THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

BY
ANNEHILTON
CLARENDON PRESS: OXFORD
1985
j
( - ~
I
Contents
I. THE ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL
ENVIRONMENT
2. THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
3. EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM,
1483-1568
4. CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622
I. Economic and Administrative Change
2. Social Structure and Politicai Change
3. Ideology and Politica! Change
5. DECENTRALIZATION: !600-1641
I. The Evolution ofNew Trade Routes and the Decline of
32
50
69
85
90
the lvfan Kongo 's Revenues I 04
2. The Changing Balance ofPower Between theCentre and
the Provinces 119
3. The Military and Ideological Threat from Luanda 133
6. NEW OPPORTUNITIES: THE DUTCH OCCUPATION
OF LUANDA, 1641-1648
I. Politicai and Economic Developments
2. Religious Developments
7. THE PORTUGUESE RESTORATION AND THE DES-
TRUCTION OF THE UNITARY KONGO KINGDOM,
1648-1665
I. The Portuguese Restoration: Economic and Politicai
142
!54
Collapse 162
VIII
CONTENTS
2. Collapse of the Capucin Policy and lhe Reviva! of lhe
Indigcnous Rcligious Structures
H. THE LATER SEVENTEENTH TO THE EARLY TWEN-
TIETH CENTURY
I. The La ter Seventeenth to the Early Eighteenth Century
2. The Mid- and Later Eightecnth Century
3. The Nineteenth Century
1\l'PENDICES
J. Fcrtility Rites ofthe Mani Sonyo in the Late Seventeenth Century
2. The Kings ofK.ongo to thc Mici-Seventeenth CentUI)'.
:i. K inship Tcrms Amongst thc Scvcnteenth-Cenl:ury Mwissikongo
'}. Clan Reckoning and Individual Reckoning Arnongst the Sevcn-
teenth-Century Mwissikongo
1\RCHIVES CITED AND ARCHIVAL ABBREVIATIONS
USED
BrBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
179
199
210
221
289
290
291
292
293
294
309
Preface
Kongo is one of the best known kingdoms in Bantu Afi-ica.
Various missionaries, traders, anel officials published accounts
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and many of these,
together with other, manuscript accounts, were republished in
later editions. Modem editions of these and other works now
abound. The most useful for the present purpose are the
accounts of Cavazzi, Anguiano, Pigafetta, Montesarchio,
Romano, and Caltanisetta, together with the seventeenth-
century dictionary ofGeorges de Geel.
1
There are severa! series
of documents. Antnio Brsio's kfonumenta iV!issionari is
invaluable. It includes all the briefer extant documents of the
late fifteenth, sixteenth, and early seventeenth centuries.
Cuvelier and Jadin have published French translations of
documents from the Roman archives,
3
and Jadin alone has
translated important seventeenth-century documents from the
Dutch, Jesuit, and Propaganda Fide archives, together with
major missiona1-y reports ofthe later seventeenth anel eighteenth
centuries.
4
Pavia Manso's pioneering volume
5
includes some
later seventeenth-century material which has not yet appeared
in the more modem collections.
There are many secondary accounts ofthe Kingdom ofKongo.
These are listed in the bibliography. Amongst them, Vansina's
Kingdoms of t/ze Savamza/z
6
still provides the best introduction
whilst Randle's L'Ancien Royaume du Kongo
7
is still useful for its
narrative account. K.ajsa Ekholm has written a speculative
analysis of the rise and fall of the K.ongo kingdom based on
modem anthropological research and secondary historical
material.
8
The present study endorses some, but by no means
ali, its conclusions. Baziota's conclusions, which are based on
modem oral tradition anel secondary works
9
are substantially
different from those presenteei here. A recent, stimulating study
X
PREFACE
has been made of !ater seventeenth-ccntury Kongo by John
Thornton. As with Ekholm, the present study endorses some,
but by no means ali its conclusions in so far as they relate to the
carlier period. The eighteenth anel nineteenth centuries have
been studied by Susan Broadhead.
