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Tacitus and the Jews (Part I) Publius Cornelius Tacitus is one of the most famous of all Roman historians

(and certainly one of the most read) and indeed possibly one of the greatest historians in the classical world. Tacitus however in addition to his wor on the history of Imperial Rome! which forms the basis for his "#istories$ and "%nnals$& gives us an interesting and indeed brutally honest portrait of the 'ews as a people. Tacitus$ remar s on this score have long been cited by educated anti()emites (*) as they ma e for e+cellent confirmation that the charges of anti()emitism! often supposed to be lac ing a factual basis& have largely stayed constant throughout the ages and that 'ewish behaviour has conse,uently stayed the same throughout this time period. (-) Thus directly suggesting a lin between 'ewish behaviour and outbrea s of anti()emitic feeling.violence that cannot be reasonably dismissed out(of(hand by even the most dedicated philo()emite. Tacitus$ comments on the 'ews have come in for considerable academic discussion and are usually dismissed as being repetition of unfounded anti('ewish myths! of generally /ree origin& that one can also see repeated in Josephus$ "%gainst %pion$. 0hat has not been pointed out in modern literature is that Tacitus$ description and analysis of the 'ews is actually! li e most of his wor & rather more correct than it has been conceded by the generally philo()emitic academic establishment. 0hat we shall do in this essay is to bring to the fore Tacitus$ comments on the 'ews (regardless of their origin in either e+perience or the literature of the time)! which form a short segment of fifth boo of his "#istories$& and e+amine them to see how reasonable they are and whether they can dismissed as easily as various philo()emitic and 'ewish scholars have claimed. 0e shall also! where appropriate& comment on how Tacitus$ description of the 'ews should be understood in the light of modern anti()emitic research. Tacitus begins his account of the 'ews by informing us of the arguments! without e+plicitly endorsing any one theory in particular& surrounding the origin of the 'ews at the time that he wrote. (1) #e tells us that one theory is based on the notion that the 'ews come from Crete which is adduced from the similarity of the names2 "Idaei$ (the inhabitants of 3ount Ida in Crete) and "Judaei$ (the inhabitants of Judea or the 'ews). #e then proceeds to inform us that the 'ews were said to have emigrated to 4ibya and that an! implied& rival tradition disputes this and claims that the 'ews are in fact superfluous population from 5gypt who were lead out of 5gypt by two men called "#ierosolymus$ and "Juda$. Tacitus also informs us that another tradition has the 'ews originating from 5thiopia to the south of 5gypt. %nother theory has it that the 'ews are %ssyrian refugees and occupied a piece of 5gyptian territory turning it into their own state. 0hile another! more fanciful& theory claims that the 'ews were the descendents of the )olymi! from south(west Tur ey& who were then famous due to #omer$s positive mention of them in the Iliad. (6) These theories! in spite of claims that Tacitus and.or the /ree accounts of the 'ews are almost wholly inaccurate& are actually! in all but two instances (those of the Cretan and )olymian origin of the 'ews)& reconcilable with the account of the 'ewish origins given in the Torah.Pentateuch. 0e can note that the references to 4ibya and 5gypt closely follow the 7iblical narrative with the 'ews having come from the 5gyptian empire (8) and the reference to 5thiopia can also be argued to simply based on the assumption that the 'ews originate from 5gypt and therefore that the 'ews originate from Punt (5thiopia) as the 5gyptian mythology claimed they! the 5gyptians& did. The reference to %ssyria is also! we may reasonably suggest& a direct result of the assertion by 79reshiyth./enesis that %braham was held captive in )yria only to return to Canaan later& which Tacitus would have reasonably

regarded as %ssyrian and 5gyptian territory at that point in time. (:) The reference to "#ierosolymus$ probably refers to 3oses.3oshe as "Juda$ seems to me to probably be either a corruption of"Juba$ (;) or "Judea$. (<) 0here(as with "#ierosolymus$ it would be normal for /ree sources! especially if they believed the #elleni=ing 'ews who tried to ma e 'ewish tradition fit /ree mythology and legend& to assign 3oses.3oshe a /ree name (as opposed to the barbarian original)2 much as they assigned the /ree gods to other pagan peoples! emphasi=ing a particular god or goddess depending on their nowledge of the religious customs or general culture of the people in ,uestion. Tacitus himself implicitly endorses this interpretation when he asserts that "most authorities agree$ that the 'ews were lead out of 5gypt by a man named 3oses.3oshe& which indirectly implies that Tacitus believed one (or both) of the identifications of "#ierosolymus$ or "Juda$as the man who led the 'ews out 5gypt to be 3oses.3oshe and that he had correctly identified possibly the most important figure in 'ewish history. (>) 0e could also potentially argue that the claim that the 'ews were the descendents of the )olymi possibly derives from the assertion that "#ierosolymus$ lead them out of 5gypt in the 5+odus and that a /ree or Roman author (or perhaps more maliciously a #elleni=ing 'ew in the vein of Philo Judaeus)! who would almost certainly been familiar with #omer& had ta en it upon themselves to rationalise the e+istence of the 'ews within #omeric epic by associating them with a people described by #omer (i.e. to lin them to the /ree s if one were to loo at this as a malicious act on the part of a #elleni=ing 'ew). 0e can see this association in Tacitus$ recounting of the theory that the 'ews originate from Crete based on the li e sounds of the given names of the two peoples. 0e should however note that this is only intellectual speculation on my part in that I am not a classical philologist and nor do I ma e any claim to be one. That said I felt it necessary to call to my reader$s attention that potentiality it seems possible! even probable& that the origins of the 'ews that Tacitus relates are in fact not only reconcilable but fairly reasonable for the time period as they! as we have seen& do actually derive from the 'ewish tradition and unless one regards 'ewish claims as to their origin in the Torah.Pentateuch uncritically then one has to pay attention to the theories propounded by the un nown authors who Tacitus is citing. References (*) ?or e+ample see Theodor ?ritsch& *>11& "#andbuch der Judenfrage$& 18th 5dition& #ammer @erlag2 4eip=ig& pp. 6*<(6*> (-) This thesis! as applied to the Roman 5mpire& is best e+emplified by ?ran= %ltheim$s& *>1>& "Aie )oldaten aiser$& *st 5dition& Aas %hnenerbe2 7erlin& which uses Tacitus! although not directly& as one of the ey evidential bases to argue that there was an internal power struggle between the %ryan and )emitic races within the Roman 5mpire. %ltheim9s thesis is controversial! especially in the present age& but it still represents one of the more complete theories regarding the Roman 5mpire& which ta es into account biology as opposed to the presumption that social& economic and religious differences lie at the heart of the understanding of history (which is in effect a denial of the application and the value of biological science). (1) Tac. #ist. 8. (6) #om. Il. :. *<6 (8) Bn this point see the boo of )h$moth.5+odus in particular. (:) /en. *(;) The name of a number of rulers of nearby Cumidia. It is notable that Juba II was associated! via his second marriage to /laphyra& to the Dings of Judea as her first husband was Prince %le+ander of

