AND OTHERS IN THE COLLECTION OF TURKISH MANUSCRIPTS
AT THE LEIDEN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Jan SCHMIDT* During the past few years I have been busy cataloguing Turkish manuscripts. In the course of this work I have come across texts in many genres. I have always been fascinated by autobiographies and what struck me during my work was how rich Ottoman literature is in this genre. I would like to share some of my experiences in this field with the reader. I will begin by quoting (part of) a sentence from an unpublished work by Lmi'i (d. 938/1532), the introduction to his translation of Fatth-i Nishbri's Hsn dil: "At times... I weighed my melancholy circumstances and the things that were on my mind and I investigated the leaves of the records of my pious deeds... and I regretted and deplored the days of my past and the years that have gone by, and I wept..." ' Lmi" continues - the passage in intricate rhymed prose is too long to quote here at length - that he was steeped in frivolities but repented and decided to forsake all fame and wordly endeavours.2 In an introduction to another translation, this time Jmi's Nafaht al-uns, he wrote more soberly: "Is so happened that one day a group of pure brethren and trusted friends - may God bless their exertions and fulfill their desires - came to me and mentioned - one subject leads to another - the book Nafaht al-uns and demonstrated to me that its translation would mean perfect progress and an increase in carefulness..."3 Both passages are taken from the preface sections of the translations and we know that these were specifically used by Ottoman writers to display their literary skill and are nearly always filled, apart from some essential facts, with more or less elaborate literary clichs. Particularly the second case, which makes use of the topos 'friends urged me to write this book; I excused myself for being too ignorant/inexpert; but they insisted and I gave in; may God help me with the difficult task etc' was perhaps the most popular statement an Ottoman writer could make in a preface. I have encountered decades of them during my work. Could we, then, still call these fragments autobiographical passages, despite their mention of T, 'me' * Leiden University Library ' Leiden University Library Cod.Or. 14.510, f. 2b*. 2 See Gunay Kut Alpay, 'Lmi'i Celebi and his Works', in Journal of Near Eastern Studies 35/2 (1976), p. 79. 3 Printed edition (Istanbul 1289), p. 7. 196 JAN SCHMIDT and 'my' and, especially in the flrst case, their show of personal emotion (perhaps never really felt)? What to say, for instance about this passage, not from an introductory section this time, from Mustafa 'Ali of Gallipoli's Nushatu s-seltn (of 1581)? -1 quote Tietze's translation - "It seems that the clumsy midwife of Time, while I was still a nondescript foetus in the dark depths of the mother, was already waiting with the tub of sorrows for my arrival, having come [there] with a thousand troubles. When, seeing that my food in that thorny bed was the blood of torture and my ever-ready nourishment day and night were the dregs of the cup of headaches, I descended from the hapless womb of my mother and touched the carpet of the surface of the earth, she prepared me a bed of burning fire and clothed me in fetters of pain and vexation...""* Again deep-felt emotions, despair this time, and the indignity of what had been done to him after his birth during his chequered career, are expressed in grandiloquent rhymed prose. Such emotions remind one of another autobiographical focus point in Ottoman literature: that of the mahlas distichs in gaz.eh, thousands of which have been composed through the centuries. I give one example from the poet Vlih (d. 1008/1599-1600), a unique copy of whose Dvan is found in the collection of the Berlin Staatsbibliothek. Suffering from the infidelity of his beloved, who is described as a rapacious Tatar (yagmaci Tatar), because he stole the poet's heart, the gazel ends: "Your sorcerer's eyes made me weak and helpless I do not know what to do, you are a wizard I now understand You turned away from Vlihi, o love, and left him You are sick of me, this distressed one, I have come to understand" ^ Again 'I' and 'me', but we seem to even be further removed from a concrete historical situation than in the previous passages. Less realistic still are. fahrye ('self-glorification') sections in kasdes. In Snblzde Vehbi's brilliant kasde on words (with a redf rhyme ending in suan, 'words'), written for the grand vizier Halil Paa in the 1760s, he presents the reader with a 126 distich-long expos of the decline of Ottoman poetry. There was however one exception: Vehbi himself (I quote from Kemal Silay's translation): Let those new to poetry write poems in imitation of me, for every word of mine is a book unto itself full of great words [...] In order to prove myself I