Chapter - V

Social challenges and nayar responses

CHAPTER - V SOCIAL CHALLENGES AND NAYAR RESPONSES Patrilineal and Matrilineal

A distinctive feature of the social organization of Travancore till recent times was the prevalence of Marumakkathayam or the matrilineal system among certain castes and communities. It was one of the peculiar customs that strangulated the Nayars for long. Makkathayam or the patrilineal system was the prevalent form of succession in the civilized society1. Marumakkathayam involved the inheritance and succession through the sisters children in the female line. The antiquity of the system has been a theme of controversy among scholars. The traditional views propagated by the Brahmin aristocracy and expounded by the authors of the Keralopathi is that marumakkathayam is of hoary antiquity. However, it is believed that the patrilineal was the system of inheritance prevalent in ancient Kerala, and that matrilineal came into vogue at a later period of Kerala history under the impact of some compelling forces.2 Matrilineal had been the system of inheritance and succession prevailing in ancient Kerala and that had been in a state of suspended ____________________________________________________________
1. 2. Nagam Aiya, V., Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1906, p. 363. Wester Marie, The History of the Human Marriage, New York, 1921, p. 97.

131 during the period of the ascendancy of the patrilineal Brahmin caste and again it staged a revival at a later period.3 A Nayar tharavad or family consisted of a group of persons male and female, all tracing descent from a common ancestress living under the control and management of the eldest male who was called the karanavan. In its simplest form a family consisted of a mother when children living together with their maternal uncle that was the mother's brother as karanavan. It was the mother that form the stock of the descent and kinship as well as rights to property were traced through females and not through males. Each of the mother and her children and descendants in the female line formed a thavazhi. (Thai means 'mother' vazhi means 'line') meaning a mother line.4 Every member male or female had an equal interest in the tharavad property. But could not claim his or her share of it. The karanavan was legally responsible for the well beings, control and management of the tharavad and was bound to meet the wants of the members arising from their social status. But he had no right to alienate the immovable property of the family without the consent of all the members, atleast of all the adult male and female members. The internal management of the tharavad was vested in the karanavan and he held the family purse and was practically ____________________________________________________________
3. 4. Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerala History, Kottayam, 1967, pp. 84 - 85. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 363.

132 the family itself rather than its agent or representative. The disposal of the movable property of the family was under his control and he was not bound to account except when he habitually wasted the property or did not administer it for the benefit of the other members in which case a suit might lie to dispose him from the karanavanship.5

Origin of Marumakkathayam
The origin of the marumakkathayam system still lies in obscurity. There are various theories with regard to the origin of the marumakkathayam system. Many European writers believe that the system of the inheritance in the female line was prevalent among the Nayars must have originated from the polyandry or free love. In order

to ascertain the origin of the marumakkathayam it is necessary to go back to its early stages and examine the condition of society which have rise to it. Sir Henry Maine views that the origin of society was in patriarchal families, that polyandry and kinshif through females were of temporary duration liable to be brought about at a stage in the progress of a society by peculiar circumstances under which it may be placed.6 Andrew Lang observed that "the Aryan races have generally passed through the stage of scarcity of women, polyandry, absence of recognized kinship and recognitions of kinship through women.7 ____________________________________________________________
5. 6. 7. Ibid., p. 36. Sir Henry Maine, Early Law and Customs, New York, 1971, p. 202. Andrew Lang, Customs and Myth, New York, 1885, p. 775.

133 Of the Aryan races there can be no question that they too had passed through the several stages before reaching the final one of paternal kinship. So the maternal family and inheritance in the female line need not necessarily be the result of polyandry. Among the Tibetians, the Todas, the Aimons of Japan and other races that practiced polyandry and had

hardly any system of settled marriage 8, marumakkathayam was found among some of the kshatriyas, vellalas and muslims also but polyandry was never practiced by them.9 Thus the question is of polyandry did not lead to matrilineal inheritance of marumakkathayam. What caused its origin? K.P. Padmanabha Menon has dealt with this question in detail. He was firmly of the opinion that marumakkathayam began in Kerala only in recent times, on account of some special circumstances unknown to us now.10 Mc Lennan, Morgan and Engels have put forward the theory that in early stages of human history the patrilineal system was the common basis of inheritance and succession and the matrilineal system evolved later.11 This may be the common process of social development and progress. But in some societies owing to certain peculiar circumstances development might have taken place in the reverse order. According to ____________________________________________________________
8. 9. 10. 11. Wester Marie, The History of the Human Marriage, New York, 1921, p. 98. Elamkulam, P.N., Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, p. 29. Ibid., p. 292. Mc Lennan, J.F., Studies in Ancient History, London, 1938, pp. 27 - 44.