10
The study is primarily baseei upon contemporary documents.
Published documents have bcen used wherever possible, but it
has also been necessary to consult the many archives in
Portugal, Spain, Italy, France, anel Holland described in the
archival guides. These are listed in the bibliography. The most
useful proved to be the archives ofthe West India Company at
Thc Hague, which provided material on severa! aspects of
Kongo rcligion, social structure anel politicai dcvelopment; the
archives of the Overseas Council of Lisbon, which illuminated
Kongo relations with Luanda in the years preceeding the Battle
of Mbwila; anel the Archives of the Propaganda Fi de in Rome,
which provided detailed information on the Capucin mission
anel important material on indigenous Kongo religion. The
long, unpublished reports of Antonio de Teruel in the
Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, ofGiacinto Brugiotti da Vetralla
in thc Biblioteque d'Este, Modena, anel of.Juan de Santiago in
lhe Bibliotheca del Palacio Nacional, Madrid,
11
provide
cvidence on many aspects ofKongo history.
The analysis is set within the framework ofmodern anthro-
poligical research. The studies of Bittremieux, Doutreloux,
Mertens, Laman, Van Wing, anel MacGaffey anel Janzen
12
proved especially useful in helping to determine the significance
of the incomplete anel often hostil e comments of the sixteenth-
and seventeenth-century sources. MacGaffey's Custam and
Government
13
was invaluable in helping to provide a more
rigorous analysis of social structure anel process.
The study does not use modem oral traditions. These do
have historical content. However, they add nothing to the
documentary evidence anel would indeed be very difficult to
interpret without the documents. Many of them scarcely refer
lo the Kingdom of Kongo. The most widespread tradition in
the Bakongo region as a whole
14
presents a model of nine or
twclve original clans. These are said to have left a dispersai
point after a quarrel. Within the arca of the old kingdom of
Kongo this point is usually said to be Mbanza Kongo. Led by
PREFACE
XI
their clan chiefs, they crossed a trackless waste until they carne
to a stream. The chiefs magic enabled them to cross anel the
clan sections then dispersed to their present lands. The latter
were vacant or inhabited by pigmies. As MacGaffey has pointed
out, this model is a normative account of a social structure
which was in fact built up on the spot by the accretion of small
groups which arrived at different times from different places.
The present thesis suggests that the model itself derived partly
from the clan structures which existed before, during anel after
the establishment ofthe kingdom ofKongo, anel partly from the
Kongo anel other similar structures which, in certain periods,
imposed politicai chiefs upon the clan groups. Other traditions,
notably in Sonyo anel the northern Kongo states,
15
explicitly
derive the politicai as opposed to the clan structures, from
Mbanza Kongo. Other traditions in the Mbanza Kongo region
16
recall broad aspects of certain relationships, such as those of the
priestly chief mani Vunda anel the Kings ofKongo, but they add
nothing to the documentary evidence.
I have avoided using Kikongo terms wherever possible. Else-
where, I have added an approximate English translation. An
exception is the word mani, meaning governar, which was
applied to ali title-holders anel which I have used throughout
the book in place of the European titles usually found in the
source material. ln the absence of a standard orthography, I
have followed the Practical Ort!wgraphy r.if Ajrican Languages
17
anel
Laman's Dictionnaire Kikongo-Franaise.
18
I use the term
Bakongo to designate the whole group of Kikongo speakers;
Kongo to refer to the politicai structures, region, anel people of
the nuclear Kongo Kingdom anel Mwissikongo to refer to the
group that dominated the Kongo Kingdom. I use Mbanza
Kongo in preference to So Salvador to denote the capital ofthe
kingdom.