Judea (a son of the infamous Ding #erod of Judea) and her lover and third husband was another son of Ding #erod of Judea2 Ding #erod %rchelaus. This further suggests that "Juda$may well be a corruption of "Juba$ given this close historical association& which would probably have been nown to Tacitus in some form as Juba II had been an advisor to /aius Caesar during his tour of the 5astern Provinces between - 7C and - %A given his description of /aius Caeser in the 9%nnals9. (<) The southern 'ewish ingdom which has historically been more closely associated with the 'ews of today than the northern 'ewish ingdom of )amaria. (>) Tac. #ist. 8. 1. Bne could also combine the names "#ierosolymus$ and "Juda$ to form one individual& which if the reference was to one individual might suggest that 3oses.3oshe was indeed the individual referred to by Tacitus and the authors whose opinions.theories he cites. Posted *6th )eptember -E*E by Darl Radl 4abels2 Roman 5mpire %ncient Rome Judea %ncient /reece anti()emitism Tacitus anti( Judaism 'ews Publius Cornelius Tacitus anti()emitism -.E FFF.

%pion of %le+andria on the Jews (Part III)

Josephus continues his abuse of %pion thus2

9%s for Ptolemy Philometer and his wife Cleopatra& they committed their whole ingdom to the Jews& when Bnias and Aositheus& both Jews& whose names are laughed at by %pion& were the generals of their whole army. 7ut certainly& instead of reproaching them& he ought to admire their actions& and return them than s for saving %le+andria& whose citi=en he pretends to be! for when these %le+andrians were ma ing war with Cleopatra the ,ueen& and were in danger of being utterly ruined& these Jews brought them to terms of agreement& and freed them from the miseries of a civil war. G7ut then (says %pion) Bnias brought a small army afterwards upon the city at the time when Thorruns the Roman ambassador was there present.G Hes& do I venture to say& and that he did rightly and very 'ustly in so doing! for that Ptolemy who was called Physco& upon the death of his brother Philometer& came from Cyrene& and would have e'ected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their ingdom& that he might obtain it for himself un'ustly. ?or this cause then it was that Bnias undertoo a war against him on Cleopatra9s account! nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress. %ccordingly& /od gave a remar able attestation to his righteous procedure! for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Bnias9 army& and had caught all the Jews that were in the city of %le+andria& with their children and wives& and e+posed them na ed and in bonds to his elephants& that they might be trodden upon and destroyed& and when he had made those elephants drun for that purpose& the event proved contrary to his preparations! for these elephants left the Jews who were e+posed to them& and fell violently upon Physco9s friends& and slew a great number of them! nay& after this Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost& which prohibited his hurting those men! his very concubine& whom he loved so well& (some call her Ithaca& and others Irene&) ma ing supplication to him& that he would not perpetrate so great a wic edness. )o he complied with her re,uest& and repented of what he either had already done& or was about to do! whence it is well nown that the %le+andrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day& on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from /od. #owever& %pion& the common

calumniator of men& has the presumption to accuse the Jews for ma ing this war against Physco& when he ought to have commended them for the same. This man also ma es mention of Cleopatra& the last ,ueen of %le+andria& and abuses us& because she was ungrateful to us! whereas he ought to have reproved her& who indulged herself in all inds of in'ustice and wic ed practices& both with regard to her nearest relations and husbands who had loved her& and& indeed& in general with regard to all the Romans& and those emperors that were her benefactors! who also had her sister %rsinoe slain in a temple& when she had done her no harm2 moreover& she had her brother slain by private treachery& and she destroyed the gods of her country and the sepulchres of her progenitors! and while she had received her ingdom from the first Caesar& she had the impudence to rebel against his son and successor and she corrupted %ntony with her love(tric s as well as rendered him an enemy to his country& and made him treacherous to his friends& and by these means despoiled some of their royal authority& and forced others in her madness to act wic edly.9 (-8)

Bnce again this passage from Josephus at first glance is difficult to e+tract meaningful information from& but if we but review what it is actually telling us then we can learn something of both %pion9s argument and Josephus9 attempts to combat it.

Cow the ostensible narrative of this passage is to chart the infighting of the 5gyptian royal family between the famous Cleopatra& her sister %rsinoe and her brother Ptolemy Physco. In it we learn that the %le+andrians had sided with Physco in that struggle and that two of Cleopatra9s principle commanders! Bnias and Aositheus& were! according to Josephus& 'ewish. ?urther part of Cleopatra9s army had been lead north by the 'ew Bnias (after having deserted Ptolemy Physco9s service for Cleopatra9s) to besiege that city and that Ptolemy Physco having lead his army from Cyrene had defeated Bnias and saved the city.

?urther we are told that Ptolemy Physco targeted the 'ews as his enemies! as supporters of Cleopatra (remember Josephus tells us that the 'ews of %le+andria made a compact with Cleopatra while the rest of the population supported Ptolemy Physco)& and lead them from %le+andria to a place to e+ecution where they were stripped na ed and were to have their heads crushed by drun en elephants (per the famous Indian method of e+ecution). Cow something obviously panic ed or enraged the elephants at this point and elephants! as they were notorious for doing when they deployed by the armies of Carthage against Rome& and they rampaged through Ptolemy Physco9s army rather than performing the e+ecutions as planned.

Josephus naturally interprets this as a miracle wrought by Hahweh to save the 'ews and further Ptolemy Physco9s mistress! Irene& was allegedly much disturbed by a dream she had had! dreams at this time were believed to be one of the principle mediums through which the gods communicated their intentions and wishes to their worshippers and further a nightmare could forewarn a person of disaster on hori=on& and she! by her relation to Ptolemy Physco& managed to persuade him to commute the death sentence of the 'ews. Josephus does not say precisely what Ptolemy Physco did with the 'ews afterwards& but it may reasonably suggested that he probably heavily fined them or confined himself to 'ust e+ecuting the open partisans of Cleopatra rather than the whole 'ewish community as originally intended.

Cow the reader may notice a similarity between this tale that Josephus tells and the 7oo of 5sther as in it a gallows is erected by non('ewish minister #aman to ill the 'ews of Persia! lead by 3ordechai& and the Persian ing! at the insistence of his 'ewish mistress 5sther& hangs #aman on those gallows and the 'ews massacre thousands of anti('ewish Persians in open reprisal.