134 Engles, the patrilineal system marked the age of civilization. But certain tribes which still exist in rude savagery follow the matrilineal system for example the hill tribes of the sahyadri region.12

Circumstances Responsible for it

The early Chera kings who ruled Kerala in the Sangam age, followed the patrilineal system as was shown by the Sangam literature. But the descendant of the Cheras in the medieval times followed the matrilineal system.13 Due to the force of compelling circumstances people under the patrilineal system adopted matrilineal system. None of the foreign travellers who visited Travancore before 14th century had seen any thing peculiar in the family organization of the land. Frair Jordanm who lived at Quilon early in the 14th Century was the first foreign visitor who referred to the peculiar laws of inheritance in vogue in Travancore. After him Ibn Batuta (1342), Abdul Raza] (1442) Nicolo Conti (1444) and many others have mentioned this peculiar institution. Since all visitors till the 14th century were silent of the matrilineal system, the system of inheritance in Travancore must have been patrilineal upto the 14th century. The 14th and 15th centuries were marked with the growth of landlordism all over India.14 In Travancore also it became the way of life. The Nayars were the tenants ____________________________________________________________
12. 13. 14. Krishna Iyer, L.A., The Aboriginals of Travancore, Trivandrum, 1941, p. 92. Padmanabha Menon, K.P., A History of Kerala, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1981, p. 88. William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol.I, Madras, 1951, p. 282.

135 of the Nambudiri Brahmin land lords or Jenmies, who followed the patrilineal system of inheritance. These Brahmin land lords insisted upon the tenants that the Jenmam lands could only be enjoyed by them and transfer should be made by the Jenmies. 15 Majority of the lands of the Nayars were Jenmam lands and it was from the enjoyment of these Jenmam lands the collections or joint family system emerged among the Nayars. The Jenmies insisted that even though there were sub-tenants, the tenants were responsible for the Jenmam lands and cultivation. The younger members of Brahmin families condemned by customary law of life and long celibacy had to seek asylum with the Nayar families. They entered into loose unions called sambandham. It was for the advantage of the Brahmin Jenmies and for the sexual pleasures of the Brahmins and they compelled the Nayars to change the law of inheritance, from patrilineal to the matrilineal, under which individualism was ignored, the Brahmins succeeded in erecting a strong body contented, handed tenancy and not a landed aristocracy which was the base of marumakkathayam or matrilineal system of inheritance.16 Under marumakkathayam, the Nayar tharavad (family) was a union of relation of varying degrees of propionquity traced through a common female in joint ownership of corporate property under the beneficial management of a common

____________________________________________________________
15. 16. Nagam Aiya, op.cit., Vol. II, p. 363. Sasitharan Nayar, N., History of Social Legislation in Travancore, 1811 - 1925, An unpublished Ph.D. Thesis , University of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1987, p. 251.

136 Karanavan (uncle). Ordinarily a man does not take as much interest in his distant kinsman as in the children of his own mother, his brothers, his sisters and their children. The benefits of legal marriages, parental rights domestic rule, the obligation to support the wife and children were ignored under the system.17 The individual members of a tharavad had only the right to maintenance. The system of marumakkathayam led to a life of idleness among the members of the family which stood against the prosperity of the society. The karanavans were practically voice less, when karanavan was not bound to provide for them beyond subsistence and improve their, moral and intellectual condition.18 The arbitrary and absolute powers of the karanavan naturally tended to foster a feeling of discontent among the other members regarding the management of the tharavad and led to quarrels. Under marumakkathayam again the marriage tie was very loose and temporary. Marriage as a duly recognized social institution did not exist in the Nayar community.19 Although the Sambandham union has in it all the elements of a valid marriage, it had no legal sanction. Even the powers of disposing by will of self acquired property was not recognized in the case of Nayars by the law of marumakkathayam. ____________________________________________________________
17. 18. 19. Ibid., p. 253. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol., II, p. 364. Travancore Law Reports, Vol.I, Ernakulam, 1904, p. 22.

137 The most important merit of the matrilineal system was that the Nayar women enjoyed freedom and independence in the management of the family Property descended in the female line and the marumakkathayam succeeded in keeping Nayar tharavad from being dismembered. It prevented alienations also. In addition to all these it encouraged a feeling of collectivism and mutual love and affection among the members of the tharavad. With the advance of education marumakkathayam became hopelessly unworkable. It worked against every principle of political dictums and of healthy family life. It was based upon the doctrine that there was no merit in female virtue and no sin in being unchaste, by freeing a man from the obligation of maintaining wife and off-spring.20 his

Opposition
Towards the end of the 19th century, the Nayar began to question the existing social institution. They considered their system of inheritance and succession a primitive way of life. The advance of English Education among the Nayars and the free contact they had with developed communities made them look upon the primitiveness of their family Institution and clamoured for a change.21 The convenience and comfort of a man living with his mother and sister and his wife and children in peace and quite of separate ____________________________________________________________
20. 21. Malabar Marriage Commission Report, p. 37. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance, New Delhi, 1976, p.154.

