1 or1 to put it another *a 1 for stretching the short1 tight1 s,in of the nation o&er the gigantic bod of the empire8 >Russification> of the heterogeneous population of the CBar>s subFects thus represented a &iolent1 conscious *elding of t*o opposing political orders1 one ancient1 one Guite ne*8 ;2hile there is a certain analog *ith1 sa 1 the 3ispaniBation of the Americas and the <hilippines1 one central difference remains8 The cultural conGuistadors of late7nineteenth7centur CBardom *ere proceeding from a selfconscious 0achia7&ellism1 *hile their si'teenth7centur Spanish ancestors acted out of an unselfconscious e&er da pragmatism8 Nor *as it for them reall >3ispaniBation>7rather it *as simpl conversion of heathens and sa&ages8= The ,e to situating >official nationalism>7*illed merger of nation and d nastic empire 7 is to

remember that it de&eloped after- and in reaction to- the popular national mo&ements proliferating in Europe since the "$94s8 If these nationalisms *ere modelled on D$CE American and French histories1 so no* the became modular in turn8C It *as onl that a certain in&enti&e legerdemain *as reGuired to permit the empire to appear attracti&e in national drag8 To gain some perspecti&e on this *hole process of reactionar 1 secondar modelling1 *e ma profitabl consider some parallel1 et usefull contrasting cases8 3o* uneas Romano& autocrac initiall felt at >ta,ing to the streets> is e'cellentl sho*n b Seton72atson8$ As noted earlier1 the language of the court of St8 <etersburg in the eighteenth centur *as French1 *hile that of much of the pro&incial nobilit *as ?erman8 In the aftermath of Napoleon>s in&asion1 Count Sergei -&aro&1 in an official report of "$%91 proposed that the realm should be based on the three principles of Autocrac 1 Orthodo' 1 and Nationalit Hnatsional-nost@. If the first t*o *ere old1 the third *as Guite no&el7and some*hat premature in an age *hen half the >nation> *ere still serfs1 and more than half spo,e a mother7 tongue other than Russian8 -&aro&>s report *on him the post of 0inister of Education1 but little more8 For another half7centur CBarism resisted -&aro&ian enticements8 It *as not until the reign of Ale'ander III ;"$$"7#6= that Russification became official d nastic polic / long after -,rainian1 Finnish1 +ett and other nationalisms had appeared *ithin the Empire8 Ironicall enough1 the first Russif ing measures *ere ta,en against precisel those >nationalities> *hich had been most Gaisertre - such as the Baltic ?ermans8 In "$$C1 in the Baltic pro&inces1 Russian *as made compulsor as the language of instruction in all state schools abo&e the lo*est primar classes1 a measure later e'tended to pri&ate schools as *ell8 In "$#%1 the -ni&ersit of Dorpat1 one of the most distinguished colleges in the imperial domains1 *as closed do*n because it used ?erman in the lecture7rooms8 ;Recall that hitherto ?erman had been a pro&incial language7of7state1 not the &oice of a popular nationalist mo&ement=8 D$$E And so on8 Seton72atson e&en goes so far as to &enture that the Re&olution of "#4: *as >as much a re&olution of non7Russians against Russification as it *as a re&olution of *or,ers1 peasants1 and radical intellectuals against autocrac 8 The t*o re&olts *ere of course connected/ the social re&olution *as in fact most bitter in non7Russian regions1 *ith <olish *or,ers1 +at&ian peasants1 and ?eorgian peasants as protagonists8># At the same time1 it *ould be a big mista,e to suppose that since Russification *as a d0nastic polic 1 it did not achie&e one of its main purposes 7 marshalling a gro*ing >?reat Russian> nationalism behind the throne8 And not simpl on the basis of sentiment8 Enormous opportunities *ere after all a&ailable for Russian functionaries and entrepreneurs in the &ast bureaucrac and e'panding mar,et that the empire pro&ided8 No less interesting than Ale'ander III1 Russif ing CBar of All the Russias1 is his contemporar !ictoria &on Sa'e7Coburg7?otha1 Nueen of England and- late in life1 Empress of India8 Actuall her title is more interesting than her person1 for it represents emblematicall the thic,ened metal of a *eld bet*een nation and empire8"4 3er reign too mar,s the onset of a +ondon7st le >official nationalism> *hich has strong affinities *ith the Russification being pursued in St8 <etersburg8 A good *a to appreciate this affinit is b longitudinal comparison8 In +he (rea#- % of (ritain- Tom Nairn raises the problem of *h there *as no Scottish nationalist mo&ement in the late eighteenth centur 1 in spite of a rising Scots bourgeoisie and a &er distinguished Scots intelligentsia8"" 3obsba*m has peremptoril dismissed Nairn>s thoughtful discussion *ith the remar,/ >It is pure anachronism to e'pect Dthe ScotsE to ha&e demanded an independent state at this time8>"9 5et if *e recall that BenFamin Fran,lin1 *ho

co7signed the American Declaration of Independence1 *as born fi&e ears before D$#E Da&id 3ume1 *e ma be inclined to thin, this Fudgement itself a shade anachronistic8"% It seems to me that the difficulties 7 and their resolution 7 lie else*here8 On the other hand1 there is Nairn>s good nationalist tendenc to treat his >Scotland> as an unproblematic1 primordial gi&en8 Bloch reminds us of the cheGuered ancestr of this >entit >1 obser&ing that the ra&ages of the Danes and 2illiam the ConGueror destro ed fore&er the cultural hegemon of Northern1 Anglo7Sa'on Northum7bria1 s mboliBed b such luminaries as Alcuin and Bede/"6
A part of the northern Bone *as detached for e&er from England proper8 Cut off from other populations of Anglo7Sa'on speech b the settlement of the !i,ings in 5or,shire1 the lo*lands round about the Northumbrian citadel of Edinburgh fell under the domination of the Celtic chiefs of the hills8 Thus the bilingual ,ingdom of Scotland *as b a sort of bac,handed stro,e a creation of the Scandina&ian in&asions8

And Seton72atson1 for his part1 *rites that the Scottish language/":
de&eloped from the flo*ing together of Sa'on and French1 though *ith less of the latter and *ith rather more from Celtic and Scandina&ian sources than in the south8 This language *as spo,en not onl in the east of Scotland but also in northern England8 Scots1 or >northern English1> *as spo,en at the Scottish court and b the social elite ;*ho might or might not also spea, ?aelic=1 as *ell as b the +o*land popualtion as a *hole8 It *as the language of the poets Robert 3enr son and 2illiam Dunbar8 It might ha&e de&eloped as a distinct literar language into modern times had not the union of the cro*ns in "(4% brought the predominance of southern English through its e'tension to the court1 administration and upper class of Scotland8

D#4E The ,e point here is that alread in the earl se&enteenth centur large parts of *hat *ould one da be imagined as Scotland *ere English7spea,ing and had immediate access to print7English1 pro&ided a minimal degree of literac e'isted8 Then in the earl eighteenth centur the English7spea,ing +o*lands collaborated *ith +ondon in largel e'terminating the ?aeltacht8 In neither >north*ard thrust> *as a selfconscious AngliciBing polic pursued7 in both cases AngliciBation *as essentiall a b product8 But combined1 the had effecti&el eliminated1 >before> the age of nationalism1 an possibilit of a European7st le &ernacular7 specific nationalist mo&ement8 2h not one in the American st leH <art of the ans*er is gi&en b Nairn in passing1 *hen he spea,s of a >massi&e intellectual migration> south*ards from the mid eighteenth centur on*ards8"( But there *as more than an intellectual migration8 Scottish politicians came south to legislate1 and Scottish businessmen had open access to +ondon>s mar,ets8 In effect1 in complete contrast to the Thirteen Colonies ;and to a lesser e'tent Ireland=1 there :ere no !arricades on all these pilgrims> paths to*ards the centre8 ;Compare the clear high*a before +atin7 and ?erman7reading 3ungarians to !ienna in the eighteenth centur 8= English had et to become an >English> language8 The same point can be made from a different angle8 It is true that in the se&enteenth centur +ondon resumed an acGuisition of o&erseas territories arrested since the disastrous ending to the 3undred 5ears 2ar8 But the >spirit> of these conGuests *as still fundamentall that of a prenational age8 Nothing more stunningl confirms this than the fact that >India> onl became >British> t*ent ears after !ictoria>s accession to the throne8 In other *ords1 until after the "$:C 0utin 1 >India> *as ruled b a commercial enterprise7not b a state1 and certainl not b a nation7state8 But change *as on the *a 8 2hen the East India Compan >s charter came up for rene*al in "$"%1 <arliament mandated the allocation of "441444 rupees a ear for the promotion of

nati&e education1 !oth >oriental> and >2estern8> In "$9%1 a Committee of <ublic Instruction *as set up in BengalJ and in "$%61 Thomas D#"E Babington 0acaula became president of this committee8 Declaring that >a single shelf of a good European librar is *orth the *hole nati&e literature of India and Arabia1>"C he produced the follo*ing ear his notorious >0inute on Education8> +uc,ier than -&aro&1 his recommendations *ent into immediate effect8 A thoroughl English educational s stem *as to be introduced *hich1 in 0acaula >s o*n ineffable *ords1 *ould create >a class of persons1 Indian in blood and colour1 but English in taste1 in opinion1 in morals and in intellect8 >"$ In "$%(1 he *rote that/"#
No 3indu *ho has recei&ed an English education e&er remains sincerel attached to his religion8 It is m firm belief Dso the al*a s *ereE that if our plans of education are follo*ed up1 there *ill not be a single idolater among the respectable classes in Bengal thirt ears hence8

There is here1 to be sure1 a certain nai&e optimism1 *hich reminds us of Fermin in Bogota half a centur earlier8 But the important thing is that *e see a long7range ;%4 earsQ= polic 1 consciousl formulated and pursued1 to turn >idolaters1> not so much into Christians1 as into people culturall English1 despite their irremediable colour and blood8 A sort of mental miscegenation is intended1 *hich1 *hen compared *ith Fermin>s ph sical one1 sho*s that1 li,e so much else in the !ictorian age1 imperialism made enormous progress in daintiness8 In an e&ent1 it can be safel said that from this point on1 all o&er the e'panding empire1 if at different speeds1 0acaula ism *as pursued894 +i,e Russification1 AngliciBation naturall also offered ros D#9E opportunities to armies of middle7class metropolitans ;not least ScotsmenQ= 7 functionaries1 schoolmasters1 merchants1 and planters 7*ho Guic,l fanned out o&er the &ast1 permanentl sunlit realm8 Nonetheless there *as a central difference bet*een the empires ruled from St8 <etersburg and +ondon8 CBardom remained a >continuous> continental domain1 confined to the temperate and arctic Bones of Eurasia8 One could1 so to spea,1 *al, from one end of it to the other8 +inguistic ,inship *ith the Sla&ic populations of Eastern Europe1 and 7 to put it pleasantl 7 historical1 political1 religious and economic ties *ith man non7Sla&ic peoples1 meant that relativel0 spea,ing1 the barriers on the road to St8 <etersburg *ere not impermeable89" The British Empire1 on the other hand1 *as a grab7bag of primaril tropical possessions scattered o&er e&er continent8 Onl a minorit of the subFected peoples had an long7standing religious1 linguistic1 cultural1 or e&en political and economic1 ties *ith the metropole8 Au'taposed to one another in the Aubilee 5ear1 the resembled those random collections of Old 0asters hastil assembled b English and American millionaires *hich e&entuall turn into solemnl imperial state museums8 The conseGuences are *ell illustrated b the bitter recollections of Bipin Chandra <al1 *ho1 in "#%91 a centur after 0acaula >s >0inute>1 still felt angr enough to *rite that Indian 0agistrates/99
had not onl passed a &er rigid test on the same terms as British members of the ser&ice1 but had spent the &er best ears of the formati&e period of their outh in England8 -pon their return to their homeland1 the practicall li&ed in the same st le as their brother Ci&ilians1 and almost religio sl0 follo*ed the social con&entions and the ethical standards of the latter8 In those da s the India7born Dsic 7 compare our Spanish7American CreolesE Ci&ilian practicall cut himself off from his parent societ 1 and li&ed and mo&ed and had his being in the atmosphere so belo&ed of his British colleagues8 In mind and manners he :as as m ch an Englishman as an0 Englishman. It *as no small sacrifice for him1 because in this *a he completel estranged himself from the societ of his o*n people and became sociall and morall a pariah D#%E among them8888 3e *as as much a stranger in his o:n native land as the European residents in the countr 8

So far1 so 0acaula 8 0uch more serious1 ho*e&er1 *as that such strangers in their nati&e land *ere still condemned7no less fatall than the American Creoles7 to an >irrational>

permanent subordination to the English maturrangos8 It *as not simpl that1 no matter ho* AngliciBed a <al became1 he *as al*a s barred from the uppermost pea,s of the RaF8 3e *as also barred from mo&ement outside its perimeter 7 laterall 1 sa 1 to the ?old Coast or 3ong .ong1 and &erticall to the metropole8 >Completel estranged from the societ of his o*n people> he might be1 but he *as under life sentence to ser&e among them8 ;To be sure1 *ho >the > included &aried *ith the stretch of British conGuests on the subcontinent89%= 2e shall be loo,ing later at the conseGuences of official nationalisms for the rise of t*entieth7centur Asian and African nationalisms8 For our purposes here1 *hat needs to be stressed is that AngliciBation produced thousands of <als all o&er the *orld8 Nothing more sharpl underscores the fundamental contradiction of English official nationalism1 i8e8 the inner incompatibilit of empire and nation8 I sa >nation> ad&isedl 1 because it is al*a s tempting to account for these <als in terms of racism8 No one in their right mind *ould den the profoundl racist character of nineteenth7centur English imperialism8 But the <als also e'isted in the :hite colonies 7 Australia1 Ne* Mealand1 Canada and South Africa8 English and Scottish schoolmasters also s*armed there1 and AngliciBation *as also cultural polic 8 As to <al1 to them too the looping up*ard path still open to the Scots in the eighteenth centur *as closed8 AngliciBed Australians did not ser&e in Dublin or 0anchester1 and not e&en in Otta*a or Capeto*n8 Nor1 until Guite late on1 could the become ?o&ernors7D#6E?eneral in Canberra896 Onl >English English> did1 i8e8 members of a half7concealed English nation8 Three ears before the East India Compan lost its Indian hunting7ground1 Commodore <err *ith his blac, ships peremptoril battered do*n the *alls that for so long had ,ept Aapan in self7imposed isolation8 After "$:61 the self7confidence and inner legitimac of the Ba,ufu ;To,uga*a Shogunate regime= *ere rapidl undermined b a conspicuous impotence in the face of the penetrating 2est8 -nder the banner of Sonno Aoi ;Re&ere the So&ereign1 E'pel the Barbarians=1 a small band of middle7ran,ing samurai1 primaril from the Satsuma and Choshu han- finall o&erthre* it in "$($8 Among the reasons for their success *as an e'ceptionall creati&e absorption1 especiall after "$(41 of the ne* 2estern militar science s stematiBed since "$": b <russian and French staff professionals8 The *ere thus able to ma,e effecti&e use of C1%44 ultra7modern rifles ;most of them American Ci&il 2ar scrap=1 purchased from an English arms7merchant89: >In the use of guns888 the D#:E men of Choshu had such master that the old blood and thunder slash and cut methods *ere Guite useless against them8>9: Once in po*er1 ho*e&er1 the rebels1 *hom *e remember toda as the 0eiFi oligarchs1 found that their militar pro*ess did not automaticall guarantee political legitimac 8 If the Tenno ;>Emperor>= could Guic,l be restored *ith the abolition of the Ba,ufu1 the barbarians could not so easil be e'pelled89C Aapan>s geopolitical securit remained Fust as fragile as before "$($8 One of the basic means adopted for consolidating the oligarch >s domestic position *as thus a &ariant of mid7centur >official nationalism1> rather consciousl modelled on 3ohenBollern <russia7?erman 8 Bet*een "$($ and "$C"1 all residual local >feudal> militar units *ere dissol&ed1 gi&ing To, o a centraliBed monopol of the means of &iolence8 In "$C91 an Imperial Rescript ordered the promotion of uni&ersal literac among adult males8 In "$C%1 *ell before the -nited .ingdom1 Aapan introduced conscription8 At the same time1 the regime liGuidated the samurai as a legall 7defined and pri&ileged class1 an essential step not onl for ;slo*l = opening the officer corps to all talents1 but also to fit the no* >a&ailable> nation7of7 citiBens model8 The Aapanese peasantr *as freed from subFection to the feudal )0n7s stem and henceforth e'ploited directl b the state and commercial7agricultural lando*ners89$ In "$$#1 there follo*ed a <russian7st le constitution and e&entuall uni&ersal male suffrage8 In this orderl campaign the men of 0eiFi *ere aided b three half7fortuitous factors8 First

*as the relati&el high degree of Aapanese ethnocultural homogeneit resulting from t*o and a half centuries of isolation and internal pacification b the Ba,ufu8 2hile the Aapanese spo,en in . ushu *as largel incomprehensible in D#(E 3onshu1 and e&en Edo7To, o and . oto7Osa,a found &erbal communication problematic1 the half7Sinified ideographic reading7s stem *as long in place throughout the islands1 and thus the de&elopment of mass literac through schools and print *as eas and uncontro&ersial8 Second1 the uniGue antiGuit of the imperial house ;Aapan is the onl countr *hose monarch has been monopoliBed b a single d nast throughout recorded histor =1 and its emblematic Aapanese7ness ;contrast Bourbons and 3absburgs=1 made the e'ploitation of the Emperor for official7nationalist purposes rather simple89# Third1 the penetration of the barbarians *as abrupt1 massi&e1 and menacing enough for most elements of the politicall 7a*are population to rall behind a programme of self7defence concei&ed in the ne* national terms8 It is *orth emphasiBing that this possibilit had e&er thing to do *ith the timing of 2estern penetration1 i8e8 the "$(4s as opposed to the "C(4s8 For b then1 in dominant Europe1 the >national communit > had been coming into its o*n for half a centur 1 in both popular and official &ersions8 In effect1 self7 defence could be fashioned along lines and in accordance *ith *hat *ere coming to be >international norms8> That the gamble paid off1 in spite of the terrible sufferings imposed on the peasantr b the ruthless fiscal e'actions reGuired to pa for a munitions7based programme of industrialiBation1 *as certainl due in part to the single7minded determination of the oligarchs themsel&es8 Fortunate to come to po*er in an era in *hich numbered accounts in Murich la in an undreamed7of future1 the *ere not tempted to mo&e the e'acted surplus outside Aapan8 Fortunate to rule in an age *hen militar technolog *as still ad&ancing at a relati&e amble1 the *ere able1 *ith their catch7up armaments programme1 to turn Aapan into an independent militar po*er b the end of the centur 8 Spectular successes b Aapan>s conscript arm against China in "$#67:1 and b her na& against CBardom in "#4:1 plus the anne'ation of Tai*an ;"$#:= and .orea ;"#"4=1 all consciousl D#CE propagandiBed through schools and print1 *ere e'tremel &aluable in creating the general impression that the conser&ati&e oligarch *as an authentic representati&e of the nation of *hich Aapanese *ere coming to imagine themsel&es members8 That this nationalism too, on an aggressi&e imperialist character1 e&en outside ruling circles1 can best be accounted for b t*o factors/ the legac of Aapan>s long isolation and the po*er of the official7national model8 0aru ama shre*dl points out that all nationalisms in Europe arose in the conte't of a traditional pluralism of interacting d nastic states7as I put it earlier1 +atin>s European uni&ersalism ne&er had a political correlate/%4
National consciousness in Europe therefore bore from its inception the imprint of a consciousness of international societ 8 It *as a self7e&ident premise that disputes among so&ereign states *ere conflicts among independent members of this international societ 8 <recisel for this reason *ar1 since ?rotius1 has come to occup an important and s stematic place in international la*8

Centuries of Aapanese isolation1 ho*e&er1 meant that/%"

an a*areness of eGualit in international affairs *as totall absent8 The ad&ocates of e'pulsion Dof the barbariansE &ie*ed international relations from positions *ithin the national hierarch based on the supremac of superiors o&er inferiors8 ConseGuentl 1 *hen the premises of the national hierarch *ere transferred horiBontall into the international sphere1 international problems *ere reduced to a single alternati&e/ conGuer or be conGuered8 In the absence of an higher normati&e standards *ith *hich to gauge international relations1 po*er politics is bound to be the rule and esterda >s timid defensi&eness *ill become toda >s unrestrained e'pansionism8

Secondl 1 the oligarch >s prime models *ere the self7naturaliBing d nasties of Europe8 Insofar as these d nasties *ere more and more defining themsel&es in national terms1 *hile at the same time D#$E e'panding their po*er outside Europe1 it is not surprising that the model should ha&e been understood imperiall 8%9 As the parcelliBation of Africa at the Congress of Berlin ;"$$:= sho*ed1 great nations *ere global conGuerors8 3o* plausible then to argue that1 for Aapan to be accepted as >great1> she too should turn Tenno into Emperor and launch o&erseas ad&entures1 e&en if she *as late to the game and had a lot of catching up to do8 Fe* things gi&e one a sharper sense of the *a these residues impinged on the consciousness of the reading population than the follo*ing formulation b the radical7nationalist ideologue and re&olutionar .ita I,,i ;"$$67"#%C=1 in his &er influential .ihon Gai8o Coan +ai#o DOutline for the Reconstruction of AapanE1 published in "#96/%%
As the class struggle *ithin a nation is *aged for the readFustment of uneGual distinctions1 so *ar bet*een nations for an honorable cause *ill reform the present unFust distinctions8 The British Empire is a millionaire possessing *ealth all o&er the *orldJ and Russia is a great lando*ner in occupation of the northern half of the globe8 Aapan *ith her scattered fringe DsicE of islands is one of the proletariat1 and she has the right to declare *ar on the big monopol po*ers8 The socialists of the 2est contradict themsel&es *hen the admit the right of class struggle to the proletariat at home and at the same time condemn *ar1 *aged b a proletariat among nations1 as militarism and aggression 888 If it is permissible for the *or,ing class to unite to o&erthro* unFust authorit b bloodshed1 then unconditional appro&al should be gi&en to Aapan to perfect her arm and na& and ma,e *ar for the rectification of unFust international frontiers8 In the name of rational social democrac Aapan claims possession of Australia and Eastern Siberia8

It remains onl to add that1 as the empire e'panded after "#441 Aapanification a la 0acaula *as selfconsciousl pursued as state polic 8 In the inter*ar ears .oreans1 Tai*anese and 0anchurians1 D##E and1 after the outbrea, of the <acific 2ar1 Burmese1 Indonesians and Filipinos1 *ere subFected to policies for *hich the European model *as an established *or,ing practice8 And Fust as in the British Empire1 Aapanified .oreans1 Tai*anese or Burmese had their passages to the metropole absolutel barred8 The might spea, and read Aapanese perfectl 1 but the *ould ne&er preside o&er prefectures in 3onshu1 or e&en be posted outside their Bones of origin8 3a&ing considered these three &aried cases of>official nationalism>1 it is important to stress that the model could be selfconsciousl follo*ed b states *ith no serious great po*er pretensions1 so long as the *ere states in *hich the ruling classes or leading elements in them felt threatened b the *orld7*ide spread of the nationall 7imagined communit 8 A comparison bet*een t*o such states1 Siam and 3ungar 7*ithin7Austro73ungar 1 ma pro&e instructi&e8 0eiFi>s contemporar 1 the long7reigning Chulalong,orn ;r8 "$($7"#"4=1 defended his realm from 2estern e'pansionism in a st le that differed mar,edl from that of his Aapanese opposite number8%6 SGueeBed bet*een British Burma and 0ala a1 and French Indochina1 he de&oted himself to a shre*d manipulati&e diplomac rather than attempting to build up a serious *ar machine8 ;A 0inistr of 2ar *as not established until "$#68= In a *a that reminds one of eighteenth7centur Europe1 his armed forces *ere primaril a motle arra of !ietnamese1 .hmer1 +ao1 0ala 1 and Chinese mercenaries and tributaries8 Nor *as an thing much done to push an official nationalism through a moderniBed educational s stem8 Indeed1 primar education *as not made compulsor till more than a decade after his death1 and the countr >s first uni&ersit *as not set up until "#"C1 four decades after the founding of the Imperial -ni&ersit in To, o8 Nonetheless1 Chulalong,orn regarded himself as a moderniBer8 But his prime models *ere not the -nited .ingdom or ?erman 1 but rather the colonial !eamtenstaaten of the Dutch East D"44E Indies1 British 0ala a1 and the RaF8%: Follo*ing these

models meant rationaliBing and centraliBing ro al go&ernment1 eliminating traditional semi7 autonomous tributar statelets1 and promoting economic de&elopment some*hat along colonial lines8 The most stri,ing e'ample of this 7 an e'ample *hich in its odd *a loo,s for*ard to contemporar Saudi Arabia 7 *as his encouragement of a massi&e immigration of oung1 single1 male foreigners to form the disoriented1 politicall po*erless *or,force needed to construct port facilities1 build rail*a lines1 dig canals1 and e'pand commercial agriculture8 This importing of gastar!eiter paralleled1 indeed *as modelled on1 the policies of the authorities in Bata&ia and Singapore8 And as in the case of the Netherlands Indies and British 0ala a1 the great bul, of the labourers imported during the nineteenth centur *ere from southeastern China8 It is instructi&e that this polic caused him neither personal Gualms nor political difficulties 7 no more than it did the colonial rulers on *hom he modelled himself8 Indeed the polic made good short term sense for a d0nastic state1 since it created an impotent *or,ing class >outside> Thai societ and left that societ largel >undisturbed8> 2achira*ut1 his son and successor ;r8 "#"47"#9:=1 had to pic, up the pieces1 modelling himself this time on the self7naturaliBing d nasts of Europe8 Although 7 and because 7 he *as educated in late !ictorian England1 he dramatiBed himself as his countr >s >first nationalist8>%( The target of this nationalism1 ho*e&er1 *as neither the -nited .ingdom1 *hich controlled #4 per cent of Siam>s trade1 nor France1 *hich had recentl made off *ith easterl segments of the old realm/ it *as the Chinese *hom his father had so recentl and blithel imported8 The st le of his anti7Chinese stance is suggested b the titles of t*o of his most famous pamphlets/ +he Je:s of the 2rient ;"#"6=1 and ,logs on 2 r 3heels ;"#":=8 D"4"E 2h the changeH Doubtless dramatic e&ents immediatel preceding and follo*ing his coronation in No&ember "#"4 had their effect8 The pre&ious Aune the police had had to be called out to suppress a general sti,e b Bang,o,>s Chinese merchants ;up*ardl mobile children of earl immigrants= and *or,ers1 mar,ing their initiation into Siamese politics8%C The follo*ing ear1 the Celestial 0onarch in <e,ing *as s*ept a*a b a heterogeneous assortment of groups from *hich merchants *ere b no means absent8 >The Chinese> thus appeared as harbingers of a popular re% !licanism profoundl threatening to the d nastic principle8 Second1 as the *ords >Ae*s> and >Orient> suggest1 the AngliciBed monarch had imbibed the particular racisms of the English ruling class8 But1 in addition1 there *as the fact that 2achira*ut *as a sort of Asian Bourbon8 In a pre7national era his ancestors had readil ta,en attracti&e Chinese girls as *i&es and concubines1 *ith the result that1 0endelianl 7 spea,ing1 he himself had more Chinese >blood> than Thai8%$ 3ere is a fine e'ample of the character of official nationalism 7 an anticipator strateg adopted b dominant groups *hich are threatened *ith marginaliBation or e'clusion from an emerging nationall 7imagined communit 8 ;It goes *ithout sa ing that 2achira*ut also began mo&ing all the polic le&ers of official nationalism/ compulsor state7controlled primar education1 state7organiBed propaganda1 official re*riting of histor 1 militarism 7 here more &isible sho* than the real thing 7 and endless affirmations of the identit of d nast and nation8%#= The de&elopment of 3ungarian nationalism in the nineteenth centur D"49E sho*s in a different *a the imprint of the >official> model8 2e noted earlier the +atin7spea,ing 0ag ar nobilit >s enraged opposition to Aoseph II>s attempt in the "C$4s to ma,e ?erman the sole imperial language7of7state8 The more ad&antaged segments of this class feared losing their sinecures under a centraliBed1 streamlined administration dominated b imperial7?erman bureaucrats8 The lo*er echelons *ere panic,ed b the possibilit of losing their e'emptions from ta'es and compulsor militar ser&ice1 as *ell as their control o&er the serfs and rural counties8 5et alongside the defence of +atin1 0ag ar *as1 Guite opportunisticall 1 spo,en for1

>since in the long run a 0ag ar administration seemed the onl *or,able alternati&e to a ?erman one8>64 Bela ?riin*ald sardonicall noted that >the same counties *hich ;arguing against the decree of the Emperor= emphasiBed the possibilit of an administration in the 0ag ar tongue1 decared it in "$""7that is1 t*ent 7se&en ears later7an impossibilit 8> T*o decades later still1 in a &er >nationalistic> 3ungarian count it *as said that >the introduction of the 0ag ar language *ould endanger our constitution and all our interests8>6" It *as reall onl in the "$64s that the 0ag ar nobilit 7a class consisting of about "%(1444 souls monopoliBing land and political rights in a countr of ele&en million people69 7 became seriousl committed to 0ag ariBation1 and then onl to pre&ent its o*n historic marginaliBation8 At the same time1 slo*l increasing literac ;b "$(# one third of the adult population=1 the spread of print70ag ar1 and the gro*th D"4%E of a small1 but energetic1 liberal intelligentsia all stimulated a %o% lar 3ungarian nationalism concei&ed &er differentl from that of the nobilit 8 This popular nationalism1 s mboliBed for later generations b the figure of +aFos .ossuth ;"$497"$#6=1 had its hour of glor in the Re&olution of "$6$8 The re&olutionar regime not onl got rid of the imperial go&ernors appointed b !ienna1 but abolished the supposedl -r70ag ar feudal Diet of Noble Counties1 and proclaimed reforms to put an end to serfdom and noblemen>s ta'7e'empt status1 as *ell as to curb drasticall the entailment of estates8 In addition1 it *as decided that all 3ungarian7spea,ers should be 3ungarian ;as onl the pri&ileged had been before= and e&er 3ungarian should spea, 0ag ar ;as onl some 0ag ars had hitherto been accustomed to do=8 As Ignotus dril comments1 >The KnationK *as1 b the standard of that time ;*hich &ie*ed the rise of the t*in stars of +iberalism and Nationalism *ith boundless optimism=1 Fustified in feeling itself e'tremel generous *hen it KadmittedK the 0ag ar peasant *ith no discrimination sa&e for that relating to propert J6% and the non70ag ar Christians on condition the became 0ag arJ and e&entuall 1 *ith some reluctance and a dela of t*ent ears1 the Ae*s8X66 .ossuth>s o*n position1 in his fruitless negotiations *ith leaders of the &arious non70ag ar minorities1 *as that these peoples should ha&e e'actl the same ci&il rights as the 0ag ars1 but that since the lac,ed >historical personalities> the could not form nations on their o*n8 Toda 1 this position ma seem a trifle arrogant8 It *ill appear in a better light if *e recall that the brilliant1 oung1 radical7nationalist poet Sandor <etofi ;"$9%7"$6#=1 a leading spirit of "$6$1 on one occasion referred to the minorities as >ulcers on the bod of the motherland8>6: After the suppression of the re&olutionar regime b CBarist armies in August "$6#1 .ossuth *ent into life7long e'ile8 The stage *as no* set for a re&i&al of >official> 0ag ar nationalism1 epitomiBed b the reactionar regimes of Count .dlman TisBa D"46E ;"$C:7"$#4= and his son Ist&an ;"#4%7"#4(=8 The reasons for this re&i&al are &er instructi&e8 During the "$:4s1 the authoritarian7bureaucratic Bach administration in !ienna combined se&ere political repression *ith a firm implementation of certain social and economic policies proclaimed b the re&olutionaries of "$6$ ;most notabl the abolition of serfdom and noblemen>s ta'7 e'empt status= and the promotion of moderniBed communications and large7scale capitalist enterprise86( +argel depri&ed of its feudal pri&ileges and securit 1 and incapable of competing economicall *ith the great latifundists and energetic ?erman and Ae*ish entrepreneurs1 the old middle and lo*er 0ag ar nobilit declined into an angr 1 frightened rural gentr 8 +uc,1 ho*e&er1 *as on their side1 3umiliatingl defeated b <russian armies on the field of .oniggratB in "$((1 !ienna *as forced to accede to the institution of the Dual 0onarch in the Ausgleich ;Compromise= of "$(C8 From then on1 the .ingdom of 3ungar enFo ed a &er considerable autonom in the running of its internal affairs8 The initial beneficiaries of the Ausgleich *ere a group of liberal7minded high 0ag ar aristocrats and educated

professionals8 In "$($1 the administration of the culti&ated magnate Count ? ula Andrass enacted a Nationalities +a* *hich ga&e the non70ag ar minorities >e&er right the had e&er claimed or could ha&e claimed 7 short of turning 3ungar into a federation8>6C But TisBa>s accession to the premiership in "$C: opened an era in *hich the reactionar gentr successfull reconstituted their position1 relati&el free from !iennese interference8 In the economic field1 the TisBa regime ga&e the great agrarian magnates a free hand16$ but political po*er *as essentiall monopoliBed b the gentr 8 For1
D"4:E there remained onl one refuge for the dispossessed/ the administrati&e net*or, of national and local go&ernment and the arm 8 For these1 3ungar needed a tremendous staffJ and if she did not she could at least pretend to8 3alf the countr consisted of>nationalities>to be ,ept in chec,8 To pa a host of reliable1 0ag ar1 gentlemanl countr magistrates to control them1 so the argument ran1 *as a modest price for the national interest8 The problem of multi7nationalities *as also a godsendJ it e'cused the proliferation of sinecures8

Thus >the magnates held their entailed estatesJ the gentr held their entailed Fobs8>6# Such *as the social basis for a pitiless polic of enforced 0ag ariBation *hich after "$C: made the Nationalities +a* a dead letter8 +egal narro*ing of the suffrage1 proliferation of rotten boroughs1 rigged elections1 and organiBed political thugger in the rural areas:4 simultaneousl consolidated the po*er of TisBa and his constituenc and underscored the >official> character of their nationalism8 AdsBi rightl compares this late7nineteenth7centur 0ag ariBation to >the polic of Russian Tsardom against the <oles1 the Finns1 and the RutheniansJ the polic of <russia against the <oles and DanesJ and the polic of feudal England against the Irish8>:" The ne'us of reaction and official nationalism is nicel illustrated b these facts/ *hile linguistic 0ag ariBation *as a central element of regime polic 1 b the end of the "$$4s onl 9 per cent of the officials in the more important branches of central and local go&ernments *ere Romanian1 although Romanians constituted 94 per cent of the population1 and >e&en these 9 per cent are emplo ed in the lo*est grades8X:9 On the other hand1 in D"4(E the 3ungarian parliament prior to 2orld 2ar I1 there *as >not a single representati&e of the *or,ing classes and of the landless peasantr ;the great maForit of the countr =888 and there *ere onl $ Romanians and Slo&a,s out of a total membership of 6"% in a countr in *hich onl :6 per cent of the inhabitants spo,e 0ag ar as their mother7tongue8>:% Small *onder1 then1 that *hen !ienna sent in troops to dissol&e this parliament in "#4(1 >not e&en a single mass7meeting1 a single placard1 or a single popular proclamation protested against the ne* era of K!iennese absolutism8K On the contrar the *or,ing masses and nationalities regarded *ith malicious Fo the impotent struggle of the national oligarch 8>:6 The triumph of the reactionar 0ag ar gentr >s >official nationalism> after "$C: cannot1 ho*e&er1 be e'plained solel b that group>s o*n political strength1 nor b the freedom of manoeu&re it inherited from the Ausgleich8 The fact is that until "#4( the 3absburg court did not feel in a position to assert itself decisi&el against a regime *hich in man respects remained a pillar of the empire8 Abo&e all1 the d nast *as incapable of superimposing a strenuous official nationalism of its o*n8 Not merel because the regime *as1 in the *ords of the eminent socialist !i,tor Adler1 1'!sol tism s gemildert d rch Schlam%erei Dabsolutism tempered b slo&enlinessE8>:: D"4CE +ater than almost an *here else1 the d nast clung to &anished conceptions8 >In his religio s m sticism1 each 3absburg felt himself connected b a special tie *ith di&init 1 as an e'ecutor of the di&ine *ill8 This e'plains their almost unscrupulous attitude in the midst of historical catastrophes1 and their pro&erbial ungratefulness8 )er)an# vom Ca se Ca!s! rg became a *idel spread slogan8>:( In addition1 bitter Fealous of 3ohenBollern <russia1 *hich increasingl made off *ith the plate of the