If we compare this biblical archetype to the story that Josephus is peddling we can see that it fits it ,uite closely with Ptolemy Physco9s (#aman9s) plan to e+ecute Bnias (3ordechai) and the 'ews of %le+andria (Persia) is stayed at the point of e+ecution and the intervention of Ptolemy Physco9s mistress Irene (5sther)& which then saves the 'ews from e+ecution and ills many of the prosecutors of the 'ews by the means of e+ecution they had set up for the 'ews in the form of the elephants (#aman9s gallows). The e+ecution of Ptolemy Physco is then performed by the ruler of 5gypt (the Persian ing) Cleopatra some years later.

%s we can see while the story line is not e+actly the same it does closely mirror the archetype laid out by the boo of 5sther. The parallel is made even more obvious when Josephus tells us that down to the day he wrote the 'ews of %le+andria celebrate a religious festival to honour this deliverance and the e+ecution of their enemies& which of course can be ta en as allusion to a form of the Purim festival that is celebrated to mar the 'ewish victory of #aman in Persia.

This intellectual convergence tells us two things.

?irstly that the story which Josephus is spinning about the episode with the 'ews of %le+andria is very li ely contrived out of thin air by him! as he cites no actual sources for it& in order to give him an avenue to attac %pion9s comment about the 'ews of %le+andria betraying the city to its enemies in this conflict.

)econdly that Josephus was a pious fraudster as he is using 'ewish religious stories from a completely different era and transliterating them into a time closer to his own as 9historical fact9 in order to cover up and defend the behaviour of the 'ews of %le+andria.

0e can see what Josephus is up to when we note that he doesn9t deny the power of the 'ews in 5gypt and in fact goes as far as to openly state the 'ews were integral to Cleopatra9s campaign of succession as well as later noting that they were ey supporters of the tyranny of Julius Caesar& (-:) which is also confirmed by )uetonius (-;) and suggested by the conduct of his nephew %ugustus (or Bctavian). (-<)

This tells us that what I have termed the 9%ncient Israel 4obby9 may have been in significant operation as early as the later years of the Roman Republic and that it may have learned its craft in 5gyptian

power politics and migrated! with the gradual shift in the balance of power in the 3editerranean& to Rome.

%pion seems to have argued something li e this as Josephus clearly tells us that %pion charged that the 'ews wor ed in the interests of pointless factionalism at the 5gyptian royal court and that as such they supported the wea est claim! that of Cleopatra& in the hope of causing the ma+imum amount of chaos and dissension in 5gypt forcing both factions to increasingly rely upon them as mediators and leaders! which Josephus also e+plicitly states& and thus place them in a powerful position to e+ert influence upon 5gyptian policy(ma ing for their own benefit.

This is further illustrated by Josephus9 assertion that %pion! correctly in his view& argued that the 'ews then betrayed Cleopatra when it suited them causing her ire to fall upon them as well. This nicely demonstrates that the 'ews did not 9believe9 per se in any particular faction and were not engaging in the normal run(of(the(mill political factionalism! which dominates most societies and governmental systems& but rather were deliberately manipulating the political situation to their perceived benefit and trying! by supporting the wea er faction at any given time& to prolong the civil war and ma+imi=e their political and economic gain from it.

That %pion argued this seems all the more li ely once we recall that Josephus tells us that %pion argued that the 'ews were a fifth column inside %le+andria and 5gypt and wor ed not its interests& but rather their own and followed the commands and dictates of their religious leaders who were still! at this time& based in Jerusalem& but who had local representatives in %le+andria.

)o thus we can see that %pion was arguing that the 'ews were e+erting a disproportionate amount of political and social influence in relation to their numbers in the 5gyptian ingdom and that further they were not interested in the welfare of the 5gyptians or /ree s who lived there& but only in the welfare and furtherance of 'ews and international 'ewish interests.

Cow before we leave this section of Josephus9 te+t we have one more point that needs to be brought in Josephus9 contradictory argument against %pion& which helps indicate the desperation of this 'ewish religious fanatic in his attac s on the anti('ewish intellectual school of thought emanating from %le+andria. This is to be found in what precisely Josephus says about %pion9s argument that the 'ews wor ed against Ptolemy Physco and supported Cleopatra and then what he says about the 'ewish involvement with Cleopatra.

Cow Josephus snorts in reply to %pion that the /ree s of %le+andria should be commending the 'ews for supporting Cleopatra as Ptolemy Physco was! due to the story of the miraculous escape of the 'ews from e+ecution at his hands& the worst ind of tyrant (suggesting that the /ree s of %le+andria supported tyranny rather democracy& which is a snide and fairly vicious political dig at them).

Josephus then moves on to Cleopatra and again snorts derisively at %pion9s contention about how the 'ews then proceeded to wor against Cleopatra and she! understandably& became irate in regards to their activities and too unspecified actions against them in her ingdom. Josephus proceeds to claim that once again %pion should commend the 'ews as Cleopatra! per the Roman political propaganda about her put out later by %ugustus& had deceived %nthony by her love(tric s (much li e the goddess Circe tried to do with #omer9s 3achiavellian hero Bdysseus in 9The Bdyssey9) and was an e+ample of the listless and unmanly decadence of the 5ast.

Cow the reader will ,uic ly notice that Josephus is trying to have his ca e and eat it here as he suggests that the 'ews supported the tyrannical 9temptress of the 5ast9 Cleopatra against another 5gyptian tyrant Ptolemy Physco and this should be to their credit& but then as soon as Ptolemy Physco had been defeated the 'ews turned on Cleopatra as well.

Cow this clearly means that the 'ews supported tyranny as long as they felt it was in their interest to do so and not! as Josephus would have it& that the 'ews were supporters of democratic ideas (which Josephus! we should remember& falsely believed %ristotle had gleaned from a study of the 'ews). ?urther the 'ews can and should be seen here! as I have previously argued& as supporting the less powerful faction in a civil war in order to prolong that civil war and thus place themselves in the most favourable political and economic situation as! essentially& ing(ma ers.

Josephus is clearly trying to nitpic his way out of a blind alley into which %pion9s argument has forced him and in doing so he cannot escape without ta ing some intellectual damage. #is method of doing this is simply to try to use the bIte noire of /ree and Roman political theory! the concept of tyranny& to suggest that the 'ews fought against 5astern tyrants (i.e. those /ree s and Romans commonly believed were manifestly decadent and despotic in e,ual measure)& but in doing so he tacitly concedes that the 'ews had sided with the tyranny of one ruler against the tyranny of another (i.e. they clearly were not actually opposed to the concept of tyranny as the /ree s and Romans were).

To do this he tries to ma+imise the revulsion of his /ree and Roman audience with the contrived story based on the 5sther literary archetype to illustrate the 5astern despotism of Ptolemy Physco& while he ,uic ly glosses over the 5astern despotism of Cleopatra only stopping to mention the widely(accepted political slanders laid at her door by %ugustan political propaganda before moving on to Julius Caesar9s philo()emitic policy(ma ing.