went to Shirz and engaged in a batde of poetry with the boastful 'Urfi [...] There Hfi:z and Sa'di became my competent witnesses, and it was judged in my favour, that I satisfied the claim to poetic skill Counsel for Sultans II (Vienna 1982), p, 49, MS Diez A, 80, 30, The odginal text reads: {remel) sihrle cd gz.n ben bidili kildi z.ebn care bilmem neyleyeni sahhrmisin sen aladum Vlihl'den yz cevirb eyledU cnftrk benden ol bicreden blzmii^sin sen aladum. An edition of the Divn by Edith Ambros and myself is under preparation, TUBA 26/1!, 2002 : 195-201 OTTOMAN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL TEXTS BY LMIT... 197 What wonder is it that I am famed as the divine Vehbi; the gifts of poetry to me are the gift of divinely granted talent^ It goes without saying that Vehbi never went to Shirz nor were the poets mentioned alive in the 18th century. This is not autobiography, despite the repeated T. It has indeed been maintained by some scholars that 'Autobiography... expresses a concern particular to Western man... (I quote Georges Gusdorf)'. So were 'Orientals', to use the somewhat antiquated term, able to become explicit in a serious, as opposed to a purely literary-ornamental, way about their lives at all? I think they did'' and I would like to illustrate this with a number of texts I found in manuscripts of the Oriental Collection of the Leiden University Library, hitherto incompletely and misleadingly, even disparagingly, catalogued and consequently, I am afraid, unread and unstudied. Autobiographical passages are sometimes found in places and in contexts where you would not always expect them. On the last flyleaf of a copy of 'Azmi's Enis I- 'rifin, we read: "I obtained the post of k^zi of the town of Izmir... on Sunday, 25 Zi Ika 'de 1012 after the hijra of the Prophet [25 April 1604]. My letter with the Sultan's order arrived in the afternoon of the Festival of Sacrifice [10 Zil-hicce, 10 May] and I took to sea on [the following] Monday. I arrived in Gallipoli... on 2 Muharrem [31 May]..."^ This matter-of-fact note is written in Arabic by an anonymous owner of the manuscript, possibly the kazi'asker Eblfzl Mahmud Kara elebizde (d. 1063/1653),^ whose inscription is found elsewhere in the same manuscript (f. 2a). He continues by describing how he visited the tombs of Mehmed Yazicizde and Shaykh 'Al'uddin and finally arrived, after stopping at the Dardanelles fortresses and Bozcaada, in Izmir on the ninth (7 June). Although autobiographical annotations by owners of manuscripts are not rare, this one is exceptional for its length and its language. A more obvious source for autobiographical material is histories - a famous case is Must;af 'Ali's Knh l-ahbar which contains fragments similar to the one quoted before from his Nushat - but also in less well-known works. The Library owns a what appears to be unique manuscript of a history of Baghdad during the reign of Sultan Murad IV by an author who uses the pen-name of eyhogli - the work contains a number of his poems, mainly kxisides, inserted into the prose text. In his preface the poet-historian tells us that one day, while he was reading a history book, it occurred to him that he could write one himself, and so he did, namely on the 'indescribable' events that occurred in Baghdad during its siege and occupation by the Safavids (in 1033/1624). The work, written in quite unadorned prose, contains some touching eyewitness accounts. I will give one example. Describing how the besieged town suffered from lack of food, he continues: "One day I came across some Khazars who grabbed a cat by its throat, lit a heap of dry dirt and threw it into the flre. They wanted to cook the cat. However hard I tried, I was unable to free the cat from their hands".i" Nedim and the Poetics of the Ottoman Court. Medieval Inheritance and the Need for Change (Bloomington, Indiana 1994), pp 134-5. "^ See for a survey of the genre, not acknowldged as such, in Arabic literature, Georg Misch, Geschichte der Autobiographie III/2 (Frankfurt am Main 1962), p. 905 ff. ^ Leiden University Library Cod.Or. 895. ^ cf. N. Gync, 'Kara-Celebi-zde', in Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition. 