3ol Roman Empire and turned itself into ?erman 1 ,ept the d nast insisting on FranB II >s splendid >patriotism for me8> At the same time1 it is interesting that in its last da s the d nast disco&ered1 perhaps to its o*n surprise1 affinities *ith its Social Democrats1 to the point that some of their common enemies spo,e sneeringl of >BurgsoBialismus DCourt SocialismE>8 In this tentati&e coalition there *as doubtless a mi'ture of 0achia&ellism and idealism on each side8 One can see this mi'ture in the &ehement campaign led b the Austrian Social Democrats against the economic and militar >separatism> pressed b the regime of Count Ist&an TisBa in "#4:8 .arl Renner1 for e'ample1 >chastiBed the co*ardice of the Austrian bourgeoisie *ho began to acGuiesce in the separatistic plans of the 0ag ars1 though Kthe 3ungarian mar,et is incomparabl more significant for ' strian ca%ital than DtheE 0oroccan is for the ?erman1K *hich ?erman foreign polic defends so energeticall 8 In the claim for an independent 3ungarian customs territor he sa* nothing else than the clamouring of cit shar,s1 s*indlers1 and political demagogues1 against the ver0 interests of ' strian ind str0- of the Austrian *or,ing7classes1 and of the 3ungarian agricultural population8>:C Similarl 1 Otto Bauer *rote that/:$
D"4$E In the era of the Russian re&olution Dof "#4:E1 no one *ill dare to use na,ed militar force to subFugate the countr D3ungar E1 rent as it is b class and national antagonisms8 But the inner conflicts of the countr *ill pro&ide the Cro*n *ith another instrument of po*er *hich it *ill ha&e to e'ploit if it does not *ish to suffer the fate of the 3ouse of Bernadotte8 It can not be the organ of t*o *ills and et still intend to rule o&er 3ungar and Austria8 3ence it must ta,e steps to ensure that 3ungar and Austria ha&e a common *ill1 and that it constructs a single realm $Reich&. 3ungar >s in*ard fragmentation offers her the possibilit to achie&e this goal8 She *ill dispatch her arm to 3ungar to recapture it for the realm1 but she *ill inscribe on her banners/ -ncorrupted1 uni&ersal and eGual suffrageQ Right of coalition for the agricultural laborerQ National autonom Q She *ill counterpose to the idea of an independent 3ungarian nation7state $.ationahtaat& the idea of the Mnited States of Kreat ' stria DsicE1 the idea of a federati&e state $( ndesstaat&- in *hich each nation *ill administer independentl its o*n national affairs1 and all the nations *ill unite in one state for the preser&ation of their common interests8 Ine&itabl and una&oidabl 1 the idea of a federati&e state of nationalities $.ationalitdten! ndesstaat& *ill become an instrument of the Cro*n DsicQ7 3er#8e g der Grone&- *hose realm is being destro ed b the deca of Dualism8

It seems reasonable to detect in this -nited States of ?reat Austria ;-S?A= residues of the -SA and the -nited .ingdom of ?reat Britain and Northern Ireland ;one da to be ruled b a +abour <art =1 as *ell as a foreshado*ing of a -nion of So&iet Socialist Republics *hose stretch is strangel reminiscent of CBardom>s8 The fact is that this -S?A seemed1 in its imaginer>s mind1 the necessar heir of a %artic lar d nastic dominion ;?reat Austria= 7 *ith its enfranchised components e'actl those produced b centuries of 3absburg >huc,sterings>8 Such >imperial> imaginings *ere partl the misfortune of a socialism born in the capital of one of Europe>s great d nastic D"4#E empires8:# As *e ha&e noted earlier1 the ne* imagined communities ;including the still7born1 but still imagined -S?A= conFured up b le'icograph and print7capitalism al*a s regarded themsel&es as someho* ancient8 In an age in *hich >histor > itself *as still *idel concei&ed in terms of>great e&ents> and >great leaders>1 pearls strung along a thread of narrati&e1 it *as ob&iousl tempting to decipher the communit >s past in antiGue d nasties8 3ence a -S?A in *hich the membrane separating empire from nation1 cro*n from proletariat1 is almost transparent8 Nor *as Bauer unusual in all this8 A 2illiam the ConGueror and a ?eorge I1 neither of *hom could spea, English1 continue to appear unproblematicall as beads in the nec,lace >.ings of England>8 >Saint> Stephen ;r8 "44"7"4%$= might admonish his successor that/(4

The utilit of foreigners and guests is so great that the can be gi&en a place of si'th importance among the ro al ornaments8888 For1 as the guests come from &arious regions and pro&inces1 the bring *ith them &arious languages and customs1 &arious ,no*ledges and arms8 All these adorn the ro al court1 heighten its splendour1 and terrif the haughtiness of foreign po*ers8 For a countr unified in language and customs is fragile and *ea,8888

But such *ords *ould not in the least pre&ent his subseGuent apotheosis as the First .ing of 3ungar 8 In conclusion1 then it has been argued that from about the middle of the nineteenth centur there de&eloped *hat Seton72atson terms >official nationalisms> inside Europe8 These nationalisms *ere historicall >impossible> until after the appearance of popular linguistic7 nationalisms1 for1 at bottom1 the *ere res%onses b po*er7groups 7 primaril 1 but not e'clusi&el 1 d nastic and aristocratic I D""4E threatened *ith e'clusion from1 or marginaliBation in1 popular imagined communities8 A sort of tectonic uphea&al *as beginning1 *hich1 after "#"$ and "#6:1 tipped these groups to*ards drainages in Estoril and 0onte Carlo8 Such official nationalisms *ere conser&ati&e1 not to sa reactionar 1 %oliciesadapted from the model of the largel spontaneous popular nationalisms that preceded them8(" Nor *ere the ultimatel confined to Europe and the +e&ant8 In the name of imperialism1 &er similar policies *ere pursued b the same sorts of groups in the &ast Asian and African territories subFected in the course of the nineteenth centur 8(9 Finall 1 refracted into non7 European cultures and histories1 the *ere pic,ed up and imitated b indigenous ruling groups in those fe* Bones ;among them Aapan and Siam= *hich escaped direct subFection8 In almost e&er case1 official nationalism concealed a discrepanc bet*een nation and d nastic realm8 3ence a *orld7*ide contradiction/ Slo&a,s *ere to be 0ag ariBed1 Indians AngliciBed1 and .oreans Aapanified1 but the *ould not be permitted to Foin pilgrimages *hich *ould allo* them to administer 0ag ars1 Englishmen1 or Aapanese8 The banGuet to *hich the *ere in&ited al*a s turned out to be a Barmecide feast8 The reason for all this *as D"""E not simpl racismJ it *as also the fact that at the core of the empires nations too *ere emerging73ungarian1 English1 and Aapanese8 And these nations *ere also instincti&el resistant to >foreign> rule8 Imperialist ideolog in the post7"$:4 era thus t picall had the character of a conFuring7tric,8 3o* much it *as a conFuring7tric, is suggested b the eGuanimit *ith *hich metropolitan popular classes e&entuall shrugged off the >losses> of the colonies1 e&en in cases li,e Algeria *here the colon had been legall incorporated into the metropole8 In the end1 it is al*a s the ruling classes1 bourgeois certainl 1 but abo&e all aristocratic1 that long mourn the empires1 and their grief al*a s has a stage Gualit to it8
"8 It is nice that *hat e&entuall became the late British Empire has not been ruled b an >English> d nast since the earl ele&enth centur / since then a motle parade of Normans ;<lantagenets=1 2elsh ;Tudors=1 Scots ;Stuarts=1 Dutch ;3ouse of Orange= and ?ermans ;3ano&erians= ha&e sGuatted on the imperial throne8 No one much cared until the philological re&olution and a paro' sm of English nationalism in 2orld 2ar I8 3ouse of 2indsor rh mes *ith 3ouse of Schonbrunn or 3ouse of !ersailles8 98 AasBi1 +he )issol tion- p8 C"8 It is interesting that Aoseph had refused to ta,e the coronation oath as .ing of 3ungar because this *ould ha&e committed him to respecting the >constitutional> pri&ileges of the 0ag ar nobilit 8 Ignotus1 3ungar 1 p8 6C8 %8 Ibid81 p8 "%C8 Emphasis added8 68 One could argue that a long era closed in "$661 *hen 0ag ar finall replaced +atin as language7of7state in the .ingdom of 3ungar 8 But1 as *e ha&e seen1 dog7+atin *as in fact the vernac lar of the 0ag ar middle and lo*er nobilit until *ell into the nineteenth centur 8

:8 From <rofessor Chehabi of 3ar&ard -ni&ersit I ha&e learned that the Shah *as in the first instance imitating his father1 ReBa <ahla&i1 *ho1 on being e'iled b +ondon to 0auritius in "#6"1 included some Iranian soil in his luggage8 (8 Seton72atson1 .ations and States- p8 "6$8 Alas1 the bite e'tends onl to Eastern Europe8 Seton72atson is rightl sardonic at the e'pense of Romano& and So&iet regimes1 but o&erloo,s analogous policies being pursued in +ondon1 <aris1 Berlin1 0adrid and 2ashington8 C8 There is an instructi&e parallel to all this in the politico7militar reforms of Scharnhorst1 Clause*itB and ?neisenau *ho in a selfconsciousl conser&ati&e spirit adapted man of the spontaneous inno&ations of the French Re&olution for the erection of the great modular professionall 7officered1 standing1 conscript arm of the nineteenth centur 8 $8 Ibid81 pp8 $%7$C8 #8 Ibid81 p8 $C8 "48 This *eld>s disintegration is cloc,ed b the procession from British Empire to British Common*ealth1 to Common*ealth1 to88 88H ""8 +he (rea#- % of (ritain- pp8 "4(ff8 "98 >Some Reflections>1 p8 :8 "%8 In a boo, significantl entitled Inventing 'merica: Jefferson1s )eclaration of Inde%endence- ?ar 2ills argues in fact that the nationalist Aefferson>s thin,ing *as fundamentall shaped1 not b +oc,e1 but b 3ume1 3utcheson1 Adam Smith1 and other eminences of the Scottish Enlightenment8 "68 *e dal Societ0- I1 p8 698 ":8 .ations and States- pp8 %47%"8 "(8 +he (rea#- % of (ritain- p8 "9%8 "C8 2e can be confident that this bumptious oung middle7class English -&aro& ,ne* nothing about either >nati&e literature>8 "$8 See Donald Eugene Smith1 India as a Sec lar State- pp8 %%C7%$J and <erci&al Spear1 India- Pa#istan and the 3est- p8 "(%8 "#8 Smith1 India- p8 %%#8 948 See1 for e'ample1 Roffs po,er7faced account of the founding in "#4: of the .uala .angsar 0ala College1 *hich Guic,l became ,no*n1 *holl *ithout iron 1 as >the 0ala Eton8> True to 0acaula >s prescriptions1 its pupils *ere dra*n from the >respectable classes>7i8e8 the compliant 0ala aristocrac 8 3alf the earl boarders *ere direct descendants of &arious 0ala sultans8 2illiam R8 Roff1 +he 2rigins of 6ala0 .ationalism- pp8 "447 "4:8 9"8 The trans7-ral populations *ere another stor 8 998 See his 6emories of 60 9ife and +imes- pp8 %%"7%98 Emphases added8 9%8 It is true that Indian officials *ere emplo ed in BurmaJ but Burma *as administrati&el part of British India until "#%C8 Indians also ser&ed in subordinate capacities7especiall in the police7in British 0ala a and Singapore1 but the ser&ed as >locals> and >immigrants>1 i8e8 *ere not transferable >bac,> to India>s police forces8 Note that the emphasis here is on officials/ Indian labourers1 merchants1 and e&en professionals1 mo&ed in siBeable numbers to British colonies in Southeast Asia1 South and East Africa1 and e&en the Caribbean8 968 To be sure1 b late Ed*ardian times1 a fe* >*hite colonials>did migrate to +ondon and become members of <arliament or prominent press7lords8 9:8 3ere the ,e figure *as Omura 0asuFiro ;"$967"$(#=1 the so7called >Father of the Aapanese Arm K8 A lo*7 ran,ing Choshu samurai1 he started his career b stud ing 2estern medicine through Dutch7language manuals8

;It *ill be recalled that until "$:6 the Dutch *ere the onl 2esterners permitted access to Aapan1 and this access *as limited essentiall to the island of Deshima off the Ba,ufu7controlled port of Nagasa,i8= On graduating from the Te,iF u,u in Osa,a1 then the best Dutch7language training centre in the countr 1 he returned home to practise medicine 7 but *ithout much success8 In "$:%1 he too, a position in -*aFima as instructor in 2estern learning1 *ith a fora to Nagasa,i to stud na&al science8 ;3e designed and super&ised the building of Aapan>s first steamship on the basis of *ritten manuals8= 3is chance came after <err >s arri&alJ he mo&ed to Edo in "$:( to *or, as an instructor at *hat *ould become the National 0ilitar Academ and at the Ba,ufu>s top research office for the stud of 2estern te'ts8 3is translations of European militar *or,s especiall on Napoleon>s inno&ations in strateg and tactics1 *on him fame and recall to Choshu in "$(4 to ser&e as militar ad&iser8 In "$(67(:1 he pro&ed the rele&ance of his *riting as a successful commander in the Choshu ci&il *ar8 SubseGuentl he became the first 0eiFi 0inister of 2ar1 and dre* up the regime>s re&olutionar plans for mass conscription and elimination of the samurai as a legal caste8 For his pains he *as assassinated b an outraged samurai8 See Albert 08 Craig1 ,hosh in the 6ei;i Restoration- especiall pp8 94979461 9(C79$48 9(8 A contemporar Aapanese obser&er1 Guoted in E8 3eibert Norman1 Soldier and Peasant in Ja%an- p8 %"8 9C8 The ,ne* this from bitter personal e'perience8 In "$(91 an English sGuadron had le&elled half the Satsuma port of .agoshimaJ in "$(61 aFoint American1 Dutch1 and English na&al unit destro ed the Choshu coastal fortifications at Shimonose,i8 Aohn 08 0a,i1 Ja%anese 6ilitarism- pp8 "6(76C8 9$8 All this reminds one of those reforms accomplished in <russia after "$"4 in response to Bliicher>s impassioned plea to Berlin/ >?et us a national arm Q> !agts1 ' Cistor0 of 6ilitarism- p8 "%4J Cf8 ?ordon A8 Craig1 +he Politics of the Pr ssian 'rm0- ch8 98 9#8 But I ha&e been informed b scholars of Aapan that recent e'ca&ations of the earliest ro al tombs suggest strongl that the famil ma originall ha&e been 7 horrorsQ 7 .orean8 The Aapanese go&ernment has strongl discouraged further research on these sites8 %48 0aru ama 0asao1 +ho ght and (ehavio r in 6odem Ja%anese Politics- p8 "%$8 %"8 Ibid81 pp8 "%#7648 %98 -nluc,il 1 the onl alternati&e to the officiall 7nationaliBing d0nastic states of the time 7 Austro73ungar 7 *as not among the po*ers *ith a significant presence in the Far East8 %%8 As translated and cited in Richard Storr 1 +he )o !le Patriots- p8 %$8 %68 The follo*ing section is a condensed &ersion of part of m >Studies of the Thai State/ the State of Thai Studies>1 in Elie8er(. '0alHed.@ +he State of +hai St dies. %:8 Batt e nicel sho*s that the purpose of the oung monarch>s &isits to Bata&ia and Singapore in "$C4 and to India in "$C9 *as1 in Chulalong,orn>s o*n s*eet *ords1 >selecting *hat ma be safe models8> See >The 0ilitar 1 ?o&ernment and Societ in Siam1 "$($7"#"41> p8 ""$8 %(8 >The inspiration of !aFira&udh>s D2achira*ut>sE nationalist program *as1 first and foremost1 ?reat Britain1 the 2estern nation !aFira&udh ,ne* best1 at this time a nation caught up in imperialist enthusiasm8> 2alter F8 !ella1 ,hai0oA Ging La;irav dh and the )evelo%ment of +hai .ationalism- %. 'i&8 See also pp8 ( and (C7($8 %C8 The stri,e *as occasioned b the go&ernment>s decision to e'act the same head7ta' on the Chinese as on the nati&e Thai8 3itherto it had been lo*er1 as an inducement to immigration8 See Be&ars D81 0abr 1 +he )evelo%ment of 9a!or Instit tions in +hailand- p8 %$8 ;E'ploitation of the Chinese came mainl &ia the opium7 farm8= %$8 For genealogical details1 see m >Studies of the Thai State1> p8 9"68 %#8 3e also coined the slogan1 ,hat- Sasana- Gasat ;Nation1 Religion1 0onarch= *hich has been the shibboleth of right*ing regimes in Siam for the last Guarter of a centur 8 3ere -&aro&>s Autocrac 1 Orthodo' 1 Nationalit appear in re&ersed Thai order8 648 Ignotus1 C ngar0- pp8 6C76$8 Thus in "$94 the +iger im Schlafroc# ;Tiger in a Nightgo*n=1 Emperor FranB II1 made a fine impression *ith his +atin address to the 3ungarian magnates assembled in <est8 In "$9:1 ho*e&er1 the romantic7radical grand seigneur Count Ist&an SBechen i >staggered his fello*7magnates> in the Diet b addressing them in 0ag arQ AasBi1 +he )issol tion- p8 $4J and Ignotus1 C ngar0- p8 :"8

6"8 Translated citation from his +he 2ld C ngar0 ;"#"4= in AasBi1 +he )issol tion- pp8 C47C"8 ?riin*ald ;"$%#7 "$#"= *as an interesting and tragic figure8 Born to a 0ag ariBed noble famil of Sa'on descent1 he became both a superb administrator and one of 3ungar >s earliest social scientists8 The publication of his research demonstrating that the famous 0ag ar gentr 7controlled >counties> *ere parasites on the nation e&o,ed a sa&age campaign of public obloGu 8 3e fled to <aris and there dro*ned himself in the Seine8 Ignotus1 C ngar0- pp8 "4$7"4#8 698 AasBi1 +he )issol tion- p8 9##8 6%8 The .ossuth regime instituted adult male suffrage1 but *ith such high propert Gualifications that relati&el fe* persons *ere in a position to &ote8 668 Ignotus1 C ngar0- p8 :(8 6:8 Ibid81 p8 :#8 6(8 Ignotus obser&es that Bach did pro&ide the noblemen *ith some financial compensation for the loss of their pri&ileges1 >probabl neither more nor less than the *ould ha&e got under .ossuth> ;pp8 (67(:=8 6C8 Ibid81 p8 C68 6$8 As a result1 the number of entailed estates trebled bet*een "$(C and "#"$8 If one includes Church propert 1 full one third of all land in 3ungar *as entailed b the end of the Dual 0onarch 8 ?erman and Ae*ish capitalists also did *ell under TisBa8 6#8 Ibid81 pp8 $" and $98 :48 The thugger *as mainl the *or, of the notorious >pandoors1> part of the arm put at the disposal of the count administrators and deplo ed as a &iolent rural police8 :"8 +he )issol tion- p8 %9$8 :98 According to the calculations of +aFos 0ocsar HSome 3ords on the .ationalit0 Pro!lem- Budapest1 "$$(=1 cited in ibid81 pp8 %%"7%%98 0ocsar ;"$9(7"#"(= had in "$C6 established a small Independence <art in the 3ungarian parliament to fight for .ossuth>s ideas1 particularl on the minorities Guestion8 3is speeches denouncing TisBa>s blatant &iolations of the "$($ Nationalities +a* led first to his ph sical e'trusion from parliament and then e'pulsion from his o*n part 8 In "$$$1 he *as returned to parliament from a *holl Romanian constituenc and became largel a political outcast8 Ignotus1 C ngar0- p8 "4#8 :%8 AasBi1 +he )issol tion- p8 %%68 :68 Ibid81 p8 %(98 Right into the t*entieth centur there *as a spurious Gualit to this >national oligarch 8>AasBi reports the di&erting stor of one correspondent of a famous 3ungarian dail *ho during 2orld 2ar I inter&ie*ed the *ounded officer *ho *ould become the reactionar dictator of 3ungar in the inter7*ar ears8 3orth *as enraged b the article>s description of his thoughts >*inging bac, to the 3ungarian fatherland1 home of the ancestors8> >Remember1> he said >that1 if m chief *arlord is in Baden1 then m fatherland is also thereQ> +he )issol tion- p8 "698 ::8 Ibid81 p8 "(:8 >And in the good old da s *hen there *as still such a place as Imperial Austria1 one could lea&e the train of e&ents1 get into an ordinar train on an ordinar rail*a 7line1 and tra&el bac, home88 88 Of course cars also dro&e along those roads 7 but not too man carsQ The conGuest of the air had begun here tooJ but not too intensi&el 8 No* and then a ship *as sent off to South America or the Far EastJ but not too often8 There *as no ambition to ha&e *orld mar,ets and *orld po*er8 3ere one *as in the centre of Europe1 at the focal point of the *orld>sold a'esJ the *ords >colon > and >o&erseas> had the ring of something as et utterl untried and remote8 There *as some displa of lu'ur 1 but it *as not1 of course as o&ersophisticated as the French8 One *ent in for sportJ but not in madl Anglo7Sa'on fashion8 One spent tremendous sums on the arm J but onl Fust enough to assure one of remaining the second *ea,est among the great po*ers8> Robert 0usil1 +he 6an 3itho t N alities- I1 pp8 %"7%98 This boo, is the great comic no&el of our centur 8 :(8 AasBi1 +he )issol tion- p8 "%:8 Author>s emphasis8 2hen 0etternich *as dismissed after the "$6$ insurrections and had to flee1 >nobod in the *hole court as,ed him *here he *ould go and ho* he could li&e8> Sic transit8

:C8 Ibid81 p8 "$"8 Emphases added8 :$8 Otto Bauer1 )ie .ationalitatenfrage nd die So8ialdemocratie ;"#4C=1 as found in his 3er#a sga!e- I1 p8 6$98 Italics in the original8 Comparison of this translation *ith that of AasBi1 gi&en in the original &ersion of this boo,1 offers food for thought8 :#8 Surel the also reflect the characteristic mindset of a *ell7,no*n t pe of left*ing European intellectual1 proud of his command of the ci&iliBed languages1 his Enlightenment heritage1 and his penetrating understanding of e&er one else>s problems8 In this pride1 internationalist and aristocratic ingredients are rather e&enl mi'ed8 (48 AasBi1 +he )issol tion- p8 %#8 ("8 3alf a centur ago AasBi had alread suspected as much/ >One ma as, *hether the late imperialist de&elopments of nationalism do reall emanate from the genuine sources of the national idea and not from the monopolistic interests of certain groups *hich *ere alien to the original conception of national aims8> Ibid81 p8 9$(8 Emphasis added8 (98 The point is nicel underlined b in&ersion in the case of the Netherlands Indies1 *hich in its last da s *as still to a large e'tent ruled through a language *hich *e ,no* toda as >Indonesian8> This is1 I thin,1 the onl case of a large colonial possession in *hich to the end a non7European language remained a language7of7state8 The anomal is primaril to be e'plained b the sheer antiGuit of the colon 1 *hich *as founded earl in the se&enteenth centur b a corporation ;the !ereenigde Oostindische Compagnie=7long before the age of official nationalism8 Doubtless there *as also a certain lac, of confidence on the part of the Dutch in modern times that their language and culture had a European cachet comparable to that of English1 French1 ?erman1 Spanish1 or Italian8 ;Belgians in the Congo *ould use French rather than Flemish8= Finall 1 colonial educational polic *as e'ceptionall conser&ati&e/ in "#641 *hen the indigenous population numbered *ell o&er C4 millions1 there *ere onl (%C >nati&es> in college1 and onl %C graduated *ith BAs8 See ?eorge 0cT8 .ahin1 .ationalism and Revol tion in Indonesia- p8 %98 For more on the Indonesian case1 see belo*1 Chapter !II8

C8 The +ast 2a&e

D""%E The First 2orld 2ar brought the age of high d nasticism to an end8 B "#991 3absburgs1 3ohenBollerns1 Romano&s and Ottomans *ere gone8 In place of the Congress of Berlin came the +eague of .ations- from *hich non7Europeans *ere not e'cluded8 From this time on1 the legitimate international norm *as the nation7state1 so that in the +eague e&en the sur&i&ing imperial po*ers came dressed in national costume rather than imperial uniform8 After the catacl sm of 2orld 2ar II the nation7state tide reached full flood8 B the mid7 "#C4s e&en the <ortuguese Empire had become a thing of the past8 The ne* states of the post72orld 2ar II period ha&e their o*n character1 *hich nonetheless is incomprehensible e'cept in terms of the succession of models *e ha&e been considering8 One *a of underlining this ancestr is to remind oursel&es that a &er large number of these ;mainl non7European= nations came to ha&e European languages7of7state8 If the resembled the >American> model in this respect1 the too, from linguistic European nationalism its ardent populism1 and from official nationalism its Russif ing polic 7orientation8 The did so because Americans and Europeans had li&ed through comple' historical e'periences *hich *ere no* e&er *here modularl imagined1 and because the European languages7of7state the emplo ed *ere the legac of imperialist official nationalism8 This is *h so often in the >nation7building> policies of D""6E the ne* states one sees both a genuine1 popular nationalist enthusiasm and a s stematic1 e&en 0achia&ellian1 instilling of nationalist ideolog through the mass media1 the educational s stem1 administrati&e regulations1 and so forth8 In turn1 this blend of popular and official nationalism has been the product of anomalies created b European imperialism/ the *ell7,no*n arbitrariness of frontiers1 and bilingual intelligentsias poised precariousl o&er di&erse monoglot populations8 One can thus thin, of man of these

nations as proFects the achie&ement of *hich is still in progress1 et proFects concei&ed more in the spirit of 0aBBini than that of -&aro&8 In considering the origins of recent >colonial nationalism>1 one central similarit *ith the colonial nationalisms of an earlier age immediatel stri,es the e e/ the isomorphism bet*een each nationalism>s territorial stretch and that of the pre&ious imperial administrati&e unit8 The similarit is b no means fortuitousJ it is clearl related to the geograph of all colonial pilgrimages8 The difference lies in the fact that the contours of eighteenth7centur Creole pilgrimages *ere shaped not onl b the centraliBing ambitions of metropolitan absolutism1 but b real problems of communication and transportation1 and a general technological primiti&eness8 In the t*entieth centur 1 these problems had largel been o&ercome1 and in their place came a Aanus7faced >Russification>8 I argued earlier that in the late eighteenth centur the imperial administrati&e unit came to acGuire a national meaning in part because it circumscribed the ascent of Creole functionaries8 So too in the t*entieth centur 8 For e&en in cases *here a oung bro*n or blac, Englishman came to recei&e some education or training in the metropole1 in a *a that fe* of his creole progenitors had been able to do1 that *as t picall the last time he made this bureaucratic pilgrimage8 From then on1 the ape' of his looping flight *as the highest administrative centre to :hich he co ld !e assigned: Rangoon1 Accra1 ?eorgeto*n1 or Colombo8 5et in each constricted Fourne he found bilingual tra&elling companions *ith *hom he came to feel a gro*ing communalit 8 In his Fourne he understood rather Guic,l that his point of origin 7 concei&ed either ethnicall 1 linguisticall 1 or geographicall 7 *as of small significance8 At most it started him on this pilgrimage rather than that/ it did not fundamentall determine D"":E his destination or his companions8 Out of this pattern came that subtle1 half7concealed transformation1 step b step1 of the colonial7state into the national7 state1 a transformation made possible not onl b a solid continuit of personnel1 but b the established s,ein of Fourne s through *hich each state *as e'perienced b its functionaries8" 5et increasingl after the middle of the nineteenth centur 1 and abo&e all in the t*entieth1 the Fourne s *ere no longer made b a mere handful of tra&ellers1 but rather b huge and &ariegated cro*ds8 The central factors at *or, *ere three8 First and foremost *as the enormous increase in ph sical mobilit made possible b the astonishing achie&ements of industrial capitalism 7 rail*a s and steamships in the last centur 1 motor transport and a&iation in this8 The interminable Fourne s of the old Americas *ere Guic,l becoming things of the past8 Second1 imperial >Russification> had its practical as *ell as ideological side8 The sheer siBe of the global European empires1 and the &ast populations subFected1 meant that purel metropolitan1 or e&en creole1 bureaucracies *ere neither recruitable nor affordable8 The colonial state1 and1 some*hat later1 corporate capital1 needed armies of cler,s1 *ho to be useful had to be bilingual1 capable of mediating linguisticall bet*een the metropolitan nation and the coloniBed peoples8 The need *as all the greater as the specialiBed functions of the state e&er *here multiplied after the turn of the centur 8 Alongside the old district officer appeared the medical officer1 the irrigation engineer1 the agricultural e'tension7*or,er1 the school7teacher1 the policeman1 and so on8 2ith e&er enlargement of the state1 the s*arm of its inner pilgrims s*elled89 D""(E Third *as the spread of modern7st le education1 not onl b the colonial state1 but also b pri&ate religious and secular organiBations8 This e'pansion occurred not simpl to pro&ide cadres for go&ernmental and corporate hierarchies1 but also because of the gro*ing acceptance of the moral importance of modern ,no*ledge e&en for coloniBed populations8%

;Indeed the phenomenon of the educated unemplo ed *as alread beginning to be apparent in a &ariet of colonial states8= It is generall recogniBed that the intelligentsias *ere central to the rise of nationalism in the colonial territories1 not least because colonialism ensured that nati&e agrarian magnates1 big merchants1 industrial entrepreneurs1 and e&en a large professional class *ere relati&e rarities8 Almost e&er *here economic po*er *as either monopoliBed b the colonialists themsel&es1 or une&enl shared *ith a politicall impotent class of pariah ;non7nati&e= businessmen7 +ebanese1 Indian and Arab in colonial Africa1 Chinese1 Indian1 and Arab in colonial Asia8 It is no less generall recogniBed that the intelligentsias> &anguard role deri&ed from their bilingual literac 1 or rather literac and bilingualism8 <rint7literac alread made possible the imagined communit floating in homogeneous1 empt time of *hich *e ha&e spo,en earlier8 Bilingualism meant access1 through the European language7of7state1 to modern 2estern culture in the broadest sense1 and1 in particular1 to the models of nationalism1 nation7ness1 and nation7state produced else*here in the course of the nineteenth centur 86 In "#"%1 the Dutch colonial regime in Bata&ia1 ta,ing its lead from D""CE The 3ague1 sponsored massi&e colon 7*ide festi&ities to celebrate the centennial of the >national liberation> of the Netherlands from French imperialism8 Orders *ent out to secure ph sical participation and financial contributions1 not merel from the local Dutch and Eurasian communities1 but also from the subFect nati&e population8 In protest1 the earl Aa&anese7 Indonesian nationalist Su*ardi SurFaning7rat ;.i 3adFar De*antoro= *rote his famous Dutch7language ne*spaper article >Als i,eens Nederlander *as> ;If I *ere for once to be a Dutchman=8:
In m opinion1 there is something out of place 7 something indecent 7 if *e ;I still being a Dutchman in m imagination= as, the nati&es to Foin the festi&ities *hich celebrate our independence8 Firstl 1 *e *ill hurt their sensiti&e feelings because *e are here celebrating our o*n independence in their nati&e countr *hich *e coloniBe8 At the moment *e are &er happ because a hundred ears ago *e liberated oursel&es from foreign dominationJ and all of this is occurring in front of the e es of those *ho are still under our domination8 Does it not occur to us that these poor sla&es are also longing for such a moment as this1 *hen the li,e us *ill be able to celebrate their independenceH Or do *e perhaps feel that because of our soul7destro ing polic *e regard all human souls as deadH If that is so1 then *e are deluding oursel&es1 because no matter ho* primiti&e a communit is1 it is against an t pe of oppression8 If I *ere a Dutchman1 I *ould not organiBe an independence celebration in a countr *here the independence of the people has been stolen8

2ith these *ords Su*ardi *as able to turn Dutch histor against the Dutch1 b scraping boldl at the *eld bet*een Dutch nationalism and imperialism8 Furthermore1 b the imaginar transformation of D""$E himself into a temporar Dutchman ;*hich in&ited a reciprocal transformation of his Dutch readers into temporar Indonesians=1 he undermined all the racist fatalities that underla Dutch colonial ideolog 8( Su*ardi>s broadside 7 *hich delighted his Indonesian as much as it irritated his Dutch audience7is e'emplar of a *orld7*ide t*entieth7centur phenomenon8 For the parado' of imperial official nationalism *as that it ine&itabl brought *hat *ere increasingl thought of and *ritten about as European >national histories> into the consciousnesses of the coloniBed 7 not merel &ia occasional obtuse festi&ities1 but also through reading7rooms and classrooms8C !ietnamese oungsters could not a&oid learning about the %hiloso%hes and the Re&olution1 and *hat Debra calls >our secular antagonism to ?erman >8$ 0agna Carta1 the 0other of <arliaments1 and the ?lorious Re&olution1 glossed as English national histor 1 entered schools all o&er the British Empire8 Belgium>s independence struggle against 3olland *as not

erasable from schoolboo,s Congolese children *ould one da read8 So also the histories of the -SA in the <hilippines and1 last of all1 <ortugal in 0oBambiGue and Angola8 The iron 1 of course1 is that these histories *ere *ritten out of a historiographical consciousness *hich b the turn of the centur *as1 all o&er Europe1>becoming nationall defined8 ;The barons *ho imposed 0agna Carta on Aohn <lantagenet did not spea, >English1> and had no conception of themsel&es as >Englishmen1> but the *ere firml defined as earl patriots in the classrooms of the -nited .ingdom C44 ears later8= 5et there is a characteristic feature of the emerging nationalist intelligentsias in the colonies *hich to some degree mar,s them off D""#E from the &ernaculariBing nationalist intelligentsias of nineteenth7centur Europe8 Almost in&ariabl the *ere &er oung1 and attached a comple' political significance to their outh7a significance *hich1 though it has changed o&er time1 remains important to this da 8 The rise of ;modern)organiBed= Burmese nationalism is often dated to the founding in "#4$ of the 5oung 0en>s Buddhist Association in RangoonJ and of 0ala an b the establishment in "#%$ of the .esatuan 0ela u 0uda ;-nion of 0ala 5outh=8 Indonesians annuall celebrate the S m%ah Pem da ;Oath of 5outh= dra*n up and s*orn b the nationalist outh congress of "#9$8 And so on8 It is perfectl true that in one sense Europe had been there before 7 if *e thin, of 5oung Ireland1 5oung Ital 1 and the li,e8 Both in Europe and in the colonies > oung> and > outh> signified d namism1 progress1 self7sacrificing idealism and re&olutionar *ill8 But in Europe > oung> had little in the *a of definable sociological contours8 One could be middle7aged and still part of 5oung IrelandJ one could be illiterate and still part of 5oung Ital 8 The reason1 of course1 *as that the language of these nationalisms *as either a &ernacular mother7tongue to *hich the members had spo,en access from the cradle1 or1 as in the case of Ireland1 a metropolitan language *hich had sun, such deep roots in sections of the population o&er centuries of conGuest that it too could manifest itself1 creole7st le1 as a &ernacular8 There *as thus no necessar connection bet*een language1 age1 class1 and status8 In the colonies things *ere &er different8 5outh meant1 abo&e all1 the first generation in an significant numbers to ha&e acGuired a European education1 mar,ing them off linguisticall and culturall from their parents> generation1 as *ell from the &ast bul, of their coloniBed agemates ;cf8 B8 C8 <al=8 Burma>s >English7language> 50BA1 modelled in part on the 50CA1 *as built b English7reading schoolbo s8 In the Netherlands Indies one finds1 inter a)*1 Aong Aa&a ;5oung Aa&a=1 Aong Ambon ;5oung Amboina=1 and Aong Islamietenbond ;+eague of 5oung 0uslims= 7 titles incomprehensible to an oung nati&e unacGuainted *ith the colonial tongue8 In the colonies1 then1 b >5outh> *e mean >Schooled 5outh1> at least at the start8 This in turn reminds us again of the uniGue role pla ed b D"94E colonial school7 s stems in promoting colonial nationalisms8# The case of Indonesia affords a fascinatingl intricate illustration of this process1 not least because of its enormous siBe1 huge population ;e&en in colonial times=1 geographical fragmentation ;about %1444 islands=1 religious &ariegation ;0uslims1 Buddhists1 Catholics1 assorted <rotestants1 3indu7Balinese1 and >animists>=1 and ethnolinguistic di&ersit ;*ell o&er "44 distinct groups=8 Furthermore1 as its h brid pseudo73ellenic name suggests1 its stretch does not remotel correspond to an precolonial domainJ on the contrar 1 at least until ?eneral Suharto>s brutal in&asion of e'7<ortuguese East Timor in "#C:1 its boundaries ha&e been those left behind b the last Dutch conGuests ;c8 "#"4=8 Some of the peoples on the eastern coast of Sumatra are not onl ph sicall close1 across the narro* Straits of 0alacca1 to the populations of the *estern littoral of the 0ala <eninsula1 but the are ethnicall related1 understand each other>s speech1 ha&e a common religion1 and so forth8 These same Sumatrans share neither mother7tongue1 ethnicit 1 nor religion *ith the