138 home has come to be preferred to the primitive habit of living and messing together in the uncongenial surroundings of an over grown tharavad 22, want of affection had alienated the sympathies of the distant nephews or anandaravan and turned him into a permanent enemy which led to the disobedience of junior members to the karanavan and made the management of the tharavad difficult. The idea of division was not

revolutionary one in the social history of the Nayars. A group of patriotic men commenced a compaign to educate public opinion on the necessary for a law of partition for the Nayars. Among such patriotic men, the first who tried to educate Nayars was P. Thanu Pillai who was a teacher in the Maharajan cottage of Trivandrum in the 1870 as latter an official Thanu Pillai was the leading Nayar official and an enlightened safe and trusted leader of the Nayar community.23 In the year 1870 he founded a cultural association called the Malayali Social Union. 24 Members of the Malayali Social Union worked against the marriage customs and other social systems that existed among the Nayars. When he turned to be a critic of the social order he was transferred from Trivandrum to Quilon, which shattered the work of the Malayali Social Union. But it was revived by C. Krishnapillai. He changed the name of ____________________________________________________________
22. 23. 24. Velu Pillai, T.K., Speeches in the Travancore Legislative Council, Trivandrum, 1941, pp. 24 - 25. Parameswaran Nair, Raman Pillai, Compilers Regional Records Survey Committee, Trivandrum, p. 86. Travancore Government English Records, Cover File No. 1228.

139 the Malayali Social Union as Malayali Sabha in 1884. It aimed at

promoting the welfare of the Malayali community through western knowledge. The Sabha encouraged female education and stood for

reforming the marriage system.25

Malayali Newspaper
In order to achieve its aims the Sabha began to publish a Malayalam newspaper in 1886 called the Malayali, edited by C.V. Raman Pillai. The Sabha had also some non Nayar members. At the first the Sabha enjoyed the support of the officials of Travancore government, with the attack of the members on the Brahmin supremacy in the sirkar service, the government turned against it. In 1887 the Maharaja and his Brahmin favourites in the sirkar service came under bitter attack in a Madras newspaper the Standard.26 In 1887 T. Rama Rao became the Dewan of Travancore and patronized Brahminsm in the state on 15 August 1887 the Standard attacked the Dewan and the Maharaja for being under the influence of Brahmins.27 In January 1891 the Malayali Sabha presented a memorandum to the Maharaja which demanded Travancore for Travancoreans. The

Malayali Memorial wanted to put and end to the supremacy of ____________________________________________________________

25. 26. 27. Madras Standard, 21 December 1887, p. 2. Ibid., p. 179. Madras Standard, 15 August 1887, p. 2.

140 non-malayali Brahmins in the sirkar service. The memorial expressed the grievances of Nayars and demanded a change in their family organisation.28 How ever the Malayali Memorial was the first open attack against the non-malayali Brahmin monopoly of government services and also their special supremacy in Travancore. The endeavour of the Malayali Sabha brought them some advantages in the field of employment. But with regard to the social evils like the tharavad system and marriage, nothing was gained in the 19 th century. There was incessant dispurses and litigations among the Nayar tharavads. Eventhough tharavads were willing to divide themselves into branches, those divisions could not have the force of law. In the decades of 1879 - 89 there was an average of 60% suits a year for tharavad partition. From 1889 - 90 to 1898 -99 the average increased to 80 suits annually from 1889 - 1890 to 1903 -1904 the average was 96 in a year.29

Economic Deterioration
The economic deterioration led to the ruin of many of the Nayar tharavads Brahmin sambandhams with Nayar women were also in the increase. With the advance of education among the Nayars, they could know the changes taking place in the rest of life. In 1890, C. Sankaran Nayar member of Central legislative council introduced a bill to permit ____________________________________________________________
28. 29. Travancore Government English Records, Cover File No. 1744, p. 34. Administration Report of Travancore for the year 1905, p. 23.