Thus we can see both that Josephus is truly the ancient archetype for the modern Jionist propagandist as a fanatical and often highly contradictory partisan of the 'ews and that %pion was able to confound even so able an opponent as Josephus into ma ing very damaging admissions when the latter tried to counter the anti('ewish intellectual school of thought that emanated from %le+andria.

Josephus continues thus2

9%nd if /ermanicus was not able to ma e a distribution of corn to all the inhabitants of %le+andria& that only shows what a barren time it was& and how great a want there was then of corn& but tends nothing to the accusation of the Jews! for what all the emperors have thought of the %le+andrian Jews is well nown& for this distribution of wheat was no otherwise omitted with regard to the Jews& than it was with regard to the other inhabitants of %le+andria. 7ut they still were desirous to preserve what the ings had formerly entrusted to their care& I mean the custody of the river! nor did those ings thin them unworthy of having the entire custody thereof& upon all occasions.9 (->)

Cow here we can see another of Josephus9 rhetorical tactics on graphic display in so far as he see s to imply that because /ermanicus! the brother of Tiberius and stepson of %ugustus& did not only distribute corn to the /ree s& 5gyptians and Romans of %le+andria& but to the 'ews as well. This means that the 'ews could not have been a fifth column! as %pion argues they are& as if they were or were 'udged by /ermanicus in any way to disloyal to the 5mpire then they would have not been allocated corn by him.

This argument is obviously fallacious as it presupposes the superior 'udgement of /ermanicus and that he could not have made a mista e! being unfamiliar with the situation in %le+andria& or could have decided to allocate corn evenly to Roman sub'ects irrespective of their status in order o prevent any potential revolts caused by food shortages (i.e. a reason e+ternal to the preponderance or lac of virtue among the 'ews).

#owever the reason Josephus ma es this claim is of interest to us in so far as it clearly indicates that he was having an e+traordinary amount of difficulty in rebutting the argument that %pion had made against the 'ews in relation to their being a fifth column in every empire in which they have resided. In ma ing his rhetorical counter using /ermanicus Josephus is once trying to use Roman historical pre'udices and common beliefs to his intellectual advantage in order to ma e up for the massive intellectual disadvantage he is facing in the lac of evidence he has to rebut the actual arguments of %pion and the anti('ewish intellectual school of thought emanating from %le+andria.

/ermanicus! for those unac,uainted with Roman history& was largely regarded as the superior brother of the two in relation to Tiberius and was held to embody the virtues that Tiberius was held to have lac ed and while the latter was held to be a tyrant2 the former was held to be a true Roman 9man of people9 so(to(spea .

In essence it is rather li e Josephus9 claims about %ristotle in so far as its intention is that whether true or not2 it would suggest to his contemporary /ree and Roman readership that the 'ews were a virtuous and much maligned people who had only been prosecuted by tyrants and those lac ing in virtue. %nd that as such the 'ews were the direct or indirect source of all! or at least much& of what was good in the world and thus should be treated as social e,uals and religious betters.

References

(-8) Joseph. Cont. %p. -28 (-:) Ibid. (-;) )uet. Jul. <6 (-<) #arry 4eon& *>:E& 9The Jews of %ncient Rome9& *st 5dition& Jewish Publication )ociety of %merica2 Philadelphia& pp. >(*E (->) Joseph. Cont. %p. -28 Posted 6th Bctober by Darl Radl F. P. CBRC54I T%CITI #I)TBRI%R@3 4I75R K@ICT@) * - 1 6 8 : ; < > *E ** *- *1 *6 *8 *: *; *< *> -E -* -- -1 -6 -8 -: L*M 5iusdem anni principio Caesar Titus& perdomandae Iudaeae delectus a patre et privatis utrius,ue rebus militia clarus& maiore tum vi fama,ue agebat& certantibus provinciarum et e+ercituum studiis. %t,ue ipse& ut super fortunam crederetur& decorum se promptum,ue in armis ostendebat& comitate et adlo,uiis officia provocans ac plerum,ue in opere& in agmine gregario militi mi+tus& incorrupto ducis honore. Tres eum in Iudaea legiones& ,uinta et decima et ,uinta decima& vetus @espasiani miles& e+cepere. %ddidit e )yria duodecimam et adductos %le+andria duoetvicensimanos tertianos,ue! comitabantur viginti sociae cohortes& octo e,uitum alae& simul %grippa )ohaemus,ue reges et au+ilia regis %ntiochi valida,ue et solito inter accolas odio infensa Iudaeis %rabum manus& multi ,uos urbe at,ue Italia sua ,uem,ue spes acciverat occupandi principem adhuc vacuum. #is cum copiis finis hostium ingressus composito agmine& cuncta e+plorans paratus,ue decernere& haud procul #ierosolymis castra facit. L-M )ed ,uoniam famosae urbis supremum diem tradituri sumus& congruens videtur primordia eius aperire. Iudaeos Creta insula profugos novissima 4ibyae insedisse memorant& ,ua tempestate )aturnus vi Iovis pulsus cesserit regnis. %rgumentum e nomine petitur2 inclutum in Creta Idam montem& accolas Idaeos aucto in barbarum cognomento Iudaeos vocitari. Kuidam regnante Iside e+undantem per %egyptum multitudinem ducibus #ierosolymo ac Iuda pro+imas in terras e+oneratam! pleri,ue %ethiopum prolem& ,uos rege Cepheo metus at,ue odium mutare sedis perpulerit. )unt ,ui tradant %ssyrios convenas& indigum agrorum populum& parte %egypti potitos& mo+ proprias urbis #ebraeas( ,ue terras et propiora )yriae coluisse. Clara alii Iudaeorum initia& )olymos& carminibus #omeri celebratam gentem& conditae urbi #ierosolyma nomen e suo fecisse. L1M Plurimi auctores consentiunt orta per %egyptum tabe ,uae corpora foedaret& regem 7occhorim adito #ammonis oraculo remedium petentem purgare regnum et id genus hominum ut invisum deis alias in terras avehere iussum. )ic con,uisitum collectum,ue vulgus& post,uam vastis locis relictum sit& ceteris per lacrimas torpentibus& 3oysen unum e+ulum monuisse ne