Ambonese1 located D"9"E on islands thousands of miles a*a to the east8 5et during this centur the ha&e come to understand the Ambonese as fello*7Indonesians1 the 0ala s as foreigners8 Nothing nurtured this bonding more than the schools that the regime in Bata&ia set up in increasing numbers after the turn of the centur 8 To see *h 1 one has to remember that in complete contrast to traditional1 indigenous schools1 *hich *ere al*a s local and personal enterprises ;e&en if1 in good 0uslim fashion1 there *as plent of horiBontal mo&ement of students from one particularl *ell7reputed ulama7teacher to another=1 the go&ernment schools formed a colossal1 highl rationaliBed1 tightl centraliBed hierarch 1 structurall analogous to the state bureaucrac itself8 -niform te'tboo,s1 standardiBed diplomas and teaching certificates1 a strictl regulated gradation of age7groups1"4 classes and instructional materials1 in themsel&es created a self7contained1 coherent uni&erse of e'perience8 But no less important *as the hierarch >s geograph 8 StandardiBed elementar schools came to be scattered about in &illages and small to*nships of the colon J Funior and senior middle7 schools in larger to*ns and pro&incial centresJ *hile tertiar education ;the p ramid>s ape'= *as confined to the colonial capital of Bata&ia and the Dutch7built cit of Bandung1 "44 miles south*est in the cool <riangan highlands8 Thus the t*entieth7centur colonial school7 s stem brought into being pilgrimages *hich paralleled longer7established functionar Fourne s8 The Rome of these pilgrimages *as Bata&ia/ not Singapore1 not 0anila1 not Rangoon1 not e&en the old Aa&anese ro al capitals of AogFa,arta and Sura,arta8"" From all o&er the &ast colon 1 but from no*here outside it1 the tender pilgrims made their in*ard1 up*ard *a 1 meeting fello*7pilgrims from different1 perhaps once hostile1 &illages in primar schoolJ from different ethnolinguistic groups in middle7schoolJ and from e&er D"99E part of the realm in the tertiar institutions of the capital8"9 And the ,ne* that from *here&er the had come the still had read the same boo,s and done the same sums8 The also ,ne*1 e&en if the ne&er got so far 7 and most did not 7 that Rome *as Bata&ia1 and that all these Fourne ings deri&ed their >sense> from the capital1 in effect e'plaining *h >*e> are >here> >together8> To put it another *a 1 their common e'perience1 and the amiabl competiti&e comradeship of the classroom1 ga&e the maps of the colon *hich the studied ;al*a s coloured differentl from British 0ala a or the American <hilippines= a territoriall specific imagined realit *hich *as e&er da confirmed b the accents and ph siognomies of their classmates8"% And *hat *ere the all togetherH The Dutch *ere Guite clear on this point/ *hate&er mother7 tongue the spo,e1 the *ere irremediabl inlanders- a *ord *hich1 li,e the English >nati&es> and the French 1indigenes-1 al*a s carried an unintentionall parado'ical semantic load8 In this colon 1 as in each separate1 other colon 1 it meant that the persons referred to *ere both >inferior> and 1!elonged there1 ;Fust as the Dutch1 being >nati&es> of 3olland1 belonged there@. Con&ersel 1 the Dutch b such language assigned themsel&es1 along *ith superiorit 1 >not7 belonging7there>8 The *ord also implied that in their common inferiorit 1 the inlanders *ere e" all0 contemptible1 no matter *hat ethnolinguistic group or class the came from8 5et e&en this miserable eGualit of condition had a definite perimeter8 For inlander al*a s raised the Guestion >nati&e of *hatH>8 If the Dutch sometimes spo,e as if inlanders *ere a *orld7 categor 1 e'perience sho*ed that this notion *as hardl sustainable in practice8 Inlanders stopped at the coloured colon >s dra*n edge8 Be ond that *ere1 &ariousl 1 >nati&es>1 indigenes and indios. 0oreo&er1 colonial legal terminolog included the categor vreemde oosterlingen ;foreign Orientals=1 *hich had the dubious ring of false coin 7 as it *ere >foreign nati&es8> Such >foreign Orientals1> mainl Chinese1 Arabs and Aapanese1 though the might li&e in the colon 1 had a politico7 D"9%E legal status superior to that of the >nati&e nati&es>8 Furthermore1 tin 3olland *as sufficientl a*ed b the 0eiFi oligarchs> economic strength and militar pro*ess for Aapanese in the colon to be legall promoted1 from "$##

on1 to >honorar Europeans>8 From all this1 b a sort of sedimentation1 inlander - e'cluding *hites1 Dutchmen1 Chinese1 Arabs1 Aapanese1 >nati&es1> indigenes- and indios - gre* e&er more specific in contentJ until1 li,e a ripe lar&a1 it *as suddenl transmogrified into the spectacular butterfl called >Indonesian>8 2hile it is true that the concepts inlander and >nati&e> could ne&er be trul generaliBed racist notions1 since the al*a s implied roots in some specific habitat1"6 the case of Indonesia should not lead us to assume that each >nati&e> habitat had preordained or immutable frontiers8 T*o e'amples *ill sho* the contrar / French 2est Africa and French Indochina8 In its he da 1 the Ecole Normale 2illiam <ont in Da,ar1 though onl a secondar school1 *as still the ape' of the colonial educational p ramid in French 2est Africa8": To 2illiam <ont came intelligent students from *hat *e ,no* toda as ?uinea1 0ali1 the I&or Coast1 Senegal1 and so on8 2e should not be surprised therefore if the pilgrimages of these bo s1 terminating in Da,ar1 *ere initiall read in French D2estE African terms1 of *hich the parado'ical concept negrit de - essence of African7ness e'pressible onl in French1 language of the 2illiam <ont classrooms 7 is an unforgettable s mbol8 5et the apicalit of 2illiam <ont *as accidental and e&anescent8 As more secondar schools *ere constructed in French 2est Africa1 it *as no longer necessar for bright bo s to ma,e so distant a D"96E pilgrimage8 And in an case the educational centralit of 2illiam <ont *as ne&er matched b a comparable administrati&e centralit of Da,ar8 The interchangeabilit of French 2est African bo s on the benches of 2illiam <ont *as not paralleled b their later bureaucratic substitutabilit in the French 2est African colonial administration8 3ence1 the school>s Old Bo s *ent home to become1 e&entuall 1 ?uinean or 0alian nationalist leaders1 *hile retaining a >2est African> camaraderie and solidar intimac lost to succeeding generations8"( In much the same *a 1 for one generation of relati&el *ell educated adolescents1 the curious h brid >Indochine> had a real1 e'perienced1 imagined meaning8"C This entit 1 it *ill be recalled1 *as not legall proclaimed until "$$C1 and did not acGuire its fullest territorial form until "#4C1 though acti&e French meddling in the general area *ent bac, a centur earlier8 Broadl spea,ing1 the educational polic pursued b the colonial rulers of >Indochine> had t*o fundamental purposes"$ 7 both of *hich1 as it turned out1 contributed to the gro*th of an >Indochinese> consciousness8 One aim *as to brea, e'isting politico7cultural ties bet*een the coloniBed peoples and the immediate e'tra7Indochinese D"9:E *orld8 As far as >Cambodge> and >+aos> *ere concerned1"# the target *as Siam1 *hich had pre&iousl e'ercised a &ariable suBeraint o&er them and shared *ith both the rituals1 institutions1 and sacred language of 3ina ana Buddhism8 ;In addition1 the language and script of the lo*land +ao *ere1 and are1 closel related to those of the Thai=8 It *as precisel out of this concern that the French e'perimented first in those Bones last seiBed from Siam *ith the so7called >reno&ated pagoda schools1> *hich *ere designed to mo&e .hmer mon,s and their pupils out of the Thai orbit into that of Indochina894 In eastern Indochina ;m shorthand for >Ton,in1> >Annam1> and >Cochin China>=1 the target *as China and Chinese ci&iliBation8 Although the d nasties ruling in 3anoi and 3ue had for centuries defended their independence from <e,ing1 the came to rule through a mandarinate consciousl modelled on that of the Chinese8 Recruitment into the state machiner *as geared to *ritten e'aminations in the Confucian classicsJ d nastic documents *ere *ritten in Chinese charactersJ and the ruling class *as hea&il SiniciBed in culture8 These long7standing ties assumed an additionall un*elcome character after about "$#:1 *hen the *ritings of such Chinese reformers as .>ang 5u7*ei and +iang Ch>i7ch>ao1 and nationalists li,e Sun 5at7 sen1 began seeping across the northern frontier of the colon 89"

D"9(E Accordingl 1 Confucian e'aminations *ere successi&el abolished in >Ton,in> in "#": and in >Annam> in "#"$8 3enceforth1 recruitment into the ci&il ser&ices of Indochina *as to ta,e place e'clusi&el through a de&eloping French colonial education s stem8 Furthermore1 " oc ng - a romaniBed phonetic script originall de&ised b Aesuit missionaries in the se&enteenth centur 199 and adopted b the authorities for use in >Cochin China> as earl as the "$(4s1 *as consciousl promoted to brea, the lin,s *ith China7and perhaps also *ith the indigenous past7b ma,ing d nastic records and ancient literatures inaccessible to a ne* generation of coloniBed !ietnamese89% The second aim of educational polic *as to produce a carefull 7calibrated Guantum of French7spea,ing and French7*riting Indo7chinese to ser&e as a politicall reliable1 grateful1 and acculturated indigenous elite1 filling the subordinate echelons of the colon >s bureaucrac and larger commercial enterprises896 The intricacies of the colonial educational s stem need not detain us here8 For our present purposes1 the ,e characteristic of the s stem *as that it formed a single1 if ramshac,le1 p ramid1 of *hich1 until the mid7"#%4s1 the upper terraces all la in the east8 -p until then1 for D"9CE e'ample1 the onl state7sponsored l0cees *ere located in 3anoi and SaigonJ and throughout the pre*ar colonial period1 the sole uni&ersit in Indochina *as located in 3anoi1 so to spea, Fust do*n the street from the palace of the ?o&ernor7?eneral89: The climbers of these terraces included all the maFor &ernacular7spea,ers of the French domain/ !ietnamese1 Chinese1 .hmer1 and +ao ;and not a fe* oung French colonials=8 For the climbers1 coming from1 shall *e sa 1 0 Tho1 Battambang1 !ientiane1 and !inh1 the meaning of their con&ergence had to be >Indochinese1> in the same *a that the pol glot and pol ethnic student bod of Bata&ia and Bandung had to read theirs as >Indonesian8>9( This Indochinese7ness1 although it *as Guite real1 *as nonetheless imagined b a tin group1 and not for &er long8 2h did it turn out to be so e&anescent1 *hile Indonesian7ness sur&i&ed and deepenedH First there *as a mar,ed change of course in colonial education1 abo&e all as applied in eastern Indochina1 from about "#"C on8 The actual1 or immediatel impending1 liGuidation of the traditional Confucian e'amination s stem persuaded more and more members of the !ietnamese elite to tr to place their children in the best French schools a&ailable1 so as to ensure their bureaucratic futures8 The resulting competition for places in the fe* good schools D"9$E a&ailable aroused a particularl strong reaction from the colons- *ho regarded these schools as b right a largel French preser&e8 The colonial regime>s solution to the problem *as to create a separate and subordinate >Franco7!ietnamese> educational structure *hich placed special emphasis1 in its lo*er grades1 on !ietnamese7language instruction in " oc ng ;*ith French taught as a second language &ia the medium of " oc ng @.B4 This polic shift had t*o complementar results8 On the one hand1 go&ernment publication of hundreds of thousands of " oc ng primers significantl accelerated the spread of this European7in&ented script1 unintentionall helping to turn it1 bet*een "#94 and "#6:1 into the popular medium for the e'pression of !ietnamese cultural ;and national= solidarit 89$ For e&en if onl "4 per cent of the !ietnamese7spea,ing population *as literate b the late "#%4s1 this *as a proportion unprecedented in the histor of this people8 0oreo&er1 these literates *ere1 unli,e the Confucian literati1 deepl committed to a rapid increase in their o*n numbers8 ;Similarl 1 in >Cambodge> and >+aos>1 if on a more limited scale1 the authorities promoted the %rinting of elementar school7te'ts in the &ernaculars1 initiall and mainl in the traditional orthographies1 later and more feebl in romaniBed scripts=89# On the other hand1 the polic *or,ed to e'clude non7nati&e7!ietnamese7spea,ers residing in eastern Indochina8 In the case of the .hmer .rom of >Cochin D"9#E China1> it *or,ed1 in combination *ith the colonial regime>s *illingness to permit them to ha&e >Franco7.hmer> elementar schools li,e

those being encouraged in the <rotectorate1 to re7orient ambitions !ac# up the 0e,ong8 Thus those .hmer .rom adolescents *ho aspired to higher education in the administrati&e capital of Indochina ;and1 for a select fe*1 e&en in metropolitan France= increasingl too, the detour &ia <hnom <enh rather than the high*a through Saigon8 Second1 in "#%: the College Siso*ath in <hnom <enh *as upgraded into a full7fledged state l0c1ee- *ith a status eGual to1 and a c rric l m identical :ith- those of the e'isting state l0cOes in Saigon and 3anoi8 Although its students *ere at first dra*n hea&il ;in the tradition of the College= from local Sino7.hmer merchant families and those of resident !ietnamese functionaries1 the proportion of nati&e .hmers steadil increased8%4 It is probabl fair to sa that1 after "#641 the great bul, of .hmer7spea,ing adolescents *ho achie&ed a solid French high7school education did so in the neat colonial capital the colonialists had built for the Norodoms8 Third *as the fact that there *as no real isomorphism bet*een the educational and administrati&e pilgrimages in Indochina8 The French made no bones about e'pressing the &ie* that if the !ietnamese *ere untrust*orth and grasping1 the *ere nonetheless decisi&el more energetic and intelligent than the >child7li,e> .hmer and +ao8 Accordingl 1 the made e'tensi&e use of !ietnamese functionaries in *estern Indochina8%" The "C(1444 !ietnamese residing in >Cambodge> in "#%C7representing less than one per cent of the "# million !ietnamese7spea,ers of the colon 1 but about ( per cent of the <rotectorate>s population 7 formed a relati&el successful group1 for *hom therefore Indochina had a rather solid meaning1 as it did for D"%4E the :41444 sent into >+aos> prior to "#6:8 <articularl the functionaries among them1 *ho might be posted from place to place in all fi&e subsections of the colon 1 could *ell imagine Indochina as the *ide stage on *hich the *ould continue to perform8 Such imagining *as much less eas for +ao and .hmer functionaries1 although there *as no formal or legal prohibition on full 7Indochinese careers for them8 E&en the more ambitious oungsters coming from the c8%9(1444 ;"#%C= .hmer .rom communit in eastern Indochina ;representing perhaps "4 per cent of the entire .hmer7spea,ing population= found that in %ractice the had &er limited career prospects outside >Cambodge>8 Thus .hmer and +ao might sit alongside !ietnamese in French7language secondar and tertiar schools in Saigon and 3anoi1 but the *ere unli,el to go on to share administrati&e offices there8 +i,e oungsters from Cotonou and AbidFan in Da,ar1 the *ere destined to go bac,1 on graduation1 to the >homes> colonialism had demarcated for them8 To put it another *a 1 if their educational pilgrimages *ere directed to*ards 3anoi1 their administrati&e Fourne s ended in <hnom <enh and !ientiane8 Out of these contradictions emerged those .hmer7spea,ing students *ho subseGuentl came to be remembered as the first Cambodian nationalists8 The man *ho can reasonabl be regarded as the >father> of .hmer nationalism1 Son Ngoc Thanh1 *as1 as his !ietnamiBed name suggests1 a .hmer .rom *ho *as educated in Saigon and for a *hile held a minor Fudicial post in that cit 8 But in the mid7"#%4s he abandoned the <aris of the 0e,ong Delta to see, a more promising future in its Blois8 <rince Siso*ath 5oute&ong attended secondar school in Saigon before lea&ing for France for further stud 8 2hen he returned to <hnom <enh fifteen ears later1 after 2orld 2ar II1 he helped to found the ;.hmer= Democratic <art and ser&ed as <rime 0inister in "#6(7"#6C8 3is Defence 0inister1 Sonn !oeunnsai1 undertoo, &irtuall the same Fourne s8 3u .anthoul1 Democratic <rime 0inister in "#:"7 "#:91 had graduated from an ecole normale in 3anoi in "#%"1 and *as then returned to <hnom <enh1 *here he e&entuall Foined the + cee Siso*ath>s teaching staff8%9 <erhaps most e'emplar of all is the D"%"E figure of Ieu .oeus1 first of a melanchol line of assassinated

.hmer political leaders8%% Born in the pro&ince of Battambang in "#4: 7 *hen it *as still ruled from Bang,o,7he attended a local >reformed pagoda school> before entering an >Indochinese> elementar school in Battambang to*n8 In "#9"1 he proceeded to the College Siso*ath in the <rotectorate>s capital1 and then to a college de commerce in 3anoi1 from *hich he graduated in "#9C at the top of his French7reading class8 3oping to stud chemistr in Bordeau'1 he too, and passed the scholarship e'amination8 But the colonial state bloc,ed his *a abroad8 3e returned to his nati&e Battambang1 *here he ran a pharmac 1 continuing to do so e&en after Bang,o, regained the pro&ince in "#6"8 After the Aapanese collapse in August "#6:1 he reappeared in >Cambodge> as a Democratic parliamentarian8 It is notable that he *as in his *a a lineal descendent of the illustrious philologists of an earlier Europe1 insofar as he designed a t pe*riter ,e board for the .hmer script and published a *eight t*o7&olume Pheasa Ghmer DThe .hmer +anguageE1 or as the misleading title7page of the "#(C edition has it1 9a 9ang e ,am!odgienne HMn Essai d1et de raisonn1e@.3> But this te't made its first appearance 7 &olume " onl 7 in "#6C1 *hen its author *as Chairman of the Constituent Assembl in <hnom <enh1 not in "#%C1 *hen he *as &egetating in Battambang1 *hen as et no .hmer7spea,ing l0ceens had been produced b the + cee Siso*ath1 and *hen Indochina still had an ephemeral realit 8 B "#6C1 .hmer7spea,ers 7 at least those from >Cambodge> 7 *ere no longer attending classes in Saigon or 3anoi8 A ne* generation *as coming on the scene for *hom >Indochine> *as histor and >!ietnam> no* a real and foreign countr 8 It is true that brutal in&asions and occupations during the nineteenth centur 1 ordered b the Ngu en d nasts in 3u(1 left bitter fol,7memories among the .hmer1 including those in that >Cochin China> fated to become part of !ietnam8 But comparable bitternesses D"%9E e'isted in the Netherlands Indies/ Sundanese against Aa&aneseJ Bata, against 0inang,abauJ Sasa, against BalineseJ ToraFa against BugineseJ Aa&anese against Ambonese1 and so on8 The so7 called >federalist polic > pursued bet*een "#6: and "#6$ b the formidable +ieutenant ?o&ernor7?eneral 3ubertus &an 0oo, to outflan, the infant Indonesian Republic attempted precisel to e'ploit such bitternesses8%: But in spite of a spate of ethnic rebellions in almost all parts of independent Indonesia bet*een "#:4 and "#(61 >Indonesia> sur&i&ed8 In part it sur&i&ed because Bata&ia remained the educational ape' to the end1 but also because colonial administrati&e polic did not rusticate educated Sundanese to the >Sundalands1> or Bata, to their place of origin in the highlands of North Sumatra8 !irtuall all the maFor ethnolinguistic groups *ere1 b the end of the colonial period1 accustomed to the idea that there *as an archipelagic stage on *hich the had parts to pla 8 Thus1 onl one of the rebellions of "#:47 (6 had se%aratist ambitionsJ all the rest *ere competiti&e *ithin a single Indonesian political s stem8%( In addition1 one can not ignore the curious accident that b the "#94s an >Indonesian language>had come into self7conscious e'istence8 3o* this accident came about is so instructi&e that it seems *orth a brief digression8 Earlier1 mention *as made of the fact that onl to a limited and late e'tent *ere the Indies ruled through Dutch8 3o* could it not be so1 *hen the Dutch had begun their local conGuests in the earl se&enteenth centur 1 *hile Dutch7language instruction for inlanders *as not seriousl underta,en until the earl t*entiethH 2hat happened instead *as that b a slo*1 largel unplanned process1 a strange language7of7state e&ol&ed on the basis of an ancient inter7insular lingua franca8%C Called dienstmaleisch ;perhaps >ser&ice70ala > D"%%E or >administrati&e70ala >=1 it belonged t pologicall *ith >Ottoman> and that >fiscal ?erman> *hich emerged from the pol glot barrac,s of the 3absburg empire8%$ B the earl nineteenth centur it *as solidl in place inside officialdom8 2hen print7capitalism arri&ed on the scene in a siBeable *a after mid7 centur 1 the language mo&ed out into the mar,etplace and the media8 -sed at first mainl b Chinese and Eurasian ne*spapermen and printers1 it *as pic,ed up b inlanders at the

centur >s close8 Nuic,l the dienst branch of its famil tree *as forgotten and replaced b a putati&e ancestor in the Riau Islands ;of *hich the most important had 7 perhaps fortunatel 7since "$"# become British Singapore=8 B "#9$1 shaped b t*o generations of urban *riters and readers1 it *as read to be adopted b 5oung Indonesia as the national;7ist= language !ahasa Indonesia. Since then1 it has ne&er loo,ed bac,8 5et1 in the end1 the Indonesian case1 interesting as it is1 should not mislead us into thin,ing that1 if 3olland had been a bigger po*er1%# and had arri&ed in "$:4 rather than "(441 the national language could not Fust as *ell ha&e been Dutch8 Nothing suggests that ?hanaian nationalism is an less real than Indonesian simpl because its national language is English rather than Ashanti8 It is al*a s a mista,e to treat languages in the *a that certain nationalist ideologues treat them7as em!lems of nation7ness1 li,e flags1 costumes1 fol,7dances1 and the rest8 0uch the most important thing about language is its capacit for generating imagined communities1 building in effect %artic lar solidarities. After all1 imperial languages are still vernac lars- D"%6E and thus particular &ernaculars among man 8 If radical 0oBambiGue spea,s <ortuguese1 the significance of this is that <ortuguese is the medium through *hich 0oBambiGue is imagined ;and at the same time limits its stretch into TanBania and Mambia=8 Seen from this perspecti&e the use of <ortuguese in 0oBambiGue ;or English in India= is basicall no different than the use of English in Australia or <ortuguese in BraBil8 +anguage is not an instrument of e'clusion/ in principle1 an one can learn an language8 On the contrar 1 it is fundamentall inclusi&e1 limited onl b the fatalit of Babel/ no one li&es long enough to learn all languages8 <rint7language is *hat in&ents nationalism1 not a particular language per se864 The onl Guestion7mar, standing o&er languages li,e <ortuguese in 0oBambiGue and English in India is *hether the administrati&e and educational s stems1 particularl the latter1 can generate a politicall sufficient diffusion of bilingualism8 Thirt ears ago1 almost no Indonesian spo,e !ahasa Indonesia as his or her mother7tongueJ &irtuall e&er one had their o*n >ethnic> language and some1 especiall people in the nationalist mo&ement1 !ahasa Indonesia?dienst-maleisch as *ell8 Toda there are perhaps millions of oung Indonesians1 from doBens of ethnolinguistic bac,grounds1 *ho spea, Indonesian as their mother7tongue8 It is not clear et *hether thirt ears from no* there *ill be a generation of 0oBambiGuians *ho spea, onl 0oBambiGue7<ortuguese8 But1 in this late t*entieth centur 1 it is not necessaril the case that the emergence of such a generation is a sine " a non for D"%:E 0oBambiGuian national solidarit 8 In the first place1 ad&ances in communications technolog 1 especiall radio and tele&ision1 gi&e print allies una&ailable a centur ago8 0ultilingual broadcasting can conFure up the imagined communit to illiterates and populations *ith different mother7tongues8 ;3ere there are resemblances to the conFuring up of mediae&al Christendom through &isual representations and bilingual literati8= In the second place1 t*entieth7centur nationalisms ha&e1 as I ha&e been arguing1 a profoundl modular character8 The can1 and do1 dra* on more than a centur and a half of human e'perience and three earlier models of nationalism8 Nationalist leaders are thus in a position consciousl to deplo ci&il and militar educational s stems modelled on official nationalism>sJ elections1 part organiBations1 and cultural celebrations modelled on the popular nationalisms of ninteenth7 centur EuropeJ and the citiBen7republican idea brought into the *orld b the Americas8 Abo&e all1 the &er idea of>nation> is no* nestled firml in &irtuall all print7languagesJ and nation7ness is &irtuall inseparable from political consciousness8 In a *orld in *hich the national state is the o&er*helming norm1 all of this means that nations can no* be imagined *ithout linguistic communalit 7 not in the nai&e spirit of nosotros los 'mericanos- but out of a general a*areness of *hat modern histor has demonstrated to be possible86" It seems fitting1 in this conte't1 to conclude this chapter b returning to Europe and

considering briefl that nation *hose linguistic di&ersit has so often been used as a cudgel to club proponents of language7based theories of nationalism8 In "$#"1 amidst no&el Fubilees mar,ing the (44th anni&ersar of the Confederac of Sch* B1 Ob*alden1 and Nid*alden1 the S*iss state >decided on> "9#" as the date of the >founding> of S*itBerland869 Such a decision1 *aiting (44 ears to be made1 has its di&erting aspects1 and suggests alread that modernit rather than antiGuit characteriBes D"%(E S*iss nationalism8 Indeed1 3ughes goes so far as to argue that the "$#" Fubilees mar, the birth of this nationalism1 commenting that >in the first half of the nineteenth centur 888 nationhood sat rather lightl on the shoulders of the culti&ated middle classes/ 0me de Stael D"C((7"$"CE1 Fuseli D"C6"7"$9:E1 Angelica .auffmann D"C6"7"$4CE1 Sismondi D"CC%7"$69E1 BenFamin Constant D"C(C7"$%4E1 are the all S*issH>6% If the implied ans*er is >hardl 1> its significance deri&es from the fact that1 all o&er the Europe surrounding S*itBerland1 the first half of the nineteenth centur sa* the burgeoning of &ernacular nationalist mo&ements in *hich >culti&ated middle classes> ;as it *ere1 philologists R capitalists= pla ed central parts8 2h then did nationalism come so late to S*itBerland1 and *hat conseGuences did that lateness ha&e for its ultimate shaping ;in particular1 its contemporar multiplicit of >national languages>=H <art of the ans*er lies in the outh of the S*iss state1 *hich1 3ughes dril obser&es1 is difficult to trace bac, be ond "$"%7": >*ithout the aid of some pre&arication8>66 3e reminds us that the first real S*iss citiBenship1 the introduction of direct ;male= suffrage1 and the ending of>internal> tolls and customs areas *ere achie&ements of the 3el&etic Republic forcibl brought into being b the French occupation of "C#$8 Onl in "$4% did the state include significant numbers of Italian7spea,ers1 *ith the acGuisition of Ticino8 Onl in "$": did it gain the populous French7spea,ing areas of !alais1 ?ene&a1 and Neuchatel from a &engefull anti7French 3ol Alliance7in e'change for neutralit and a highl conser&ati&e constitution86: In effect1 toda >s multilingual S*itBerland is a product of the earl nineteenth centur 86( A second factor *as the countr >s bac,*ardness ;*hich1 combined D"%CE *ith its forbidding topograph and lac, of e'ploitable resources1 helped to ,eep it from absorption b more po*erful neighbours=8 Toda it ma be difficult to remember that until 2orld 2ar II S*itBerland *as a poor countr 1 *ith a standard of li&ing half that of England>s1 and an o&er*helmingl r ral countr 8 In "$:41 barel ( per cent of the population li&ed in minimall urban areas1 and as late as "#94 the figure had risen onl to 9C8( per cent86C Throughout the nineteenth centur 1 then1 the bul, of the population *as an immobile ;e'cept for the age7old e'port of hard ouths as mercenaries and <apal ?uards= peasantr 8 The countr >s bac,*ardness *as not merel economic1 it *as also political and cultural8 >Old S*itBerland1> the area of *hich did not change bet*een ":": and "$4%1 and most of *hose inhabitants spo,e one or other of numerous ?erman patois1 *as ruled b a loose coalition of cantonal aristocratic oligarchies8 >The secret of the long duration of the Confederac *as its double nature8 Against outside enemies it produced a sufficient unit of peoples8 Against internal rebellion1 it produced a sufficient unit of oligarchies8 If peasants rebelled1 as the did three times or so in e&er centur 1 then differences *ould be put aside and the governments of other cantons *ould lend their assistance1 mediating often1 but not al*a s1 in fa&our of their fello*7ruler8>6$ E'cept for the absence of monarchical institutions1 the picture is not much different from that of the innumerable pett principalities *ithin the 3ol Roman Empire1 of *hich +iechtenstein1 on S*itBerland>s eastern border1 is a last odd relic86# It is instructi&e that as late as "$6$1 almost t*o generations after the S*iss state came into being1 ancient religious clea&ages *ere much more politicall salient than linguistic ones8

Remar,abl enough1 in territories unalterabl 7denoted Catholic <rotestantism *as nla:f land in those so7denoted <rotestant Catholicism *as D"%$E illegalJ and these la*s *ere strictl enforced8 ;+anguage *as a matter of personal choice and con&enience=8 Onl after "$6$1 in the bac,*ash of Europe7*ide re&olutionar uphea&als and the general spread of &ernaculariBing national mo&ements1 did language ta,e religion>s place1 and the countr become segmented into unalterabl 7denoted linguistic Bones8 ;Religion no* became a matter of personal choice=8:4 Finall 1 the persistence 7 in such a small countr 7 of a large &ariet of sometimes mutuall 7 unintelligible ?erman idiolects suggests the late arri&al of print7capitalism and standardiBed modern education to much of S*iss peasant societ 8 Thus Cochs%rache ;print7?erman= has had1 until rather recentl 1 the language7of7state status of drarisch de tsch and dienstmaleisch. Furthermore1 3ughes remar,s that toda >higher> officials are e'pected to ha&e a *or,ing ,no*ledge of t*o federal languages1 impl ing that the same competence is not e'pected of their subordinates8 Indirectl 1 a similar point is made b the Federal Directi&e of "#:4 *hich insists that 1Ed cated ?erman S*iss are certainl able to *or, in French1 as are ed cated Italian S*iss8>:" 2e ha&e1 in effect1 a situation *hich at bottom is not too different from 0oBambiGue>s7a bilingual political class ensconced o&er a &ariet of monolingual populations1 *ith onl this dissimilarit / the >second language> is that of a po*erful neighbour rather than of a former colonial ruler8 Nonetheless1 in &ie* of the fact that in "#"4 the maternal language of almost C% per cent of the population *as ?erman1 99 per cent French1 6 per cent Italian1 and " per cent Romansch ;these proportions ha&e scarcel &aried o&er the inter&ening decades=1 it is perhaps surprising that in the second half of the nineteenth centur 7era of official nationalisms 7 ?ermanification *as not attempted8 Certainl up to "#"6 strong pro7?erman s mpathies e'isted8 Bet*een ?erman and ?erman S*itBerland borders *ere porous in the e'treme8 Trade and in&estment1 as *ell as aristocrats and professionals1 mo&ed bac, and forth Guite freel 8 But S*itBerland also abutted on t*o other maFor European po*ers1 France and Ital 1 and the D"%#E political ris,s of ?ermaniBing *ere plain8 +egal parit bet*een ?erman1 French1 and Italian *as thus the ob&erse side of the coin of S*iss neutralit 8:9 All of the preceding e&idence indicates that S*iss nationalism is best understood as part of the >last *a&e>8 If 3ughes is right in dating its birth to "$#"1 it is not much more than a decade older than Burmese or Indonesian nationalism8 In other *ords1 it arose in that period of *orld histor in *hich the nation *as becoming an international norm1 and in *hich it *as possible to >model> nation7ness in a much more comple' *a than hitherto8 If the conser&ati&e political1 and bac,*ard socio7economic1 structure of S*itBerland >dela ed> the rise of nationalism1:% the fact that its pre7modern political institutions *ere non7d nastic and non7 monarchical helped to pre&ent the e'cesses of official nationalism ;contrast the case of Siam discussed in Chapter (=8 Finall 1 as in the case of the Southeast Asian e'amples1 the appearance of S*iss nationalism on the e&e of the communications re&olution of the t*entieth centur made it possible and practical to >represent> the imagined communit in *a s that did not reGuire linguistic uniformit 8 In conclusion1 it ma be *orth restating the general argument of this chapter8 The >last *a&e> of nationalisms1 most of them in the colonial territories of Asia and Africa1 *as in its origins a response to the ne*7st le global imperialism made possible b the achie&ements of industrial capitalism8 As 0ar' put it in his inimitable *a / >The need of a constantl e'panding mar,et for its products chases the bourgeoisie o&er the *hole face of the globe8>:6 But capitalism had also1 not least b its dissemination of print1 helped to create popular1 &ernacular7based nationalisms in Europe1 *hich to different degrees undermined the age7old

d nastic principle1 and egged into self7 D"64E naturaliBation e&er d nast positioned to do so8 Official nationalism7*eld of the ne* national and old d nastic principles ;the (ritish Empire= 7 led in turn to *hat1 for con&enience1 one can call >Russifica7tion> in the e'tra7European colonies8 This ideological tendenc meshed neatl *ith practical e'igencies8 The late7 nineteenth7centur empires *ere too large and too far7flung to be ruled b a handful of nationals8 0oreo&er1 in tandem *ith capitalism the state *as rapidl multipl ing its functions1 in both the metropoles and the colonies8 Combined1 these forces generated >Russif ing> school7s stems intended in part to produce the reGuired subordinate cadres for state and corporate bureaucracies8 These school7s stems1 centraliBed and standardiBed1 created Guite ne* pilgrimages *hich t picall had their Romes in the &arious colonial capitals1 for the nations hidden at the core of the empires *ould permit no more in*ard ascension8 -suall 1 but b no means al*a s1 these educational pilgrimages *ere paralleled1 or replicated1 in the administrati&e sphere8 The interloc, bet*een particular educational and administrati&e pilgrimages pro&ided the territorial base for ne* >imagined communities> in *hich nati&es could come to see themsel&es as >nationals>8 The e'pansion of the colonial state *hich1 so to spea,1 in&ited >nati&es> into schools and offices1 and of colonial capitalism *hich1 as it *ere1 e'cluded them from boardrooms1 meant that to an unprecedented e'tent the ,e earl spo,esmen for colonial nationalism *ere lonel 1 bilingual intelligentsias unattached to sturd local bourgeoisies8 As bilingual intelligentsias1 ho*e&er1 and abo&e all as earl 7t*entieth7centur intelligentsias1 the had access1 inside the classroom and outside1 to models of nation1 nation7ness1 and nationalism distilled from the turbulent1 chaotic e'periences of more than a centur of American and European histor 8 These models1 in turn1 helped to gi&e shape to a thousand inchoate dreams8 In &ar ing combinations1 the lessons of Creole1 &ernacular and official nationalism *ere copied1 adapted1 and impro&ed upon8 Finall 1 as *ith increasing speed capitalism transformed the means of ph sical and intellectual communication1 the intelligentsias found *a s to b pass print in propagating the imagined communit 1 not merel to illiterate masses1 but e&en to literate masses reading different languages8
"8 Not onl 1 of course b functionaries1 though the *ere the main group8 Consider1 for e'ample1 the geograph of.oli 6e +angere ;and man other nationalist no&els=8 Though some of the most important characters in RiBal>s te't are Spanish1 and some of the Filipino characters ha&e been to Spain ;off the no&el>s stage=1 the circumambience of tra&el b an of the characters is confined to *hat1 ele&en ears after its publication and t*o ears after its author>s e'ecution1 *ould become the Republic of the <hilippines8 98 To gi&e onl one e'ample/ b "#9$1 there *ere almost 9:41444 indigenes on the pa roll of the Netherlands East Indies1 and these formed #4S of all state functionaries8 ;S mptomaticall 1 the *idel discrepant salaries and pensions of Dutch and nati&e officials1 *hen combined1 ate up :4S of state e'pendituresQ=8 See Amr !andenbosch1 +he ) tch East Indies- pp8 "C"7C%8 5et Dutchmen *ere proportionatel nine times as thic, on the bureaucratic ground as *ere Englishmen in British ;non7>nati&e state>= India8 %8 E&en in the ultra7conser&ati&e Netherlands Indies1 the number of nati&es recei&ing a primar 2estern7st le education shot up from an a&erage of 91#$C in the ears "#44746 to C61(#C in "#9$J *hile those recei&ing a 2estern7st le secondar education increased in the same span of time from 9: to (16($8 .ahin1 .ationalism- p8 %"8 68 To borro* from Anthon Barnett1 it also >allo*ed the intellectuals to sa to their fello*7spea,ers Dof the indigenous &ernacularsE that K*eK can be li,e KthemK>8 :8 It appeared originall in )e Ex%res on Aul "%1 "#"%1 but *as Guic,l translated into >Indonesian> and published in the nati&e press8 Su*ardi *as then 96 ears old8 An unusuall *ell7educated and progressi&e aristocrat1 he had in "#"9 Foined *ith a Aa&anese commoner1 Dr8 TFipto 0angoen,oesoemo1 and a Eurasian1 Eduard Dou*es De,,er1 to form the Indische <artiF1 the colon >s first political part 8 For a brief1 but useful1 stud of Su*ardi1 see Sa&itri Scherer1 >3armon and Dissonance/ Earl Nationalist Thought in Aa&a>1 chapter 98 3er Appendi' I gi&es an English translation of the famous article1 from *hich this passage is dra*n8