I t is a pleasure to acknowledge my profound gratitude to
Professor David Birmingham who supervised most of the
doctoral research on which the present study is baseei. His
insistence on rigorous thought anel clear presentation have been
invaluable. I must also thank Professor Richard Gray who
supervised me with great understanding whilst David
Birmingham was abroad. The late Professor LouisJadin helped
in the initial stages of the thesis anel Professors Joseph Miller
XI! I'REFAC:E
and Wyatt MacGaffey gave important advice ata !ater stage of
i ts development. None of those of course, are responsible for any
remaining deficiencies in the work. The many librarians and
archivists consulted in the course of the research were
unfailingly kind and helpful but I must make especial mention
of F. Isidore of the Instituto Storico dei Cappuccini in Rome.
rhc School ofOriental and African Studies and the University
of' London Research Fund gave financial assistance for which I
am deeply grateful.

L Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi, Desj;o do Congo, Matamba e Angola (ed.
P. Graciano Maria de Leguzzano, .M., Cap., Lisbon, 1965);Juan Mateo
ele Anguiano, Misiones Cajmclzinas en Aji-ica: I. La Mi.rion del Congo (Madrid,
1950); W. Bal (ed.), Descrijition du de Congo el des Contres
Environantes jJar Filij;o Pigajetta el Duarte Loj;es (1591) (Louvain, 1963); O.
de Bouveignes andj. Cuvelier,Jrme de Montesarchio, AjJlre du Vieux Congo
(Namur, 1951 ); Franois Bontinck (ed.), Breve Relation de laFondation de la
Mission des Freres Mineurs Capucins . .. au Royaume de Congo (Louvain, Paris,
1964); Franois Bontinck (eel.), Diaire Congo/ais (J(i90-J701) de Fra Luca da
Caltanisetta, O.F.M., CajJ (Paris, 1970); J. Van Wing anel C. Penders, Le
Plus ancien dictionaire Bantu (Brussels, 1928).
2. Antnio Brsio, Monumento Missionria Africana ( Africa Occirfental), Series
I, Vols. I-X (Lisbon, 1952-6:-J); Series 2, Vols. 1-3 (Lisbon, 1958-64).
3. J. Cuvelicr anel L. Jaelin, L'Ancien Congo d'ajnes les Archives Romaines
(Brussels, 1954).
4. L. .Jadin, 'Rivalits Luso-Nerlandaises au Soyo, 1600-1675', in Bulletin
de l'lnstitut Historique Belge de Rome, XXXVII (Brussels, 1966), 137-359;
L. Jaelin, 'Rclations sur le Congo et L' Angola tircs eles archives ele la
Compagnie ele jesus 1621-1631', ibiel. XXXIX (Brussels, 1963), 333-454;
'Le Clerg Seculier et les Capucins elu Congo et d 'Angola aux XV I c et XVII c
Siecles (sic, = XVII anel XVIII centuries), Conflits et Juridietion,
1600-1726', ibiel. XXXIII (Brussels, 1964), IB5-1B3; 'Le Congo et las
Secte eles Antoniens. Restoration du Royaume sous Pedro IV et la
"Sainte Antoine" Congo1ais (1691-1718)', ibid. XXXIII (Bmssels, 1961),
411-615. 'Voyages Apostoliques aux Mission d'Afiique du P. Andrea ela
Pavia, Prdicateur Capucin, 1685-\702' ibid. 40 (J3russels, 1970), 376-
5 74; 'Aperus ele la Situation du Congo et Ri te d'lection eles Rois en
1775, d'aprcs le P. Cherubino da Savona, Missionaire au Congo de 1759
1774', ibid. XXXV (Brussels, 1963), 343-419;'Relations sur le Royaume
du Congo du P. Raimonelo da Dicomano, n1issionaire de !791 1793',
Bulletin des Sances de l'Acadmie Royal des Sciences Coloniales, III, 2 (Brussels,
1957), 307-37.
PREFACE
XIII
5. Visconde Paiva Manso, Histria do Congo (Dowmentos) (Lisbon, IB77).
6. J an Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savannah (Milwaukee, London, 1966).
7. W. G. L. Randles, L'Ancien Ro_vaume du Con[;o rfes Origins la Fin du XIX
Siecle (Paris, The H ague, J 96B).