,uam deorum hominumve opem e+pectarent utris,ue deserti& sed sibimet duce caelesti crederent& primo cuius au+ilio praesentis miserias pepulissent. %dsensere at,ue omnium ignari fortuitum iter incipiunt. )ed nihil ae,ue ,uam inopia a,uae fatigabat& iam,ue haud procul e+itio totis campis procubuerant& cum gre+ asinorum agrestium e pastu in rupem nemore opacam concessit. )ecutus 3oyses coniectura herbidi soli largas a,uarum venas aperit. Id levamen! et continuum se+ dierum iter emensi septimo pulsis cultoribus obtinuere terras& in ,uis urbs et templum dicata. L6M 3oyses ,uo sibi in posterum gentem firmaret& novos ritus contrarios,ue ceteris mortalibus indidit. Profana illic omnia ,uae apud nos sacra& rursum concessa apud illos ,uae nobis incesta. 5ffigiem animalis& ,uo monstrante errorem sitim,ue depulerant& penetrali sacravere& caeso ariete velut in contumeliam #ammonis! bos ,uo,ue immolatur& ,uoniam %egyptii %pin colunt. )ue abstinent memoria cladis& ,uod ipsos scabies ,uondam turpaverat& cui id animal obno+ium. 4ongam olim famem crebris adhuc ieiuniis fatentur& et raptarum frugum argumentum panis Iudaicus nullo fermento detinetur. )eptimo die otium placuisse ferunt& ,uia is finem laborum tulerit! dein blandiente inertia septimum ,uo,ue annum ignaviae datum. %lii honorem eum )aturno haberi& seu principia religionis tradentibus Idaeis& ,uos cum )aturno pulsos et conditores gentis accepimus& seu ,uod de septem sideribus& ,uis mortales reguntur& altissimo orbe et praecipua potentia stella )aturni feratur& ac plera,ue caelestium viam suam et cursus septenos per numeros commeare. L8M #i ritus ,uo,uo modo inducti anti,uitate defenduntur2 cetera instituta& sinistra foeda& pravitate valuere. Cam pessimus ,uis,ue spretis religionibus patriis tributa et stipes illuc congerebant& unde auctae Iudaeorum res& et ,uia apud ipsos fides obstinata& misericordia in promptu& sed adversus omnis alios hostile odium. )eparati epulis& discreti cubilibus& proiectissima ad libidinem gens& alienarum concubitu abstinent! inter se nihil inlicitum. Circumcidere genitalia instituerunt ut diversitate noscantur. Transgressi in morem eorum idem usurpant& nec ,uic,uam prius imbuuntur ,uam contemnere deos& e+uere patriam& parentes liberos fratres vilia habere. %ugendae tamen multitudini consulitur! nam et necare ,uem,uam e+ agnatis nefas& animos,ue proelio aut suppliciis peremptorum aeternos putant2 hinc generandi amor et moriendi contemptus. Corpora condere ,uam cremare e more %egyptio& eadem,ue cura et de infernis persuasio& caelestium contra. %egyptii plera,ue animalia effigies,ue compositas venerantur& Iudaei mente sola unum,ue numen intellegunt2 profanos ,ui deum imagines mortalibus materiis in species hominum effingant! summum illud et aeternum ne,ue imitabile ne,ue interiturum. Igitur nulla simulacra urbibus suis& nedum templis sistunt! non regibus haec adulatio& non Caesaribus honor. )ed ,uia sacerdotes eorum tibia tympanis,ue concinebant& hedera vinciebantur vitis,ue aurea templo reperta& 4iberum patrem coli& domitorem Brientis& ,uidam arbitrati sunt& ne,ua,uam congruentibus institutis. Kuippe 4iber festos laetos,ue ritus posuit& Iudaeorum mos absurdus sordidus,ue. L:M Terra fines,ue ,ua ad Brientem vergunt %rabia terminantur& a meridie %egyptus obiacet& ab occasu Phoenices et mare& septentrionem e latere )yriae longe prospectant. Corpora hominum salubria et ferentia laborum. Rari imbres& uber solum2 Le+uberantM fruges nostrum ad morem praeter,ue eas balsamum et palmae. Palmetis proceritas et decor& balsamum modica arbor2 ut ,uis,ue ramus intumuit& si @im ferri adhibeas& pavent venae! fragmine lapidis aut testa aperiuntur! umor in usu medentium est. Praecipuum montium 4ibanum erigit& mirum dictu& tantos inter ardores opacum fidum,ue nivibus! idem amnem Iordanen alit fundit,ue. Cec Iordanes

pelago accipitur& sed unum at,ue alterum lacum integer perfluit& tertio retinetur. 4acus immenso ambitu& specie maris& sapore corruptior& gravitate odoris accolis pestifer& ne,ue vento impellitur ne,ue piscis aut suetas a,uis volucris patitur. Inertes undae superiacta ut solido ferunt! periti imperiti,ue nandi perinde attolluntur. Certo anni bitumen egerit& cuius legendi usum& ut ceteras artis& e+perientia docuit. %ter suapte natura li,uor et sparso aceto concretus innatat! hunc manu captum& ,uibus ea cura& in summa navis trahunt2 inde nullo iuvante influit onerat,ue& donec abscindas. Cec abscindere aere ferrove possis2 fugit cruorem vestem,ue infectam sanguine& ,uo feminae per mensis e+olvuntur. )ic veteres auctores& sed gnari locorum tradunt undantis bitumine moles pelli manu,ue trahi ad litus& mo+& ubi vapore terrae& vi solis inaruerint& securibus cuneis,ue ut trabes aut sa+a discindi. L;M #aud procul inde campi ,uos ferunt olim uberes magnis,ue urbibus habitatos fulminum iactu arsisse! et manere vestigia& terram,ue ipsam& specie torridam& vim frugiferam perdidisse. Cam cuncta sponte edita aut manu sata& sive herba tenus aut flore seu solitam in speciem adolevere& atra et inania velut in cinerem vanescunt. 5go sicut inclitas ,uondam urbis igne caelesti flagrasse concesserim& ita halitu lacus infici terram& corrumpi superfusum spiritum& eo,ue fetus segetum et autumni putrescere reor& solo caelo,ue iu+ta gravi. 5t 7elius amnis Iudaico mari inlabitur& circa cuius os lectae harenae admi+to nitro in vitrum e+co,uuntur. 3odicum id litus et egerentibus ine+haustum. L<M 3agna pars Iudaeae vicis dispergitur& habent et oppida! #ierosolyma genti caput. Illic immensae opulentiae templum& et primis munimentis urbs& dein regia& templum intimis clausum. %d fores tantum Iudaeo aditus& limine praeter sacerdotes arcebantur. Aum %ssyrios penes 3edos,ue et Persas Briens fuit& despectissima pars servientium2 post,uam 3acedones praepolluere& re+ %ntiochus demere superstitionem et mores /raecorum dare adnisus& ,uo minus taeterrimam gentem in melius mutaret& Parthorum bello prohibitus est! nam ea tempestate %rsaces desciverat. Tum Iudaei 3acedonibus invalidis& Parthis nondum adultisNet Romani procul erantN& sibi ipsi reges imposuere! ,ui mobilitate vulgi e+pulsi& resumpta per arma dominatione fugas civium& urbium eversiones& fratrum coniugum parentum neces alia,ue solita regibus ausi superstitionem fovebant& ,uia honor sacerdotii firmamentum potentiae adsumebatur. L>M Romanorum primus Cn. Pompeius Iudaeos domuit templum,ue iure victoriae ingressus est2 inde vulgatum nulla intus deum effigie vacuam sedem et inania arcana. 3uri #ierosolymorum diruti& delubrum mansit. 3o+ civili inter nos bello& post,uam in dicionem 3. %ntonii provinciae cesserant& re+ Parthorum Pacorus Iudaea potitus interfectus,ue a P. @entidio& et Parthi trans 5uphraten redacti2 Iudaeos C. )osius subegit. Regnum ab %ntonio #erodi datum victor %ugustus au+it. Post mortem #erodis& nihil e+pectato Caesare& )imo ,uidam regium nomen invaserat. Is a Kuintilio @aro obtinente )yriam punitus& et gentem coercitam liberi #erodis tripertito re+ere. )ub Tiberio ,uies. Aein iussi a C. Caesare effigiem eius in templo locare arma potius sumpsere& ,uem motum Caesaris mors diremit. Claudius& defunctis regibus aut ad modicum redactis& Iudaeam provinciam e,uitibus Romanis aut libertis permisit& e ,uibus %ntonius ?eli+ per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem ius regium servili ingenio e+ercuit& Arusilla Cleopatrae et %ntonii nepte in matrimonium accepta& ut eiusdem %ntonii ?eli+ progener& Claudius nepos esset. L*EM Auravit tamen patientia Iudaeis us,ue ad /essium ?lorum procuratorem2 sub eo bellum ortum. 5t comprimere coeptantem Cestium /allum )yriae legatum varia proelia ac saepius