(8 Notice the educational lin,age here bet*een >imagined> and >imaginar > communities8 C8 The celebrations of "#"% *ere agreeabl emblematic of official nationalism in another sense8 The >national liberation> commemorated *as in fact the restoration of the 3ouse of Orange b the &ictorious armies of the 3ol Alliance ;not the establishment of the Bata&ian Republic in "C#:=J and half the liberated nation soon seceded to form the .ingdom of Belgium in "$%48 But the >national liberation> gloss *as certainl *hat Su*ardi imbibed in his colonial classroom8 $8 >0ar'ism and the National Nuestion1> p8 6"8 #8 Our focus here *ill be on ci&ilian schools8 But their militar counterparts *ere often important too8 The professionall officered standing arm pioneered b <russia earl in the nineteenth centur has reGuired an educational p ramid in some *a s more elaborate1 if not more specialiBed1 than its ci&ilian analogue8 5oung officers ;>Tur,s>= produced b ne* militar academies ha&e often pla ed significant roles in the de&elopment of nationalism8 Emblematic is the case of 0aFor Chu,uma NBeog*u1 *ho masterminded the Aanuar ":1"#(( coup in Nigeria8 A Christian Ibo1 he *as among the first group of oung Nigerians sent for training to Sandhurst to ma,e possible the transformation of a *hite7officered colonial mercenar force into a national arm 1 on Nigeria>s attainment of independence in "#(48 ;If he attended Sandhurst *ith the future Brigadier Afrifa1 *ho1 also in "#((1 *as to o&erthro* his go&ernment1 each nati&e *as destined to return to his o*n imperial habitat=8 It is stri,ing e&idence of the po*er of the <russian model that he *as able to lead 0uslim 3ausa troops in assassinating the Sardauna of So,oto and other 0uslim 3ausa aristocrats1 and1 conseGuentl 1 destro the 0uslim73ausa7dominated go&ernment of Abuba,ar Tafa*a Bale*a1 It is no less stri,ing a sign of colonial7 school7generated nationalism that o&er Radio .aduna he assured his countr men that > ou *ill no more be ashamed to sa that ou are Nigerian8> ;Nuotation ta,en from Anthon 3808 .ir,7?reene1 ,risis and ,onflict in .igeria: ' )oc mentar0 So rce (oo#- p8 "9(8= 5et nationalism *as thinl enough then spread in Nigeria for NBeog*u>s nationalist coup to be Guic,l interpreted as an Ibo plotJ hence the militar mutinies of Aul 1 the anti7 Ibo pogroms of September and October1 and Biafra>s secession in 0a "#(C8 ;See Robin +uc,ham>s superb +he .igerian 6ilitar0- passim8= "48 The idea of a student being >too old> to be in class L or 51 unthin,able in a traditional 0uslim school1 *as an unselfconscious a'iom of the colonial 2estern7st le school8 ""8 -ltimatel 1 of course1 the apices *ere The 3ague1 Amsterdam1 and +eidenJ but those *ho could seriousl dream of stud ing there *ere a tin handful8 "98 Being secular1 t*entieth7centur schools the *ere usuall co7educational1 though *ith bo s the preponderant maForit 8 3ence lo&e7affairs1 and Guite often marriages1 >off the school7bench1> *hich crossed all traditional lines8 "%8 Su,arno ne&er sa* the 2est Irian for *hich he fought so hard till he *as o&er (48 3ere1 as in the schoolroom maps1 *e see fiction seeping into realit 7 cf8 .oli and El Peri" illo Samiento. "68 Compare1 b contrast1 >half7breeds> or >niggers1> *ho1 beginning at Calais1 could crop up an *here on the planet outside the -nited .ingdom8 ":8 On the origins and de&elopment of this famous school1 see Abdou 0oumouni1 91EJ cation en 'fri" e- pp8 6"76#J on its political significance1 Ruth Schachter 6orgentha - Political Parties in *rench-S%ea#ing 3est 'frica- %%. "97"61"$79"8 Originall an untitled ecole normale located in Saint7+ouis1 it *as mo&ed to ?oree1 Fust outside Da,ar1 in "#"%8 SubseGuentl it *as named after 2illiam 0erlaud7<ont 1 the fourth go&ernor7general ;"#4$7":= of French 2est Africa8 Serge Thion informs me that the name 2illiam ;as opposed to ?uillaume= has long been in &ogue in the area around Bordeau'8 3e is surel right in attributing this popularit to the historic ties *ith England created b the *ine tradeJ but it seems Fust possible that it goes bac, to the era *hen Bordeau' ;?u enne= *as still a solid part of the realm ruled from +ondon8 "(8 There seems to ha&e been nothing similar in British 2est Africa1 *hether because the British colonies *ere non7contiguous1 or because +ondon *as *ealth and liberal enough to start secondar schools almost simultaneousl in the maFor territories1 or because of the localism of ri&al <rotestant missionar organiBations8 Achimota School1 a secondar school founded b the colonial state in Accra in "#9C1 Guic,l became the main pea, of a ?old Coast7specific educational p ramid1 and after independence it *as *here the children of cabinet ministers began learning ho* to succeed their fathers8 A ri&al pea,1 0fantsipim Secondar School1 had the ad&antage of seniorit ;it *as founded in "$C(=1 but the *ea,nesses of locale ;Cape Coast= and semi7detachment from the state ;it *as in denominational hands till *ell after independence=8 I o*e this information to 0ohamed

Chambas8 "C8 It led1 inter alia- to a one7generation ;"#%47"#:"H= Indochinese Communist <art in *hich1 for a time1 oungsters *hose mother tongues might be !ietnamese1 .hmer1 or +ao participated8 Toda 1 the formation of this part is sometimes &ie*ed merel as an e'pression of >age7old !ietnamese e'pansionism8> In fact1 it *as sired b the Comintern out of the educational ;and to a lesser e'tent administrati&e= s stem of French Indochina8 "$8 This polic is abl and thoroughl discussed in ?ail <aradise .ell 1 >Franco7!ietnamese Schools1 "#"$ to "#%$>8 -nluc,il 1 the author concentrates e'clusi&el on the !ietnamese7spea,ing population of Indochina8 "#8 I use this perhaps clums terminolog to emphasiBe the colonial origins of these entities8 >+aos> *as assembled out of a cluster of ri&al principalities1 lea&ing more than half of the +ao7spea,ing population in Siam8 The boundaries of >Cambodge> conformed neither to an particular historical stretch of the precolonial realm1 nor to the distribution of the .hmer7spea,ing peoples8 Some hundreds of thousands of such people ended up trapped in >Cochin China1> producing in time that distinct communit ,no*n as the .hmer .rom ;do*n7ri&er .hmer=8 948 The pursued this aim b establishing in the "#%4s an Ecole Superieure de <ali in <hnom <enh1 an ecclesiastical college attended b both .hmer7 and +ao7spea,ing mon,s8 The attempt to turn Buddhist e es a*a from Bang,o, seems not to ha&e been *holl successful8 In "#69 ;shortl after Siam regained control of much of north*estern >Cambodge> *ith Aapanese assistance=1 the French arrested a &enerable professor of the Ecole for possession and distribution of>sub&ersi&e> Thai educational materials8 ;0ost li,el 1 these materials *ere some of the strongl nationalist school7te'ts produced b the &ociferousl anti7French regime of Field7 0arshal <lae, <hibunsong,hram ;"#%$7"#66=8 9"8 Da&id ?8 0arr1 Lietnamese +radition on +rial- 19BF-19>I- p8 "6(8 No less alarming *ere smuggled Chinese translations of such troubling French authors as Rousseau8 ;.ell 1 >Franco7!ietnamese Schools1 p8 "#=8 998 In its final form1 this script is usuall attributed to the gifted le'icographer Ale'andre de Rhodes1 *ho in "(:" published his remar,able )ictionari m annamitic m- l sitan m et latin m. 9%8 >D0ostE French colonial officials of the late nineteenth centur 888 *ere con&inced that to achie&e permanent colonial success reGuired the harsh curtailment of Chinese influences1 including the *riting s stem8 0issionaries often sa* the Confucian literati as the main obstacle to the general Catholic con&ersion of !ietnam8 3ence1 in their &ie*1 to eliminate the Chinese language *as simultaneousl to isolate !ietnam from its heritage and to neutraliBe the traditional elite8> ;0arr1 Lietnamese +radition- p8 "6:=8 .ell Guotes one colonial *riter thus/ >in effect1 the teaching of Guoc ngu alone888 *ill ha&e the result of communicating to !ietnamese onl the French *riting1 literature1 and philosoph *hich *e *ish them Dto be e'posed toE8 That is those D*or,sE *hich *e Fudge useful to them and easil assimilable/ onl the te'ts *hich *e transcribe into Guoc ngu8> >Franco7!ietnamese Schools>1 p8 998 968 See Ibid81 pp8 "67":8 For a *ider1 lo*er stratum of the Indochinese population ?o&ernor7?eneral Albert Sarraut ;author of the "#"C Code of <ublic Instruction= urged/ >a simple education1 reduced to essentials1 permitting the child to learn all that *ill be useful to him to ,no* in his humble career of farmer or artisan to ameliorate the natural and social conditions of his e'istence8> Ibid81 p8 "C8 9:8 In "#%C1 a total of (%" students *ere enrolled1 :$4 of them in the faculties of la* and medicine8 Ibid81 p8 C#J see also pp8 (#7C#1 for the biBarre histor of this institution1 founded in "#4(1 closed in "#4$1 reopened in "#"$1 and ne&er1 till the late "#%4s1 much more than a glorified &ocational college8 9(8 As I shall be concentrating on .hmers and !ietnamese belo*1 this ma be the place to ma,e a brief reference to some prominent +ao8 The present <rime 0inister of +aos1 .a sone <houm&ihan attended the -ni&ersit of 3anoi>s medical facult in the late "#%4s8 The head of state1 <rince Souphanou&ong1 graduated from 3anoi>s + cee Albert Sarraut before obtaining an engineering degree in metropolitan France8 3is elder brother1 <rince <hetsarath Ratana&ongsa1 *ho headed the short7li&ed +ao Issara ;Free +ao= anticolonial go&ernment in !ientiane from October "#6: to April "#6(1 had as a outh been graduated from Saigon>s + cee Chasseloup7+aubat8 <rior to 2orld 2ar II1 the highest educational institution in >+aos> *as the small College Di8e8 Funior high schoolE <a&ie in !ientiane8 See AosephA8 Masloff1 Pathet 9ao- pp8 "467"4:J and >%%6#> Dpseudon m of <hetsarath Ratana&ongsaE1 Iron 6an of 9aos- pp8 "9 and 6(8 It is re&ealing1 I thin,1 that in his account of his later schoolda s in <aris1 <hetsarath regularl and unselfconsciousl spea,s of his identifiabl +ao1 .hmer1 and !ietnamese classmates as >the Indochinese students8> See1 e8g81 ibid81 pp8 "67":8 9C8 Thus in the pre&iousl >integrated> l0c1ees Chasseloup7+aubat and Albert Sarraut1 sub7standard >nati&e

sections> *ere established in "#"C7"#"$8 These >nati&e sections> e&entuall turned respecti&el into the + cee <etrus . and the + cee du <rotectorat8 ;Ibid81 pp8 (47(%=8 Nonetheless1 a minorit of pri&ileged indigenes continued to attend the >real French> l0c1ees ;the adolescent Norodom Sihanou, graced Chasseloup7+aubat=1 *hile a minorit of >French> ;mainl Eurasians and nati&es *ith French legal status= attended <etrus . and its sister institution in 3anoi8 9$8 0arr notes that in the "#94s >e&en the most optimistic member of the intelligentsia Dcommitted to " oc ngS& could not ha&e guessed that onl t*o decades later1 citiBens of a Democratic Republic of !ietnam *ould be able to conduct all important affairs 7 political11militar 1 economic1 scientific and academic 7 in spo,en !ietnamese lin,ed to the " oc ng *riting s stem8> Lietnamese +radition- p8 ":48 It *as also a disagreeable surprise to the French8 9#8 It is instructi&e that one of the first issues raised b the earl .hmer nationalists of the late "#%4s *as the >menace>of a so7called>Guoc ngu7iBation>of the .hmer script b the colonial authorities8 %48 The pattern *as not immediatel follo*ed in !ientiane8 To e reports that in the course of the "#%4s onl :9 +ao *ere graduated from the College Dhe *rongl terms it + ceeE <a&ie1 as opposed to #( !ietnamese8 9aos- p8 6:8 %"8 It is possible that this influ' paralleled the institution of the Franco7!ietnamese school s stem1 in that it deflected !ietnamese from competing *ith French nationals in the more ad&anced1 eastern parts of Indochina8 In "#%C1 there *ere %#1444 Europeans li&ing in >Cochin China1> >Annam> and >Ton,in1> and onl %1"44 in >Cambodge> and >+aos> combined8 0arr1 Lietnamese +radition- p8 9%8 %98 Biographical materials on these men *ere ,indl pro&ided to me b Ste&e 3eder8 %%8 3e died in "#:41 in a grenade attac, on the Democratic <art headGuarters organiBed b an un,no*n1 but probabl princel 1 hand8 %68 <ublished in <hnom <enh b the +ibrairie 0itserei DFree FriendsE >0isleading> because the entire te't is in .hmer8 Biographical details on leu .oeus1 dra*n from his "#(6 cremation &olume1 *ere generousl passed on to me b Ste&e 3eder8 %:8 See .ahin1 .ationalism- chapter "9J Anthon Reid1 +he Indonesian .ational Revol tion- 19>I-IF- chapter (J and 3enri Alers1 2m een rode ofgroene 6erde#a- passim8 %(8 The e'ception *as the aborti&e Republic of the South 0oluccas8 ChristianiBed Ambonese had long been hea&il recruited for the repressi&e colonial arm 8 0an fought under &an 0oo, against the ne*7born re&olutionar Indonesian RepublicJ after 3olland>s recognition of Indonesian independence in "#:41 the had some reason to e'pect an unpleasant future8 %C8 See the &aluable account in Aohn 3offman1 >A Foreign In&estment/ Indies 0ala to "#491> Indonesia- 9C ;April "#C#=1 pp8 (:7#98 %$8 The militar >constituted something li,e an anal tonal caste- the members of *hich li&ed e&en in their pri&ate li&es ordinarl distinct from their national en&ironments and spo,e &er often a special language1 the so7 called ararisch de tsch ;Kfiscal ?ermanK=1 as it *as ironicall named b the representati&es of the literar ?erman1 meaning b it a strange linguistic mi'ture *hich does not ta,e the rules of grammar &er seriousl 8>AasBi1 +he )issol tion- p8 "668 Author>s emphases8 %#8 Not merel in the ob&ious sense8 Because1 in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries1 3olland had1 for all intents and purposes1 onl one colon 1 and a huge1 profitable one at that1 it *as Guite practical to train its functionaries in a ;single= non7European diensttaal. O&er time1 special schools and faculties gre* up in the metropole to prepare future functionaries linguisticall 8 For multi7continental empires li,e the British1 no single locall 7based diensttaal *ould ha&e sufficed8 648 0arr>s account of language7de&elopment in eastern Indochina is &er re&ealing on this point8 3e notes that as late as c8 "#"4 >most educated !ietnamese assumed that Chinese or French1 or both1 *ere essential modes of KhigherK communication8> HLietnamese +radition- %. "%C=8 After "#941 ho*e&er1 and partl as a result of state promotion of the phonetic " oc tig script1 things changed Guic,l 8 B then >the belief *as gro*ing that spo,en !ietnamese *as an important and perhaps DsicE essential component of national identit 8 E&en intellectuals more at home in French than in their mother tongue came to appreciate the significance of the fact that at least $:S of their fello*7countr men spo,e the same language8> ;p8 "%$= The *ere b then full a*are of the role of mass

literac in ad&ancing the nation7states of Europe and Aapan8 5et 0arr also sho*s that for a long time there *as no clear correlation bet*een language7preference and political stance/ >-pholding the !ietnamese mother tongue *as not inherentl patriotic1 an more than promoting the French language *as inherentl collaborationist8> ;p8 ":4=8 6"8 I sa >can> because there are ob&iousl plent of cases *here the possibilit has been1 and is being1 reFected8 In such cases1 for e'ample Old <a,istan1 the e'planation is not ethno7cultural pluralism1 but barred pilgrimages8 698 Christopher 3ughes1 S:it8erland- p8 "4C8 This e'cellent te't1 for *hich Seton72atson rightl e'presses his admiration1 is the basis for the argument that follo*s8 6%8 Ibid81 p8 9"$8 The dates are m interpolations8 668 Ibid81 p8 $:8 6:8 <lus Aargau1 St8 ?allen and ?risons8 This last is of special interest since toda it is the sur&i&ing home of Romansch1 the most echt7S*iss of the countr >s national languages7a status it achie&ed1 ho*e&er1 onl in "#%CQ Ibid81 pp8 :# and $:8 6(8 2e might note in passing that 0me8 de Stael barel sur&i&ed long enough to see its birth8 Besides1 her famil 1 li,e that of Sismondi1 came from ?ene&a1 *hich *as an independent statelet outside >S*itBerland> until "$":8 Small *onder that S*iss nationhood rested >rather lightl > on their shoulders8 6C8 Ibid81 pp8 "C% and 9C68 An nineteenth7centur >culti&ated middle class> had to be &er small8 6$8 Ibid81 p8 $(8 Emphasis added8 6#8 An absence of monarchies also characteriBed the 3anseatic +eague1 a loose political coalition to *hich it *ould be problematic to attribute either statehood or nationhood8 :48 Ibid81 p8 9C68 :"8 Ibid81 pp8 :#7(48 Emphases added8 :98 Romansch>s ele&ation in "#%C scarcel disguised the original calculation8 :%8 The social structure of 3ungar *as also bac,*ard1 but 0ag ar aristocrats sat inside a huge pol ethnic d nastic empire1 in *hich their putati&e language7group formed merel a minorit 1 albeit a &er important one8 Small1 republican S*itBerland>s aristocratic oligarch *as ne&er threatened in the same *a 8 :68 0ar' and Engels1 +he ,omm nist 6anifesto- p8 %C8 2ho but 0ar' *ould ha&e described this *orld7 transforming class as being >chased>H

$8 <atriotism and Racism

D"6"E In the preceding chapters I ha&e tried to delineate the processes b *hich the nation came to be imagined1 and1 once imagined1 modelled1 adapted and transformed8 Such an anal sis has necessaril been concerned primaril *ith social change and different forms of consciousness8 But it is doubtful *hether either social change or transformed consciousnesses1 in themsel&es1 do much to e'plain the attachment that peoples feel for the in&entions of their imaginations 7 or1 to re&i&e a Guestion raised at the beginning of this te't7 *h people are read to die for these in&entions8 In an age *hen it is so common for progressi&e1 cosmopolitan intellectuals ;particularl in EuropeH= to insist on the near7pathological character of nationalism1 its roots in fear and hatred of the Other1 and its affinities *ith racism1" it is useful to remind oursel&es that nations inspire lo&e1 and often profoundl self7sacrificing lo&e8 The cultural products of nationalism7 poetr 1 prose fiction1 music1 plastic arts 7 sho* this lo&e &er clearl in thousands of different

forms and st les8 On the other hand1 ho* trul rare it is to find D"69E analogo s nationalist products e'pressing fear and loathing89 E&en in the case of coloniBed peoples1 *ho ha&e e&er reason to feel hatred for their imperialist rulers1 it is astonishing ho* insignificant the element of hatred is in these e'pression of national feeling8 3ere1 for e'ample1 are the first and last stanBas of Pltimo 'diQs- the famous poem *ritten b RiBal as he a*aited e'ecution at the hands of Spanish imperialism/%
"8 Adi\s1 <atria adorada1 regi\n del sol Guerida1 <erla del 0ar de Oriente1 nuestro perdido edPn1 A darte &o 1 alegre1 la triste mustia &idaJ 5 fuera m]s brillante1 m]s fresca1 m]s florida1 TambiPn por ti la diera1 la diera por tu bien888 "98 Entonces nada importa me pongas en ol&ido/ Tu atm\sfera1 tu espacio1 tus &alles cruBarPJ !ibrante limpia nota serP par tu o^doJ Aroma1 luB1 colores1 rumor1 canto1 gemido1 Constante repitiendo la esencia de mi fe8 "%8 0i <atria idolatrada1 dolor de mis dolores1 Nuerida Filipinas1 o e el postrer adi\s8 Ah^1 te deFo todo/ mis padres1 mis amores8 !o donde no ha escla&os1 &erdugos ni opresoresJ Donde la fe no mata1 donde el Gue reina es Dios8 "68 Adi\s1 padres hermanos1 troBos del alma m^a1 Amigos de la infancia1 en el perdido hogarJ Dad gracias1 Gue descanso del fatigoso d^aJ Adi\s1 dulce e'tranFera1 mi amiga1 mi alegr^aJ Adi\s1 Gueridos sPres8 0orir es descansar8

D"6%E Notice not onl that the nationalit of the >t rants> goes unmentioned1 but that RiBal>s passionate patriotism is e'pressed superbl in >their> language86 Something of the nature of this political lo&e can be deciphered from the *a s in *hich languages describe its obFect/ either in the &ocabular of ,inship ;motherland1 Laterland%atria@ or that of home Hheimat or tanah air Dearth and *ater1 the phrase for the Indonesians> nati&e archipelagoE=8 Both idioms denote something to *hich one is naturall tied8 As *e ha&e seen earlier1 in e&er thing >natural> there is al*a s something unchosen8 In this *a 1 nation7ness is assimilated to s,in7colour1 gender1 parentage and birth7era 7 all those things one can not help8 And in these >natural ties> one senses *hat one might call >the beaut of gemeinschaft1. To put it another *a 1 precisel because such ties are not chosen1 the ha&e about them a halo of disinterestedness8 2hile it is true that in the past t*o decades the idea of the famil 7 D"66E as7articulated7po*er7 structure has been much *ritten about1 such a conception is certainl foreign to the o&er*helming bul, of man,ind8 Rather1 the famil has traditionall been concei&ed as the domain of disinterested lo&e and solidarit 8 So too1 if historians1 diplomats1 politicians1 and social scientists are Guite at ease *ith the idea of>national interest1K for most ordinar people of *hate&er class the *hole point of the nation is that it is interestless8 Aust for that reason1 it can as, for sacrifices8 As noted earlier1 the great *ars of this centur are e'traordinar not so much in the unprecedented scale on *hich the permitted people to ,ill1 as in the colossal numbers

persuaded to la do*n their li&es8 Is it not certain that the numbers of those ,illed &astl e'ceeded those *ho ,illedH The idea of the ultimate sacrifice comes onl *ith an idea of purit 1 through fatalit 8 D ing for one>s countr 1 *hich usuall one does not choose1 assumes a moral grandeur *hich d ing for the +abour <art 1 the American 0edical Association1 or perhaps e&en Amnest International can not ri&al1 for these are all bodies one can Foin or lea&e at eas *ill8 D ing for the re&olution also dra*s its grandeur from the degree to *hich it is felt to be something fundamentall pure8 ;If people imagined the proletariat merel0 as a group in hot pursuit of refrigerators1 holida s1 or po*er1 ho* far *ould the 1 including members of the proletariat1 be *illing to die for itH=: Ironicall enough1 it ma be that to the e'tent that 0ar'ist interpretations of histor are felt ;rather than intellected= as representations of ineluctable necessit 1 the also acGuire an aura of purit and disinterestedness8 3ere *e ma usefull return once more to language8 First1 one notes the primordialness of languages1 e&en those ,no*n to be modern8 No one can gi&e the date for the birth of an language8 Each looms up imperceptibl out of a horiBonless past8 ;Insofar as homo sa%iens is homo dicens- it can seem difficult to imagine an origin of D"6:E language ne*er than the species itself8= +anguages thus appear rooted be ond almost an thing else in contemporar societies8 At the same time1 nothing connects us affecti&el to the dead more than language8 If English7spea,ers hear the *ords >Earth to earth1 ashes to ashes1 dust to dust> 7 created almost four7and7a7half centuries ago 7 the get a ghostl intimation of simultaneit across homogeneous1 empt time8 The *eight of the *ords deri&es onl in part from their solemn meaningJ it comes also from an as7it7*ere ancestral >Englishness>8 Second1 there is a special ,ind of contemporaneous communit *hich language alone suggests7abo&e all in the form of poetr and songs8 Ta,e national anthems1 for e'ample1 sung on national holida s8 No matter ho* banal the *ords and mediocre the tunes1 there is in this singing an e'perience of simultaneit 8 At precisel such moments1 people *holl un,no*n to each other utter the same &erses to the same melod 8 The image/ unisonance8( Singing the 0arseillaise1 2altBing 0atilda1 and Indonesia Ra a pro&ide occasions for unisonalit 1 for the echoed ph sical realiBation of the imagined communit 8 ;So does listening to Dand ma be silentl chiming in *ithE the recitation of ceremonial poetr 1 such as sections of +he (oo# of ,ommon Pra0er.@ 3o* selfless this unisonance feelsQ If *e are a*are that others are singing these songs precisel *hen and as *e are1 *e ha&e no idea *ho the ma be1 or e&en *here1 out of earshot1 the are singing8 Nothing connects us all but imagined sound8 5et such choruses are Foinable in time8 If I am a +ett1 m daughter ma be an Australian8 The son of an Italian immigrant to Ne* 5or, *ill find ancestors in the <ilgrim Fathers8 If nationalness has about it an aura of fatalit 1 it is nonetheless a fatalit embedded in histor0. 3ere San 0artin>s edict baptiBing Nuechua7spea,ing Indians as ><eru&ians>7a mo&ement that has affinities *ith religious con&ersion 7 is e'emplar 8 For it sho*s that from the start the nation *as concei&ed in language1 not in blood1 and that one could be >in&ited into> the imagined communit 8 Thus toda 1 e&en the most insular nations accept the principle of nat rali8ation ;*onderful *ordQ=1 no matter ho* difficult in practice the ma ma,e it8 D"6(E Seen as both a historical fatalit and as a communit imagined through language1 the nation presents itself as simultaneousl open and closed8 This parado' is *ell illustrated in the shifting rh thms of these famous lines on the death of Aohn 0oore during the battle of Coruna/C
"8 Not a drum *as heard1 not a funeral note1

As his corse to the rampart *e hurriedJ Not a soldier discharged his fare*ell shot O>er the gra&e *here our hero *e buried8 98 2e buried him dar,l at dead of night1 The sods *ith our ba onets turningJ B the struggling moonbeams> mist light1 And the lantern diml burning8 %8 No useless coffin enclosed his breast1 Not in sheet or in shroud *e *ound himJ But he la li,e a *arrior ta,ing his rest1 2ith his martial cloa, around him888 :8 2e thought1 as *e hollo*ed his narro* bed1 And smoothed do*n his lonel pillo*1 That the foe and the stranger *ould tread o>er his head And *e far a*a on the billo*888 $8 Slo*l and sadl *e laid him do*n8 From the field of his fame fresh and gor J 2e car&ed not a line1 and *e raised not a stone I But *e left him alone *ith his glor Q

The lines celebrate a heroic memor *ith a beaut inseparable from the English language 7 one untranslatable1 audible onl to its spea,ers and readers8 5et both 0oore and his eulogist *ere Irishmen8 And there is no reason *h a descendant of 0oore>s French or Spanish >foes> can not full hear the poem>s resonance/ English1 li,e an other language1 is al*a s open to ne* spea,ers1 listeners1 and readers8 D"6CE +isten to Thomas Bro*ne1 encompassing in a pair of sentences the length and breadth of man>s histor /$
E&en the old ambitions had the ad&antage of ours1 in the attempts of their &ainglories1 *ho acting earl and before the probable 0eridian of time1 ha&e b this time found great accomplishment of their designs1 *hereb the ancient 3eroes ha&e alread out7lasted their 0onuments1 and 0echanicall preser&ations8 But in this latter Scene of time *e cannot e'pect such 0ummies unto our memories1 *hen ambition ma fear the <rophec of Elias1 and Charles the Fifth can ne&er hope to li&e *ithin t*o 0ethusela>s of 3ector8

3ere ancient Eg pt1 ?reece1 and Audaea are united *ith the 3ol Roman Empire1 but their unification across thousands of ears and thousands of miles is accomplished *ithin the particularit of Bro*ne>s se&enteenth7centur English prose8# The passage can1 of course1 up to a point be translated8 But the eerie splendour of >probable 0eridian of time1> >0echanicall preser&ations1> >such 0ummies unto our memories1> and >t*o 0ethusela>s of 3ector>can bring goose7flesh to the napes onl of English7readers8 On this page1 it opens itself *ide to the reader8 On the other hand1 the no less eerie splendour of the final lines of>5ang Sudah3ilang>b the great Indonesian author <ramoed a Ananta Toer/"4
Suara itu han a terdengar beberapa deti, saFa dalam hidup8 ?etarann a sebentar berdengung1 ta,,an terulangi lagi8 Tapi seperti Fuga haln a dengan ,ali +usi ang abadi menggarisi ,ota Blora1 dan seperti ,ali itu Fuga1 suara ang tersimpan menggarisi ,enangan dan ingatan itu mengalir Fuga 7 mengalir ,emuaran a1 ,elaut ang ta, bertepi8 Dan ta, seorangpun tahu ,apan laut itu a,an ,ering

dan berhenti berdeburan8 D"6$E 3ilang8 Semua itu sudah hilang dari Fang,auan pancDhEa7indera8

on the same print page1 are most li,el closed8"" If e&er language is acGuirable1 its acGuisition reGuires a real portion of a person>s life/ each ne* conGuest is measured against shortening da s8 2hat limits one>s access to other languages is not their imper&iousness but one>s o*n mortalit 8 3ence a certain pri&ac to all languages8 French and American imperialists go&erned1 e'ploited1 and ,illed !ietnamese o&er man ears8 But *hate&er else the made off *ith1 the !ietnamese language sta ed put8 Accordingl 1 onl too often1 a rage at !ietnamese >inscrutabilit 1> and that obscure despair *hich engenders the &enomous argots of d ing colonialisms/ >goo,s1> 1ratons1- etc8"9 ;In the longer run1 the onl responses to the &ast pri&ac of the language of the oppressed are retreat or further massacre8= Such epithets are1 in their inner form1 characteristicall racist1 and decipherment of this form *ill ser&e to sho* *h Nairn is basicall mista,en in arguing that racism and anti7semitism deri&e from nationalism 7 and thus that >seen in sufficient historical depth1 fascism tells us more about nationalism than an other episode8 U"% A *ord li,e >slant1> for e'ample1 abbre&iated from >slant7e ed>1 does not simpl e'press an ordinar political enmit 8 It erases nation7ness b reducing the ad&ersar to his biological ph siognom 8"6 It denies1 b substituting for1 >!ietnameseJ>Fust as raton denies1 b substituting for1 >Algerian>8 At the same time1 it stirs >!ietnamese> into a nameless sludge along *ith >.orean1> >Chinese1> >Filipino1> and so on8 The character of this &ocabular ma become still more e&ident if it is contrasted *ith other !ietnam72ar7period *ords li,e >Charlie> and D"6#E >!8C8>1 or from an earlier era1 >Boches1> >3uns1> >Aaps> and >Frogs1>all of *hich appl onl to one specific nationalit 1 and thus concede1 in hatred1 the ad&ersar >s membership in a league of nations8": The fact of the matter is that nationalism thin,s in terms of historical destinies1 *hile racism dreams of eternal contaminations1 transmitted from the origins of time through an endless seGuence of loathsome copulations/ outside histor 8 Niggers are1 than,s to the in&isible tar7 brush1 fore&er niggersJ Ae*s1 the seed of Abraham1 fore&er Ae*s1 no matter *hat passports the carr or *hat languages the spea, and read8 ;Thus for the NaBi1 the Je:ish ?erman *as al*a s an impostor8="( The dreams of racism actuall ha&e their origin in ideologies of class- rather than in those of nation/ abo&e all in claims to di&init among rulers and to >blue> or >*hite> blood and >breeding> among aristocracies8"C No surprise then that the putati&e sire of modern racism should be1 not some pett 7bourgeois nationalist1 but Aoseph Arthur1 Comte de ?obineau8"$ Nor that1 on the *hole1 racism and D":4E anti7semitism manifest themsel&es1 not across national boundaries1 but *ithin them8 In other *ords1 the Fustif not so much foreign *ars as domestic repression and domination8"# 2here racism de&eloped outside Europe in the nineteenth centur 1 it *as al*a s associated *ith European domination1 for t*o con&erging reasons8 First and most important *as the rise of official nationalism and colonial >Russification>8 As has been repeatedl emphasiBed official nationalism *as t picall a response on the part of threatened d nastic and aristocratic groups 7 upper classes - to popular &ernacular nationalism8 Colonial racism *as a maFor element in that conception of >Empire> *hich attempted to *eld d nastic legitimac and national communit 8 It did so b generaliBing a principle of innate1 inherited superiorit on *hich its o*n domestic position *as ;ho*e&er sha,il = based to the &astness of the

o&erseas possessions1 co&ertl ;or not so co&ertl = con&e ing the idea that if1 sa 1 English lords *ere naturall superior to other Englishmen1 no matter/ these other Englishmen *ere no less superior to the subFected nati&es8 Indeed one is tempted to argue that the e'istence of late colonial empires e&en ser&ed to shore % domestic aristocratic bastions1 since the appeared to confirm on a global1 modern stage antiGue conceptions of po*er and pri&ilege8 It could do so *ith some effect because7and here is our second reason7 the colonial empire1 *ith its rapidl e'panding bureaucratic apparatus and its >Russif ing> policies1 permitted siBeable numbers of bourgeois and pett bourgeois to pla aristocrat off centre court/ i8e8 an *here in the empire e'cept at home8 In each colon one found this griml amusing ta!lea vivant: the bourgeois gentilhomme spea,ing poetr against a bac,cloth of spacious mansions and gardens filled *ith mimosa and bougain&illea1 and a large supporting cast of housebo s1 grooms1 gardeners1 coo,s1 amahs1 maids1 *asher*omen1 D":"E and1 abo&e all1 horses894 E&en those *ho did not manage to li&e in this st le1 such as oung bachelors1 nonetheless had the grandl eGui&ocal status of a French nobleman on the e&e of a FacGuerie/9"
In 0oulmein1 in lo*er Burma Dthis obscure to*n needs e'plaining to readers in the metropoleE1 I *as hated b large numbers of people 7 the onl time in m life that I ha&e been important enough for this to happen to me8 I *as sub7di&isional police officer of the to*n8

This >tropical ?othic> *as made possible b the o&er*helming po*er that high capitalism had gi&en the metropole 7 a po*er so great that it could be ,ept1 so to spea,1 in the *ings8 Nothing better illustrates capitalism in feudal7aristocratic drag than colonial militaries1 *hich *ere notoriousl distinct from those of the metropoles1 often e&en in formal institutional terms899 Thus in Europe one had the >First Arm 1> recruited b conscription on a mass1 citiBen1 metropolitan baseJ ideologicall concei&ed as the defender of the heimatD dressed in practical1 utilitarian ,ha,iJ armed *ith the latest affordable *eaponsJ in peacetime isolated in barrac,s1 in *ar stationed in trenches or behind hea& field7guns8 Outside Europe one had the >Second Arm 1> recruited ;belo* the officer le&el= from local religious or ethnic minorities on a mercenar basisJ ideologicall concei&ed as an internal police forceJ dressed to ,ill in bed7 or ballroomJ armed *ith s*ords and obsolete industrial *eaponsJ in peace on displa 1 in *ar on horsebac,8 If the <russian ?eneral Staff1 Europe>s militar teacher1 stressed the anon mous solidarit of a professionaliBed corps1 ballistics1 railroads1 engineering1 strategic planning1 and the li,e1 the colonial arm stressed glor 1 epaulettes1 personal heroism1 polo1 and an archaiBing courtliness among its officers8 ;It could afford D":9E to do so because the First Arm and the Na& *ere there in the bac,ground8= This mentalit sur&i&ed a long time8 In Ton,in1 in "$#61 + aute *rote/9%
Nuel dommage de n>_tre pas &enu ici di' ans plus t`tQ Nuelles carriares b fonder et b mener8 Il n> a pas ici un de ces petits lieutenants1 chefs de poste et de reconnaissance1 Gui ne dP&eloppe en ( mois plus dZinitiati&e1 de &olontP1 d>endurance1 de %ersonnalitO- Gu>un officier de France en toute sa carriare8