8. Kajsa Ekholm, and Prestige. The Rise and Fa!l qf the Kongo Kingdom
Uppsa1a, 1972).
9. Francois Baziota, Ne-Kon,[J,o en Ajique Central XV'- XVII' (Rome, 1971).
10. John Kd1y Thornton, The Kingdom rif Kongo: Civil TVar and Transition
1641-1718 (Madison, 1983); Susan Broadhead, 'Trade anel Politics on the
Congo Coast, 1770-1870, Ph.D. Thesis (University of Boston, 1971);
ibid. 'Beyond Decline: The Kingdom of Kongo in the Eghteenth and
Nineteenth Centuries, /ntemationalJoumal of Ajiican Historical Studies, 12,4-
(1979), 615-650.
11. Antonio de Teruel, 'Descripcion Narrativa', J3E, MS Ita1icus 1330,
alpha N-9-7, J3iblioteca Nacional, Madrid; Giacinto Brugiotti da
Vetralla incorporated anonymously in Guiseppe Monari da Modena,
'Viaggio ai Congo ... ' Manoscritti Italiani (1380), Alfa N.9-7, pp.
l-60 I, Biblioteque d'Este, Modena; Juan ele Santiago, l3rcve Relacion
delo succedido a doce Religos Cappas ... ', MS 772, Bibliotheca dei
Palacio Nacional, Madrid.
12. Leo Bittremieux, La Societ SecriHe des Baklzimba au Afavombe (Brussels,
1936); Albert Doutreloux, L'Ombre des Fetiches. Socit et Culture Yombe
(Leopoldville, Louvain, 1967); J. Mcrtens, Les Couronns clzez les
Bakon,go Orientaux (l3russels, 1942); E. Laman, Tlze Kongo, 3 vo1s.
(Stockholm, 1953-62);.]. Van Wing, Eludes Bakongo, I, Histoire el Sociologie
(Brussels, 1921 ), 2. Religion et 1Hagie (Brussels, 1938); Wyatt MacGalley
anel .J. M. J anzen, An Antlwlog)' rif Kongo Religion. Texts Jrom tlze
Lower Zaire. (Kansas, 197<1).
13. vVyatt MacGaffey, Custam and Gouenmzent intlze Lower Congo (Los Angeles,
London, 1970).
14. Van \Ving, Histoire el Soologie, Chap. 2; J. Cuvelier, 'Traditions
Congolaise', in Congo, l, 4 (Brussels, 1930), 469-87; II, 2 (Brussels,
1931), 193-208; Laman, Tlze Kongo, I, Chap. 2; l3ittremieux, Chap. I.
15. Joaquim Martins, 'As Causas da Emigrao dos Povos de So Salvador
clu Congo Segunda a Tradiao Indgena', Mensari.o Administrativa, 6
(Luanda, 1946), 41-4-; P. Gilles Marchal, S.Sp., 'Sur L'rigin eles
Basologno', Aequatoria, 4- (Coquilatville, 1948), 121-5.
16. J Cuvelier, 'Traditions Congolaise'.
17. lnternational Institute of African Languages and Cu1tures, A Practical
of,1frican Languages (London, l 930).
18. K.E. Laman, Dictiomzaire Kikmzgo-Frmzaise (Brusscls, 1936).
List ofMaps
I . Geography of the Lower Zaire
2. Ecological Zones and Provinces ofthe Kongo Kingdom
3. The Mindouli-Boko Songo Copper Region
4. The Early-Sixteenth-Century Slave-Trade Route
5. Groups and Chiefdoms Drawn into the 'Greater Kongo' Economic
System
6. The 'Jaga' Attack
7. The Later-Sixteenth-Century Cloth- and Slave-Trade Routes
through Kongo
8. Principal Trade Routes from Luanda through Kongo in the Early
to Mid-Seventeenth Century
9. The Copper and Slave Trades to Sonyo and the Loango Coast
I O. The Southern Kongo Region in the Mid-Seventeenth Century
I!. The Kongo Region in the Late Seventeenth to Nineteenth Century
List ofFigures
1 . Genealogy of the Kongo Kings
2. Genealogy of lvaro VI and Garcia II
3
4
56
61
63
72
76
111
116
147
213
86
132
CHAPTER 1
The Economic, Social, Religious, and
Politicai Environment
The Kikongo-speaking region of the lower Zaire is roughly
bounded by the Rivers Kwilu and Niari to the north, Malebo
Pool and the River Kwango to the east, the Dande to the south
and the Atlantic Ocean to the west.