adversa e+cepere. Kui ubi fato aut taedio occidit& missu Ceronis @espasianus fortuna fama,ue et egregiis ministris intra duas aestates cuncta camporum omnis,ue praeter #ierosolyma urbis victore e+ercitu tenebat. Pro+imus annus civili bello intentus ,uantum ad Iudaeos per otium transiit. Pace per Italiam parta et e+ternae curae rediere2 augebat iras ,uod soli Iudaei non cessissent! simul manere apud e+ercitus Titum ad omnis principatus novi eventus casusve utile videbatur. L**M Igitur castris& uti di+imus& ante moenia #ierosolymorum positis instructas legiones ostentavit2 Iudaei sub ipsos muros stru+ere aciem& rebus secundis longius ausuri et& si pellerentur& parato perfugio. 3issus in eos e,ues cum e+peditis cohortibus ambigue certavit! mo+ cessere hostes et se,uentibus diebus crebra pro portis proelia serebant& donec adsiduis damnis intra moenia pellerentur. Romani ad obpugnandum versi! ne,ue enim dignum videbatur famem hostium opperiri& poscebant,ue pericula& pars virtute& multi ferocia et cupidine praemiorum. Ipsi Tito Roma et opes voluptates,ue ante oculos! ac ni statim #ierosolyma conciderent& morari videbantur. )ed urbem arduam situ opera moles,ue firmaverant& ,uis vel plana satis munirentur. Cam duos collis in immensum editos claudebant muri per artem obli,ui aut introrsus sinuati& ut latera obpugnantium ad ictus patescerent. 5+trema rupis abrupta& et turres& ubi mons iuvisset& in se+agenos pedes& inter deve+a in centenos vicenos,ue attollebantur& mira specie ac procul intuentibus pares. %lia intus moenia regiae circumiecta& conspicuo,ue fastigio turris %ntonia& in honorem 3. %ntonii ab #erode appellata. L*-M Templum in modum arcis proprii,ue muri& labore et opere ante alios! ipsae porticus& ,uis templum ambibatur& egregium propugnaculum. ?ons perennis a,uae& cavati sub terra montes et piscinae cisternae,ue servandis imbribus. Providerant conditores e+ diversitate morum crebra bella2 inde cuncta ,uamvis adversus longum obsidium! et a Pompeio e+pugnatis metus at,ue usus plera,ue monstravere. %t,ue per avaritiam Claudianorum temporum empto iure muniendi stru+ere muros in pace tam,uam ad bellum& magna conluvie et ceterarum urbium clade aucti! nam pervicacissimus ,uis,ue illuc perfugerat eo,ue seditiosius agebant. Tres duces& totidem e+ercitus2 e+trema et latissima moenium )imo& mediam urbem Ioannes L,uem et 7argioram vocabantM& templum 5lea=arus firmaverat. 3ultitudine et armis Ioannes ac )imo& 5lea=arus loco pollebat2 sed proelia dolus incendia inter ipsos& et magna vis frumenti ambusta. 3o+ Ioannes& missis per speciem sacrificandi ,ui 5lea=arum manum,ue eius obtruncarent& templo potitur. Ita in duas factiones civitas discessit& donec propin,uantibus Romanis bellum e+ternum concordiam pareret. L*1M 5venerant prodigia& ,uae ne,ue hostiis ne,ue votis piare fas habet gens superstitioni obno+ia& religionibus adversa. @isae per caelum concurrere acies& rutilantia arma et subito nubium igne conlucere templum. %pertae repente delubri fores et audita maior humana vo+ e+cedere deos! simul ingens motus e+cedentium. Kuae pauci in metum trahebant2 pluribus persuasio inerat anti,uis sacerdotum litteris contineri eo ipso tempore fore ut valesceret Briens profecti,ue Iudaea rerum potirentur. Kuae ambages @espasianum ac Titum praedi+erat& sed vulgus more humanae cupidinis sibi tantam fatorum magnitudinem interpretati ne adversis ,uidem ad vera mutabantur. 3ultitudinem obsessorum omnis aetatis& virile ac muliebre secus& se+centa milia fuisse accepimus2 arma cunctis& ,ui ferre possent& et plures ,uam pro numero audebant. Bbstinatio viris feminis,ue par! ac si transferre sedis cogerentur& maior vitae metus ,uam mortis. #anc adversus urbem gentem,ue Caesar Titus& ,uando impetus et subita belli locus abnueret& aggeribus vineis,ue certare statuit2 dividuntur legionibus munia et ,uies