In Ton,in1 in "#:"1 Aean de +attre de Tassign 1 Y*ho li,ed officers *ho combined guts *ith Kst le1K too, an immediate li,ing to the dashing ca&alr man DColonel de CastriesE *ith his bright7red Spahi cap and scarf1 his magnificent riding7crop1 and his combination of eas 7 going manners and d cal mien1 *hich made him as irresistible to *omen in Indochina in the "#:4s as he had been to <arisiennes of the "#%4s8Z96 Another instructi&e indication of the aristocratic or pseudo7aristocratic deri&ation of colonial racism *as the t pical >solidarit D":%E among *hites1> *hich lin,ed colonial rulers from different national metropoles1 *hate&er their internal ri&alries and conflicts8 This solidarit 1

in its curious trans7state character1 reminds one instantl of the class solidarit of Europe>s nineteenth7centur aristocracies1 mediated through each other>s hunting7lodges1 spas1 and ballroomsJ and of that brotherhood of >officers and gentlemen1> *hich in the ?ene&a con&ention guaranteeing pri&ileged treatment to captured enem officers- as opposed to partisans or ci&ilians1 has an agreeabl t*entieth7centur e'pression8 The argument adumbrated thus far can also be pursued from the side of colonial populations8 For1 the pronouncements of certain colonial ideologues aside1 it is remar,able ho* little that dubious entit ,no*n as >re&erse racism> manifested itself in the anticolonial mo&ements8 In this matter it is eas to be decei&ed b language8 There is1 for e'ample1 a sense in *hich the Aa&anese *ord londo ;deri&ed from 3ollander or Nederlander= meant not onl >Dutch> but >*hites8> But the deri&ation itself sho*s that1 for Aa&anese peasants1 *ho scarcel e&er encountered an >*hites> but Dutch1 the t*o meanings effecti&el o&erlapped8 SimilaF7l 1 in French colonial territories1 1les !lancs1 meant rulers *hose Frenchness *as indistinguishable from their *hiteness8 In neither case1 so far as I ,no*1 did londo or !lanc either lose caste or breed derogator secondar distinctions89: On the contrar 1 the spirit of anticolonial nationalism is that of the heart7rending Constitution of 0a,ario Sa,a >s short7li&ed Republic of .atagalugan ;"#49=1 *hich said1 among other things/9(
D":6E No Tagalog1 born in this Tagalog archipelago1 shall e'alt an person abo&e the rest because of his race or the colour of his s,inJ fair1 dar,1 rich1 poor1 educated and ignorant 7 all are completel eGual1 and should be in one loo! Din*ard spiritE8 There ma be differences in education1 *ealth1 or appearance1 but ne&er in essential nature H%ag#atao@ and abilit to ser&e a cause8

One can find *ithout difficult analogies on the other side of the globe8 Spanish7spea,ing mestiBo 0e'icans trace their ancestries1 not to Castilian conGuistadors1 but to half7obliterated ABtecs1 0a ans1 Toltecs and Mapotecs8 -rugua an re&olutionar patriots1 Creoles themsel&es1 too, up the name of Tupac Amaru1 the last great indigenous rebel against creole oppression1 *ho died under unspea,able tortures in "C$"8 It ma appear parado'ical that the obFects of all these attachments are >imagined> 7 anon mous1 faceless fello*7Tagalogs1 e'terminated tribes1 0other Russia1 or the tanah air. But amor %atriae does not differ in this respect from the other affections1 in *hich there is al*a s an element of fond imagining8 ;This is *h loo,ing at the photo7albums of strangers> *eddings is li,e stud ing the archaeologist>s groundplan of the 3anging ?ardens of Bab lon8= 2hat the e e is to the lo&er 7 that particular1 ordinar e e he or she is born *ith 7 language 7 *hate&er language histor has made his or her mother7tongue 7 is to the patriot8 Through that language1 encountered at mother>s ,nee and parted *ith onl at the gra&e1 pasts are restored1 fello*ships are imagined1 and futures dreamed8
"8 Cf8 the passage in Nairn>s (rea#- % of (ritain- pp8 "67": abo&e1 and 3obsba*m>s some*hat Biedermeier dictum/ >the basic fact DisE that 0ar'ists as such are not nationalists8> >Some Reflections1> p8 "48 98 Can the reader thin, immediatel of e&en three 3 mns of 3ateH The second stanBa of ?od Sa&e the Nueen).ing is *orded instructi&el / >O +ord our ?od1 arise)Scatter her)his enemies)And ma,e them fallJ)Confound their politics1) Frustrate their ,na&ish tric,sJ)On Thee our hopes *e fi'J)?od sa&e us all8> Notice that these enemies ha&e no identit and could as *ell be Englishmen as an one else since the are >her)his> enemies not >ours8> The entire anthem is a paean to monarch 1 not to the)a nation 7 *hich is not once mentioned8 %8 Or in the translation of Trinidad T8 Subido/

"8 Fare*ell1 dear +and1 belo&ed of the sun1 <earl of the Orient seas1 lost <aradiseQ ?ladl 1 I *ill to ou this life undoneJ 2ere it a fairer1 fresher1 fuller one1 I>d cede it still1 our *eal to realiBe888 "98 2hat matters then that ou forget me1 *hen I might e'plore our e&>r dear retreatH Be as a note1 pulsing and pureJ and then1 Be scent1 light1 toneJ be song or sign1 againJ And through it all1 m theme of faith1 repeat8 "%8 +and I enshrine1 list to m last fare*ellQ <hilippines1 +o&e1 of pains m pain e'treme1 I lea&e ou all1 all *hom I lo&e so *ell1 To go *here neither sla&es nor t rants d*ell1 2here Faith ,ills not1 and *here ?od reigns supreme8 "68 Fare*ell to all m soul does comprehend I O ,ith and ,in in m home dispossessedJ ?i&e than,s m da oppressi&e is at endJ Fare*ell1 s*eet stranger1 m delight and friendJ Fare*ell1 dear ones8 To die is but to rest8 Aaime C8 de !e ra1 El 1Mltimo 'dios1 de Ri8al: est dio critico-ex%ositivo- pp8 $#7#41 and "4"7"49 ;the translation=8 68 It *as1 ho*e&er1 Guic,l translated into Tagalog b the great Filipino re&olutionar Andres Bonifacio8 3is &ersion is gi&en in ibid81 pp8 "4C7"4#8 :8 This formulation should not at all be ta,en to mean that re&olutionar mo&ements do not pursue material obFecti&es8 But these obFecti&es are en&isioned1 not as a congeries of indi&idual acGuisitions1 but as the conditions of Rousseau>s shared !onhe r. (8 Contrast this a ca%etta chorus *ith the language of e&er da life1 *hich is t picall e'perienced decani)cantoris7fashion as dialogue and e'change8 C8 >The Burial of Sir Aohn 0oore1> in +he Poems of ,harles 3olfe- pp8 "798 $8 C0driota%hia- Mme-( riall- or- ' )isco rse of the Se% lchralA Mmes latel0 fo nd in .orfol#- pp8 C97C%8 On >the probable 0eridian of time> compare Bishop Otto of Freising8 #8 5et >England> goes unmentioned in this unification8 2e are reminded of those pro&incial ne*spapers *hich brought the *hole *orld1 through Spanish1 into Caracas and Bogota8 "48 In +;erita dari (lora DTales from BloraE1 pp8 ":7661 at p8 668 ""8 Still1 listen to themQ I ha&e adapted the original spelling to accord *ith current con&ention and to ma,e the Guotation completel phonetic8 "98 The logic here is/ "8 I *ill be dead before I ha&e penetrated them8 98 0 po*er is such that the ha&e had to learn m language8 %8 But this means that m pri&ac has been penetrated8 Terming them >goo,s> is small re&enge8 "%8 +he (rea#- % of (ritain- pp8 %%C and %6C8 "68 Notice that there is no ob&ious1 selfconscious anton m to >slant8> >Round>H >Straight>H >O&al>H ":8 Not onl 1 in fact1 in an earlier era8 Nonetheless1 there is a *hiff of the antiGue7shop about these *ords of Debra / >I can concei&e of no hope for Europe sa&e under the hegemon of a re&olutionar France1 firml grasping the banner of independence8 Sometimes I *onder if the *hole Kanti7BocheK m tholog and our secular antagonism to ?erman ma not be one da indispensable for sa&ing the re&olution1 or e&en our national7

democratic inheritance8> >0ar'ism and the National Nuestion1> p8 6"8 "(8 The significance of the emergence of Mionism and the birth of Israel is that the former mar,s the reimagining of an ancient religious communit as a nation1 do*n there among the other nations 7 *hile the latter charts an alchemic change from *andering de&otee to local patriot8 "C8 >From the side of the landed aristocrac came conceptions of inherent superiorit in the ruling class1 and a sensiti&it to status1 prominent traits *ell into the t*entieth centur 8 Fed b ne* sources1 these conceptions could later be &ulgariBed DsicE and made appealing to the ?erman population as a *hole in doctrines of racial superiorit 8> Barrington 0oore1 Ar81 Social 2rigins of )ictatorshi% and )emocrac0- p8 6%(8 "$8 ?obineau>s dates are perfect8 3e *as born in "$"(1 t*o ears after the restoration of the Bourbons to the French throne8 3is diplomatic career1 "$6$7"$CC1 blossomed under +ouis Napoleon>s Second Empire and the reactionar monarchist regime of 0arie Edme <atrice 0aurice1 Comte de 0ac0ahon1 former imperialist proconsul in Algiers8 3is Essai s r I1lnegalit1e des Races C maines appeared in "$:6 7 should one sa in response to the popular &ernacular7nationalist insurrections of "$6$H "#8 South African racism has not1 in the age of !orster and Botha1 stood in the *a of amicable relations ;ho*e&er discreetl handled= *ith prominent blac, politicians in certain independent African states8 If Ae*s suffer discrimination in the So&iet -nion1 that did not pre&ent respectful *or,ing relations bet*een BreBhne& and .issinger8 948 For a stunning collection of photographs of such tableau' &i&ants in the Netherlands Indies ;and an elegantl ironical te't=1 see >E8 Breton de NiFs1> +em%o )oeloe. 9"8 ?eorge Or*ell1 >Shooting an Elephant1> in +he 2r:ell Reader- p8 %8 The *ords in sGuare brac,ets are of course m interpolation8 998 The .NI+ ;.onin,liF, Nederlandsch7Indisch +eger= *as Guite separate from the .+ ;.onin,liF, +eger= in 3olland8 The +egion Etrangere *as almost from the start legall prohibited from operations on continental French soil8 9%8 9ettres d +on#in et de 6adagascar H159>-1599@- p8 $68 +etter of December 991 "$#61 from 3anoi8 Emphases added8 968 Bernard B8 Fall1 Cell is a Ler0 Small Place: +he Siege of)ien (ien Ph - p8 :(8 One can imagine the shudder of Clause*itB>s ghost8 DSpahi1 deri&ed li,e Sepo from the Ottoman Sipahi1 meant mercenar irregular ca&alr men of the >Second Arm > in Algeria8E It is true that the France of + aute and de +attre *as a Republican France8 3o*e&er1 the often tal,ati&e ?rande 0uette had since the start of the Third Republic been an as lum for aristocrats increasingl e'cluded from po*er in all other important institutions of public life8 B "$#$1 a full Guarter of all Brigadier7 and 0aFor7?enerals *ere aristocrats8 0oreo&er1 this aristocrat7dominated officer corps *as crucial to nineteenth and t*entieth7centur French imperialism8 >The rigorous control imposed on the arm in the metro%ole ne&er e'tended full to la *rance d1o tre-mer. The e'tension of the French Empire in the nineteenth centur *as partiall the result of uncontrolled initiati&e on the part of colonial militar commanders8 French 2est Africa1 largel the creation of ?eneral Faidherbe1 and the French Congo as *ell1 o*ed most of their e'pansion to independent militar fora s into the hinterland8 0ilitar officers *ere also responsible for thefaits accom%lis *hich led to a French protectorate in Tahiti in "$691 and1 to a lesser e'tent1 to the French occupation of Ton,in in Indochina in the "$$4>s888 In "$#C ?allieni summaril abolished the monarch in 0adagascar and deported the Nueen1 all *ithout consulting the French go&ernment1 *hich later accepted the)ait accom%li. .. >Aohn S8 Ambler1 +he *rench 'rm0 in Politics- 19>I-196B- pp8 "47"" and 998 9:8 I ha&e ne&er heard of an abusi&e argot *ord in Indonesian or Aa&anese for either >Dutch> or >*hite8> Compare the Anglo7Sa'on treasur / niggers1 *ops1 ,i,es1 goo,s1 slants1 fuBB *uBBies1 and a hundred more8 It is possible that this innocence of racist argots is true primaril of coloniBed populations8 Blac,s in America7and surel else*here 7 ha&e de&eloped a &aried counter7&ocabular ;hon,ies1 ofa s1 etc8=8 9(8 As cited in Re naldo Ileto>s masterl Pas0!n and Revol tion: Po% lar 6ovements in the Phili%%ines- 15>F191F- p8 9"$8 Sa,a >s rebel republic lasted until "#4C1 *hen he *as captured and e'ecuted b the Americans8 -nderstanding the first sentence reGuires remembering that three centuries of Spanish rule and Chinese immigration had produced a siBeable mestiBo population in the islands8

#8 The Angel of 3istor

D"::E 2e began this brief stud *ith the recent *ars bet*een the Socialist Republic of !ietnam1 Democratic .ampuchea1 and the <eople>s Republic of ChinaJ so it is onl fitting to return finall to that point of departure8 Does an thing of *hat has meantime been said help to deepen our understanding of their outbrea,H In +he (rea#- % of (ritain- Tom Nairn has some &aluable *ords on the relationship bet*een the British political s stem and those of the rest of the modern *orld8"
Alone1 Dthe British s stemE represented a >slo*1 con&entional gro*th1 not li,e the others1 the product of deliberate invention- resulting from a theor 8> Arri&ing later1 those others >attempted to sum up at a stro,e the fruits of the e'perience of the state *hich had e&ol&ed its constitutionalism through se&eral centuries>888 Because it *as first1 the English 7 later British 7 e'perience remained distinct8 Because the came second1 into a *orld *here the English Re&olution had alread succeeded and e'panded1 later bourgeois societies could not repeat this earl de&elopment8 Their st d0 and imitation engendered something s !stantiall0 different: the trul modern doctrine of the abstract D":(E or >impersonal> state *hich1 because of its abstract nature1 could be imitated in subseGuent histor 8 This ma of course be seen as the ordinar logic of de&elopmental processes8 It *as an earl specimen of *hat *as later dignified *ith such titles as >the la* of une&en and combined de&elopment8> Actual repetition and imitation are scarcel e&er possible1 *hether politicall 1 economicall 1 sociall 1 or technologicall 1 because the uni&erse is alread too much altered b the first cause one is cop ing8

2hat Nairn sa s of the modern state is no less true of the t*in conceptions of *hich our three embattled socialist countries are contemporar realiBations/ re&olution and nationalism8 It is perhaps too eas to forget that this pair1 li,e capitalism and 0ar'ism1 are inventions- on *hich patents are impossible to preser&e8 The are there1 so to spea,1 for the pirating8 Out of these piracies and onl0 out of them1 comes this *ell7,no*n anomal / societies such as those of Cuba1 Albania1 and China1 *hich1 insofar as the are re&olutionar 7socialist1 concei&e of themsel&es as >ahead> of those of France1 S*itBerland1 and the -nited States1 but *hich1 insofar as the are characteriBed b lo* producti&it 1 miserable li&ing standards1 and bac,*ard technolog 1 are no less certainl understood as >behind8> ;Thus Chou En7lai>s melanchol dream of catching up *ith capitalist Britain b the ear 94448= As noted earlier1 3obsba*m *as right to obser&e that >the French Re&olution *as not made or led b a formed part or mo&ement in the modern sense1 nor b men attempting to carr out a s stematic programme8> But1 than,s to print7capitalism1 the French e'perience *as not merel ineradicable from human memor 1 it *as also learnable7from8 Out of almost a centur of modular theoriBing and practical e'perimentation came the Bolshe&i,s1 *ho made the first successful >planned> re&olution ;e&en if the success *ould not ha&e been possible *ithout 3indenburg>s earlier triumphs at Tannenberg and the 0asurian +a,es= and attempted to carr out a s stematic programme ;e&en if in practice impro&isation *as the order of the da =8 It also seems clear that :itho t such plans and programmes a re&olution in a realm barel entering the era of industrial capitalism *as out of the Guestion8 The Bolshe&i, re&olutionar model has been decisi&e for all t*entieth7centur re&olutions because it made them D":CE imaginable in societies still more bac,*ard than All the Russias8 ;It opened the possibilit of1 so to spea,1 cutting histor off at the pass8= The s,ilful earl e'perimentations of 0ao Tse7 tung confirmed the utilit of the model outside Europe8 One can thus see a sort of culmination of the modular process in the case of Cambodia1 *here in "#(9 less than 98: per cent of the t*o7and7a7half7million7strong adult *or,7force *as >*or,ing class1> and less than 48: per cent

>capitalists8>9 In much the same *a 1 since the end of the eighteenth centur nationalism has undergone a process of modulation and adaptation1 according to different eras1 political regimes1 economies and social structures8 The >imagined communit > has1 as a result1 spread out to e&er concei&able contemporar societ 8 If it is permissible to use modern Cambodia to illustrate an e'treme modular transfer of >re&olution1> it is perhaps eGuitable to use !ietnam to illustrate that of nationalism1 b a brief e'cursus on the nation>s name8 On his coronation in "$491 ?ia7long *ished to call his realm >Nam !iet and sent en&o s to gain <e,ing>s assent8 The 0anchu Son of 3ea&en1 ho*e&er1 insisted that it be >!i(t Nam8> The reason for this in&ersion is as follo*s/ >!iet Nam> ;or in Chinese 5u>eh7nan= means1 roughl >to the south of !iet ;5iieh=1> a realm conGuered b the 3an se&enteen centuries earlier and reputed to co&er toda >s Chinese pro&inces of .*angtung and .*angsi1 as *ell as the Red Ri&er &alle 8 ?ia7long>s >Nam !iSt1> ho*e&er1 meant >Southern !iHt) 5iieh1> in effect a claim to the old realm8 In the *ords of Ale'ander 2oodside1 >the name K!ietnamK as a *hole *as hardl so *ell esteemed b !ietnamese rulers a centur ago1 emanating as it had from <e,ing1 as it is in this centur 8 An artificial appellation then1 it *as used e'tensi&el neither b the Chinese nor b the !ietnamese8 The Chinese clung to the offensi&e T>ang *ord KAnnamK888 The D":$E !ietnamese court1 on the other hand1 pri&atel in&ented another name for its ,ingdom in "$%$7%# and did not bother to inform the Chinese8 Its ne* name1 Dai Nam1 the K?reat SouthK or KImperial South1K appeared *ith regularit on court documents and official historical compilations8 But it has not sur&i&ed to the present8>% This ne* name is interesting in t*o respects8 First1 it contains no >!iet>7namese element8 Second1 its territorial reference seems purel relational 7 >south> ;of the 0iddle .ingdom=86 That toda >s !ietnamese proudl defend a !i(t Nam scornfull in&ented b a nineteenth7 centur 0anchu d nast reminds us of Renan>s dictum that nations must ha&e >oublie bien des choses1> but also1 parado'icall 1 of the imaginati&e po*er of nationalism8 If one loo,s bac, at the !ietnam of the "#%4s or the Cambodia of the "#(4s1 one finds1 m tatis m tandis- man similarities/ a huge1 illiterate1 e'ploited peasantr 1 a minuscule *or,ing class1 a fragmentar bourgeoisie1 and a tin 1 di&ided intelligentsia8: No sober contemporar anal st1 &ie*ing these conditions obFecti&el 1 *ould in either case ha&e predicted the re&olutions soon to follo*1 or their *rec,ed triumphs8 ;In fact1 much the same could be said1 and for much the same reasons1 of the China of "#"48= 2hat made them possible1 in the end1 *as >planning re&olution> and >imagining the nation8>( D":#E The policies of the <ol <ot regime can onl in a &er limited sense be attributed to traditional .hmer culture or to its leaders> cruelt 1 paranoia1 and megalomania8 The .hmer ha&e had their share of megalomaniac despotsJ some of these1 ho*e&er1 *ere responsible for Ang,or8 Far more important are the models of *hat re&olutions ha&e1 can1 should1 and should not do1 dra*n from France1 the -SSR1 China1 and !ietnam7and all the boo,s *ritten about them in French8C 0uch the same is true of nationalism8 Contemporar nationalism is the heir to t*o centuries of historic change8 For all the reasons that I ha&e attempted to s,etch out1 the legacies are trul Aanus7headed8 For the legators include not onl San 0artin and ?aribaldi1 but -&aro& and 0acaula 8 As *e ha&e seen1 >official nationalism> *as from the start a conscious1 self7 protecti&e %olic0- intimatel lin,ed to the preser&ation of imperial7d nastic interests8 But once >out there for all to see1> it *as as cop able as <russia>s earl 7nineteenth7centur militar reforms1 and b the same &ariet of political and social s stems8 The one persistent feature of

this st le of nationalism *as1 and is1 that it is official-i.e. something emanating from the state1 and ser&ing the interests of the state first and foremost8 Thus the model of official nationalism assumes its rele&ance abo&e all at the moment *hen re&olutionaries successfull ta,e control of the state1 and are for the first time in a position to use the po*er of the state in pursuit of their &isions8 The rele&ance is all the greater insofar as e&en the most determinedl radical re&olutionaries al*a s1 to some degree1 inherit the state from the fallen regime8 Some of these D"(4E legacies are s mbolic1 but not the less important for that8 Despite Trots, >s unease1 the capital of the -SSR *as mo&ed bac, to the old CBarist capital of 0osco*J and for o&er (: ears C<S- leaders ha&e made polic in the .remlin1 ancient citadel of CBarist po*er 7 out of all possible sites in the socialist state>s &ast territories8 Similarl 1 the <RC>s capital is that of the 0anchus ;*hile Chiang .ai7she, had mo&ed it to Nan,ing=1 and the CC< leaders congregate in the Forbidden Cit of the Sons of 3ea&en8 In fact1 there are &er fe*1 if an 1 socialist leaderships *hich ha&e not clambered up into such *orn1 *arm seats8 At a less ob&ious le&el1 successful re&olutionaries also inherit the *iring of the old state/ sometimes functionaries and informers1 but al*a s files1 dossiers1 archi&es1 la*s1 financial records1 censuses1 maps1 treaties1 correspondence1 memoranda1 and so on8 +i,e the comple' electrical s stem in an large mansion *hen the o*ner has fled1 the state a*aits the ne* o*ner>s hand at the s*itch to be &er much its old brilliant self again8 One should therefore not be much surprised if re&olutionar leadershi%s- consciousl or unconsciousl 1 come to pla lord of the manor8 2e are not thin,ing here simpl of DFugash&ili>s self7identification *ith I&an ?roBnii1 or 0ao>s e'pressed admiration for the t rant Ch>in Shih 3uang7ti1 or Aosip BroB>s re&i&al of Ruritanian pomp and ceremon 8$ >Official nationalism> enters post7re&olutionar leadership st les in a much more subtle *a 8 B this I mean that such leaderships come easil to adopt the putati&e nationalnost of the older d nasts and the d nastic state8 In a stri,ing retroacti&e mo&ement1 d nasts *ho ,ne* nothing of >China1> >5ugosla&ia1> >!ietnam> or >Cambodia> become nationals ;e&en if not al*a s >deser&ing> nationals=8 Out of this accommodation comes in&ariabl that >state> 0achia&ellism *hich is so stri,ing a feature of post7re&olutionar regimes in contrast to re&olutionar nationalist mo&ements8 The more the ancient d nastic state is naturaliBed1 the more its antiGue finer can be *rapped around re&olutionar shoulders8 The image of Aa a&arman !3>s Ang,or1 emblaBoned on the flag of 0ar'ist Democratic .ampuchea ;as on those of +on Nol>s puppet republic D"("E and of Sihanou,>s monarchical Cambodge=1 is a rebus not of piet but of po*er8# I emphasiBe leadershi%s- because it is leaderships1 not people1 *ho inherit old s*itchboards and palaces8 No one imagines1 I presume1 that the broad masses of the Chinese people gi&e a fig for *hat happens along the colonial border bet*een Cambodia and !ietnam8 Nor is it at all li,el that .hmer and !ietnamese peasants *anted *ars bet*een their peoples1 or *ere consulted in the matter8 In a &er real sense these *ere >chancellor *ars> in *hich popular nationalism *as mobiliBed largel after the fact and al*a s in a language of self7defence8 ;3ence the particularl lo* enthusiasm in China1 *here this language *as least plausible1 e&en under the neon7lit blaBon of >So&iet hegemonism8>="4 In all of this1 China1 !ietnam1 and Cambodia are not in the least uniGue8"" This is *h there are small grounds for hope that the precedents the ha&e set for inter7socialist *ars *ill not be follo*ed1 or that the imagined communit of the socialist nation *ill soon be remaindered8 But nothing can be usefull done to limit or pre&ent such *ars unless *e abandon fictions li,e >0ar'ists as such are not nationalists1> or >nationalism is the patholog of modern de&elopmental histor 1> and1 instead1 do our slo* best to learn the real1 and imagined1 e'perience of the past8

Of the Angel of 3istor 1 2alter BenFamin *rote that/"9

D"(9E 3is face is turned to*ards the past8 2here *e percei&e a chain of e&ents1 he sees one single catastrophe *hich ,eeps piling *rec,age upon *rec,age and hurls it in front of his feet8 The angel *ould li,e to sta 1 a*a,en the dead1 and ma,e *hole *hat has been smashed8 But a storm is blo*ing from <aradiseJ it has got caught in his *ings *ith such &iolence that the angel can no longer close them8 This storm irresistibl propels him into the future to *hich his bac, is turned1 *hile the pile of debris before him gro*s s, *ard8 This storm is *hat *e call progress8

But the Angel is immortal1 and our faces are turned to*ards the obscurit ahead8
"8 At pp8 "C7"$8 Emphases added8 The inner Guotation is ta,en from Charles Frederic, Strong>s 6odem Political ,onstit tions- p8 9$8 98 According to the calculations of Ed*in 2ells1 on the basis of Table # in Cambodge1 0inistere du <lan et Institut National de la StatistiGue et des Recherches EconomiGues1 R1es ltats finals J Recensement Keneral de la Po% lation 196B. 2ells di&ides the rest of the *or,ing population as follo*s/ go&ernment officials and ne* pett bourgeoisie1 $SJ traditional pett bourgeoisie ;traders1 etc8=1 C8:SJ agricultural proletariat1 "8$SJ peasants1 C$8%S8 There *ere less than "1%44 capitalists o*ning actual manufacturing enterprises8 %8 Lietnam and the ,hinese 6odel- pp8 "9479"8 68 This is not altogether surprising8 >The !ietnamese bureaucrat loo,ed ChineseJ the !ietnamese peasant loo,ed Southeast Asian8 The bureaucrat had to *rite Chinese1 *ear Chinese7st le go*ns1 li&e in a Chinese7st le house1 ride in a Chinese7st le sedan chair1 and e&en follo* Chinese7st le idios ncracies of conspicuous consumption1 li,e ,eeping a goldfish pond in his Southeast Asian garden8> Ibid81 p8 "##8 :8 According to the "#%C census1 #%7#:S of the !ietnamese population *as still li&ing in rural areas8 No more than "4S of the population *as functionall literate in an script8 No more than 941444 persons had completed upper primar ;grade C7"4= schooling bet*een "#94 and "#%$8 And *hat !ietnamese 0ar'ists called the >indigenous bourgeoisieK 7 described b 0arr as mainl absentee landlords1 combined *ith some entrepreneurs and a fe* higher officials 7 totalled about "41:44 families1 or about 48:S of the population8 Lietnamese +radition- 9:79(1 %61 and %C8 Compare the data in note 9 abo&e8 (8 And1 as in the case of the Bolshe&i,s1 fortunate catastrophes/ for China1 Aapan>s massi&e in&asion in "#%CJ for !ietnam1 the smashing of the 0aginot +ine and her o*n brief occupation b the AapaneseJ for Cambodia1 the massi&e o&erflo* of the American *ar on !ietnam into her eastern territories after 0arch "#C48 In each case the e'isting ancien regime- *hether .uomintang1 French colonial1 or feudal7monarchist1 *as fatall undermined b e'traneous forces8 C8 One might suggest > es> to the levee en masse and the Terror1 >no> to Thermidor and Bonapartism1 for FranceJ > es> to 2ar Communism1 collecti&iBation1 and the 0osco* Trials1 >no> to N8E8<8 and de7StaliniBation1 for the So&iet -nionJ > es> to peasant guerrilla communism1 the ?reat +eap For*ard1 and the Cultural Re&olution1 >no> to the +ushan <lenum1 for ChinaJ > es> to the August Re&olution and the formal liGuidation of the Indochinese Communist <art in "#6:1 >no>to damaging concessions to >senior> communist parties as e'emplified in the ?ene&a Accords1 for !ietnam8 $8 See the e'traordinar account1 b no means *holl polemical1 in 0ilo&an DFilas1 +ito: the Stor0 from Insidechapter 61 especiall pp8 "%% ff8 #8 Ob&iousl 1 the tendencies outlined abo&e are b no means characteristic onl of re&olutionar 0ar'ist regimes8 The focus here is on such regimes both because of the historic 0ar'ist commitment to proletarian internationalism and the destruction of feudal and capitalist states1 and because of the ne* Indochina *ars8 For a decipherment of the archaiBing iconograph of the right7*ing Suharto regime in Indonesia1 see m 9ang age and Po:er: Ex%loring Political , lt res in Indonesia- chapter :8 "48 The difference bet*een the in&entions of>official nationalism> and those of other t pes is usuall that bet*een lies and m ths8

""8 On the other hand1 it is possible that at the end of this centur historians ma attribute >official nationalist> e'cesses committed b post7re&olutionar socialist regimes in no small part to the disFuncture bet*een socialist model and agrarian realit 8 "98 Ill minations- p8 9:#8 The angel>s e e is that of 3ee#end1s bac,7turned mo&ing camera1 before *hich *rec, after *rec, looms up momentaril on an endless high*a before &anishing o&er the horiBon8

"48 Census1 0ap1 0useum

D"(%E In the original edition of Imagined ,omm nities I *rote that >so often in the Knation7 buildingK policies of the ne* states one sees both a genuine1 popular nationalist enthusiasm1 and a s stematic1 e&en 0achia&ellian1 instilling of nationalist ideolog through the mass media1 the educational s stem1 administrati&e regulations1 and so forth8>" 0 short7sighted assumption then *as that official nationalism in the coloniBed *orlds of Asia and Africa *as modelled directl on that of the d nastic states of nineteenth7centur Europe8 SubseGuent reflection has persuaded me that this &ie* *as hast and superficial1 and that the immediate genealog should be traced to the imaginings of the colonial state8 At first sight1 this conclusion ma seem surprising1 since colonial states *ere t picall anti7nationalist1 and often &iolentl so8 But if one loo,s beneath colonial ideologies and policies to the grammar in *hich1 from the mid nineteenth centur 1 the *ere deplo ed1 the lineage becomes decidedl more clear8 Fe* things bring this grammar into more &isible relief than three institutions of po*er *hich1 although in&ented before the mid nineteenth centur 1 changed their form and function as the coloniBed Bones entered the age of mechanical reproduction8 These three institutions *ere the census1 the map1 and the museum/ together1 the D"(6E profoundl shaped the *a in *hich the colonial state imagined its dominion 7 the nature of the human beings it ruled1 the geograph of its domain1 and the legitimac of its ancestr 8 To e'plore the character of this ne'us I shall1 in this chapter1 confine m attention to Southeast Asia1 since m conclusions are tentati&e1 and m claims to serious specialiBation limited to that region8 Southeast Asia does1 ho*e&er1 offer those *ith comparati&e historical interests special ad&antages1 since it includes territories coloniBed b almost all the >*hite> imperial po*ers 7 Britain1 France1 Spain1 <ortugal1 The Netherlands1 and the -nited States 7 as *ell as uncoloniBed Siam8 Readers *ith greater ,no*ledge of other parts of Asia and Africa than mine *ill be better positioned to Fudge if m argument is sustainable on a *ider historical and geographical stage8

T3E CENS-S
In t*o &aluable recent papers the sociologist Charles 3irschman has begun the stud of the mentalites of the British colonial census7ma,ers for the Straits Settlements and peninsular 0ala a1 and their successors *or,ing for the independent conglomerate state of 0ala sia89 3irschman>s facsimiles of the >identit categories> of successi&e censuses from the late nineteenth centur up to the recent present sho* an e'traordinaril rapid1 superficiall arbitrar 1 series of changes1 in *hich categories are continuousl agglomerated1 disaggregated1 recombined1 intermi'ed1 and reordered ;but the politicall po*erful identit categories al*a s lead the list=8 From these censuses he dra*s t*o principal conclusions8 The first is that1 as the colonial period *ore on1 the census categories became more &isibl and e'clusi&el racial8% Religious identit 1 on the other hand1 D"(:E graduall disappeared as a primar census classification8 >3indoos>7ran,ed alongside >.lings1> and >Bengalees>7&anished after the first census of "$C"8 ><arsees> lasted until the census of "#4"1 *here the still

appeared 7 pac,ed in *ith >Bengalis1> >Burmese1> and >Tamils>7under the broad categor >Tamils and Other Nati&es of India8> 3is second conclusion is that1 on the *hole1 the large racial categories *ere retained and e&en concentrated after independence1 but no* redesignated and reran,ed as >0ala sian1> >Chinese1> >Indian1> and >Other8> 5et anomalies continued up into the "#$4s8 In the "#$4 census >Si,h> still appeared ner&ousl as a pseudoethnic subcategor 7 alongside >0ala ahK and >Telegu1> ><a,istani> and >Bangladeshi1> >Sri +an,an Tamil1> and >Other Sri +an,an1>7 under the general heading >Indian8> But 3irschman>s *onderful facsimiles encourage one to go be ond his immediate anal tical concerns8 Ta,e1 for e'ample1 the "#"" Federated 0ala States Census1 *hich lists under >0ala <opulation b Race> the follo*ing/ >0ala 1> >Aa&anese1> >Sa,ai1> >BanFarese1> >Bo anese1> >0endeling> ;sic=1 >.rinchi> ;sic=1 >Aambi1> >Achinese1> >Bugis1> and >Other8> Of these >groups> all but ;most= >0ala > and >Sa,ai> originated from the islands of Sumatra1 Aa&a1 Southern Borneo1 and the Celebes1 all parts of the huge neighboring colon of the Netherlands East Indies8 But these e'tra7F0S origins recei&e no recognition from the census7ma,ers *ho1 in constructing their >0ala s1> ,eep their e es modestl lo*ered to their o*n colonial borders8 ;Needless to sa 1 across the *aters1 Dutch census7ma,ers *ere constructing a different imagining of >0ala s1> as a minor ethnicit alongside1 not abo&e1 >Achinese1> >Aa&anese1> and the li,e8= >Aambi> and >.rinchi> refer to places1 rather than to an thing remotel identifiable as ethnolinguistic8 It is e'tremel unli,el that1 in "#""1 more than a tin fraction of those categoriBed and subcategoriBed *ould ha&e recogniBed themsel&es under such labels8 These >identities1> imagined b the ;confusedl = classif ing mind of the colonial state1 still a*aited a reification *hich imperial administrati&e penetration *ould soon ma,e possible8 One notices1 in D"((E addition1 the census7ma,ers> passion for completeness and un7ambiguit 8 3ence their intolerance of multiple1 politicall >trans7&estite1> blurred1 or changing identifications8 3ence the *eird subcategor 1 under each racial group1 of>Others>7 *ho1 nonetheless1 are absolutel not to be confused *ith other >Others8> The fiction of the census is that e&er one is in it1 and that e&er one has one 7 and onl one 7 e'tremel clear place8 No fractions8 This mode of imagining b the colonial state had origins much older than the censuses of the "$C4s1 so that1 in order full to understand *h the late7nineteenth7centur censuses are et profoundl no&el1 it is useful to loo, bac, to the earliest da s of European penetration of Southeast Asia8 T*o e'amples1 dra*n from the <hilippine and Indonesian archipelagoes1 are instructi&e8 In an important recent boo,1 2illiam 3enr Scott has attempted meticulousl to reconstruct the class structure of the pre73ispanic <hilippines1 on the basis of the earliest Spanish records86 As a professional historian Scott is perfectl a*are that the <hilippines o*es its name to Felipe II of >Spain1> and that1 but for mischance or luc,1 the archipelago might ha&e fallen into Dutch or English hands1 become politicall segmented1 or been recombined *ith further conGuests8: It is tempting therefore to attribute his curious choice of topic to his long residence in the <hilippines and his strong s mpath *ith a Filipino nationalism that has been1 for a centur no*1 on the trail of an aboriginal Eden8 But the chances are good that the deeper basis for the shaping of his imagination *as the sources on *hich he *as D"(CE compelled to rel 8 For the fact is that *here&er in the islands the earliest clerics and conGuistadors &entured the espied1 on shore1 %rinci%als- hidalgos- %echeros- and esclavos ;princes1 noblemen1 commoners and sla&es= 7 Guasi7estates adapted from the social classifications of late mediae&al Iberia8 The documents the left behind offer plent of incidental e&idence that the 1hidalgos1 *ere mostl una*are of one another>s e'istence in the huge1 scattered1 and sparsel populated archipelago1 and1 *here a*are1 usuall sa* one another not as hidalgos- but as enemies or potential sla&es8 But the po*er of the grid is so great that such e&idence is marginaliBed in Scott>s imagination1 and therefore it is hard for him to see that the >class structure> of the precolonial period is a >census> imagining created from the poops of Spanish galleons8 2here&er the0 :ent- hidalgos andesclavos loomed up1