1
Major population changes
have occurred in the south-eastern part of the region over the
past 300 years, but the other boundaries, although blurred,
have altered little.
2
ln the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
most of the people of this region spoke a form of Kikongo very
similar to that which is spoken today.
3
lt was clearly distinct
from Kiteke which was spoken at Malebo Pool and from
Kimbundu which was spoken south of the Dande.
4
The
Kingdom of Kongo itself emerged in the region south of the
ri ver Zai:re and east of the Ri ver Nkisi.
Of the various complex factors which helped to form the
Kingdom of Kongo, ecology was the most immutable.
5
There
were three ecological zones south of the Zaire, each of which
roughly paralleled the coast. The undulating coastal zone was
sparsely populated with concentrations of settlement in the
river valleys and 011 the hills of the Zaire estuary. Although it
consisted of infertile, acidic, or sa11dy soil, with very high
temperatures risi11g to 25 to 27 oc 011 the banks of the Zaire, the
criticai factor determining huma11 occupation was rainfall,
which was poor or irregular throughout the zone. The most
extreme conditions were experienced in the south in the region
around Luanda with less than 400 variably distributed milli-
metres of rain per year. The only vegetation that this would
support was grass. Further 11orth, between the Ri ver Bengo and
the River Za:ire, higher rainfall supported acacia, thorns, and
some raffia palms interspersed with steppe a11d savannah. The
flood plains of the rivers formed ribbons of green with oil palms
and other trees. The hills of the Zaire estuary were the best-
')
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
watereel parts ofthe coastal zone anel the most proeluctive. The
zone incorporateel the greater part of two Kongo provinces,
Sonyo in the north anel Mbamba in the south.
6
The mielelle zone was the most hospitable of the three zones
and supported the highest popu1ation densities. It was hilly,
rising steaelily to a mountainous rielge 1,500-2,000 feet high.
For most of its 1ength this ridge ran north north-west, roughly
parallel to the coast. At its northern extremity near Maque1o do
Zombo it turneel north north-east, parallel to the south bank of
the Za'ire until it reached a point between the Nkisi anel the
Nsele Rivers. Most of the soi1s were formed from conso1ielatcd
scdimentary rocks anel wcre relatively fertile. Temperatures
were moelerate with no great diurnal-nocuturnal or seasona1
variations, the mountain rielge recoreling the lowest temperatures
of' 15-20 C. The mean annua1 rainfall, which was adequate
throughout the zone, rose to over 1,400 mm on the eastern
ridge, the vegetation varying from light savannah in the south-
west to clouel forest on the mountains. The zone was generally
more heavi1y wooeleel than it is today, anel the people deliberately
lcft some wooel1ands intact to serve as fortrcsses.
7
Many sources
aiirm that the north-western Kongo province of Sonyo, which
is toelay covereel with park1and, was formerly heavily wooded
on its eastern border. There were also eleep woods in parts of
l\1bamba, the south-westcrn province, anel in Nsundi, Mpangu,
and Mbata, as well as in the mountain provinces ofWembo anel
\Vanelu.
8
In the sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries, as today,
the mielelle zone was the most densely populateel of the three
zones, the region between the Za'ire anel the north-eastern
ridge, which was elrained by the Nkisi River anel which
contained the provinces ofNsundi, Mpangu, anel Mbata, being
cspecially fertile anel popu1ous.