10 Cod.Or. 1278, pp. 11-2. TUBA 26/n, 2002 : 195-201 198 JAN SCHMIDT Another unique, probably an autograph, copy (Cod.Or, 801) of what has been described as a history of the Shirvn Campaign of the early 1580s, is in fact a treatise on the religious justification for the war against the Muslim Safavids. The work, entitled Nesrii l-nzirin ve makblii l-h=irin, was written by a Seyyid Sa'duddin e-irvni of Byuk Dakhna (Azarbeijan) in 993/1585. The work contains some lively personal passages which taken together make up a more or less full autobiography. Thus at various places in the work the author writes that he, the son of a shaykh and molla, fled from Shirvn when it was occupied by the kizHba - this must have been in the 1550s - and came to Istanbul to study. His family had suffered a lot in the past: at the appearance of the cursed Haydar who invaded Shirvn three times in the 1480s, twenty-five members of his family had perished, among them his paternal great-grandfather, a molla called Karadagi Mehmed. His grandfather Ahmedddin, a scholar and author of a Persian tafsir, had been able to escape the carnage. During his, the author's, student years he lived in a cell of a certain Sleyman Bababai near the Sleymaniye, passing the night "on a stone chest covered by a rush mat". Fortunately, he made the acquaintance of Hca ' Abdlm'min, teacher of Ferhd Paa, and the hca presented him to his patron and the latter's wife Hmh Sultn. They agreed to pay for his studies. In 982/1574, he became candidate {nmlz.im) but waited for eight years before he received an appointment as teacher in a medrese and worked hard on a book, if el-kulb, a work on sfi doctrine, for which he received 50 gold pieces from the sultan. Finally upon the death of the kzVasker Beh'ddinzde Efendi, who successfully opposed his career (which was on the other hand fostered by the kzi' of Istanbul, Zekeriya Efendi), he was made mderris with a salary of 40 ake. He also writes that he stayed for a while in the hnkh of Erefzde at Iznik, became a shaykh (baba) himself and describes in the book some of the miraculous dreams he had. These passages give us a good idea, as indeed many serial biographies of contemporary 'ulem, not only of the problems of patronage and professional insecurity experienced by many of his colleagues, but also of his personality: his strong emotions may be gauged in a sentence where he mentions his enemy Beh'ddinzede Efendi, and curses in the same sentence all kz'askers and kizHba^. The book was offered to the Grand Vizier zdemirogli 'Osmn Paa who however died before he could receive the final version. (This may account for the obscurity of the book). More of a real autobiography as we understand the term - and in contrast to mere autobiographical passages - can be found in an apparently unique but incomplete copy. Cod.Or. 1551, of an autobiography-cum-travelogue by a certain el-Hcci Mustafa Vasfi Efendi of Kbd, a village in central Anatolia, who, as appears from the text, participated in a number of military campaigns in eastern Anatolia and Rumelia during the reign of Sultan Mahmud [II, ruled 1223/1808 - 1255/1839]; these are the main subject of the book.n Nothing is known about the author apart from what he writes here. He calls it a history, or rather [a series of] 'histories' (tevrih) which treat of 'war' and 'death'. No further dates are given in the history itself but, as is explained on the title page (la), it covers the period between 1216 (1801-2) and 1248 (1832-3). Our copy however breaks off sometime in the eariy 1820s. It is dated 22 Zll-ka'de 1249 (2 April 1834, ibidem) and may well be an autograph. The text is written in lapidary, colloquial Turkish in an idiosyncratic (phonetic) and inconsistent spelling. The text is adorned with interiinear coloured drawings of a pleasantly primitive type. 11 I am preparing an edition with translation into English, TUBA 26/11, 2002 : 195-201 OTTOMAN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL TEXTS BY LMI'... 199 At the beginning of the work proper (4b), the author states, rather abruptly, "in the year 1216 [1801-2], when I was eight years old, I left home for strange lands." Home was the village of Kabud near Tokat and he travelled to Erzurum apparently in the company of his father (cf. 43b ff.) who was bayrakddr (standard bearer) in the service of Tokath Deli Ahmed, adelibai (leader of irregular cavalry) of Dramali Mahmud Paa (cf. 34a, 37b, 41a). Like his father, he served as an irregular horseman (deli) with a monthly salary of 35 kuru (15b, 19b) which was supplemented by occasional bonuses, 'bahi' and he was indeed a member of the same unit ("...I had the intention of going for the infidels. My father brought out his flag and I found myself next to my father under the flag", 43b). The first part of the history (4b-25a) - the work does not contain any formal divisions - then, describes a number of campaigns on the north-eastern borders of the Ottoman Empire undertaken from Erzurum under the commanders (sefasker) Baba Paa and Hfi:z 'Ali Paa. Baba Paa is probably identical with Pehlivn ibrhim Paa, better known as commander of the Dobruja front during the Ottoman-Russian wars of this period. 12 Vasfl Efendi gives a lively description of a number of dangerous skirmishes against, particularly local Kurdish chiefs and Russian border troops. Sometime in 1820 Vasfl Efendi moved with his unit to Istanbul (25a-28b). The second part of the history describes the Rumelia campaign in which the author participated (from f. 28b). The army moved to Yanya (Ioannina), the residence of Tepedelenli 'Ali Paa, the more or less independent ruler of a large part of Greece, who after a lengthy siege of his citadel was lured to the tent of the commander Hurid [Ahmed] Paa (d. 5 Reb' l- evvel 1238/ 20 November 1822)i3, wherepon his head was cut off and sent to the Sultan (33b- 34a). 