*ho could onl be aggregated as such1 that is >structurall 1> b an incipient colonial state8 For Indonesia *e ha&e1 than,s to the research of 0ason 3oadle 1 a detailed account of an important Fudicial case decided in the coastal port of Cirebon1 Aa&a1 at the end of the se&enteenth centur 8( B luc,1 the Dutch ;!OC= and local Cirebonese records are still a&ailable8 If the Cirebonese account onl had sur&i&ed1 *e *ould ,no* the accused murderer as a high official of the Cirebonese court1 and onl b his title .i Aria 0arta Ningrat1 not a personal name8 The !OC records1 ho*e&er1 angril identif him as a ,hinees - indeed that is the single most important piece of information about him that the con&e 8 It is clear then that the Cirebonese court classified people b ran, and status1 *hile the Compan did so b something li,e >race8> There is no reason *hate&er to thin, that the accused murderer7*hose high status attests to his and his ancestors> long integration into Cirebonese societ 1 no matter *hat their origins 7 thought of himself as >a> ,hinees. 3o* then did the !OC arri&e at this classificationH From *hat poops *as it possible to imagine ,hinees1= Surel onl those ferociousl mercantile poops *hich1 under centraliBed command1 ro&ed ceaselessl from port to port bet*een the ?ulf of 0ergui and the mouth of the 5angtBe7,iang8 Obli&ious of the D"($E heterogeneous populations of the 0iddle .ingdomJ of the mutual incomprehensibilit of man of their spo,en languagesJ and of the peculiar social and geographic origins of their diaspora across coastal Southeast Asia1 the Compan imagined1 *ith its trans7oceanic e e1 an endless series of ,hine8en- as the conGuistadors had seen an endless series of hidalgos. And on the basis of this in&enti&e census it began to insist that those under its control *hom it categoriBed as ,hine8en dress1 reside1 marr 1 be buried1 and beGueath propert according to that census8 It is stri,ing that the much less far7faring and commerciall minded Iberians in the <hilippines imagined a Guite different census categor / *hat the called sangle0. Sangle0 *as an incorporation into Spanish of the 3o,,iensengli - meaning >trader8UC One can imagine Spanish proto7census men as,ing the traders dra*n to 0anila b the galleon trade/ >2ho are ouH>1 and being sensibl told/ >2e are traders8>$ Not sailing the se&en Asian seas1 for t*o centuries the Iberians remained in a comfortabl pro&incial conceptual fog8 Onl &er slo*l did the sangle0 turn into >Chinese>7until the *ord disappeared in the earl nineteenth centur to ma,e *a for a !OC7st le chino. The real inno&ation of the census7ta,ers of the "$C4s *as1 therefore1 not in the constr ction of ethnic7racial classifications1 but rather in their s stematic " antification. <recolonial rulers in the 0ala o7Aa&anese *orld had attempted enumerations of the populations under their control1 but these too, the form of ta'7rolls and le& 7lists8 Their purposes *ere concrete and specific/ to ,eep trac, of those on *hom ta'es and militar conscription could effecti&el be imposed7 for these rulers *ere interested solel in economic surplus and armable manpo*er8 Earl European regimes in the region did not1 in this respect1 differ mar,edl from their predecessors8 But after "$:4 colonial authorities *ere using increasingl sophisticated administrati&e means to enumerate populations1 including the *omen and children ;*hom the ancient rulers had al*a s ignored=1 D"(#E according to a maBe of grids *hich had no immediate financial or militar purpose8 In the old da s1 those subFects liable for ta'es and conscription *ere usuall *ell a*are of their numerabilit J ruler and ruled understood each other &er *ell1 if antagonisticall 1 on the matter8 But b "$C41 a non7ta'pa ing1 unle& able >Cochin7Chinese> *oman could li&e out her life1 happil or unhappil 1 in the Straits Settlements1 *ithout the slightest a*areness that this *as ho* she *as being mapped from on high8 3ere the peculiarit of the ne* census becomes apparent8 It tried carefull to count the obFects of its fe&erish imagining8 ?i&en the e'clusi&e nature of the classificator s stem1 and the logic of Guantification itself1 a >Cochin7Chinese>had to be understood as one digit in an aggregable series of replicable >Cochin7Chinese>7*ithin1 of course1 the state>s domain8 The ne* demographic topograph put do*n deep social and institutional roots as the colonial state multiplied its siBe and functions8 ?uided b its imagined map it organiBed the ne*

educational1 Furidical1 public7health1 police1 and immigration bureaucracies it *as building on the principle of ethno7racial hierarchies *hich *ere1 ho*e&er1 al*a s understood in terms of parallel series8 The flo* of subFect populations through the mesh of differential schools1 courts1 clinics1 police stations and immigration offices created >traffic7habits> *hich in time ga&e real social life to the state>s earlier fantasies8 Needless to sa 1 it *as not al*a s plain sailing1 and the state freGuentl bumped into discomforting realities8 Far and a*a the most important of these *as religious affiliation1 *hich ser&ed as the basis of &er old1 &er stable imagined communities not in the least aligned *ith the secular state>s authoritarian grid7map8 To different degrees1 in different Southeast Asian colonies1 the rulers *ere compelled to ma,e mess accommodations1 especiall to Islam and Buddhism8 In particular1 religious shrines1 schools1 and courts 7 access to *hich *as determined b indi&idual popular self7choice1 not the census 7 continued to flourish8 The state could rarel do more than tr to regulate1 constrict1 count1 standardiBe1 and hierarchicall subordinate these institutions to its o*n8# It *as precisel because D"C4E temples1 mosGues1 schools and courts *ere topographicall anomalous that the *ere understood as Bones of freedom and 7 in time 7fortresses from *hich religious1 later nationalist1 anticolonials could go forth to battle8 At the same time1 there *ere freGuent endea&ours to force a better alignment of census *ith religious communities b 7 so far as *as possible 7 politicall and Furidicall ethniciBing the latter8 In the Federated States of colonial 0ala a1 this tas, *as relati&el eas 8 Those *hom the regime regarded as being in the series >0ala > *ere hustled off to the courts of >their> castrated Sultans1 *hich *ere in substantial part administered according to Islamic la*8"4 >Islamic> *as thus treated as reall Fust another name for >0ala 8> ;Onl after independence in "#:C *ere efforts made b certain political groups to re&erse this logic b reading >0ala > as reall another name for >Islamic>=8 In the &ast1 heterogeneous Netherlands Indies1 *here b the end of the colonial era an arra of Guarrelling missionar organiBations had made substantial con&ersions in *idel scattered Bones1 a parallel dri&e faced much more substantial obstacles8 5et e&en there1 the "#94s and "#%4s sa* the gro*th of >ethnic> Christianities ;the Bata, Church1 the .aro Church1 later the Da a, Church1 and so on= *hich de&eloped in part because the state allocated prosel tiBing Bones to different missionar groups according to its o*n census7topograph 8 2ith Islam Bata&ia had no comparable success8 It did not dare to prohibit the pilgrimage to 0ecca1 though it tried to inhibit the gro*th of the pilgrims> numbers1 policed their tra&els1 and spied on them from an outpost at Aiddah set up Fust for this purpose8 None of these measures sufficed to pre&ent the intensification of Indies 0uslim contacts *ith the &ast *orld of Islam outside1 and especiall the ne* currents of thought emanating from Cairo8""

T3E 0A<
In the meantime1 ho*e&er1 Cairo and 0ecca *ere beginning to be &isualiBed in a strange ne* *a 1 no longer simpl as sites in a sacred D"C"E 0uslim geograph 1 but also as dots on paper sheets *hich included dots for <aris1 0osco*1 0anila and CaracasJ and the plane relationship bet*een these indifferentl profane and sacred dots *as determined b nothing be ond the mathematicall calculated flight of the cro*8 The 0ercatorian map1 brought in b the European coloniBers1 *as beginning1 &ia print1 to shape the imagination of Southeast Asians8 In a recent1 brilliant thesis the Thai historian Thongchai 2ini7cha,ul has traced the comple' processes b *hich a bordered >Siam> came into being bet*een "$:4 and "#"48"9 3is account is instructi&e precisel because Siam *as not coloniBed1 though *hat1 in the end1 came to be its borders *ere coloniall determined8 In the Thai case1 therefore1 one can see unusuall clearl the emergence of a ne* state7mind *ithin a >traditional> structure of political po*er8

-p until the accession1 in "$:"1 of the intelligent Rama I! ;the 0ong,ut of +he Ging and I@onl t*o t pes of map e'isted in Siam1 and both *ere hand7made/ the age of mechanical reproduction had not et there da*ned8 One *as *hat could be called a >cosmograph1> a formal1 s mbolic representation of the Three 2orlds of traditional Buddhist cosmolog 8 The cosmograph *as not organiBed horiBontall 1 li,e our o*n mapsJ rather a series of supraterrestrial hea&ens and subterrestrial hells *edged in the &isible *orld along a single &ertical a'is8 It *as useless for an Fourne sa&e that in search of merit and sal&ation8 The second t pe1 *holl profane1 consisted of diagrammatic guides for militar campaigns and coastal shipping8 OrganiBed roughl b the Guadrant1 their main features *ere *ritten7in notes on marching and sailing times1 reGuired because the mapma,ers had no technical conception of scale8 Co&ering onl terrestrial1 profane space1 the *ere usuall dra*n in a Gueer obliGue perspecti&e or mi'ture of perspecti&es1 as if the dra*ers> e es1 accustomed from dail life to see the landscape horiBontall 1 at e e7le&el1 nonetheless *ere influenced subliminall b the &erticalit of the cosmograph8 Thongchai points out that these guide7 maps1 al*a s local1 *ere D"C9E ne&er situated in a larger1 stable geographic conte't1 and that the bird>s7e e &ie* con&ention of modern maps *as *holl foreign to them8 Neither t pe of map mar,ed borders8 Their ma,ers *ould ha&e found incomprehensible the follo*ing elegant formulation of Richard 0uir/"%
+ocated at the interfaces bet*een adFacent state territories1 international boundaries ha&e a special significance in determining the limits of so&ereign authorit and defining the spatial form of the contained political regions8888 Boundaries 88 occur *here the &ertical interfaces bet*een state so&ereignties intersect the surface of the earth8888 As &ertical interfaces1 boundaries ha&e no horiBontal e'tent8888

Boundar 7stones and similar mar,ers did e'ist1 and indeed multiplied along the *estern fringes of the realm as the British pressed in from +o*er Burma8 But these stones *ere set up discontinuousl at strategic mountain passes and fords1 and *ere often substantial distances from corresponding stones set up b the ad&ersar 8 The *ere understood horiBontall 1 at e e le&el1 as e'tension points of ro al po*erJ not >from the air8> Onl in the "$C4s did Thai leaders begin thin,ing of boundaries as segments of a continuous map7line corresponding to nothing &isible on the ground1 but demarcating an e'clusi&e so&ereignt *edged bet*een other so&ereignties8 In "$C6 appeared the first geographical te'tboo,1 b the American missionar A8 28 !an D ,e 7 an earl product of the print7capitalism that *as b then s*eeping into Siam8 In "$$91 Rama ! established a special mapping school in Bang,o,8 In "$#91 0inister of Education <rince Damrong RaFanuphab1 inaugurating a modern7st le school s stem for the countr 1 made geograph a compulsor subFect at the Funior secondar le&el8 In "#441 or thereabouts1 *as published Ph misat Sa0am D?eograph of SiamE b 28?8 Aohnson1 the model for all printed geographies of the countr from that time on*ards8"6 D"C%E Thongchai notes that the &ectoral con&ergence of print7capitalism *ith the ne* conception of spatial realit presented b these maps had an immediate impact on the &ocabular of Thai politics8 Bet*een "#44 and "#":1 the traditional *ords #r ng and m ang largel disappeared1 because the imaged dominion in terms of sacred capitals and &isible1 discontinuous population centers8": In their place came %rathet- >countr 1> *hich imaged it in the in&isible terms of bounded territorial space8"( +i,e censuses1 European7st le maps *or,ed on the basis of a totaliBing classification1 and led their bureaucratic producers and consumers to*ards policies *ith re&olutionar conseGuences8 E&er since Aohn 3arrison>s "C(" in&ention of the chronometer1 *hich made possible the precise calculation of longitudes1 the entire planet>s cur&ed surface had been

subFected to a geometrical grid *hich sGuared off empt seas and une'plored regions in measured bo'es8"C The tas, of1 as it *ere1 >filling in> the bo'es *as to be accomplished b e'plorers1 sur&e ors1 and militar forces8 In Southeast Asia1 the second half of the nineteenth centur *as the golden age of militar sur&e ors 7 colonial and1 a little later1 Thai8 The *ere on the march to put space under the same sur&eillance *hich the census7ma,ers *ere tr ing to impose on persons8 Triangulation b triangulation1 *ar b *ar1 treat b treat 1 the alignment of map and po*er proceeded8 In the apt *ords of Thongchai/"$
In terms of most communication theories and common sense1 a map is a scientific abstraction of realit 8 A map merel represents something *hich alread e'ists obFecti&el >there8> In the histor I ha&e described1 this relationship *as re&ersed8 A map anticipated spatial realit 1 not &ice &ersa8 In other *ords1 a map *as a model for1 rather than a model of1 *hat it purported to represent8888 It had become a D"C6E real instrument to concretiBe proFections on the earth>s surface8 A map *as no* necessar for the ne* administrati&e mechanisms and for the troops to bac, up their claims8 8 8 8 The discourse of mapping *as the paradigm *hich both administrati&e and militar operations *or,ed *ithin and ser&ed8

B the turn of the centur 1 *ith <rince Damrong>s reforms at the 0inistr of the Interior ;a fine mapping name=1 the administration of the realm *as finall put on a *holl territorial7 cartographic basis1 follo*ing earlier practice in the neighboring colonies8 It *ould be un*ise to o&erloo, the crucial intersection bet*een map and census8 For the ne* map ser&ed firml to brea, off the infinite series of>3a,,as1> >Non7Tamil Sri +an,ans1> and >Aa&anese> that the formal apparatus of the census conFured up1 b delimiting territoriall *here1 for political purposes1 the ended8 Con&ersel 1 b a sort of demographic triangulation1 the census filled in politicall the formal topograph of the map8 Out of these changes emerged t*o final a&atars of the map ;both instituted b the late colonial state= *hich directl prefigure the official nationalisms of t*entieth centur Southeast Asia8 Full a*are of their interloper status in the distant tropics1 but arri&ing from a ci&iliBation in *hich the legal inheritance and the legal transferabilit of geographic space had long been established1"# the Europeans freGuentl attempted to legitimiBe the spread of their po*er b Guasi7legal methods8 Among the more popular of these *as their >inheritance> of the putati&e so&ereignties of nati&e rulers *hom the Europeans had eliminated or subFected8 Either *a 1 the usurpers *ere in the business1 especiall &is7a7&is other Europeans1 of reconstructing the propert 7histor of their ne* possessions8 3ence the appearance1 late in the nineteenth centur especiall 1 of >historical maps1> designed to demonstrate1 in the ne* cartographic D"C:E discourse1 the antiGuit of specific1 tightl bounded territorial units8 Through chronologicall arranged seGuences of such maps1 a sort of political7biographical narrati&e of the realm came into being1 sometimes *ith &ast historical depth894 In turn1 this narrati&e *as adopted1 if often adapted1 b the nation7states *hich1 in the t*entieth centur 1 became the colonial states> legatees89" The second a&atar *as the map7as7logo8 Its origins *ere reasonabl innocent 7 the practice of the imperial states of coloring their colonies on maps *ith an imperial d e8 In +ondon>s imperial maps1 British colonies *ere usuall pin,7red1 French purple7blue1 Dutch ello*7 bro*n1 and so on8 D ed this *a 1 each colon appeared li,e a detachable piece of a Figsa* puBBle8 As this Figsa*> effect became normal1 each >piece> could be *holl detached from its geographic conte't8 In its final form all e'planator glosses could be summaril remo&ed/ lines of longitude and latitude1 place names1 signs for ri&ers1 seas1 and mountains1 neigh!o rs. <ure sign1 no longer compass to the *orld8 In this shape1 the map entered an infinitel reproducible series1 a&ailable for transfer to posters1 official seals1 letterheads1 magaBine and te'tboo, co&ers1 tablecloths1 and hotel *alls8 Instantl recogniBable1

e&er *here &isible1 the logo7map penetrated deep into the popular imagination1 forming a po*erful emblem for the anticolonial nationalisms being born899 D"C(E 0odern Indonesia offers us a fine1 painful e'ample of this process8 In "$9$ the first fe&er7ridden Dutch settlement *as made on the island of Ne* ?uinea8 Although the settlement had to be abandoned in "$%(1 the Dutch Cro*n proclaimed so&ereignt o&er that part of the island l ing *est of "6" degrees longitude ;an in&isible line *hich corresponded to nothing on the ground1 but bo'ed in Conrad>s diminishing *hite spaces=1 *ith the e'ception of some coastal stretches regarded as under the so&ereignt of the Sultan of Tidore8 Onl in "#4" did The 3ague bu out the Sultan1 and incorporate 2est Ne* ?uinea into the Netherlands Indies 7Fust in time for logoiBation8 +arge parts of the region remained Conrad7 *hite until after 2orld 2ar IIJ the handful of Dutchmen there *ere mostl missionaries1 mineral7prospectors 7 and *ardens of special prison7camps for die7hard radical Indonesian nationalists8 The s*amps north of 0erau,e1 at the e'treme southeastern edge of Dutch Ne* ?uinea1 *ere selected as the site of these facilities precisel because the region *as regarded as utterl remote from the rest of the colon 1 and the >stone7age> local population as *holl uncontaminated b nationalist thin,ing89% The internment1 and often interment1 there of nationalist mart rs ga&e 2est Ne* ?uinea a central place in the fol,lore of the anticolonial struggle1 and made it a sacred site in the national imagining/ Indonesia Free1 from Sabang ;at the north*estern tip of Sumatra= to 7 *here else butH 7 0erau,e8 It made no difference at all that1 aside from the fe* hundred internees1 no nationalists e&er sa* Ne* ?uinea *ith their o*n e es until the "#(4s8 But Dutch colonial logo7maps sped across in the colon 1 sho*ing a 2est Ne* ?uinea :ith nothing to its East- unconsciousl reinforced the de&eloping imagined ties8 2hen1 in the aftermath of the bitter anticolonial *ars of "#6:76#1 the Dutch *ere forced to cede so&ereignt of the archipelago to a -nited States of Indonesia1 the attempted ;for reasons that need not detain us here= to separate 2est Ne* ?uinea D"CCE once again1 ,eep it temporaril under colonial rule1 and prepare it for independent nationhood8 Not until "#(% *as this enterprise abandoned1 as a result of hea& American diplomatic pressure and Indonesian militar raids8 Onl then did <resident Su,arno &isit for the first time1 at the age of si't 7t*o1 a region about *hich he had tirelessl orated for four decades8 The subseGuent painful relations bet*een the populations of 2est Ne* ?uinea and the emissaries of the independent Indonesian state can be attributed to the fact that Indonesians more or less sincerel regard these populations as >brothers and sisters1> *hile the populations themsel&es1 for the most part1 see things &er differentl 896 This difference o*es much to census and map8 Ne* ?uinea>s remoteness and rugged terrain created o&er the millennia an e'traordinar linguistic fragmentation8 2hen the Dutch left the region in "#(% the estimated that *ithin the C441444 population there e'isted *ell o&er 944 mostl mutuall unintelligible languages89: 0an of the remoter >tribal> groups *ere not e&en a*are of one another>s e'istence8 But1 especiall after "#:41 Dutch missionaries and Dutch officials for the first time made serious efforts to >unif > them b ta,ing censuses1 e'panding communications net*or,s1 establishing schools1 and erecting supra7>tribal> go&ernmental structures8 This effort *as launched b a colonial state *hich1 as *e noted earlier1 *as uniGue in that it had go&erned the Indies1 not primaril &ia a European language1 but through >administrati&e 0ala 8>9( 3ence 2est Ne* ?uinea *as >brought up> in the same language in *hich Indonesia had earlier been raised ;and *hich became the national language in due course=8 The iron is that !ahasa Indonesia thus became D"C$E the lingua franca of a burgeoning 2est Ne* ?uinean1 2est <apuan nationalism89C But *hat brought the often Guarrelling oung 2est <apuan nationalists together1 especiall

after "#(%1 *as the map8 Though the Indonesian state changed the region>s name from 2est Nieu* ?uinea1 first to Irian Barat ;2est Irian= and then to Irian Aa a1 it read its local realit from the colonial7era bird>s7e e atlas8 A scattering of anthropologists1 missionaries and local officials might ,no* and thin, about the Ndanis1 the Asmats1 and the Baudis8 But the state itself1 and through it the Indonesian population as a *hole1 sa* onl a phantom >Irianese> Horang Irian@ named after the ma%D because phantom1 to be imagined in Guasi7logo form/ >negroid> features1 penis7sheaths1 and so on8 In a *a that reminds us ho* Indonesia came first to be imagined *ithin the racist structures of the earl 7t*entieth7centur Netherlands East Indies1 an embr o >Irianese> national communit 1 bounded b 0eridian "6" and the neighboring pro&inces of North and South 0oluccas1 emerged8 At the time *hen its most prominent and attracti&e spo,esman1 Arnold Ap1 *as murdered b the state in "#$61 he *as curator of a state7built museum de&oted to >Irianese> ;pro&incial= culture8

T3E 0-SE-0
The lin, bet*een Ap>s occupation and assassination is not at all accidental8 For museums1 and the museumiBing imagination1 are both profoundl political8 That his museum *as instituted b a distant Aa,arta sho*s us ho* the ne* nation7state of Indonesia learned from its immediate ancestor1 the colonial Netherlands East Indies8 The present proliferation of museums around Southeast Asia suggests a general process of political inheriting at *or,8 An understanding of this process reGuires a consideration of the no&el nineteenth7centur colonial archaeolog that made such museums possible8 D"C#E -p until the earl nineteenth centur the colonial rulers in Southeast Asia e'hibited &er little interest in the antiGue monuments of the ci&iliBations the had subFected8 Thomas Stamford Raffles1 ominous emissar from 2illiam Aones>s Calcutta1 *as the first prominent colonial official not merel to amass a large personal collection of local o!;ets d1art- but s stematicall to stud their histor 89$ Thereafter1 *ith increasing speed1 the grandeurs of the Borobudur1 of Ang,or1 of <agan1 and of other ancient sites *ere successi&el disinterred1 unFungled1 measured1 photographed1 reconstructed1 fenced off1 anal sed1 and displa ed89# Colonial Archaeological Ser&ices became po*erful and prestigious institutions1 calling on the ser&ices of some e'ceptionall capable scholar7officials8%4 D"$4E To e'plore full *h this happened1 *hen it happened1 *ould ta,e us too far afield8 It ma be enough here to suggest that the change *as associated *ith the eclipse of the commercial7colonial regimes of the t*o great East India Companies1 and the rise of the true modern colon 1 directl attached to the metropole8%" The prestige of the colonial state *as accordingl no* intimatel lin,ed to that of its homeland superior8 It is noticeable ho* hea&il concentrated archaeological efforts *ere on the restoration of imposing monuments ;and ho* these monuments began to be plotted on maps for public distribution and edification/ a ,ind of necrological census *as under *a =8 No doubt this emphasis reflected general Orientalist fashions8 But the substantial funds in&ested allo* us to suspect that the state had its o*n1 non7scientific reasons8 Three immediatel suggest themsel&es1 of *hich the last is surel the most important8 In the first place1 the timing of the archaeological push coincided *ith the first political struggle o&er the state>s educational policies8%9 D"$"E ><rogressi&es>7colonials as *ell as nati&es7*ere urging maFor in&estments in modern schooling8 Against them *ere arra ed conser&ati&es *ho feared the long7term conseGuences of such schooling1 and preferred the nati&es to sta nati&e8 In this light1 archaeological restorations 7 soon follo*ed b state7 sponsored printed editions of traditional literar te'ts7 can be seen as a sort of conser&ati&e

educational program1 *hich also ser&ed as a prete't for resisting the pressure of the progressi&es8 Second1 the formal ideological programme of the reconstructions al*a s placed the builders of the monuments and the colonial nati&es in a certain hierarch 8 In some cases1 as in the Dutch East Indies up until the "#%4s1 the idea *as entertained that the builders *ere actuall not of the same >race> as the nati&es ;the *ere >reall >Indianimmigrants=8%% In other cases1 as in Burma1 *hat *as imagined *as a secular decadence1 such that contemporar nati&es *ere no longer capable of their putati&e ancestors> achie&ements8 Seen in this light1 the reconstructed monuments1 Fu'taposed *ith the surrounding rural po&ert 1 said to the nati&es/ Our &er presence sho*s that ou ha&e al*a s been1 or ha&e long become1 incapable of either greatness or self7rule8 The third reason ta,es us deeper1 and closer to the map8 2e ha&e seen earlier1 in our discussion of the >historical map1> ho* colonial regimes began attaching themself to antiGuit as much as conGuest1 originall for Guite straightfor*ard 0achia&ellian7legalistic reasons8 As time passed1 ho*e&er1 there *as less and less openl brutal tal, about right of conGuest1 and more and more effort to create alternati&e legitimacies8 0ore and more Europeans *ere being born in Southeast Asia1 and being tempted to ma,e it their home8 0onumental archaeolog 1 increasingl lin,ed to tourism1 allo*ed the state to appear as the guardian of a generaliBed1 but also local8 Tradition8 The old sacred sites *ere to be incorporated into the map of the colon 1 and their ancient prestige ;*hich1 if this had D"$9E disappeared1 as it often had1 the state *ould attempt to re&i&e= draped around the mappers8 This parado'ical situation is nicel illustrated b the fact that the reconstructed monuments often had smartl laid7out la*ns around them1 and al*a s e'planator tablets1 complete *ith datings1 planted here and there8 0oreo&er1 the *ere to be ,ept empt of people1 e'cept for perambulator tourists ;no religious ceremonies or pilgrimages1 so far as possible=8 0useumiBed this *a 1 the *ere repositioned as regalia for asec lar colonial state8 But1 as noted abo&e1 a characteristic feature of the instrumentalities of this profane state *as infinite reproducibilit 1 a reproducibilit made technicall possible b print and photograph 1 but politico7culturall b the disbelief of the rulers themsel&es in the real sacredness of local sites8 A sort of progression is detectable e&er *here/ ;"= massi&e1 technicall sophisticated archaeological reports1 complete *ith doBens of photographs1 recording the process of reconstruction of particular1 distinct ruinsJ ;9= +a&ishl illustrated boo,s for public consumption1 including e'emplar plates of all the maFor sites reconstructed :ithin the colon0 ;so much the better if1 as in the Netherlands Indies1 3indu7Buddhist shrines could be Fu'taposed to restored Islamic mosGues=8%6 Than,s to print7capitalism1 a sort of pictorial census of the state>s patrimon becomes a&ailable1 e&en if at high cost1 to the state>s subFectsJ ;%= A general logoiBation1 made possible b the profaning processes outlined abo&e8 <ostage stamps1 *ith their characteristic series7 tropical birds1 fruits1 fauna1 *h not monuments as *ellH 7 are e'emplar of this stage8 But postcards and schoolroom te'tboo,s follo* the same logic8 From there it is onl a step into the mar,et/ 3otel <agan1 Borobudur Fried Chic,en1 and so on8 2hile this ,ind of archaeolog 1 maturing in the age of mech7 D"$%E anical reproduction1 *as profoundl political1 it *as political at such a deep le&el that almost e&er one1 including the personnel of the colonial state ;*ho1 b the "#%4s1 *ere in most of Southeast Asia #4 per cent nati&e= *as unconscious of the fact8 It had all become normal and e&er da 8 It *as precisel the infinite Guotidian reproducibilit of its regalia that re&ealed the real po*er of the state8 It is probabl not too surprising that post7independence states1 *hich e'hibited mar,ed continuities *ith their colonial predecessors1 inherited this form of political museumiBing8 For e'ample1 on # No&ember "#($1 as part of the celebrations commemorating the ":th

anni&ersar of Cambodia>s independence1 Norodom Sihanou, had a large *ood and papier7 mache replica of the great Ba on temple of Ang,or displa ed in the national sports stadium in <hnom <enh8%: The replica *as e'ceptionall coarse and crude1 but it ser&ed its purpose 7 instant recogniBabilit &ia a histor of colonial7era logoiBation8 >Ah1 our Ba on> 7 but *ith the memor of French colonial restorers *holl banished8 French7reconstructed Ang,or 2at1 again in Figsa*> form1 became1 as noted in Chapter #1 the central s mbol of the successi&e flags of Sihanou,>s ro alist1 +on Nol>s militarist1 and <ol <ot>s Aacobin regimes8 0ore stri,ing still is e&idence of inheritance at a more popular le&el8 One re&ealing e'ample is a series of paintings of episodes in the national histor commissioned b Indonesia>s 0inistr of Education in the "#:4s8 The paintings *ere to be mass7produced and distributed throughout the primar 7school s stemJ oung Indonesians *ere to ha&e on the *alls of their classrooms 7 e&er *here 7 &isual representations of their countr >s past8 0ost of the bac,grounds *ere done in the predictable sentimental7naturalist st le of earl 7t*entieth7 centur commercial art1 and the human figures ta,en either from colonial7era museum dioramas or from the popular :a0ang orang pseudohistorical fol,7drama8 The most interesting of the series1 ho*e&er1 offered children a representation of the Borobudur8 In realit 1 this colossal monument1 *ith its :46 Buddha images1 "16(4 pictorial and "19"9 decorati&e stone panels1 is a fantastic storehouse of ancient Aa&anese sculpture8 But the *ell7 regarded artist imagines the D"$6E mar&el in its ninth centur A8D8 he da *ith instructi&e per&ersit 8 The Borobudur is painted completel *hite1 *ith not a trace of sculpture &isible8 Surrounded b *ell7trimmed la*ns and tid tree7lined a&enues1 not a single h man !eing is in sight.S One might argue that this emptiness reflects the unease of a contemporar 0uslim painter in the face of an ancient Buddhist realit 8 But I suspect that *hat *e are reall seeing is an unselfconscious lineal descendant of colonial archaeolog / the Borobudur as state regalia1 and as >of course1 that>s it> logo8 A Borobudur all the more po*erful as a sign for national identit because of e&er one>s a*areness of its location in an infinite series of identical Borobudurs8 Interlin,ed *ith one another1 then1 the census1 the map and the museum illuminate the late colonial state>s st le of thin,ing about its domain8 The >*arp> of this thin,ing *as a totaliBing classificator grid1 *hich could be applied *ith endless fle'ibilit to an thing under the state>s real or contemplated control/ peoples1 regions1 religions1 languages1 products1 monuments1 and so forth8 The effect of the grid *as al*a s to be able to sa of an thing that it *as this1 not thatJ it belonged here1 not there8 It *as bounded1 determinate1 and therefore7in principle7countable8 ;The comic classificator and subclassificator census bo'es entitled >Other> concealed all real7life anomalies b a splendid bureaucratic trom%e I1oeil@. The >*eft> *as *hat one could call serialiBation/ the assumption that the *orld *as made up of replicable plurals8 The particular al*a s stood as a pro&isional representati&e of a series1 and *as to be handled in this light8 This is *h the colonial state imagined a Chinese series before an Chinese1 and a nationalist series before the appearance of an nationalists8 No one has found a better metaphor for this frame of mind than the great Indonesian no&elist <ramoed a Ananta Toer1 *ho entitled the final &olume of his tetralog on the colonial period R mah Gaca - the ?lass 3ouse8 It is an image1 as po*erful as Bentham>s <anopticon1 of total sur&e abilit 8 For the colonial state did not merel aspire to D"$:E create1 under its control1 a. human landscape of perfect &isibilit J the condition of this >&isibilit > *as that e&er one1 e&er thing1 had ;as it *ere= a serial number8%C This st le of imagining did not come out of thin air8 It *as the product of the technologies of na&igation1 astronom 1 horolog 1 sur&e ing1 photograph and print1 to sa nothing of the deep dri&ing po*er of capitalism8 0ap and census thus shaped the grammar *hich *ould in due course ma,e possible >Burma>

and >Burmese1> >Indonesia> and >Indonesians8> But the concretiBation of these possibilities 7 con7cretiBations *hich ha&e a po*erful life toda 1 long after the colonial state has disappeared 7 o*ed much to the colonial state>s peculiar imagining of histor and po*er8 Archaeolog *as an unimaginable enterprise in precolonial Southeast AsiaJ it *as adopted in uncoloniBed Siam late in the game1 and after the colonial state>s manner8 It created the series >ancient monuments1> segmented *ithin the classificator 1 geographic7demographic bo' >Netherlands Indies1> and >British Burma8> Concei&ed *ithin this profane series1 each ruin became a&ailable for sur&eillance and infinite replication8 As the colonial state>s archaeological ser&ice made it technicall possible to assemble the series in mapped and photographed form1 the state itself could regard the series1 up historical time1 as an album of its ancestors8 The ,e thing *as ne&er the specific Borobudur1 nor the specific <agan1 in *hich the state had no substantial interest and *ith *hich it had onl archaeological connections8 The replicable series- ho*e&er1 created a historical depth of field *hich *as easil inherited b the state>s postcolonial successor8 The final logical outcome *as the logo 7 of ><agan> or >The <hilippines1> it made little difference 7 *hich b its emptiness1 conte'tlessness1 &isual memorableness1 and infinite reproducibilit in e&er direction brought census and map1 *arp and *oof1 into an inerasable embrace8
"8 See abo&e1 pp8 ""%7"68 98 Charles 3irschman1 >The 0eaning and 0easurement of Ethnicit in 0ala sia/ An Anal sis of Census Classifications1>) of 'sian St dies- 6(/% ;August "#$C=1 pp8 ::97$9J and >The 0a,ing of Race in Colonial 0ala a/ <olitical Econom and Racial Ideolog > Sociological *or m- "/9 ;Spring "#$(=1 pp8 %%47(98 %8 An astonishing &ariet of >Europeans> *ere enumerated right through the colonial era8 But *hereas in "$$" the *ere still grouped primaril under the headings >resident1> >floating1> and >prisoners1> b "#"" the *ere fraterniBing as members of a ;*hite= race>8 It is agreeable that up to the end1 the census7ma,ers *ere &isibl uneas about *here to place those the mar,ed as >Ae*s8> 68 2illiam 3enr Scott1 ,rac#s in the Parchment , rtain- chapter C1 >Filipino Class Structure in the Si'teenth Centur 8> :8 In first half of the se&enteenth centur 1 Spanish settlements in the archipelago came under repeated attac, from the forces of the !ereenigde Oost7Indische Compagnie1 the greatest >transnational> corporation of the era8 For their sur&i&al1 the pious Catholic settlers o*ed a great debt to the arch7heretical <rotector1 *ho ,ept Amsterdam>s bac, to the *all for much of his rule8 3ad the !OC been successful1 0anila1 rather than Bata&ia DAa,artaE1 might ha&e become the centre of the >Dutch> imperium in Southeast Asia8 In "C(91 +ondon seiBed 0anila from Spain1 and held it for almost t*o ears8 It is entertaining to note that 0adrid onl got it bac, in e'change for1 of all places1 Florida1 and the other >Spanish> possessions east of the 0ississippi8 3ad the negotiations proceeded differentl 1 the archipelago could ha&e been politicall lin,ed *ith 0ala a and Singapore during the nineteenth centur 8 (8 0ason C8 3oadle 1 >State &s8 .i Aria 0arta Ningrat ;"(#(= and Tian Siang,o ;"C9479"=> ;unpublished ms81 "#$9=8 C8 See1 e8g81 Edgar 2ic,berg1 +he ,hinese in Phili%%ine 9ife- 15IF-1595- chapters " and 98 $8 The galleon trade 7 for *hich 0anila *as1 for o&er t*o centuries1 the entre%ot - e'changed Chinese sil,s and porcelain for 0e'ican sil&er8 #8 See chapter C1 abo&e ;p8 "9:= for mention of French colonialism>s struggle to se&er Buddhism in Cambodia from its old lin,s *ith Siam8 "48 See 2illiam Roff1 +he 2rigins of 6ala0 .ationalism- pp8 C9768 ""8 See 3arr A8 Benda1 +he ,rescent and the Rising S n- chapters "798 "98 Thongchai 2inicha,ul1 >Siam 0apped/ A 3istor of the ?eo7Bod of Siam> ;<h8D8 Thesis1 -ni&ersit of