141 Nayars in British to register their sambandhams.30 The proposed bill was objected to by the orthodox Nayars and the Nambudiris of Travancore. The Orthadox Nayars were unwilling to give up their old system. The Madras Government appointed the Malabar Marriage Commission headed by Sir T. Muthuswamy Aiyar to study the whole system of marriage of Malabar. It was on the basis of their report that the Malabar Marriage Bill was passed in 1896. The bill in its provisions allowed any caste in Malabar which followed marumakkathayam to register their marriage. This made sambandham a legal marriage and a man could make wills over his self acquired property to his wife and children. But the act was only permissive, there was no compulsion. The Malabar Marriage Bill gave an impetus to the Nayars of Travancore to have such an act to remove the evils of their sambandhams and matrilineal system.31 Agreed partition had risen from 301 in 1896 - 97 to 516 in 1906-07. It shows that within the ten years period nearly 3500 tharavads had unanimously agreed to partition and executed the partition in the courts. In addition to the partition members wishing to live apart from their tharavads negotiated agreements for maintenance. In 1896 - 97, 205 such agreements were executed and in 1906 - 1907 the number rose to 385.32 Finally the committee came to the conclusion that the

____________________________________________________________
30. 31. 32. Robin Jeffrey, op.cit., p. 185. Travancore Legislative Council Proceedings, 20 June 1896, p. 9. Ibid., p. 10.

142 traditional organizations of the Nayars had to advocated partition. be abolished and

In their letter of 28th August embodying their

recommendations and also a draft bill to give effect to them. The government passed orders on the report. Since there was some opposition against the partition of the tharavad, the bill sent in by the committee was amended and it was declared that the bill would be introduced in the council in due course.33 Government felt that there was a rapidly growing sentiment in favour of partition but one section of the Nayars was against partition. So the government came to the conclusion that some provision was necessary for partition unless a tharavad became unmanageable. As to the mode of division some were for division per stripes and the rest for division per capita. In this situation government thought that a middle course should be taken.34 A bill revised in accordance with the views of the government was introduced in the council by the official members on 6 th April 1911. It was intended to remove doubts as to the validity of the conjugal union among certain clans of Hindu marumakkathayees viz. samanthas and Nayars and to provide for certain matters connected there with and to define and amend the law of succession and family management among them. Under the bill, no individual partition, no partition during the life
______________________________________________________________________ 33. 34. Travancore Government Gazetteer, dated 27.12.1910, p. 22. Report of the Marumakkathayam committee, 1908, pp. 30-70.

143 time of a common ancestors or her children was allowed. Subject to these conditions, it allowed each collateral thavazhees (thavazhees of a female means of a group of persons consisting of that female and her issue and thavazhee of his mother) to claim out right partition of property common to all he thavazhees. The bill was passed by the council on 17 th October 1912 and became Regulation 1st of 1088 M.E.35

Question of Succession
The Regulation I of 1088 M.E. defined and clarify the law of marriage and succession and family management of the Nayars. Even though one of the purposes of the bill was partition of the tharavad properties, that was omitted when the bill was finally passed by the council. The bill reduced the powers of the karanavan. The non-official Nayar members were strongly against the partition of the tharavad properties and the government had to yield to these non official Nayar members.36 Another important omission was that the samanthas were excluded from the scope of the bill. The marumakkathayam committee proposed that their recommendations were applicable to all samanthas and Nayars. But the president of the council pointed out that there were only a few Samantha females and most of them did not apparently want this legislation. It was not to force upon the Samantha community a piece of ____________________________________________________________
35. Ibid, p. 57.
36. Abstract Proceedings of the Travancore Legislative Council I, 16th April, 1923, pp. 820-21.

144 social legislation which they did not unanimously ask for.37 This was against the committee's recommendations. Regulation I of 1088 M.E. recognized a public sambandham as a legal marriage. The husband was made the legal guardian of his wife and children as long as they lived with him. A man could dispose of all his self acquired property by making a will. This bill reduced the powers of the karanavan and simple procedures for divorce were laid upon. 38 However the legislative council ignored the pressing demands of the Nayar Community demand for partition of tharavads. In spite of its defects, the Regulation I of 1088 M.E. succeeded in recognising some of the demands of the Nayar Community. The wills Regulation and the Nayar. Regulation I of 1088 had their effect in the neighbouring state if Cochin as well. There was an attempt of the Cochin Darbar to pass a wills. Regulation of 1908 on her lines of the Travancore wills Regulations. In view of the strong protest of the orthadox section of the Nayar community it was finally decided by the Darbar to drop the proposed measure shortly after the passing of the Travancore Nayar Regulation I of 1088 M.E. 1 December demanded a similar of social legislation for them too.39 In the year 1916 a large representative body
______________________________________________________________________ 37. 38. 39. Travancore Legislative Council Proceedings, dated 05.02.1912, p. 11. Regulations and Proclamations of Travancore, Trivandrum, Vol. I, 1928, p. 820. Travancore Law Reports, 1917, p. 242.