14 Meanwhile a serious rebellion had broken out in the Ploponnse - 1821 was the first year of the War of Greek Independence - and Hurid Paa was appointed 'Mora ser'askeri' (in evvl 1237/ June-July 1822). The author joined the troops under Dramali Mahmud Paa and moved from Yanya by way of Yeiehir (Larisa), zdin (Lamia) and Badracik (Ypati), in the surroundings of which a number of villages were subjugated and plundered, women and girls abducted, heads cut off. The author did not come through these battles unscathed: he suffered from frostbite after snow had fallen for fifteen days on end. Two thousand soldiers died but the author was saved because he had the protection of a tent. "When we came to zdin, I went to a bathhouse and slowly rubbed my feet with pigfat; they recovered, thank God." (39b). Once he was hit by a bullet in his leg and had his head nearly cut off by a "big, black-faced infidel" (44a). From zdin - the army now consisted of 36,000 foot soldiers and 19,000 horsemen (51b) - the men moved to Levatiye (Livadia) and by way of a pass through the mountains (the 'Mora derbendi', at present Dervenakia), to Krds (Corinth), fighting 'infidel' rebels all the way down. Vasfl Efendi and his father, who had been seriously wounded in the fighting through the pass, decided not to follow the army to the Ploponnse but instead sailed to Agriboz (Fuboia) where they joined the troops of irkaci (arhaci) 'Ali Paa (62a), later replaced by 'mer Paa (84b). Father and son remained on the island for four years (cf. 63b), Vasfl Ffendi spending his time fighting infidels, or, on the other hand, suffering from long 12 See ismail Hmi Danifmend, izahh Osmanli Tarihi Kronolojisi IV (Istanbul 1972), p. 84, passim. 13 See Mehmed Sreyya (Nuri Akbayar & Seyit Ali Kahraman, eds.) Sicill-i Osman. Osmanli nlleri II (Istanbul 1996), p. 679. 14 Cf. H. Bowen, "Ali Pas/ia, Tepedelenli', in Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.). TUBA 26/11, 2002 : 195-201 200 JAN SCHMIDT Sieges, his father most of the time staying behind in the care of a female slave (criye) in a house (konak) at Agnboz (Chalkis) which had belonged to an infidel but had been confiscated by the Pasha's delibai Yrk Ms, whose standard-bearer was an acquaintance of his father (62b-63a). The following flfty-odd folios are flUed with the 'stories' (cf. 64a) of these years and the book breaks off abruptly in the description of a battle between a Janissary regiment, recently sent from Rumelia for reinforcement and approvisioning, and Greek rebels in the mountains near Kumiye (Kymi). Whereas the first part of the work is clearly written in the tradition of the chronicle or, for the descriptions of journeys, of the pilgrimage manual with their dry enumeration of facts such as distances in hours, the second part is increasingly autobiographical: the author and his exploits (mostly sieges, sword fights, plundering of villages and so on, described now in great detail) are central and personal references, including the insertion of dialogues in which the author took part, abound. Perhaps the most dramatic passage of the book is that in which the author discovers that his father had been seriously wounded in the battle at the Mora Pass. I will translate it, as simply as possible, to give an idea of Vasfl Efendi's style at its best. The author writes that he was encamped in the plain of Corinth, and continues (58b-59b): "My father had been wounded in the Mora pass... I had not heard about this [but] after three days in the plain of Krds, I found my father, I looked at him. He had been injured in seven places. Before this, when we had launched an attack against the Mora Pass, my father had, before all other flags, planted his flag at the entry to the pass and while he was reading the Muhammedan call to prayer, the infidels [had fired] a bullet into his breast, had hit [with] many sword on his head and had injured [him] in seven places but at the same time my father again had cut [down] one infidel and had fallen into the infidels' trenches, where he had lost consciousness and remained with the infidels. The infidels had dealt many blows with [their] swords and fired many shots but had not cut off a single head [but] had stayed [on]. At that moment, other flags had arrived and soldiers had arrived and had taken the pass. At that time, delibap Deli Ahmed had anived and had found my father. He had looked [and seen] that my father had been injured in five places and had been robbed of his things, weapons and everything he had. The mentioned delibai had hoisted my father onto a horse and had come to the plain of