proeliorum fuit& donec cuncta e+pugnandis urbibus reperta apud veteres aut novis ingeniis struerentur. L*6M %t Civilis post malam in Treviris pugnam reparato per /ermaniam e+ercitu apud @etera castra consedit& tutus loco& et ut memoria prosperarum illic rerum augescerent barbarorum animi. )ecutus est eodem Cerialis& duplicatis copiis adventu secundae et tertiae decimae et ,uartae decimae legionum! cohortes,ue et alae iam pridem accitae post victoriam properaverant. Ceuter ducum cunctator& sed arcebat latitudo camporum suopte ingenio umentium! addiderat Civilis obli,uam in Rhenum molem& cuius obiectu revolutus amnis adiacentibus superfunderetur. 5a loci forma& incertis vadis subdola et nobis adversa2 ,uippe miles Romanus armis gravis et nandi pavidus& /ermanos fluminibus suetos levitas armorum et proceritas corporum attollit. L*8M Igitur lacessentibus 7atavis ferocissimo cui,ue nostrorum coeptum certamen& deinde orta trepidatio& cum praealtis paludibus arma e,ui haurirentur. /ermani notis vadis persultabant& omissa plerum,ue fronte latera ac terga circumvenientes. Ce,ue ut in pedestri acie comminus certabatur& sed tam,uam navali pugna vagi inter undas aut& si ,uid stabile occurrebat& totis illic corporibus nitentes& vulnerati cum integris& periti nandi cum ignaris in mutuam perniciem implicabantur. 3inor tamen ,uam pro tumultu caedes& ,uia non ausi egredi paludem /ermani in castra rediere. 5ius proelii eventus utrum,ue ducem diversis animi motibus ad maturandum summae rei discrimen ere+it. Civilis instare fortunae& Cerialis abolere ignominiam2 /ermani prosperis feroces& Romanos pudor e+citaverat. Co+ apud barbaros cantu aut clamore& nostris per iram et minas acta. L*:M Postera luce Cerialis e,uite et au+iliariis cohortibus frontem e+plet& in secunda acie legiones locatae& du+ sibi delectos retinuerat ad improvisa. Civilis haud porrecto agmine& sed cuneis adstitit2 7atavi Cugerni,ue in de+tro& laeva ac propiora flumini Transrhenani tenuere. 5+hortatio ducum non more contionis apud universos& sed ut ,uos,ue suorum advehebantur. Cerialis veterem Romani nominis gloriam& anti,uas recentis,ue victorias! ut perfidum ignavum victum hostem in aeternum e+ciderent& ultione magis ,uam proelio opus esse. Pauciores nuper cum pluribus certasse& ac tamen fusos /ermanos& ,uod roboris fuerit2 superesse ,ui fugam animis& ,ui vulnera tergo ferant. Proprios inde stimulos legionibus admovebat& domitores 7ritanniae ,uartadecimanos appellans! principem /albam se+tae legionis auctoritate factum! illa primum acie secundanos nova signa novam,ue a,uilam dicaturos. #inc praevectus ad /ermanicum e+ercitum manus tendebat& ut suam ripam& sua castra sanguine hostium reciperarent. %lacrior omnium clamor& ,uis vel e+ longa pace proelii cupido vel fessis bello pacis amor& praemia,ue et ,uies in posterum sperabatur. L*;M Cec Civilis silentem stru+it aciem& locum pugnae testem virtutis ciens2 stare /ermanos 7atavos,ue super vestigia gloriae& cineres ossa,ue legionum calcantis. Kuocum,ue oculos Romanus intenderet& captivitatem cladem,ue et dira omnia obversari. Ce terrerentur vario Trevirici proelii eventu2 suam illic victoriam /ermanis obstitisse& dum omissis telis praeda manus impediunt2 sed cuncta mo+ prospera et hosti contraria evenisse. Kuae provideri astu ducis oportuerit& providisse& campos madentis et ipsis gnaros& paludes hostibus no+ias. Rhenum et /ermaniae deos in aspectu2 ,uorum numine capesserent pugnam& coniugum parentum patriae memores2 illum diem aut gloriosissimum inter maiores aut ignominiosum apud posteros fore. Obi sono armorum tripudiis,ueNita illis mosNadprobata sunt dicta& sa+is glandibus,ue et ceteris

missilibus proelium incipitur& ne,ue nostro milite paludem ingrediente et /ermanis& ut elicerent& lacessentibus. L*<M %bsumptis ,uae iaciuntur et ardescente pugna procursum ab hoste infestius2 immensis corporibus et praelongis hastis fluitantem labantem,ue militem eminus fodiebant! simul e mole& ,uam eductam in Rhenum rettulimus& 7ructerorum cuneus transnatavit. Turbata ibi res et pellebatur sociarum cohortium acies& cum legiones pugnam e+cipiunt suppressa,ue hostium ferocia proelium ae,uatur. Inter ,uae perfuga 7atavus adiit Cerialem& terga hostium promittens& si e+tremo paludis e,ues mitteretur2 solidum illa et Cugernos& ,uibus custodia obvenisset& parum intentos. Auae alae cum perfuga missae incauto hosti circumfunduntur. Kuod ubi clamore cognitum& legiones a fronte incubuere& pulsi,ue /ermani Rhenum fuga petebant. Aebellatum eo die foret& si Romana classis se,ui maturasset2 ne e,ues ,uidem institit& repente fusis imbribus et propin,ua nocte. L*>M Postera die ,uartadecima legio in superiorem pro vinciam /allo %nnio missa2 Cerialis e+ercitum decima e+ #ispania legio supplevit2 Civili Chaucorum au+ilia venere. Con tamen ausus oppidum 7atavorum armis tueri& raptis ,uae ferri poterant& ceteris iniecto igni& in insulam concessit& gnarus deesse navis efficiendo ponti& ne,ue e+ercitum Romanum aliter transmissurum2 ,uin et diruit molem a Aruso /ermanico factam Rhenum,ue prono alveo in /alliam ruentem& disiectis ,uae morabantur& effudit. )ic velut abacto amne tenuis alveus insulam inter /ermanos,ue continentium terrarum speciem fecerat. Transiere Rhenum Tutor ,uo,ue et Classicus et centum tredecim Trevirorum senatores& in ,uis fuit %lpinius 3ontanus& ,uem a Primo %ntonio missum in /allias superius memoravimus. Comitabatur eum frater A. %lpinius! simul ceteri miseratione ac donis au+ilia concibant inter gentis periculorum avidas. L-EM Tantum,ue belli superfuit ut praesidia cohortium alarum legionum uno die Civilis ,uadripertito invaserit& decimam legionem %renaci& secundam 7atavoduri et /rinnes @adam,ue& cohortium alarum,ue castra& ita divisis copiis ut ipse et @era+& sorore eius genitus& Classicus,ue ac Tutor suam ,uis,ue manum traherent& nec omnia patrandi fiducia& sed multa ausis ali,ua in parte fortunam adfore2 simul Cerialem ne,ue satis cautum et pluribus nuntiis huc illuc cursantem posse medio intercipi. Kuibus obvenerant castra decimanorum& obpugnationem legionis arduam rati egressum militem et caedendis materiis operatum turbavere& occiso praefecto castrorum et ,uin,ue primoribus centurionum paucis,ue militibus2 ceteri se munimentis defendere. Interim /ermanorum manus 7atavoduri interrumpere inchoatum pontem nitebantur2 ambiguum proelium no+ diremit. L-*M Plus discriminis apud /rinnes @adam,ue. @adam Civilis& /rinnes Classicus obpugnabant2 nec sisti poterant interfecto fortissimo ,uo,ue& in ,uis 7riganticus praefectus alae ceciderat& ,uem fidum Romanis et Civili avunculo infensum di+imus. )ed ubi Cerialis cum delecta e,uitum manu subvenit& versa fortuna! praecipites /ermani in amnem aguntur. Civilis dum fugientis retentat& agnitus petitus,ue telis relicto e,uo transnatavit! idem @eraci effugium2 Tutorem Classicum,ue adpulsae luntres ve+ere. Ce tum ,uidem Romana classis pugnae adfuit& et iussum erat& sed obstitit formido et remiges per alia militiae munia dispersi. )ane Cerialis parum temporis ad e+e,uenda imperia dabat& subitus consiliis set eventu clarus2 aderat fortuna& etiam ubi artes defuissent! hinc ipsi e+ercitui,ue minor cura disciplinae. 5t paucos post dies& ,uam,uam periculum captivitatis evasisset& infamiam non vitavit.