145 headed by K. Raman Menon who was the Chief Justice of Travancore high court approached the Raja of Cochin praying for a legislative enactment on matters of marriage, inheritance and family management. They submitted their suggestions in the form of draft bill. Sensing the desires of the Nayar Community the Cochin government appointed a committee to study the question of the above draft T.S. Narayana Iyer Chief Judge was the president of the committee. The committee submitted its report on 30 October 1917. It was on the basis of that Cochin Nayar Regulation was passed.40 An important merit of the Regulation I of 1088 was that it legalised the existing sambandhams of the Nayars In addition to this it restricted autocracy of the karanavans of the Nayar tharavads. The

Regulation gave a stimulus to the Nayar community to strive further for social reforms. The alarming growth of family dissensions and the unquenchable thirst for litigations in the Nayar community for family partition affected the moral law and material prosperity of the Nayar tharavad, the disease of the tharavad was traced to the evil effects of the joint family system in which the individual had no defined right or responsibility. The Nayar Regulation I of 1088 was not a solution to the ____________________________________________________________
40. Mannath Padmanabhan, op.cit., pp. 97-98.

146 evils of the marumakkathayam system. But the Nayars continued their agitation in a more organised and intensified form focusing their entire attention on the question of makkathayam and individual partition. The cry for change was loud persistent and large in volume. 41 It was the opinion of the marumakkathayam committee that among Nayars marriage was merely a civil contract that it was dissoluable at the will of either party and that it was not expedient to prohibit or restrict divorce in any manner except by way of compelling the husband when he was the petitioner, to give compensations accordingly the law was enacted in 1088 M.E.42 In the amendment of the Nayar Regulation II of 1100 M.E. the martial tie was made as strong as possible. Accordingly divorce was not possible on mere payment of compensation but it could be allowed only when the fact was proved in a civil court except in cases where the parties mutually agreed to dissolve the marriage. In a makkathayam

family it was absolutely necessary that the martial tie should be strong unlike under marumakkathayam. legislative council. This provision was added by the

The bill was in favour of monogamy and limited

divorce for specific reasons and through the decree of a regular civil court.43 ____________________________________________________________
41. 42. 43. Ibid. Report of marumakkathayam committee, p. 97. The Regulation and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol. V, p. 650.

147 The Nayar Regulation of 1088 M.E. and its amendment of 1100 M.E. brought for reaching changes in the social and economic life of the community. The Nayar community had permitted polygamy which spoiled the morality of the community. By the Regulation of 1088 M.E. polygamy was made unlawful and monogamy was enforced prevention of bigamy strengthened the family life and saved the children from the bastardship.44 Divorce was restricted and rules were framed for

detornivies the amount of compensation and it compensation was in sufficient provision was made for appeals to the high court of Travancore. The out standing features of the Nayar Resolution of 1100 M.E. were two viz. (1) Rights of inheritance incases of non-Nayars marrying Nayar females. (2) Provision for partition of tharavad properties on the

individualistic basis. Till the Nayar Regulation of 1100 M.E. the Nayar females were treated by the Brahmins as just objects of pleasures. NonNayar marriages with Nayar females were viewed as morganatic marriages. The children could not inherit properties of non-Nayar fathers. The Nayar son of a Brahmin was not permitted to give a drop of water to his dying father or touch his body at the time of cremation. He had no right to offer the funeral cake. That system was put an end to through the Nayar Regulation.45 The Nayar Regulation established that the children of ____________________________________________________________
44. 45. Travancore Law Reports, 1917, p. 66. Ibid., p. 74.

148 a non-Nayar by a Nayar wife should have equal rights with the rights and privileges of other Nayar children. The wife and children were made the sole legal heir to all the husband self acquired property. Regulation II of 1100 M.E. abolished the matrilineal joint family system and established an individualistic society called

makkathayam.

Under the system every adult member of a tharavad

became entitled to claim his or her share of the properties of the tharavad. In the new system the abolition of the Karanavan had been abolished as he became only a figure head.46 The Nayar Regulation of 1925 was turning point in the social system of the Nayars community in South Travancore. Like wise with the amendment of the Nayar Regulation in 1925 the autocracy of the karanavans of the Nayar tharavads came to an end. According to the Nayar Regulation, Brahmin who married Nayar women were bound to give their property to their Nayar wives and children. The effect of the new religion was to allow thousands of Nayars to take their share of the tharavads assests and leave the joint family. 47 The Nayar Regulation became a model to the other matrilineal communities like the Ezhavas, Nanjilnad Vellalas and Krishnavakas. The Nayar Regulation was the most ____________________________________________________________
46. 47. Ibid. Madras Mail, 11 June 1920, p. 6.

149 important social legislation of 20th century. It gave another shock to the Brahmins over the Nayar community. The Nayar Regulation were an outcome of the agitation and representations made by the Nayar social leaders as well as voluntary social organisations like the Nayar Service Society and the Keraliya Nayar Smajam.