Krds. Three days later, I went and found my father under a mulberry tree. My father was naked [sic, but cf. below], wounded, giddy and out of his mind. When I saw him in this state at the edge of a stream under a mulberry tree, I went out of my mind and lost control. I left my horse behind and came to my father's side. For three days, my father had been injured and bleeding and all his clothes were stuck to his body with blood. In this state I saw my father; in his head no head had remained, nor a body in his body. In this state I saw my father and I wailed and burst into tears. After a while, my father came to his senses and said: "Mustafa, my son, where are we? What kind of place is this? Have we come through the Mora Pass? Son, why do you cry? Praise to God, we have come through the Mora Pass, we have come here and found safety. Why do you cry? I am well", and saying this he conforted me a little. He lost his senses again, lost consciousness and lay down. I somehow tried to get off his clothes but could not and cut away all clothes that were on him and had other clothes brought." When Mahmud Paa was told what had happened, he gave the wounded hero a horse, a great-coat (kabud) and 500 gold coins (Mahmudye altuni). Later, when he deteriorated, the pasha saw to it that the private physician of Morali 'All Paa, an Austrian, present in the camp, was fetched. Having looked at the TUBA 26/11, 2002 : 195-201 OTTOMAN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL TEXTS BY LAMI'I... 201 wounds (60a), the physician deemed them not very serious, apart from a head injury. If, after a tap on his head, blood would pour from his ears the next day, he would live and recover. The test was done, but no blood appeared. The examples I quoted so far were found in works outside the mainstream of Ottoman literature: by authors soon forgotten because their patron died (as in the case of Seyyid Sa'duddin), partly perhaps because their works were unpopular or never found acceptance because of their rustic style (as in the case of eyhogli and Vas Efendi). That we possess copies of their work is largely due to the activity of the Leiden collectors in Istanbul, Levinus Wamer (in the first half of the 17th century) and Testa (in the 1830s and before), who, as in the case of eyhogli and Vasfi Efendi, intervened just in time before these works had irretrievably disappeared. This is not to say that many such examples do not exist in better- known works, to the contrary. I have only to mention the names of Evliy elebi or 'Osman Aga of Temevar (Timioara) whose works, of a dominating autobiographical content, have been translated wholly (as in the case of 'Osman Aga'^) or partly (Evliy elebi) into various European languages, belong to the best known of Ottoman litarature. To sum up. Although Ottoman literature may not be so rich in autobiographical texts as our Westem literature since the 18th century (and Romanticism), it certainly did not cut a poor figure. Comparison however is a tricky business, in which I will not indulge in great detail. One should perhaps compare pre-modern, that is pre-1840 or 1850s, Ottoman literature with Westem medieval litature rather than with post-Romantic Westem literature. Vasfl Efendi, although he lived in the 19th century, after all wrote as if he were still in the Middle Ages and led the life of a gz. in, so to speak, the Wittekian sense of the word. What seems to be the most striking difference between the pre-modern Ottoman autobiography and its, certainly modem. Western counterpart is that authors of the former did not intend their writings to be autobiographical in the way we understand that term now. Vas Efendi, as you may remember, called his book a history, not an autobiography, written to make readers reflect on the facts of life and prepare themselves for the hereafter. (This is, by the way, another well-wom topos of prefaces.) But this lack of what we may style self-consciousness does not make these texts less interesting. What I have tried to demonstrate in the first place is the rich, variegated, aspect of these texts, examples of which, then, can be found in poetry and prose, in highly literate Kunstprosa as well as in down-to-earth colloquial language, in texts ranging from matter-of-fact 'CVs', describing professional careers, to highly emotional outbursts of angry people, texts written by both spiritually-minded scholars and low-ranking soldiers, facts as well as time-honoured fiction. Further cataloguing work - forgive me my solipsism - may well bring more such texts to light and increase our understanding of this fascinating aspect of Ottoman literature as well as the public and private lives of Ottoman men and women. Recently translated into French by Frdric Hitzel, Osman Agha de Temechvar, Prisonnier des inftdles; un soldat Ottoman dans l'Empire des Habsbourg (Arles 1998), TUBA 26/1!, 2002 : 195-201