S dne 1 "#$$=8 "%8 Richard 0uir1 6odem Political Keogra%h0- p8 ""#8 "68 Thongchai1 >Siam 0apped1> pp8 "4:7"41 9$(8 ":8 For a full discussion of old conceptions of po*er in Aa&a ;*hich1 *ith minor differences1 corresponded to that e'isting in Old Siam=1 see m 9ang age and Po:er- chapter "8 "(8 Thongchai1 >Siam 0apped1> p8 ""48 "C8 Da&id S8 +andes1 Revol tion in +ime: ,loc#s and the 6a#ing of the 6odern 3orld- chapter #8 "$8 >Siam 0apped1> p8 %"48 "#8 I do not mean merel the inheritance and sale of pri&ate propert in land in the usual sense8 0ore important *as the European practice of political transfers of lands1 *ith their populations1 &ia d nastic marriages8 <rincesses1 on marriage1 brought their husbands duchies and pett principalities1 and these transfers *ere formall negotiated and >signed8> The tag (ellagerant alii- t - felix ' stria- n !eA *ould ha&e been inconcei&able for an state in precolonial Asia8 948 See Thongchai1 >Siam 0apped1> p8 %$C1 on Thai ruling class absorption of this st le of imagining8 >According to these historical maps1 moreo&er1 the geobod is not a modern particularit but is pushed bac, more than a thousand ears8 3istorical maps thus help reFect an suggestion that nationhood emerged onl in the recent past1 and the perspecti&e that the present Siam *as a result of ruptures is precluded8 So is an idea that intercourse bet*een Siam and the European po*ers *as the parent of Siam8> 9"8 This adoption *as b no means a 0achia&ellian ruse8 The earl nationalists in all the Southeast Asian colonies had their consciousnesses profoundl shaped b the >format> of the colonial state and its institutions8 See chapter C abo&e8 998 In the *ritings of Nic, AoaGuin1 the contemporar <hilippines1 preeminent man of letters 7 and an indubitable patriot 7 one can see ho* po*erfull the emblem *or,s on the most sophisticated intelligence8 Of ?eneral Antonio +una1 tragic hero of the anti7American struggle of "$#$7##1 AoaGuin *rites that he hurried to >perform the role that had been instincti&e in the Creole for three centuries/ the defense of the form of the <hilippines from a foreign disrupter8> ' N estion of Ceroes- p8 "(6 ;italics added=8 Else*here he obser&es1 astonishingl 1 that Spain>s >Filipino allies1 con&erts1 mercenaries sent against the Filipino rebel ma ha&e ,ept the archipelago Spanish and Christian1 but the also ,ept it from falling apartJ> and that the >*ere fighting ;*hate&er the Spaniards ma ha&e intended= to ,eep the Filipino one8> Ibid81 p8 :$8 9%8 See Robin Osborne1Indonesia1s Secret 3ar- +he K errilla Str ggle in Irian;a0a- pp8 $7#8 968 Since "#(% there ha&e been man blood episodes in 2est Ne* ?uinea ;no* called Irian Aa a7?reat Irian=1 partl as a result of the militariBation of the Indonesian state since "#(:1 partl because of the intermittentl effecti&e guerrilla acti&ities of the so7called O<0 ;OrganiBation for a Free <apua=8 But these brutalities pale b comparison *ith Aa,arta>s sa&ager in e'7<ortuguese East Timor1 *here in the first three ears after the "#C( in&asion an estimated one7third of the population of (441444 died from *ar1 famine1 disease and >resettlement>8 I do not thin, it a mista,e to suggest that the difference deri&es in part from East Timor>s absence from the logos of the Netherlands East Indies and1 until "#C(1 of Indonesia>s8 9:8 Osborne1 Indonesia1s Secret 3ar- p8 98 9(8 See abo&e1 p8 ""48 9C8 The best sign for this is that the anti7Indonesian nationalist guerrilla organiBation>s name1 Organisasi <apua 0erde,a ;O<0=1 is composed of Indonesian *ords8 9$8 In "$""1 the East India Compan >s forces seiBed all the Dutch possessions in the Indies ;Napoleon had absorbed the Netherlands into France the pre&ious ear=8 Raffles ruled in Aa&a till "$":8 3is monumental Cistor0 of Java appeared in "$"C1 t*o ears prior to his founding of Singapore8 9#8 The museumiBing of the Borobudur1 the largest Buddhist stupa in the *orld1 e'emplifies this process8 In "$"61 the Raffles regime >disco&ered> it1 and had it unFungled8 In "$6:1 the self7promoting ?erman artist7

ad&enturer Schaefer persuaded the Dutch authorities in Bata&ia to pa him to ma,e the first daguerrot pes8 In "$:"1 Bata&ia sent a team of state emplo ees1 led b ci&il engineer F8C8 2ilsen1 to ma,e a s stematic sur&e of the bas7reliefs and to produce a complete1 >scientific> set of lithographs8 In "$C61 Dr8 C8 +eemans1 Director of the 0useum of AntiGuities in +eiden1 published1 at the behest of the 0inister of Colonies1 the first maFor scholarl monographJ he relied hea&il on 2ilsen>s lithographs1 ne&er ha&ing &isited the site himself8 In the "$$4s1 the professional photographer Cephas produced a thorough modern7st le photographic sur&e 8 In "#4"1 the colonial regime established an Oudheid,undige Commissie ;Commission on AntiGuities=8 Bet*een "#4C and "#""1 the Commission o&ersa* the complete restoration of the stupa1 carried out at state e'pense b a team under the ci&il engineer !an Erp8 Doubtless in recognition of this success1 the Commission *as promoted1 in "#"%1 to an Oudheid,undigen Dienst ;AntiGuities Ser&ice=1 *hich ,ept the monument spic, and span until the end of the colonial period8 See C8 +eemans1 (oro-(o do r- pp8 ii7l&J and N8A8 .rom1 Inleiding tot de Cindoe-Javaansche G nst- I1 chapter "8 %48 !icero CurBon ;"$##7"#4:=1 an antiGuities buff *ho1 *rites ?roslier1 >energiBed> the Archaeological Sur&e of India1 put things &er nicel / >It is8 8 8 eGuall our dut to dig and disco&er1 to classif 1 reproduce and describe1 to cop and decipher1 and to cherish and conser&e8> ;Foucault could not ha&e said it better=8 In "$##1 the Archaeological Department of Burma 7 then part of British India 7 *as founded1 and soon began the restoration of <agan8 The pre&ious ear1 the ccole FranOaise d>E'tr_me7Orient *as established in Saigon1 follo*ed almost at once b a Directorate of 0useums and 3istorical 0onuments of Indochina8 Immediatel after the French seiBure of Siemreap and Battambang from Siam in "#4C1 an Ang,or Conser&anc *as established to CurBoniBe Southeast Asia>s most a*e7inspiring ancient monuments8 See Bernard <hilippe ?roslier1 Indochina- pp8 "::7C1 "C67C8 As noted abo&e1 the Dutch colonial AntiGuities Commission *as founded in "#4"8 The coincidence in dates 7 "$##1 "$#$1 "#4" 7 sho*s not onl the ,eenness *ith *hich the ri&al colonial po*ers obser&ed one another1 but sea7changes in imperialism under *a b the turn of the centur 8 As *as to be e'pected1 independent Siam ambled along more slo*l 8 Its Archaeological Ser&ice *as onl set up in "#961 its National 0useum in "#9(8 See Charles 3igham1 +he 'rchaeolog0 of 6ainland So theast 'sia- p8 9:8 %"8 The !OC *as liGuidated1 in ban,ruptc 1 in "C##8 The colon of the Netherlands Indies1 ho*e&er1 dates from "$":1 *hen the independence of The Netherlands *as restored b the 3ol Alliance1 and 2illem I of Orange put on a Dutch throne first in&ented in "$4( b Napoleon and his ,indl brother +ouis8 The British East India Compan sur&i&ed till the great Indian 0utin of "$:C8 %98 The Oudheid,undige Commissie *as established b the same go&ernment that ;in "#4"= inaugurated the ne* >Ethical <olic > for the Indies1 a polic that for the first time aimed to establish a 2estern7st le s stem of education for substantial numbers of the coloniBed8 ?o&ernor7?eneral <aul Doumer ;"$#C7"#49= created both the Directorate of 0useums and 3istorical 0onuments of Indochina and the colon >s modern educational apparatus8 In Burma1 the huge e'pansion of higher education 7 *hich bet*een "#44 and "#64 increased the number of secondar 7school students eightfold1 from 9C164" to 9%%1:6%1 and of college students t*ent fold1 from "": to 91%(: 7 began Fust as the Archaeological Department of Burma s*ung into action8 See Robert 38 Ta lor1 +he State in ( rma- p8 ""68 %%8 Influenced in part b this ,ind of thin,ing1 conser&ati&e Thai intellrc tu8i.1 archaeologists1 and officials persist to this da in attributing Ang,or to tlir m sterious .hom1 *ho &anished *ithout a trace1 and certainl ha&e no c omiri linn *ith toda >s despised Cambodians8 %68 A fine late7blooming e'ample is 'ncient Indonesian 'rt- b the Dutch scholar1 A8A8 Bernet .empers1 self7 described as >former Director of Archaeolog in Indonesia DsicE8> On pages 967: one finds maps sho*ing the location of the ancient sites8 The first is especiall instructi&e1 since its rectangular shape ;framed on the east b the "6"st 0eridian= *ill 7nill includes <hilippine 0indanao as *ell as British70ala sian north Borneo1 peninsular 0ala a1 and Singapore8 All are blan, of sites1 indeed of an naming *hatsoe&er1 e'cept for a single1 ine'plicable >.edah8> The s*itch from 3indu7Buddhism to Islam occurs after <late %648 %:8 See Gam! ;a- 6: ;": December "#($=1 for some curious photographs8 %(8 The discussion here dra*s on material anal sed more full in 9ang age and Po:er- chapter :8 %C8 An e'emplar polic 7outcome of ?lass 3ouse imaginings7an outcome of *hich e'7political prisoner <ramoed a is painfull a*are7is the classificator ID card that all adult Indonesians must no* carr at all times8 This ID is isomorphic *ith the census7 it represents a sort of political census1 *ith special punchingU for those in the sub7series >sub&ersi&es>and >traitors8> It is notable that this st le of census *as onl perfected after the achie&ement of national independence8

""8 0emor and Forgetting

S<ACE NE2 AND O+D
D"$CE Ne* 5or,1 Nue&a +eon1 Nou&elle Orleans1 No&a +isboa1 Nieu* Amsterdam8 Alread in the si'teenth centur Europeans had begun the strange habit of naming remote places1 first in the Americas and Africa1 later in Asia1 Australia1 and Oceania1 as >ne*> &ersions of ;thereb = >old> topon ms in their lands of origin8 0oreo&er1 the retained the tradition e&en *hen such places passed to different imperial masters1 so the Nou&elle Orleans calml became Ne* Orleans1 and Nieu* Meeland Ne* Mealand8 It *as not that1 in general1 the naming of political or religious sites as >ne*> *as in itself so ne*8 In Southeast Asia1 for e'ample1 one finds to*ns of reasonable antiGuit *hose names also include a term for no&elt / Chiangmai ;Ne* Cit =1 .ota Bahru ;Ne* To*n=1 <e,anbaru ;Ne* 0ar,et=8 But in these names >ne*> in&ariabl has the meaning of>successor> to1 or >inheritor> of1 something &anished8 >Ne*> and >old> are aligned diachronicall 1 and the former appears al*a s to in&o,e an ambiguous blessing from the dead8 2hat is startling in the American namings of the si'teenth to eighteenth centuries is that >ne*> and >old> *ere understood s nchronicall 1 coe'isting *ithin homogeneous1 empt time8 !iBca a is there alongside Nue&a !iBca a1 Ne* +ondon alongside +ondon/ an idiom of sibling competition rather than of inheritance8 D"$$E This ne* s nchronic no&elt could arise historicall onl *hen substantial groups of people *ere in a position to thin, of themsel&es as li&ing lives %arallel to those of other substantial groups of people 7 if ne&er meeting1 et certainl proceeding along the same traFector 8 Bet*een ":44 and "$44 an accumulation of technological inno&ations in the fields of shipbuilding1 na&igation1 horolog and cartograph 1 mediated through print7capitalism1 *as ma,ing this t pe of imagining possible8" It became concei&able to d*ell on the <eru&ian altiplano1 on the pampas of Argentina1 or b the harbours of>Ne*> England1 and et feel connected to certain regions or communities1 thousands of miles a*a 1 in England or the Iberian peninsula8 One could be full a*are of sharing a language and a religious faith ;to &ar ing degrees=1 customs and traditions1 *ithout an great e'pectation of e&er meeting one>s partners89 For this sense of parallelism or simultaneit not merel to arise1 but also to ha&e &ast political conseGuences1 it *as necessar that the distance bet*een the parallel groups be large1 and that the ne*er of them be substantial in siBe and permanentl settled1 as *ell as firml subordinated to the older8 These conditions *ere met in the Americas as the had ne&er been before8 In the first place1 the &ast e'panse of the Atlantic Ocean and the utterl different geographical conditions e'isting on each side of it1 made impossible the sort of gradual absorption of populations into larger politico7cultural units that transformed +as Espanas into Espana and submerged Scotland into the -nited .ingdom8 Secondl 1 as noted in Chapter 61 European migration to the Americas too, place on an astonishing scale8 B the D"$#E end of the eighteenth centur there *ere no less than %19441444 >*hites> ;including no more than ":41444 %enins lares@ *ithin the "(1#441444 population of the 2estern empire of the Spanish Bourbons8% The sheer siBe of this immigrant communit 1 no less than its o&er*helming militar 1 economic and technological po*er &is7a&is the indigenous populations1 ensured that it maintained its o*n cultural coherence and local political ascendanc 86 Thirdl 1 the imperial metropole disposed of formidable bureaucratic and ideo7 logical apparatuses1 *hich permitted them for man centuries to impose their *ill on the Creoles8 ;2hen one thin,s of the sheer logistical problems in&ol&ed1 the abilit of +ondon

and 0adrid to carr on long counter7re&olutionar *ars against rebel American colonists is Guite impressi&e8= The no&elt of all these conditions is suggested b the contrast the afford *ith the great ;and roughl contemporaneous= Chinese and Arab migrations into Southeast Asia and East Africa8 These migrations *ere rarel >planned> b an metropole1 and e&en more rarel produced stable relations of subordination8 In the Chinese case1 the onl dim parallel is the e'traordinar series of &o ages far across the Indian ocean *hich *ere led1 earl in the fifteenth centur 1 b the brilliant eunuch admiral Cheng7ho8 These daring enterprises1 carried out at the orders of the 5ung7lo Emperor1 *ere intended to enforce a court monopol of e'ternal trade *ith D"#4E Southeast Asia and the regions further *est1 against the depredations of pri&ate Chinese merchants8: B mid7centur the failure of the polic *as clearJ *hereupon the 0ing abandoned o&erseas ad&entures and did e&er thing the could to pre&ent emigration from the 0iddle .ingdom8 The fall of southern China to the 0anchus in "(6: produced a substantial *a&e of refugees into Southeast Asia for *hom an political ties *ith the ne* d nast *ere unthin,able8 SubseGuent Ch>ing polic did not differ substantiall from that of the later 0ing8 In "C"91 for e'ample1 an edict of the .>ang7hsi Emperor prohibited all trade *ith Southeast Asia and declared that his go&ernment *ould >reGuest foreign go&ernments to ha&e those Chinese *ho ha&e been abroad repatriated so that the ma be e'ecuted8>( The last great *a&e of o&erseas migration too, place in the nineteenth centur as the d nast disintegrated and a huge demand for uns,illed Chinese labor opened up in colonial Southeast Asia and Siam8 Since &irtuall all migrants *ere politicall cut off from <e,ing1 and *ere also illiterate people spea,ing mutuall unintelligible languages1 the *ere either more or less absorbed into local cultures or *ere decisi&el subordinated to the ad&ancing Europeans8C As for the Arabs1 most of their migrations originated from the 3adramaut1 ne&er a real metropole in the era of the Ottoman and 0ughal empires8 Enterprising indi&iduals might find *a s to establish local principalities1 such as the merchant *ho founded the ,ingdom of <ontiana, in *estern Borneo in "CC9J but he married locall 1 soon lost his >Arabness> if not his Islam1 and remained subordinated to the rising Dutch and English empires in Southeast Asia1 not to an po*er in the Near East8 In "$%9 Sa id Sa>id1 lord of 0uscat1 established a po*erful base on the East African coast and settled on the island of ManBibar1 *hich he made the centre of a flourishing clo&e7gro*ing econom 8 But the British used militar D"#"E means to compel him to se&er his ties *ith 0uscat8$ Thus neither Arabs nor Chinese1 though the &entured o&erseas in &er large numbers during more or less the same centuries as the 2estern Europeans1 successfull established coherent1 *ealth 1 selfconsciousl Creole communities subordinated to a great metropolitan core8 3ence1 the *orld ne&er sa* the rise of Ne* Basras or Ne* 2uhans8 The doubleness of the Americas and the reasons for it1 s,etched out abo&e1 help to e'plain *h nationalism emerged first in the Ne* 2orld1 not the Old8# The also illuminate t*o peculiar features of the re&olutionar *ars that raged in the Ne* 2orld bet*een "CC( and "$9:8 On the one hand1 none of the creole re&olutionaries dreamed of ,eeping the empire intact but rearranging its internal distribution of po*er1 reversing the pre&ious relationship of subFection b transferring the metropole from a European to an American site8"4 In other *ords1 the aim *as not to ha&e Ne* +ondon succeed1 o&erthro*1 or destro Old +ondon1 but rather to safeguard their continuing parallelism8 ;3o* ne* this st le of thought *as can be inferred from the histor of earlier empires in decline1 *here there *as often a dream of re%lacing the old centre8= On the other hand1 although these *ars caused a great deal of suffering and *ere mar,ed b much barbarit 1 in an odd *a the sta,es *ere rather lo*8 Neither in North nor in South America did the Creoles ha&e to fear ph sical e'termination or

reduction to ser&itude1 as did so man other peoples *ho got in the *a of the Fuggernaut of European imperialism8 The *ere after all >*hites1> Christians1 and Spanish7 or English7 spea,ersJ the *ere also the intermediaries necessar to the metropoles if the economic *ealth of the 2estern empires *as to continue under Europe>s control8 3ence1 the *ere the one significant e'tra7 D"#9E European group1 subFected to Europe1 that at the same time had no need to be desperatel afraid of Europe8 The re&olutionar *ars1 bitter as the *ere1 *ere still reassuring in that the *ere *ars bet*een ,insmen8"" This famil lin, ensured that1 after a certain period of acrimon had passed1 close cultural1 and sometimes political and economic1 ties could be re,nit bet*een the former metropoles and the ne* nations8

TI0E NE2 AND O+D

If for the Creoles of the Ne* 2orld the strange topon ms discussed abo&e represented figurati&el their emerging capacit to imagine themsel&es as communities %arallel and com%ara!le to those in Europe1 e'traordinar e&ents in the last Guarter of the eighteenth centur ga&e this no&elt 1 Guite suddenl 1 a completel ne* meaning8 The first of these e&ents *as certainl the Declaration of ;the Thirteen Colonies>= Independence in "CC(1 and the successful militar defence of that declaration in the ears follo*ing8 This independence1 and the fact that it *as a re% !lican independence1 *as felt to be something absolutel unprecedented1 et at the same time1 once in e'istence1 absolutel reasonable8 3ence1 *hen histor made it possible1 in "$""1 for !eneBuelan re&olutionaries to dra* up a constitution for the First !eneBuelan Republic1 the sa* nothing sla&ish in borro*ing &erbatim from the Constitution of the -nited States of America8"9 For *hat the men in <hiladelphia had *ritten *as in the !eneBuelans> e es not something North American1 but rather something of uni&ersal truth and &alue8 Shortl thereafter1 in "C$#1 the e'plosion in the Ne* 2orld *as %aralleled in the Old b the &olcanic outbrea, of the French Re&olution8"% D"#%E It is difficult toda to recreate in the imagination a condition of life in *hich the nation *as felt to be something utterl ne*8 But so it *as in that epoch8 The Declaration of Independence of "CC( ma,es absolutel no reference to Christopher Columbus1 Roano,e1 or the <ilgrim Fathers1 nor are the grounds put for*ard to Fustif independence in an *a >historical1> in the sense of highlighting the antiGuit of the American people8 Indeed1 mar&ellousl 1 the American nation is not e&en mentioned8 A profound feeling that a radical brea, *ith the past *as occurring7a >blasting open of the continuum of histor >H7spread rapidl 8 Nothing e'emplifies this intuition better than the decision1 ta,en b the Con&ention .ationale on : October "C#%1 to scrap the centuries7old Christian calendar and to inaugurate a ne* *orld7era *ith the 5ear One1 starting from the abolition of the ancien regime and the proclamation of the Republic on 99 September "C#98"6 ;No subseGuent re&olution has had Guite this sublime confidence of no&elt 1 not least because the French Re&olution has al*a s been seen as an ancestor8= Out of this profound sense of ne*ness came also n estra santa revol tion- the beautiful neologism created b Aose 0aria 0orelos <a&dn ;proclaimer in "$"% of the Republic of 0e'ico=1 not long before his e'ecution b the Spaniards8": Out of it too came San 0artin>s "$9" decree that 1in the f t re the aborigines shall not be called Indians or nati&esJ the are children and citiBens of <eru and the shall be ,no*n as <eru&ians8>"( This sentence does for >Indians> and)or >nati&es> *hat the Con&ention in <aris had done for the Christian calendar 7 it abolished the old time7dishonoured naming and inaugurated a completel ne* epoch8 ><eru&ians> and >5ear One> thus mar, rhetoricall a profound rupture *ith the e'isting *orld8 D"#6E 5et things could not long remain this *a 7 for precisel the same reasons that had

precipitated the sense of rupture in the first place8 In the last Guarter of the eighteenth centur 1 Britain alone *as manufacturing bet*een ":41444 and 9441444 *atches a ear1 man of them for e'port8 Total European manufacture is li,el to ha&e then been close to :441444 items annuall 8"C Seriall published ne*spapers *ere b then a familiar part of urban ci&iliBation8 So *as the no&el1 *ith its spectacular possibilities for the representation of simultaneous actions in homogeneous empt time8"$ The cosmic cloc,ing *hich had made intelligible our s nchronic transoceanic pairings *as increasingl felt to entail a *holl intramundane1 serial &ie* of social causalit J and this sense of the *orld *as no* speedil deepening its grip on 2estern imaginations8 It is thus understandable that less than t*o decades after the <roclamation of 5ear One came the establishment of the first academic chairs in 3istor 7 in "$"4 at the -ni&ersit of Berlin1 and in "$"9 at Napoleon>s Sorbonne8 B the second Guarter of the nineteenth centur 3istor had become formall constituted as a >discipline1> *ith its o*n elaborate arra of professional Fournals8"# !er Guic,l the 5ear One made *a for "C#9 A8D81 and the re&olutionar ruptures of "CC( and "C$# came to be figured as embedded in the historical series and th s as historical %recedents and models.BF 3ence1 for the members of *hat *e might call >second7generation> nationalist mo&ements1 those *hich de&eloped in Europe D"#:E bet*een about "$": to "$:41 and also for the generation that inherited the independent national states of the Americas1 it *as no longer possible to >recapture)The first fine careless rapture> of their re&olutionar predecessors8 For different reasons and *ith different conseGuences1 the t*o groups thus began the process of reading nationalism genealogicall0 - as the e'pression of an historical tradition of serial continuit 8 In Europe1 the ne* nationalisms almost immediatel began to imagine themsel&es as >a*a,ening from sleep1> a trope *holl foreign to the Americas8 Alread in "$4% ;as *e ha&e seen in Chapter := the oung ?ree, nationalist Adamantios .oraes *as telling a s mpathetic <arisian audience/ 1*or the first time the D?ree,E nation sur&e s the hideous spectacle of its ignorance and trem!les in measuring *ith the e e the distance separating it from its ancestors> glor 8> 3ere is perfectl e'emplified the transition from Ne* Time to Old8 >For the first time> still echoes the ruptures of "CC( and "C$#1 but .oraes >s s*eet e es are turned1 not ahead to San 0artin>s future1 but bac,1 in trembling1 to ancestral glories8 It *ould not ta,e long for this e'hilarating doubleness to fade1 replaced b a modular1 >continuous> a*a,ening from a chronologicall gauged1 A8D8 7st le slumber/ a guaranteed return to an aboriginal essence8 -ndoubtedl 1 man different elements contributed to the astonishing popularit of this trope89" For present purposes1 I *ould mention onl t*o8 In the first place1 the trope too, into account the sense of parallelism out of *hich the American nationalisms had been born and *hich the success of the American nationalist re&olutions had greatl reinforced in Europe8 It seemed to e'plain *h nationalist mo&ements had biBarrel cropped up in the ci&iliBed Old 2orld so ob&iousl later than in the !ar!aro s .e:. 99 Read as late a*a,ening1 e&en if an a*a,ening stimulated from afar1 it opened up an immense D"#(E antiGuit behind the epochal sleep8 In the second place1 the trope pro&ided a crucial metaphorical lin, bet*een the ne* European nationalisms and language8 As obser&ed earlier1 the maFor states of nineteenth7 centur Europe *ere &ast pol glot polities1 of *hich the boundaries almost ne&er coincided *ith language7communities8 0ost of their literate members had inherited from mediae&al times the habit of thin,ing of certain languages 7 if no longer +atin1 then French1 English1 Spanish or ?erman7as languages of ci&iliBation8 Rich eighteenth7centur Dutch burghers *ere proud to spea, onl French at homeJ ?erman *as the language of culti&ation in much of the *estern CBarist empire1 no less than in >CBech> Bohemia8 -ntil late in the eighteenth centur no one thought of these languages as belonging to an territoriall defined group8 But soon thereafter1 for reasons s,etched out in Chapter %1 >unci&iliBed> &ernaculars began to

function politicall in the same *a as the Atlantic Ocean had earlier done/ i8e8 to >separate> subFected national communities off from ancient d nastic realms8 And since in the &anguard of most European popular nationalist mo&ements *ere literate people often nacc stomed to using these &ernaculars1 this anomal needed e'planation8 None seemed better than >sleep1> for it permitted those intelligentsias and bourgeoisies *ho *ere becoming conscious of themsel&es as CBechs1 3ungarians1 or Finns to figure their stud of CBech1 0ag ar1 or Finnish languages1 fol,lores1 and musics as >redisco&ering> something deep7do*n al*a s ,no*n8 ;Furthermore1 once one starts thin,ing about nationalit in terms of continuit 1 fe* things seem as historicall deep7rooted as languages1 for *hich no dated origins can e&er be gi&en8=9% In the Americas the problem *as differentl posed8 On the one hand1 national independence had almost e&er *here been internationall ac,no*ledged b the "$%4s8 It had thus become an inheritance1 and1 as an inheritance- it *as compelled to enter a genealogical series8 5et the de&eloping European instrumentalities *ere not readil a&ailable8 +anguage had ne&er been an issue in the D"#CE American nationalist mo&ements8 As *e ha&e seen1 it *as precisel the sharing *ith the metropole of a common language ;and common religion and common culture= that had made the first national imaginings possible8 To be sure1 there are some interesting cases *here one detects a sort of >European> thin,ing earl at *or,8 For e'ample1 Noah 2ebster>s "$9$ ;i8e81 >second7generation>= 'merican )ictionar0 of the English 9ang age *as intended to gi&e an official imprimatur to an American language *hose lineage *as distinct from that of English8 In <aragua 1 the eighteenth7centur Aesuit tradition of using ?uarani made it possible for a radicall non7Spanish >nati&e> language to become a national language1 under the long1 'enophobic dictatorship of Aose Caspar RodrigueB de Francia ;"$"67"$64=8 But1 on the *hole1 an attempt to gi&e historical depth to nationalit &ia linguistic means faced insuperable obstacles8 !irtuall all the Creoles *ere institutionall committed ;&ia schools1 print media1 administrati&e habits1 and so on= to European rather than indigenous American tongues8 An e'cessi&e emphasis on linguistic lineages threatened to blur precisel that >memor of independence> *hich it *as essential to retain8 The solution1 e&entuall applicable in both Ne* and Old 2orlds1 *as found in 3istor 1 or rather 3istor emplotted in particular *a s8 2e ha&e obser&ed the speed *ith *hich Chairs in 3istor succeeded the 5ear One8 As 3a den 2hite remar,s1 it is no less stri,ing that the fi&e presiding geniuses of European historiograph *ere all born *ithin the Guarter centur follo*ing the Con&ention>s rupturing of time/ Ran,e in "C#:1 0ichelet in "C#$1 TocGue&ille in "$4:1 and 0ar' and Burc,hardt in "$"$896 Of the fi&e1 it is perhaps natural that 0ichelet1 self7appointed historian of the Re&olution1 most clearl e'emplifies the national imagining being born1 for he *as the first selfconciousl to *rite on !ehalf of the dead89: The follo*ing passage is characteristic/
D"#$E Oui1 chaGue mort laisse un petit bien1 sa mPmoire1 et demande Gu>on la soigne8 <our celui Gui n>a pas d>amis1 il faut Gue le magistral supplPe8 Car la loi1 la Fustice1 est plus sdre Gue toutes nos tendresses oublieuses1 nos larmes si &ite sPchPes8 Cette magistrature1 c>est l>3istoire8 Et les morts sont1 pour dire comme le Droit romain1 ces misera!iles %ersonae dont le magistral doit se prPoccuper8 Aamais dans ma carriare Fe n>ai pas perdu de &ue ce de&oir de l>historien8 A>ai donnP b beaucoup de morts trop oubliPs ">assistance dont moi7m_me F>aurai besoin8 Ae les ai e'humPs pour une seconde &ie 888 Ils &i&ent maintenant a&ec nous Gui nous sentons leurs parents1 leurs amis8 Ainsi se fait une famille1 une citP commune entre les &i&ants et les morts89(

3ere and else*here 0ichelet made it clear that those *hom he *as e'huming *ere b no means a random assemblage of forgotten1 anon mous dead8 The *ere those *hose sacrifices1 throughout 3istor 1 made possible the rupture of "C$# and the selfconscious appearance of the French nation1 even :hen these sacrifices :ere not nderstood as s ch !0

the victims. In "$691 he noted of these dead/ >II leur faut un Oedipe Gui leur e'pliGue leur propre Pnigme dont ils n>ont pas eu le sens1 Gui leur apprenne ce Gue &oulaient dire leurs paroles1 leurs actes1 Gu>ils n>ont pas compris8>9C This formulation is probabl unprecedented8 0ichelet not onl claimed to spea, on behalf of large numbers of anon mous dead people1 but insisted1 *ith poignant authorit 1 that he could sa *hat the >reall > meant and >reall > *anted1 since the themsel&es >did not understand8> From then on1 the silence of the dead *as no obstacle to the e'humation of their deepest desires8 In this &ein1 more and more >second7generation> nationalists1 in the Americas and else*here1 learned to spea, >for> dead people *ith *hom it *as impossible or undesirable to establish a linguistic connection8 This re&ersed &entriloGuism helped to open the *a for a selfconscious indigenismo- especiall in the southern Americas8 At the D"##E edge/ 0e'icans spea,ing in Spanish >for> pre7Columbian >Indian> ci&iliBations *hose languages the do not understand89$ 3o* re&olutionar this ,ind of e'humation *as appears most clearl if *e contrast it *ith the formulation of Fermin de !argas1 cited in chapter 98 For *here Fermin still thought cheerfull of>e'tinguishing> li&ing Indians1 man of his political grandchildren became obsessed *ith >remembering1> indeed >spea,ing for> them1 perhaps precisel because the had1 b then1 so often been exting ished.

T3E REASS-RANCE OF FRATRICIDE

It is stri,ing that in 0ichelet>s >second generation> formulations the focus of attention is al*a s the e'humation of people and e&ents *hich stand in danger of obli&ion89# 3e sees no need to thin, about >forgetting8> But *hen1 in "$$97more than a centur after the Declaration of Independence in <hiladelphia1 and eight ears after the death of 0ichelet himself 7 Renan published his Ne 1est-ce " 1 ne nation=- it *as precisel the need for forgetting that preoccupied him8 Reconsider1 for e'ample1 the formulation cited earlier in chapter I/%4
Or1 l>essence d>une nation est Gue tous les indi&idus aient beaucoup de choses en commun et aussi Gue tous aient oubliP bien des choses8 8 8 8 Tout cito en franOais doit avoir o !lie la Saint7 BarthPlem 1 les massacres du 0idi au LIIIe siacle8

D944E At first sight these t*o sentences ma seem straightfor*ard8%" 5et a fe* moments reflection re&eals ho* biBarre the actuall are8 One notices1 for e'ample1 that Renan sa* no reason to e'plain for his readers *hat either >la Saint7BarthPlem > or >les massacres du 0idi au LIIIe siacle> meant8 5et *ho but >Frenchmen1> as it *ere1 *ould ha&e at once understood that >la Saint7BarthPlem > referred to the ferocious anti73uguenot pogrom launched on 96 August ":C9 b the !alois d nast Charles IL and his Florentine motherJ or that >les massacres du 0idi> alluded to the e'termination of the Albigensians across the broad Bone bet*een the < renees and the Southern Alps1 instigated b Innocent III1 one of the guiltier in a long line of guilt popesH Nor did Renan find an thing Gueer about assuming >memories> in his readers> minds e&en though the e&ents themsel&es occurred %44 and (44 ears pre&iousl 8 One is also struc, b the peremptor s nta' of doit avoir o !liO ;not doit o !lier@ - >obliged alread to ha&e forgotten>7*hich suggests1 in the ominous tone of re&enue7codes and militar conscription la*s1 that >alread ha&ing forgotten> ancient tragedies is a prime contemporar ci&ic dut 8 In effect1 Renan>s readers *ere being told to >ha&e alread forgotten> *hat Renan>s o*n *ords assumed that the naturall rememberedQ 3o* are *e to ma,e sense of this parado'H 2e ma start b obser&ing that the singular

*rench noun >la Saint7BarthPlem > occludes ,illers and ,illed 7 i8e81 those Catholics and <rotestants *ho pla ed one local part in the &ast unhol 3ol 2ar that raged across central and northern Europe in the si'teenth centur 1 and *ho certainl did not thin, of themsel&es coBil together as >Frenchmen8> Similarl 1 >thirteenth7centur massacres of the 0idi> blurs unnamed &ictims and assassins behind the pure Frenchness of>0idi8> No need to remind his readers that most of the murdered Albigensians spo,e <ro&enOal or Catalan1 and that their murderers came from man parts of 2estern Europe8 The effect of this tropolog is to figure episodes in the colossal religious conflicts of mediae&al and earl modern Europe as reassuringl fratricidal *ars bet*een 7 *ho elseH - fello: *renchmen. Since *e can be confident that1 left to themsel&es1 the o&er*helming maForit of Renan>s French contemporaries *ould D94"E ne&er ha&e heard of Yla Saint7BarthPlem > or >les massacres du 0idi1> *e become a*are of a s stematic historiographical campaign1 deplo ed b the state mainl through the state>s school s stem1 to >remind> e&er oung French*oman and Frenchman of a series of antiGue slaughters *hich are no* inscribed as >famil histor 8> 3a&ing to >ha&e alread forgotten> tragedies of *hich one needs unceasingl to be >reminded> turns out to be a characteristic de&ice in the later construction of national genealogies8 ;It is instructi&e that Renan does not sa that each French citiBen is obliged to >ha&e alread forgotten> the <aris Commune8 In "$$9 its memor *as still real rather than m thic1 and sufficientl painful to ma,e it difficult to read under the sign of>reassuring fratricide8>= Needless to sa 1 in all this there *as1 and is1 nothing especiall French8 A &ast pedagogical industr *or,s ceaselessl to oblige oung Americans to remember)forget the hostilities of "$("7(: as a great >ci&il> *ar bet*een >brothers> rather than bet*een7as the briefl *ere7t*o so&ereign nation7states8 ;2e can be sure1 ho*e&er1 that if the Confederac had succeeded in maintaining its independence1 this >ci&il *ar> *ould ha&e been replaced in memor b something Guite unbrotherl 8= English histor te'tboo,s offer the di&erting spectacle of a great Founding Father *hom e&er schoolchild is taught to call 2illiam the ConGueror8 The same child is not informed that 2illiam spo,e no English1 indeed could not ha&e done so1 since the English language did not e'ist in his epochJ nor is he or she told >ConGueror of *hatH>8 For the onl intelligible modern ans*er *ould ha&e to be >ConGueror of the English1> *hich *ould turn the old Norman predator into a more successful precursor of Napoleon and 3itler8 3ence >the ConGueror> operates as the same ,ind of ellipsis as >la Saint7Barthelem 1> to remind one of something *hich it is immediatel obligator to forget8 Norman 2illiam and Sa'on 3arold thus meet on the battlefield of 3astings1 if not as dancing partners1 at least as brothers8 But it is surel too eas to attribute these reassuring ancient fratricides simpl to the ic calculations of state functionaries8 At another le&el the reflect a deep reshaping of the imagination of *hich the state *as barel conscious1 and o&er *hich it had1 and still has1 onl e'iguous control8 In the "#%4s people of man nationalities D949E *ent to fight in the Iberian peninsula because the &ie*ed it as the arena in *hich global historical forces and causes *ere at sta,e8 2hen the long7li&ed Franco regime constructed the !alle of the Fallen1 it restricted membership in the gloom necropolis to those *ho1 in its e es1 had died in the *orld7struggle against Bolshe&ism and atheism8 But1 at the state>s margins1 a >memor > *as alread emerging of a >Spanish> Ci&il 2ar8 Onl after the craft t rant>s death1 and the subseGuent1 startlingl smooth transition to bourgeois democrac 7in *hich it pla ed a crucial role7did this >memor > become official8 In much the same *a 1 the colossal class *ar that1 from "#"$ to "#941 raged bet*een the <amirs and the !istula came to be remembered)forgotten in So&iet film and fiction as >our> ci&il *ar1 *hile the So&iet state1 on the *hole1 held to an orthodo' 0ar'ist reading of the struggle8 In this regard the Creole nationalisms of the Americas are especiall instructi&e8 For on the

one hand1 the American states *ere for man decades *ea,1 effecti&el decentraliBed1 and rather modest in their educational ambitions8 On the other hand1 the American societies1 in *hich >*hite> settlers *ere counterposed to >blac,> sla&es and half7e'terminated >nati&es1> *ere internall ri&en to a degree Guite unmatched in Europe8 5et the imagining of that fraternit 1 *ithout *hich the reassurance of fratricide can not be born1 sho*s up remar,abl earl 1 and not *ithout a curious authentic popularit 8 In the -nited States of America this parado' is particularl *ell e'emplified8 In "$641 in the midst of a brutal eight7 ear *ar against the Seminoles of Florida ;and as 0ichelet *as summoning his Oedipus=1 Aames Fenimore Cooper published +he Pathfinderthe fourth of his fi&e1 hugel popular1 +eatherstoc,ing Tales8 Central to this no&el ;and to all but the first of its companions= is *hat +eslie Fiedler called the >austere1 almost inarticulate1 but unGuestioned lo&e> binding the >*hite> *oodsman Natt Bumppo and the noble Dela*are chieftain Chingachgoo, ;>Chicago>Q=8%9 5et the RenanesGue setting for their D94%E bloodbrotherhood is not the murderous "$%4s but the last forgotten) remembered ears of British imperial rule8 Both men are figured as >Americans1> fighting for sur&i&al 7 against the French1 their >nati&e> allies ;the >de&ilish 0ingos>=1 and treacherous agents of ?eorge III8 2hen1 in "$:"1 3erman 0el&ille depicted Ishmael and NueeGueg coBil in bed together at the Spouter Inn ;>there1 then1 in our hearts> hone moon1 la I and NueeGueg>=1 the noble <ol nesian sa&age *as sardonicall AmericaniBed as follo*s/%%
8888 certain it *as that his head *as phrenologicall an e'cellent one8 It ma seem ridiculous1 but it reminded me of ?eorge 2ashington>s head1 as seen in popular busts of him8 It had the same long regularl graded retreating slope abo&e the bro*s1 *hich *ere li,e*ise &er proFecting1 li,e t*o long promontories thic,l *ooded on top8 NueeGueg *as ?eorge 2ashington cannibalisticall de&eloped8