Vivaham (Older Form)

Presently the Nayars do not practice either of the three forms of marriages described earlier but perform Vivaham (Marriage) recognized by the Hindu Marriage act of 1955. It is ceremonially the shortest in comparison to its counterparts from other Indian castes and regions. The marriage ceremony among Nayars has changed considerably over the past two hundred years. Originally, the process started with the examination of the horoscopes of the bride and bridegroom to see if their respective stars agree astrologically. This is still done today in some conservative Nayar families.48 If the stars do not match, families may go so far as to cancel the marriage and seek another prospective bride or groom. If the astrological predictions are favourable, further examination is undertaken to appoint an auspicious date and time for the ceremony. During the celebration, there would be a presentation of danom (wealth or alms) to ____________________________________________________________
48. Fuller, C.J., The Nayars today, Cambridge University Press, 1976, pp. 99-100.

150 Brahmins, and a sadhya (feast). The bride and bridegroom would meet in the central room of the house, rice would be sprinkled on their heads. This was the essence of a basic Nayar marriage about two hundred years ago. In addition to these general ceremonies, there are local variations. In North Malabar (Northern Kerala), there is a Podamuri or Vastradanam ceremony.49 In this ceremony, the initial examination of horoscopes takes place at the house of the bride in the presence of the bride's and bridegroom's families. The astrologer writes his calculations and opinion on a piece of palmyra leaf and hands it over to the bridegroom's relations. If the horoscopes match, a day is fixed for the ceremony. This date is also written down and handed to the bride's Karnavar and to the bridegroom's relations. The astrologer and the bridegroom's party are then invited to a feast in the bride's house. The astrologer also receives gifts in the form of money or cloth. Three to four days prior to the wedding date, the bridegroom visits his Karnavars and caste-elders to receive permission to leave for the wedding. The bridegroom presents them with betel leaves and areca nuts and obtains formal sanction for the wedding. The bridegroom then proceeds, accompanied by a number of his friends to the house of his bride.50 He is received at the gate of the house by the bride's relations and ____________________________________________________________
49. 50. Faw Cett, F., Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p. 234. Ibid.

151 is led with his friends, seats provided in the thekina (southern hall) of the house. The bridegroom distributes gifts to all the Brahmins present there. After this, the whole party is invited to take part in another sadhya. The astrologer then announces the auspicious hour that has been fixed and leaves after receiving his dues. The bridegroom is then taken by one of his friends to the padinitta (principal/western room of the house, where religious ceremonies are conducted). New clothes, betel leaves and areca nuts brought by the bridegroom's party are placed in this room. 51 The room is decorated and turned into a bedroom for the occasion. In this room are placed a number of lamps as well as the ashtamangaliyam (eight articles symbolizing mangaliyam or marriage). These are rice, paddy, the tender leaves of the coconut tree, an arrow, a looking glass, a well-washed cloth, a burning fire, and a small rounded wooden box called a cheppu. The bridegroom with his groomsman enters the room through the eastern door, while the bride, dressed in beautiful clothes and jewelry, enters the room through the western door accompanied by her aunt or another elderly lady of the family. The bride stands facing east with the ashtamangalyam and lamps in front of her. The groomsman hands over to the bridegroom a few pieces of the new cloth and the bridegroom puts them into the hands of the bride. ____________________________________________________________
51. Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 232.

152 After this, the lady who accompanied the bride sprinkles rice over the lit lamps and over the heads and shoulders of the bride and bridegroom. The bridegroom then leaves the room to go to the thekina to present his elders and friends with cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts. After the guests have left, the bride and bridegroom retire to the bedroom. Next morning, the vettilakettu or salkaram ceremony is conducted and the bridegroom's female relations take the bride to the husband's house, where a feast is held in honour of the occasion. After marriage, the bride remains in her tharavaadu, and her husband will often visit her, while remaining a member of his own tharavaadu. The children, of course, will belong to their mother's tharavaadu in accordance with the marumakkathaayam system.52

Vivaham (Newer Form)

These days, a number of the individual ceremonies have been abandoned or condensed. However, one can still see elements of the older ceremonies in the new ones. Families may observe all or part of the following ceremonies. The first ceremony is the Vivaha Nischayam or simply Nischayam. In this ceremony, an astrologer is consulted to set an auspicious date for the wedding. Horoscopes may or may not be compared ____________________________________________________________ 52. Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 233.