L--M Profectus Covaesium 7onnam,ue ad visenda castra& ,uae hiematuris legionibus erigebantur& navibus remeabat disiecto agmine& incuriosis vigiliis. %nimadversum id /ermanis et insidias composuere2 electa no+ atra nubibus& et prono amne rapti nullo prohibente vallum ineunt. Prima caedes astu adiuta2 incisis tabernaculorum funibus suismet tentoriis coopertos trucidabant. %liud agmen turbare classem& inicere vincla& trahere puppis! ut,ue ad fallendum silentio& ita coepta caede& ,uo plus terroris adderent& cuncta clamoribus miscebant. Romani vulneribus e+citi ,uaerunt arma& ruunt per vias& pauci ornatu militari& pleri,ue circum brachia torta veste et strictis mucronibus. Au+ semisomnus ac prope intectus errore hostium servatur2 nam,ue praetoriam navem ve+illo insignem& illic ducem rati& abripiunt. Cerialis alibi noctem egerat& ut pleri,ue credidere& ob stuprum Claudiae )acratae mulieris @biae. @igiles flagitium suum ducis dedecore e+cusabant& tam,uam iussi silere ne ,uietem eius turbarent! ita intermisso signo et vocibus se ,uo,ue in somnum lapsos. 3ulta luce revecti hostes captivis navibus& praetoriam triremem flumine 4upia donum @eledae tra+ere. L-1M Civilem cupido incessit navalem aciem ostentandi2 complet ,uod biremium ,uae,ue simplici ordine agebantur! adiecta ingens luntrium vis& tricenos ,uadragenos,ue ferunt& armamenta 4iburnicis solita! et simul captae luntres sagulis versicoloribus haud indecore pro velis iuvabantur. )patium velut ae,uoris electum ,uo 3osae fluminis os amnem Rhenum Bceano adfundit. Causa instruendae classis super insitam genti vanitatem ut eo terrore commeatus /allia adventantes interciperentur. Cerialis miraculo magis ,uam metu dere+it classem& numero imparem& usu remigum& gubernatorum arte& navium magnitudine potiorem. #is flumen secundum& illi vento agebantur2 sic praevecti temptato levium telorum iactu dirimuntur. Civilis nihil ultra ausus trans Rhenum concessit2 Cerialis insulam 7atavorum hostiliter populatus agros villas,ue Civilis intactas nota arte ducum sinebat& cum interim fle+u autumni et crebris per ae,uinoctium imbribus superfusus amnis palustrem humilem,ue insulam in faciem stagni opplevit. Cec classis aut commeatus aderant& castra,ue in plano sita vi fluminis differebantur. L-6M Potuisse tunc opprimi legiones et voluisse /ermanos& sed dolo a se fle+os imputavit Civilis! ne,ue abhorret vero& ,uando paucis post diebus deditio insecuta est. Cam Cerialis per occultos nuntios 7atavis pacem& Civili veniam ostentans& @eledam propin,uos,ue monebat fortunam belli& tot cladibus adversam& opportuno erga populum Romanum merito mutare2 caesos Treviros& receptos @bios& ereptam 7atavis patriam! ne,ue aliud Civilis amicitia partum ,uam vulnera fugas luctus. 5+ulem eum et e+torrem recipientibus oneri& et satis peccavisse ,uod totiens Rhenum transcenderint. )i ,uid ultra moliantur& inde iniuriam et culpam& hinc ultionem et deos fore. L-8M 3iscebantur minis promissa! et concussa Transrhenanorum fide inter 7atavos ,uo,ue sermones orti2 non prorogandam ultra ruinam& nec posse ab una natione totius orbis servitium depelli. Kuid profectum caede et incendiis legionum nisi ut plures validiores,ue accirenturP )i @espasiano bellum navaverint& @espasianum rerum potiri2 sin populum Romanum armis vocent& ,uotam partem generis humani 7atavos esseP Respicerent Raetos Coricos,ue et ceterorum onera sociorum2 sibi non tributa& sed virtutem et viros indici. Pro+imum id libertati! et si dominorum electio sit& honestius principes Romanorum ,uam /ermanorum feminas tolerari. #aec vulgus& proceres atrociora2 Civilis rabie semet in arma trusos! illum domesticis malis e+cidium gentis opposuisse. Tunc infensos 7atavis deos& cum obsiderentur legiones& interficerentur legati& bellum uni necessarium& ferale ipsis sumeretur. @entum ad e+trema& ni resipiscere incipiant et no+ii capitis poena paenitentiam fateantur.

L-:M Con fefellit Civilem ea inclinatio et praevenire statuit& super taedium malorum etiam spe vitae& ,uae plerum,ue magnos animos infringit. Petito conlo,uio scinditur Cabaliae fluminis pons& in cuius abrupta progressi duces& et Civilis ita coepit2 9si apud @itellii legatum defenderer& ne,ue facto meo venia ne,ue dictis fides debebatur! cuncta inter nos inimica2 hostilia ab illo coepta& a me aucta erant2 erga @espasianum vetus mihi observantia& et cum privatus esset& amici vocabamur. #oc Primo %ntonio notum& cuius epistulis ad bellum actus sum& ne /ermanicae legiones et /allica iuventus %lpis transcenderent. Kuae %ntonius epistulis& #ordeonius ?laccus praesens monebat2 arma in /ermania movi& ,uae 3ucianus in )yria& %ponius in 3oesia& ?lavianus in Pannonia Q Q Q 9

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