It remained for 0ar, T*ain to create in "$$"1 *ell after the >Ci&il 2ar> and +incoln>s Emancipation <roclamation1 the first indelible image of blac, and *hite as American >brothers>/ Aim and 3uc, companionabl adrift on the *ide 0ississippi8%6 But the setting is a remembered)forgotten antebellum in *hich the blac, is still a sla&e8 These stri,ing nineteenth7centur imaginings of fraternit 1 emerging >naturall > in a societ fractured b the most &iolent racial1 class and regional antagonisms1 sho* as clearl as an thing else that nationalism in the age of 0ichelet and Renan represented a ne* form of consciousness 7 a consciousness that arose *hen it *as no longer possible to e'perience the nation as ne*1 at the *a&e7top moment of rupture8

T3E BIO?RA<35 OF NATIONS

D946E All profound changes in consciousness1 b their &er nature1 bring *ith them characteristic amnesias8 Out of such obli&ions1 in specific historical circumstances1 spring narrati&es8 After e'periencing the ph siological and emotional changes produced b pubert 1 it is impossible to >remember> the consciousness of childhood8 3o* man thousands of da s passed bet*een infanc and earl adulthood &anish be ond direct recallQ 3o* strange it is to need another>s help to learn that this na,ed bab in the ello*ed photograph1 spra*led happil on rug or cot1 is ou8 The photograph1 fine child of the age of mechanical reproduction1 is onl the most peremptor of a huge modern accumulation of documentar e&idence ;birth certificates1 diaries1 report cards1 letters1 medical records1 and the li,e= *hich simultaneousl records a certain apparent continuit and emphasiBes its loss from memor 8 Out of this estrangement comes a conception of personhood1 identit0 ; es1 ou and that na,ed

bab are identical= *hich1 because it can not be >remembered1> must be narrated8 Against biolog >s demonstration that e&er single cell in a human bod is replaced o&er se&en ears1 the narrati&es of autobiograph and biograph flood print7capitalism>s mar,ets ear b ear8 These narrati&es1 li,e the no&els and ne*spapers discussed in Chapter 91 are set in homogeneous1 empt time8 3ence their frame is historical and their setting sociological8 This is *h so man autobiographies begin *ith the circumstances of parents and grandparents1 for *hich the autobiographer can ha&e onl circumstantial1 te'tual e&idenceJ and *h the biographer is at pains to record the calendrical1 A8D8 dates of t*o biographical e&ents *hich his or her subFect can ne&er remember/ birth7da and death7da 8 Nothing affords a sharper reminder of this narrati&e>s modernit than the opening of the ?ospel according to St8 0atthe*8 For the E&angelist gi&es us an austere list of thirt males successi&el begetting one another1 from the <atriarch Abraham do*n to Aesus Christ8 ;Onl once is a *oman mentioned1 not because she is a begetter1 but because she is a non7Ae*ish 0oabite=8 No dates are gi&en for an of Aesus>s forebears1 let alone sociological1 cultural1 ph siological or political information about them8 This narrati&e D94:E st le ;*hich also reflects the rupture7 in7Bethlehem become memor = *as entirel reasonable to the sainted genealogist because he did not concei&e of Christ as an historical >personalit 1> but onl as the true Son of ?od8 As *ith modern persons1 so it is *ith nations8 A*areness of being imbedded in secular1 serial time1 *ith all its implications of continuit 1 et of >forgetting> the e'perience of this continuit 7product of the ruptures of the late eighteenth centur 7 engenders the need for a narrati&e of >identit 8> The tas, is set for 0ichelet>s magistrate8 5et bet*een narrati&es of person and nation there is a central difference of emplo ment8 In the secular stor of the >person> there is a beginning and an end8 She emerges from parental genes and social circumstances onto a brief historical stage1 there to pla a role until her death8 After that1 nothing but the penumbra of lingering fame or influence8 ;Imagine ho* strange it *ould be1 toda 1 to end a life of 3itler b obser&ing that on %4 April "#6: he proceeded straight to 3ell=8 Nations1 ho*e&er1 ha&e no clearl identifiable births1 and their deaths1 if the e&er happen1 are ne&er natural8%: Because there is no Originator1 the nation>s biograph can not be *ritten e&angelicall 1 >do*n time1> through a long procreati&e chain of begettings8 The onl alternati&e is to fashion it >up time>7 to*ards <e,ing 0an1 Aa&a 0an1 .ing Arthur1 *here&er the lamp of archaeolog casts its fitful gleam8 This fashioning1 ho*e&er1 is mar,ed b deaths1 *hich1 in a curious in&ersion of con&entional genealog 1 start from an originar present8 2orld 2ar II begets 2orld 2ar IJ out of Sedan comes AusterlitBJ the ancestor of the 2arsa* -prising is the state of Israel8 5et the deaths that structure the nation>s biograph are of a special ,ind8 In all the "1944 pages of Fernand Braudel>s a*esome 9a 6editerrane1e et le 6onde 6editerraneen a I1E%o" e de Phili%%e II no mention is e&er made of >la Saint7Barthelem 1> though it occurred at almost e'actl the midpoint of Felipe II>s reign8 ForBraudel1 the deaths that matter are those m riad anon mous e&ents1 *hich1 aggregated and a&eraged into secular mortalit rates1 permit him to chart the slo*7changing conditions of life for millions of anon mous human beings of *hom the last Guestion as,ed is their nationalit 8 D94(E From Braudel>s remorselessl accumulating cemeteries1 ho*e&er1 the nation>s biograph snatches1 against the going mortalit rate1 e'emplar suicides1 poignant mart rdoms1 assassinations1 e'ecutions1 *ars1 and holocausts8 But1 to ser&e the narrati&e purpose1 these &iolent deaths must be remembered)forgotten as >our o*n8>
"8 The accumulation reached a frantic Benith in the >international> ;i8e81 European= search for an accurate measure of longitude1 amusingl recounted in +andes1 Revol tion in +ime- chapter #8 In "CC(1 as the Thirteen Colonies

declared their independence1 the Kentleman1s 6aga8ine included this brief obituar for Aohn 3arrison/ >3e *as a most ingenious mechanic1 and recei&ed the 941444 pounds re*ard Dfrom 2estminsterE for the disco&er of the longitude DsicE8> 98 The late spreading of this consciousness to Asia is deftl alluded to in the opening pages of <ramoed a Ananta Toer>s great historical no&el ( mi 6an sia DEarth of 0an,indE8 The oung nationalist hero muses that he *as born on the same date as the future Nueen 2ilhelmina 7 %" August "$$48 >But *hile m island *as *rapped in the dar,ness of night1 her countr *as bathed in sunJ and if her countr *as embraced b night>s blac,ness1 m island glittered in the eGuatorial noon8K p8 68 %8 Needless to sa 1 >*hiteness> *as a legal categor *hich had a distinctl tangential relationship to comple' social realities8 As the +iberator himself put it1 13e are the &ile offspring of the predator Spaniards *ho came to America to bleed her *hite and to breed *ith their &ictims8 +ater the illegitimate offspring of these unions Foined *ith the offspring of sla&es transported from Africa8> Italics added8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- p8 96#8 One should be*are of assuming an thing >eternall EuropeanK in this criollismo. Remembering all those de&outl Buddhist7Singhalese Da SouBas1 those piousl Catholic7Florinese Da Sil&as1 and those c nicall Catholic70anileno Sorianos *ho pla unproblematic social1 economic1 and political roles in contemporar Ce lon1 Indonesia1 and the <hilippines1 helps one to recogniBe that1 under the right circumstances1 Europeans could be7gentl absorbed into non7European cultures8 68 Compare the fate of the huge African immigrant population8 The brut8il mechanisms of sla&er ensured not merel its political7cultural fragmentation1 but also &rr rapidl remo&ed the possibilit of imagining blac, communities in !rnrCucla 8md 2est Africa mo&ing in parallel traFector 8 :8 See O828 2olters1 +he *all of Srivi;a0a in 6ala0 Cistor0- Appendi' C8 (8 Cited in ?8 2illiam S,inner1 ,hinese Societ0 in +hailand- pp8 ":7"(8 C8 O&erseas Chinese communities loomed large enough to stimulate deep European paranoia up to the mid eighteenth centur 1 *hen &icious anti7Chinese pogroms b 2esterners finall ceased8 Thereafter1 this unlo&el tradition *as passed on to indigenous populations8 $8 See 0arshall ?8 3odgson1 +he Lent re of Islam- !ol8 %1 pp8 9%%7:8 #8 It is an astonishing sign of the depth of Eurocentrism that so man European icholars persist1 in the face of all the e&idence1 in regarding nationalism as a European in&ention8 "48 But note the ironic case of BraBil8 In "$4$1 .ing Aoao !I fled to Rio de Aaneiro to escape Napoleon>s armies8 Though 2ellington had e'pelled the French b "$""1 ihe emigrant monarch1 fearing republican unrest at home1 sta ed on in South America until "$991 so that bet*een "$4$ and "$99 Rio *as the centre of a *orld empire stretching to Angola1 0oBambiGue1 0acao1 and East Timor8 But this empire wa ruled b a European1 not an American8 ""8 Doubtless this *as *hat permitted the +iberator to e'claim at one point that a Negro1 i8e8 sla&e1 re&olt *ould be >a thousand times *orse than a Spanish in&asion8> ;See abo&e1 p8 6#=8 A sla&e FacGuerie1 if successful1 might mean the ph sical e'termination of the Creoles8 "98 See 0asur1 (olivar- p8 "%"8 "%8 The French Re&olution *as in turn %aralleled in the Ne* 2orld b the outbrea, of Toussaint +>Ou&erture>s insurrection in "C#"1 *hich b "$4( had resulted in 3aiti>s former sla&es creating the second independent republic of the 2estern hemisphere8 "68 The oung 2ords*orth *as in France in "C#"7"C#91 and later1 in +he Prel de- *rote these famous reminiscent lines/ Bliss *as it in that da:n to be ali&e1 But to be oung *as &er hea&enQ Italics added8 ":8 + nch1 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- pp8 %"67":8

"(8 As cited abo&e in chapter 68 "C8 +andes1 Revol tion in +ime- pp8 9%47%"1 66976%8 "$8 See abo&e1 Chapter 98 "#8 See 3a den 2hite1 6etahistor0: +he Cistorical Imagination in .ineteenth-,ent r0 E ro%e- pp8 "%:76%1 for a sophisticated discussion of this transformation8 948 But it *as an A8D8 *ith a difference8 Before the rupture it still retained1 ho*e&er fragilel in enlightened Guarters1 a theological aura glo*ing from *ithin its medie&al +atin8 Anno Domini recalled that irruption of eternit into mundane time *hich too, place in Bethlehem8 After the rupture1 reduced monogrammati7call to A8D81 it Foined an ;English= &ernacular B8C81 Before Christ1 that encompassed a serial cosmological histor ;to *hich the ne* science of geolog *as ma,ing signal contributions=8 2e ma Fudge ho* deep an ab ss a*ned bet*een Anno Domini and A8D8)B8C8 b noting that neither the Buddhist nor the Islamic *orld1 e&en toda 1 imagines an epoch mar,ed as >Before the ?autama Buddha> or >Before the 3egira8> Both ma,e uneas do *ith the alien monogram B8C8 9"8 As late as "#:"1 the intelligent Indonesian socialist +intong 0ulia Sitorus could still *rite that/ >Till the end of the nineteenth centur 1 the coloured peoples Wtill slept soundl 1 *hile the *hites *ere busil at *or, in e&er field8K Sed;arah Pergera#an Ge!angsaan Indonesia D3istor of the Indonesian Nationalist 0o&ementE1 p8 :8 > 998 One could perhaps sa that these re&olutions *ere1 in European e es1 the 1'irit reall important %olitical e&ents that had e&er occurred across the Atlantic8 9%8 Still1 historical depth is not infinite8 At some point English &anishes into Norman French and Anglo7Sa'onJ French into +atin and >?erman> <ran,ishJ and so on8 2e shall see belo* ho* additional depth of field came to be achie&ed8 968 6etahistor0- p8 "648 3egel1 born in "CC41 *as alread in his late teens *hen the Re&olution bro,e out1 but his Lorles ngen ii!er die Philoso%hie der 3eltgeschtihte were onl published in "$%C1 si' ears after his death8 9:8 2hite1 6etahistor0- p8 ":#8 9(8 Aules 0ichelet1 2e vres ,om%tetes- LLI1 p8 9($1 in the preface to &olume 9 ;>AusGu>au "$e Brumaire>= of his uncompleted Cistoire d RIRe Siecle. I o*e the reference to 6etahistor0- but the translation 2hite uses is unsatisfactor 8 9C8 Cited in Roland Barthes1 ed81 6ichelet %ar l i-meme- p8 #98 The &olume of the 2e vres ,om%etes containing this Guotation has not et been published8 9$8 Con&ersel 1 in all 0e'ico there is onl one statue of 3ernan Cortes8 This monument1 tuc,ed discreetl a*a in a niche of 0e'ico Cit 1 *as onl put up at the end of the "#C4s1 b the odious regime of Aose +opeB <ortillo8 9#8 Doutbless because for much of his life he suffered under restored or ersatB legitimacies8 3is commitment to "C$# and to France is mo&ingl sho*n b his refusal to s*ear an oath of lo alt to +ouis Napoleon8 Abruptl dismissed from his post as National Archi&ist1 he li&ed in near7po&ert till his death in "$C67long enough1 ho*e&er1 to *itness the mounteban,>s fall and the restoration of republican institutions8 %48 Renan *as born in "$9%1 a Guarter of a centur after 0ichelet1 and passed much of his outh under the c nicall official7nationalist regime of 0ichelet>s persecutor8 %"8 I understood them so in "#$%1 alas8 %98 See his 9ove and )eath in the 'merican .ovel- p8 "#98 Fiedler read this relationship ps chologicall 1 and ahistoricall 1 as an instance of American fiction>s failure to deal *ith adult heterose'ual lo&e and its obsession *ith death1 incest1 and innocent homoeroticism8 Rather than a national eroticism1 it is1 I suspect1 an eroticiBed nationalism that is at *or,8 0ale7male bondings in a <rotestant societ *hich from the start rigidl prohibited miscegenation are paralleled b male7female >hol lo&es> in the nationalist fiction of +atin America1 *here Catholicism permitted the gro*th of a large mestiBo population8 ;It is telling that English has had to borro* >mestiBo> from Spanish8= %%8 3erman 0el&ille1 6o!0 )ic#- p8 C"8 3o* the author must ha&e sa&oured the malignant final phraseQ

%68 It is agreeable to note that the publication of C c#le!err0 *inn preceded b onl a fe* months Renan>s e&ocation of >la Saint7BarthPlem 8> %:8 For such apocal pses the neologism >genocide> *as Guite recentl coined

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<olitiGue8> In <ierre7Bernard +afont and Den s +ombard1 eds8 9iterat res contem%oraines de I1asie d s d-est. <aris/ +>AsiatheGue8 "#C68 pp8 94%79"68 Cooper1 Aames Fenimore8 +he Pathfinder. Ne* 5or,/ Signet Classics8 "#("8 Craig1 Albert 08 ,hdsh in the 6ei;i Restoration. Cambridge1 0ass8/ 3ar&ard -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(C8 Craig1 ?ordon A8 +he Politics of the Pr ssian 'rm0- 16>F-19>I. Ne* 5or, and O'ford/ O'ford -ni&ersit <ress8 "#:(8 Debra 1 Regis8 >0ar'ism and the National Nuestion8> .e: 9eft Revie:- "4: ;Sept7 ember7October "#CC=8 pp8 9:76"8 Defoe1 Daniel8 Selected Poetr0 and Prose of )aniel )efoe- ed8 0ichael F8 Shugrue8 Ne* 5or,/ 3olt1 Rinehart and 2inston8 "#($8 DFilas1 0ilo&an8 +ito- the Inside Stor0. Trans8 !asiliFe .oFac and Richard 3a es8 +ondon/ 2eidenfeld and Nicholson8 "#$48 Eistenstein1 EliBabeth +8 >Some ConFectures about the Impact of <rinting on 2estern Societ and Thought/ A <reliminar Re%ort.1Jo rnal of 6odem Cistor0- 64/" ;0arch "#($=8 pp8 "7:(8 Fall1 Bernard B8 Cell is a Ler0 Small Place. +he Siege of )ien (ien Ph . Ne* 5or,/ !intage8 "#($8 Feb&re1 +ucien1 and 3enri7Aean 0artin8 +he ,oming of the (oo#. +he Im%act of Printing- 1>IF-15FF. +ondon/ Ne* +eft Boo,s8 "#C(8 DTranslation of 9 1'%%arition d 9ivre. <aris/ Albin 0ichel8 "#:$E Fiedler1 +eslie8 9ove and )eath in the 'merican .ovel. Ne* 5or,/ Stein and Da 8 "#((8 Fields1 Rona 08 +he Port g ese Revol tion and the 'rmed *orces 6ovement. Ne* 5or,1 2ashington and +ondon/ <raeger8 "#C:8 Franco1 Aean8 'n Introd ction to S%anish-'merican 9iterat re. Cambridge/ Cambridge -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(#8 ?ellner1 Ernest8 +ho ght and ,hange. +ondon/ 2eidenfeld and Nicholson8 "#(68 ?ilmore1 Robert +8 ,a dillism and 6ilitarism in Lene8 ela- 151F-1919. Athens1 Ohio/ Ohio -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(68 ?reene1 Stephen8 >Thai ?o&ernment and Administration in the Reign of Rama !I ;"#"47"#9:=8> <h8D8 thesis8 -ni&ersit of +ondon8 "#C"8 ?roslier1 Bernard <hilippe8 Indochina. Cle&eland and Ne* 5or,/ The 2orld <ublishing Compan 8 "#((8 3eder1 Stephen <8 >The .ampuchean7!ietnamese Conflict8> In Da&id 28<8 Elliott1 ed8 +he +hird Indochina ,onflict. Boulder/ 2est&ie* <ress8 "#$"8 pp8 9"7(C8 ;Reprinted from Institute of Southeast Asian Studies1 ed8 So theast 'sian 'ffairs. D+ondon/ 3einemann Educational Boo,s8 "#C#E=8 3igham1 Charles8 +he 'rchaeolog0 of 6ainland So theast 'sia. Ne* 5or, and Cambridge/ Cambridge -ni&ersit <ress8 "#$#8 3irschman1 Charles8 >The 0a,ing of Race in Colonial 0ala a/ <olitical Econom and Racial Ideolog 8> Sociological *or m- " /9 ;Spring "#$(=8 pp8 %%47(98 @@ >The 0eaning and 0easurement of Ethnicit in 0ala sia/ An Anal sis of Census Classifications8> Jo rnal of 'sian St dies- 6(/ % ;August "#$C=8 pp8 :::7$98 3obsba*m1 Eric8 >Some Reflections on KThe Brea,7up of Britain8K> .e: 9eft Revie:"4: ;September7October "#CC=8 pp8 %7968 @@ +he 'ge of Revol tion- 1459-15>5. Ne* 5or,/ 0entor8 "#(68 3odgson1 0arshall ?8 +he Lent re of Islam. Chicago/ Chicago -ni&ersit <ress8 "#C68 % &ols8 3offman1 Aohn8 >A Foreign In&estment/ Indies 0ala to "#4"8> Indonesia- 9C ;April "#C#=8 pp8 (:7#98

3ughes1 Christopher8 S:it8erland. Ne* 5or,/ <raeger8 "#C:8 Ieu .oeus8 Pheasa Ghmer. 9a 9ang e ,am!odgienne HMn Essai d1et de raisonne@. <hnom <enh/ n8p8 "#(68 Ignotus1 <aul8 C ngar0. Ne* 5or, and 2ashington1 D8C8/ <raeger8 "#C98 Ileto1 Re naldo Clemena8 Pas0on and Revol tion: Po% lar 6ovements in the Phili%%ines15>F-191F. 0anila/ Ateneo <ress8 "#C#8 AasBi1 Oscar8 +he )issol tion of the Ca!s! rg 6onarch0. Chicago/ -ni&ersit of Chicago <ress8 "#9#8 AoaGuin1 Nic,8 ' N estion of Ceroes. 0anila/ A ala 0useum8 "#CC8 .ahin1 ?eorge 0cTurnan8 .ationalism and Revol tion in Indonesia. Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit <ress8 "#:98 .atBenstein1 <eter A8 )is;oined Partners. ' stria and Kerman0 since 151I. Ber,ele and +os Angeles/ -ni&ersit of California <ress8 "#C(8 .edourie1 Elie1 ed8 and intro8 .ationalism in 'sia and 'frica. Ne* 5or,/ 0eridian8 "#C48 .ell 1 ?ail <aradise8 >Franco7!ietnamese Schools1 "#"$ to "#%$8> <h8D8 thesis8 -ni&ersit of 2isconsin8 "#C:8 .emil[inen1 Aira8 .ationalism: Pro!lems ,oncerning the 3ord- the ,once%t and ,lassification. A &[s, l[/ .ustantaFat8 "#(68 .empers1 A8A8 Bernet8 'ncient Indonesian 'rt. Amsterdam/ &an der <eet8 "#:#8 .ir,7?reene1 Anthon 3808 ,risis and ,onflict in .igeria: ' )oc mentar0 So rce Coo#. +ondon/ O'ford -ni&ersit <ress8 "#C"8 .ohn1 3ans8 +he 'ge of .ationalism. Ne* 5or,/ 3arper8 "#(98 .rom1 N8A8 Inleiding tot de Cindoe-Javaansche G nst. Second re&ised edition8 The 3ague/ NiFhoff8 "#9%8 .umar1 Ann8 >Diponegoro ;"CC$H7"$::=8> Indonesia- "% ;April "#C9=8 pp8 (#7""$8 +andes1 Da&id S8 Revol tion in +ime: ,loc#s and the 6a#ing of the 6odern 3orldCambridge1 0ass8/ 3ar&ard -ni&ersit <ress8 "#$%8 +eemans1 C8 (oro-(o do r. +eiden/ Brill8 "$C68 +uc,ham1 Robin8 +he .igerian 6ilitar0: ' Sociological 'nal0sis of ' thorit0 and Revolt- 196F-64. Cambridge/ Cambridge -ni&ersit <ress8 "#C"8 +umbera1 Bien&enido +8 +agalog Poetr0 1I4F-1595. +radition and Infl ences in its )evelo%ment. NueBon Cit / Ateneo de 0anila <ress8 "#$(8 + aute 1 +ouis73ubert7?onBal&e8 9ettres d +on#in et de 6adagascar H159>-1599@1 <aris/ +ibrairie Armand Colm8 "#6(8 + nch1 Aohn8 +he S%anish-'merican Revol tions- 15F5-15B6. Ne* 5or,/ Norton8 "#C%8 0abr 1 Be&ars D8 +he )evelo%ment of 9a!or Instit tions in +hailand. Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit 1 Southeast Asia <rogram1 Data <aper No8 ""98 "#C#8 0acArthur1 Douglas8 ' Soldier S%ea#s. P !lic Pa%ers and S%eeches of Keneral of the 'rm0 )o glas 6ac'rth r. Ne* 5or,/ <raeger8 "#(:8 0c+uhan1 0arshall8 +he K ten!erg Kalax0: +he 6a#ing of +0%ogra%hic 6an. Toronto/ -ni&ersit of Toronto <ress8 "#(98 0a,i1 Aohn 08 Ja%anese 6ilitarism- Its ,a se and , re. Ne* 5or,/ .nopf8 "#6:8 0arr1 Da&id ?8 Lietnamese +radition on +rial- 19BF-19>I. Ber,ele and +os Angeles/ -ni&ersit of California <ress8 "#$"8 0aru ama 0asao8 +ho ght and (ehavio r in 6odern Ja%anese Politics. +ondon and O'ford/ O'ford -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(%8 0ar'1 .arl1 and Friedrich Engels8 +he ,omm nist 6anifesto. In Selected 3or#s. 0osco*/ Foreign +anguages <ublishing 3ouse8 "#:$8 &ol8 I8 0asur1 ?erhard8 Simon (olivar. AlbuGuerGue/ -ni&ersit of Ne* 0e'ico <ress8

"#6$8 0el&ille1 3erman8 6o!0 )ic#. +ondon and Toronto/ Cassell8 "#%48 0ichelet1 Aules8 >3istoire du LILe Siecle8> In 2e vres ,om%letes- ed8 <aul !iallanei'8 <aris/ Flammarion8 "#$98 !ol8 LLI8 0ontesGuieu1 3enri de8 Persian 9etters. Trans8 C8A8 Belts8 3armonds*orth/ <enguin8 "#C%8 0oore1 Ar81 Barrington8 Social 2rigins of )ictatorshi% and )emocrac0. 9ord and Peasant in the 6a#ing of the 6odem 3orld. Boston/ Beacon <ress8 "#((8 0organ1 Ed*ard S8 >The 3eart of Aefferson8> .e: Eor# Revie: of (oo#s. August "C1 "#C$8 0orgenthau1 Ruth Schachter8 Political Parties in *rench-S%ea#ing 3est 'frica. O'ford/ Clarendon <ress8 "#(68 0oumouni1 Abdou8 91Ed cation en 'fri" e. <aris/ 0aspero8 "#(68 0uir1 Richard8 6odem Political Keogra%h0. Ne* 5or,/ 0acmillan8 "#C:8 0usil1 Robert8 +he 6an 3itho t N alities. Trans8 Eithne 2il,ins and Ernst .aiser8 Ne* 5or,/ 3o*ard70cCann8 "#:%8 &ol8 I8 Nairn1 Tom8 +he (rea#- % of (ritain. +ondon/ Ne* +eft Boo,s8 "#CC8 @@ >The 0odern Aanus8> .e: 9eft Revie:- #6 ;No&ember7December "#C:=8 pp8 %7 9#8 Reprinted as Chapter # in +he (rea#- % of (ritain. >NiFs1 E8 Breton de>8 +em%o )oeloe. Amsterdam/ Nuerido8 "#C%8 Norman1 E8 3erbert8 Soldier and Peasant in Ja%an. +he 2rigins of ,onscri%tion. Ne* 5or,/ Institute of <acific Relations8 "#6%8 Or*ell1 ?eorge8 +he 2r:ell Reader. Ne* 5or,/ 3arcourt7Brace7Ao&ano&ich8 "#:(8 Osborne1 Robin8 Indonesia1s Secret 3ar- +he K errilla Str ggle in Irian Ja0a. S dne / Alien and -n*in8 "#$:8 <al1 Bipin Chandra8 6emories of 60 9ife and +imes. Calcutta/ Bipin Chandra <al Institute8 "#C%8 >%%6#> Dpseudon m for <hetsarath Ratana&ongsaE8 Iron 6an of 9aos: Prince Phetsarath Ratanavongsa. Trans8 Aohn B8 0urdoch8 Ed8 Da&id .8 2 att8 Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit 1 Southeast Asia <rogram Data <aper No8 ""48 "#C$8 <olo1 0arco8 +he +ravels of 6arco Polo. Trans8 and ed8 2illiam 0arsden8 +ondon and Ne* 5or,/ E&er man>s +ibrar 8 "#6(8 <ramoed a Ananta Toer8 ( mi 6an sia. Aa,arta/ 3asta 0itra8 "#$48 @@ R mah Gaca. Aa,arta/ 3asta 0itra8 "#$$8 @@ +;erita dari (lora. Aa,arta/ Balai <usta,a8 "#:98 Reid1 Anthon A8S8 +he Indonesian .ational Revol tion- 19>I-IF. 3a*thorn1 !ictoria/ +ongman8 "#C68 Renan1 Ernest8 >Nu>est7ce Gu>une nationH> In 2e vres ,om%letes. <aris/ Calmann7 +e& 8 "#6C7("8 &ol8 I8 pp8 $$C7#4(8 RiBal1 Aose8 .oli 6e +angere. 0anila/ Institute Nacional de 3istoria8 "#C$8 @@ +he 9ost Eden. .oli 6e +angere. Trans8 +eon 0a8 ?uerrero8 Bloomington/ Indiana -ni&ersit <ress8 "#("8 Roff1 2illiam R8 +he 2rigins of 6ala0 .ationalism. Ne* 3a&en and +ondon/ 5ale -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(C8 Said1 Ed*ard8 2rientalism. Ne* 5or,/ <antheon8 "#C$8 Scherer1 Sa&itri8 >3armon and Dissonance8 Earl Nationalist Thought in Aa&a8> 08A8 thesis8 Cornell -ni&ersit 8 "#C:8 Sch*artB1 Stuart B8 >The Formation of a Colonial Identit in BraBil8> In Nicholas Cann and Anthon <agden1 eds8 ,olonial Identit0 in the 'tlantic 3orld- 1IFF-15FF. <rinceton/ <rinceton -ni&ersit <ress1 "#$C8 pp8 ":7:48

Scott1 2illiam 3enr 8 ,rac#s in the Parchment , rtain. 0anila/ Ne* Da 8 "#$98 Seton72atson1 3ugh8 .ations and States. 'n En" ir0 into the 2rigins of .ations and the Politics of .ationalism. Boulder1 Colo8/ 2est&ie* <ress8 "#CC8 Shiraishi1 Ta,ashi8 'n 'ge in 6otion: Po% lar Radicalism in Java- 191B-19B6. Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit <ress8 "##48 Sitorus1 +intong 0ulia8 Sed;arah Pergera#an Ge!angsaan Indonesia. Aa,arta/ <usta,a Ra,Fat8 "#:"8 S,inner1 ?8 2illiam8 ,hinese Societ0 in +hailand. Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit <ress8 "#:C8 Smith1 Donald Eugene8 India as a Sec lar State. <rinceton/ <rinceton -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(%8 Spear1 <erci&al8 India- Pa#istan and the 3est- +ondon1 Ne* 5or, and Toronto/ O'ford -ni&ersit <ress8 "#6#8 Steinberg1 S838 *ive C ndred Eears of Printing. Re&8 ed8 3armonds*orth/ <enguin8 "#((8 Storr 1 Richard8 +he )o !le Patriots. ' St d0 of Ja%anese .ationalism. +ondon/ Chatto and 2indus8 "#:C8 Strong1 Charles Frederic,8 6odem Political ,onstit tions. $th Re&8 ed8 +ondon/ Sedg*ic, and Aac,son8 "#C98 Summers1 +aura8 >In 0atters of 2ar and Socialism1 Anthon Barnett *ould Shame and 3onour .ampuchea Too 0uch8> ( lletin of ,oncerned 'sian Scholars- ""/6 ;October7December "#C#=8 pp8 "47"$8 Ta lor1 Robert 38 +he State in ( rma. +ondon/ C8 3urst f Co8 "#$C8 Tic,ell1 <aul8 +hree Earl0 Indonesian Short Stories !0 6as 6arco Gartodi#romo Hc. 159F-193B@. 0elbourne/ 0onash -ni&ersit 1 Centre of Southeast Asian Studies1 2or,ing <aper No8 9%8 "#$"8 Timpanaro1 Sebastiano8 2n 6aterialism. +ondon/ Ne* +eft Boo,s8 "#C:8 @@ +he *re dian Sli%. +ondon/ Ne* +eft Boo,s8 "#C(8 Thongchai 2inicha,ul8 >Siam 0apped/ A 3istor of the ?eo7Bod of Siam8> <h8D8 thesis8 -ni&ersit of S dne 8 "#$$8 To e1 3ugh8 9aos: ( ffer State or (attlegro nd. +ondon/ O'ford -ni&ersit <ress8 "#($8 Turner1 !ictor8 )ramas- *ields and 6eta%hors. S0m!olic 'ction in C man Societ0. Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit <ress8 "#C68 @@ +he *orest of S0m!ols. 's%ects of.dem! Rit al. Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(C8 !agts1 Alfred8 ' Cistor0 of 6ilitarism- ,ivilian and 6ilitar0. Re&8 ed8 Ne* 5or,/ The Free <ress8 "#:#8 !andenbosch1 Amr 8 +he ) tch East Indies: Its Kovernment- Pro!lems- and Politics. Ber,ele and +os Angeles/ -ni&ersit of California <ress8 "#668 !ella1 2alter F. ,hai0oA Ging La;irav dh and the )evelo%ment of +hai .ationalism. 3onolulu/ -ni&ersit of 3a*aii <ress8 "#C$8 !e ra1 Aaime de8 El 1Mltimo 'dios1 de Ri8al: est dio critico-ex%ositivo. 0anila/ Bureau of <rinting8 "#6(8 2hite1 3a den8 6etahistor0: +he Cistorical Imagination in .ineteenth-,ent r0 E ro%e. Baltimore/ The Aohns 3op,ins -ni&ersit <ress8 "#C%8 2ic,berg1 Edgar8 +he ,hinese in Phili%%ine 9ife- 15IF-1595. Ne* 3a&en/ 5ale -ni&ersit <ress8 "#(:8 2illiams1 Ra mond8 >Timpanaro>s 0aterialist Challenge8> .e: 9eft Revie:- "4# ;0a 7Aune "#C$=8 pp8 % 7"C8 2ills1 ?ar 8 Inventing 'merica: Jefferson1s )eclaration of Inde%endence. Ne* 5or,/

Doubleda 8 "#C$8 2olfe1 Charles8 +he Poems of ,harles 3olfe. +ondon/ Sullen8 "#4%8 2olters1 O8 28 +he *all ofSrivi;a0a in 6ala0 Cistor0. Ithaca/ Cornell -ni&ersit <ress8 "#C48 2oodside1 Ale'ander B8 Lietnam and the ,hinese 6odel. ' ,om%arative St d0 of Lietnamese and ,hinese Kovernment in the *irst Calf of the .ineteenth ,ent r0. Cambridge1 0ass8/ 3ar&ard -ni&ersit <ress8 "#C"8 5abes1 +eopoldo 58 >The 0odern +iterature of the <hilippines8> In <ierre7Bernard +afont and Den s +ombard1 eds8 9itte1rat res contem%oraines de I1asie d s d-est. <aris/ +>AsiatheGue8 "#C68 pp8 9$C7%498 Masloff1 Aoseph A8 +he Pathet 9ao: 9eadershi% and 2rgani8ation. +e'ington1 0ass8/ +e'ington Boo,s8 "#C%8