153 depending on the wish of the individual or their families.53 After both families' consent to the marriage, the couple visits the bride's home. This meeting may be a simple affair, or a large celebration. During the celebration, there may be a mothiram mattal (ring exchange) ceremony. This ceremony may also be conducted later, during the actual vivaham ceremony. If it is done at bride's house, it is usually done around a lit nila vilakku (brass oil lamp). On the evening before the wedding the families of both the bride and the groom, gather in their respective homes to bless them. On the day of the wedding, the bride and the groom will separately visit a temple near their homes.54 The temple can belong to any God except Lord Ayyappan or Lord Hanuman as they are bachelors. The bride's parents carry the mangalyasutram or taali, a necklace that is a symbol of eternal union, to be blessed by the priests. While returning home, the bride and groom touch the feet of the elders of the family and receive blessings. This is called Namaskaaram. The actual wedding may take place in a kalyana mandapam (a hall rented for the occasion), temple, or hotel. The bride's family receives the groom's family at the entrance of the venue to the tune of nadaswarams (long wind-instruments) and the beats of the thayli (large drums beaten ____________________________________________________________
53. 54. Ibid., p. 234. Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Trivandrum, 1940, pp. 415, 415.

154 with curved sticks). The groom stands on a wooden plank while the bride's younger brother washes his feet. The bride's aunts perform aarti for the groom with a thaali (platter), on which wicks made of twisted cotton are arranged. The groom is then escorted to the mandapam (platform constructed to perform the wedding rites) by two rows of young girls. One girl carries the changala vatta (sacred oil lamp), while another carries the ashtamangaliyam. The girls following the first two, carry the taala phuli (platters of rice, turmeric, and flowers on which oil lamps made of coconut shells are placed). With his parents on either side, the groom follows the girls around the mandapam and seats himself on the right side of the canopy, which is decorated by flowers, fabric, palm fronds, and banana stalks. The bride is then escorted by her aunt to the mandapam to the sound of the nadaswarams and thaylis. All those who are present on the mandapam stand when the bride arrives. She stands facing the east, with the groom facing her. At the auspicious moment set by the astrologer for the muhurtham (the most auspicious time), the groom ties the thali around the bride's neck to the beating of drums. He is assisted by the bride's uncle because on no account should the thaali be allowed to fall. In some Nayar communities, the traditional thaali is a gold pendant strung on a yellow thread.55 The bride has to wear this for ____________________________________________________________
55. Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 235.

155 three days after the wedding ceremony. After the three days have passed, the thread is replaced by a golden chain. After tying the thaali, the groom gifts the bride a sari and a blouse on a platter. This signifies that he will now assume the responsibility of providing for her. The groom's mother also gifts the bride with some jewelry at this time. The couple then exchange garlands accepting each other as life partners. The bride's father then places the bride's hand in the groom's, thus handing over his daughter to the groom in holy matrimony. The couple is then escorted to a room by their older relatives, who bless them. After the marriage ceremony, the bride gets a send-off from her house. The couple leaves for the groom's house escorted by a few people from the bride's family. The groom's mother and older female relatives perform aarti with an oil lamp (which rests on a platter heaped with rice mixed with turmeric) and receive them at the entrance. Both bride and groom enter the house, right foot forward. The bride is then required to kick over a large pot containing rice, symbolizing prosperity. After the wedding ceremony a wedding reception may be

performed if the families so wish. Despite the claims of Brahmin ownership in Kerala up to the coming of Europeans had most of the kingdoms belonging to the Nayars.56 ____________________________________________________________
56. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II., p. 328.

156 Some with visible names like the Kartas and Kaimals, though some of them adopted the new Chaturvarnya title of Kshatriyas. Only a few states in later periods were of the Brahmins like Edappally, Piravam and Chempakassery. Piravam, incidentally, was the one which took in large populations of Jews and Syrian Christians and still have the historic remains.57 The majority Nayar kings and nobility existed side by side with a concocted history like the infamous Keralotpathi which states that Kerala was formed by Parasurama and donated to them, hence Kerala belonged to Brahmins. These Sudras were brought to do menial jobs for them. Veracity of this claim, said to be concocted as recently as the 18 th century, was effectively questioned, many of the old practices continuing to this day only very recently. Available historic proof about the 600 Tharas under Nayar chieftains, of the post-Sangam periods are rarely discussed.58 Neither the golden age of Kerala, when world travelers like Marco Polo called Malabar, Kerala, the richest and noblest country in the world. Caste oppressions by the upper castes, outrageous practices of Brahmins marital relationships with Nayar women, Sambantham, though it was a marginal practice spread over a short period, are however of repeated pieces of ____________________________________________________________
57. 58. Sreedhara Menon, A., op.cit., p. 86. Ibid., p.83.