9
The- thirel ecological zone south of the zaire was the
inhospitable eastern p1ateau which, although drawn into the
'greater' Kongo ofthe sixteenth century, eliel not lorm a part of
the nuclear kingdom. The zone was unelulating anel draineel
south anel east of the mountain ridge into thc Kwango River
valley. I t consisted of loose, infertile, sandy sediments which
lacked mineral nutrients anel organic matter. Rainfall was high,
but quickly drained away through the porous soil. Vegetation
was confined to grass anel stunted bush with forest in the river
ECONOMIC:, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POL!TICAL ENV!RONI\IENT :'
N

Land over 1 000 m
D Land 500-1000m
Approximate boundaries of the nuclear Kongo kingdom
(BAKONGO) Major ethno-linguistic divisions
O 100 200 300 km
Map 1
'
'
'
O Coastal zone
[ J Middle zone
D Plateau zone
THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO
Western extremity
The approximate boundaries of the nuclear kingdom
iSONYOI Provinces of the nuclear kingdom
(Mbanza Capitais of lhe provinces and the kingdom
Lsonyo)
O 100 200 300 km.
[_____J____j _j
Map2
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 5
valleys. The zone was very sparsely populated with settlements
irregularly concentrated in or above the valleys. European
observers considered the zone arid and deserted.
10
Agriculture was the dominant economic activity in ali three
zones and provided a surplus to subsistence needs. The
principal crops cultivated in the fifteenth century were yams,
pulses, and three types of cereal: sorghum, candle millet, and
luco (Eleusine coracana)." The fields were cleared by slash-and-
burn technique in September, an activity which also involved a
communal hunt. ln lvfapanza, a season ofrains which began in
September and lasted until November, the first crop was planted.
The soil was scratched up with a small hoe, mounds made, anel
the seed placed in the mounel. ln certain places, probably
around the major towns, where land was relatively scarce, the
mounds were manured, but it is not certain that this practice
predated the European arrival and the major town expansions.
More normally, the Kongo appear to have practised a system of
long fallow, abandoning the fields after a few years. ln the
season Nmtu, which lasted from November to January, there
was heavier rain which provieleel the conelitions neeeleel for the
crops to germinate anel grow. ln Ekundi, from late January to
early March, the rains eneleel and the crops were harvesteel.
During the heavy rains of Kintumbu from early March to the enel
of April, some seconel crops were planteel. During Kbisu from
the end of April to May these seconel crops were harvesteel in
light rain. From May to September there was a elry season
calleel Kimbangala. This was the season in which people
travelleel, traeleel over long elistances, anel engageel in major
social activities inclueling war, for there was no agricultura!
activity and travelling was far easier than in the wet seasons.
The Europeans were generally impresseel that with so little
labour the !anel proeluceel so much,
12
although elephants
constantly menaceel the crops, anel elrought in the coastal zone
and locust in both zones coulel elestroy whole harvests.
13
ln
addition to these crops the Kongo cultivateel a variety of trees,
especially varieties of banana anel palm, anel they kept fowls,
goats, pigs anel, in the southern part of the region, which was
relatively free of tsetse fly, cattle.
14
There was a strict elivision of labour between men anel
women.
15
This division may have elateel from the periocl of early
(, THE KING DOM OF KONGO
scttlement when the heavy task of forest clcarance was
unelertaken by the men, anel the women sowed anel tended the
crops on the cleared !anel. ln the fifteenth anel sixteenth
centuries the men were still responsible for clearing the forest
or, more usually, the scrub. They also produced the tree crops
such as palm oil, palm wine, fruit, palm or bark cloth, anel
medicines, anel they built the houses from branches anel
grasses. They engaged in other activities away from the
cultivated !anel such as hunting, a limited amount of fishing,
anel longer-distance traeling. Individual men were artisans anel
wcrc held in great prestige. This was especially truc of the
smiths who used both iron ore, found in isolated deposits
throughout the region, anel copper, which was both mined
within Kongo anel imported. They made tools anel weapons
with the iron, anel ceremonial anel religious objects with the
copper.