157 history.59 The colonial missionary lead attacks on culture and history of Kerala swept away the self esteem of the Malayali, mainly the Nayar nobility. The Christian segment helped to spread this later with their media. Though the contributions of Brahminical phase can not be lost sight of, caste divisions and priestly monopoly in faith remains intense and are melting away only gradually. Terminology of Sudras, servile classes of the caste pyramid, attributed to the Nayars remained by and large unchallenged. Inhuman treatment of the lower castes also remained in practice. Nayar community alone, among all the castes, continued to follow the compulsive Brahminical dictum with regard to religion and rituals with out question.60 Nayars, a martial community has also lost almost all its martial arts and the traits passing as it did through the Brahminical and later European domination, where there were deliberate efforts to contain them. As Chattambi Swamigal tells, the Dravidian nobility was cleverly manipulated in to subjugation, much later another phase of European colonisation further eroding the Nayars. Land, their mainstay was lost, the martial spirit was long gone and the barring exceptions refused, proud as they were, to take on new pursuits. Kerala Hindu society that the ____________________________________________________________
59. 60. Nagam Aiya, op.cit., Vol. II, p. 364. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance, New Delhi, 1976, pp. 97-99.

158 missionary phase helped to divide remained in fighting and the animosity created among the various castes with exaggerated stories of oppression almost neutralized the leader community of Nayars. Eventually creating a scene of total anarchy, the naturally endowed place saw total destruction. Kerala once leading the world now becoming the world capital of suicides. Once natures own land has become gods own, but whose god is that is what matters.61

Changes in the Economy

After the colonial loot of resources and attacks on native culture the state had another shock in the post-independence phase. With its international connections, major changes occurred in the economy.62 Those linked to the global economy controlled from Europe, mainly the Christians, and Muslim segments with their links to oil rich West Asia of the population, received large amounts of international capital when those without it starved of capital. Cost of life spiraled and the local incomes paled in to oblivion. Those with capital and vote bank politics were also able to stake control of the states resources and used it for the ir own community good. In the flood of international capital the only saleable asset the others had was land and the sale of land to these rich groups had ____________________________________________________________
61. 62. Galletti, A., et al., The Dutch in Malabar (Dutch Records No. 13), Madras Govt. Press, 1911. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 365.

159 reached alarming proportions. It had displaced the Hindus, large numbers of Nayar families, who were landless, and they became landless laborers.63 Uprooted large populations were migrating outside the state. The mindset of encroachment among the Syrian Christian segment, was that once they had been refugees, even ate in the tribal belts and the hapless tribals were thrown out of their small holdings. With their clout in government the encroachers made this injustice legitimate. Agriculture, the mainstay of Kerala, traditional sectors like coir making was collapsed and only the islands of Christian Muslim rich remained in Kerala. With the neo-rich arrogance they are now dictating terms to all others.

Unionism
The post-colonial Nayars, only beginning to organize, are required to compete with organised and moneyed communities like Christians and Muslims who have taken undue advantages at the cost of the others. Missionary spread stories of caste oppression, alienated the Kerala communities co-existing for centuries and made them enemies of each other. Capital starved and having lost their other footholds like farm lands, the Nayar community has very high rates on unemployment and are getting extremely marginalised.64 There are also psycho-spiritual ____________________________________________________________
63. 64. Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p.89. Krishna Iyer L.A., op.cit, p.93.

160 challenges of faith especially in the context of post-atheist communist phase as a large number of Nayars took to communism.65 There is a vacuum of faith and confusion about what to do next. There is enormous human suffering and some are converting to Christianity. Return of the old dogmatic religion is another challenge. With out organizing themselves there is no choice for the Nayar community and it is going to be a stiff fight nevertheless. The other Hindu segments are also equally in trouble though such debates are not being tolerated in Kerala Hindu society. Keralas nature and ecosystem are devastated. Christianized Kerala society has lost its symbiotic cultural traits. It is necessary to have a combined all inclusive action plan to restore confidence in the community. The man made sufferings in the state should be wiped out. There have been efforts through history of the Nayars trying to unite the latest being under the umbrella of the Nayar Service Society. The NSS did yeoman service in the community in organizing people and setting up modern western educational institutions. It now has a statewide organizational structure though it was sub-optimally used earlier. It is a great tribute to the Nayar community that it has withstood centuries of onslaught and kept up its morale where a new beginning has to be made. As social beings required to co-exist with other communities, ____________________________________________________________
65. Sreedhara Menon, A, op.cit., p. 86.

161 coming to terms with history, it is essential that the community redefines its role in the present context, Once again taking the lead in bringing justice. And there is no doubt that the various schools of thought like Brahminism and the Vedic religion, Christianity and Islam, even Communism for that matter, have enriched the community in myriad ways. It is also true that the genesis of the Nayar community itself is complex, having been a nobility it must have taken in many peoples and races through time.66 Historians quote that people are trying to claim that they are Nayars and many must have assimilated. Titles like Pillai and Menon were also designations of officers at certain points of time. The new challenge is to redefine the community goals, decide whom to associate with and to what degree, with a sense of confidence and enlightened self interest.

____________________________________________________________
66. Panikkar, K.M., op.cit., p. 409.