16
Various types of wooelworkers were also highly
csteemecl. The women workecl the !anel, sowing, tencling, anel
harvesting. They careci for the clomestic animais anel collecteel
berries anel other 'free' gifts of the !anel. They cooked the
cvening meal for their husband anel their children. Religious
specialization reflected this elivision of labour to some extent.
Both men anel women practised within a religious dimension
concerned with the fertility of !anel, man, anel animais. Only
mcn practised within a dimension concerned with the man-
made worlel.
17
There were zonal specialisms. In the central zone, where the
ralha palm thriveel, tbe men used the raflia to weave cloths.
Others dyeel them. These cloths wcre so fine that !ater
European observers likened them to elamask, velvet, satin, anel
talTeta. They were named according to their place oforigin, size,
value, anel other characteristics anel were useel for clothes,
cushions, anel coverings. Production was especially important
in the fertile Nkisi valley. Although palm cloth was proeluceel in
the well-watcreel coastal zone north of the Za"ire and on the
better-watered north-western tip of the coas tal zone south of the
Zaire, much of the southern coastal zone was too dry for the
rall!a palm. There, the men manufactured a coarse bark cloth.
18
The important specialisms ofthe coastal zone were salt anel sea
shells. The women manufactured salt ali along the coast by
boiling sea water. The shells came from the southern part ofthe
ECONOl\liC:, SOC:L\L, RELIGJC)US. AND POLITIC:.\L EN\'IRONMENT 7
coas tal zone. The best shells were called nzimbu anel the women
divecl for them olT the island of Luanda. They were thin anel
shining black. The women collected other shells, called songo
from the sea shore a little further north.
19
Inferior deposits of
copperwere workccl in Mpemba anel vVandu in the central zone
but the finest anel most extensive deposits, which were to play
an important role in the history of the kingdom of Kongo, lay
north of the Zaire in the region between Mindouli anel Boko
Songo.
20
Throughout most ofthe coastal anel middle zones south ofthe
Zai:re the people operated a four-day system of markets,Z
1
cach
locality holeling a market in a dilferent village on each day ofthe
fur-day week. The markets, which were fiequented by both
men anel women, dealt in local or regional goods such as
fooelstufis anel the products of craftsmen anel specialists. ln the
coastal zone anel the western part of the middle zonc nc;:imbu
shells were useel as currency; in the north-eastern part of the
midelle zone, raflia cloth. By the sixteenth century both forms of
currency circulated in standard units but it is not certain that
this predated the establishment of the Kongo kingdom. Thc
markets elid not only eleal in local goods; they were also a mcans
by which regional specialisms passeei from one zone to thc
other; salt anel sea shells being luxury items in the east, whilst
raflia cloth was a luxury item in the vvest. Copper lrom north
anel south ofthe Zaire circulated in these markets to a greater or
lesser elegree according to politicai anel other circumstances.
22
Whilst accurate estimates of the population density of the
K.ongo region in the period of the Kongo Kingdom are clifficult
to make, settlement patterns are clearer. ln the coastal zone,
population was determined by the availability of water anel was
concentrateel in the river vallcys anel the hills of the Zaire
estuary as described above. ln the middle zonc, where rainfall
was adequate, the population was distributecl lairly evenly
throughout ali but the most mountainous terrain, with higher
elensities in the more fertile arcas anel notably in the Nkisi valley
to the north-east. The people's primary economic activities-
long f.llow agriculture and arboriculture supplementeel by
animal husbandary, hunting, and collecting- determincd that
settlement was normally dispersed. The villages, libata, which
were elescent baseei, were very small, probably counting no
T I ~ KINGDOI'v! OF KONGO
more than thirty houses. There were also innumerable
clispersed hamlets called ki-belo, a term which indicated that a
lincage segment had established a settlement or worked a
fielcl. 23 The towns, called mbanza, which evolved as a result of
trade, refugee settlement or concentrations of power, were
cssentially arcas of denser settlement on the sarne pattern with
small settlements interspersed with cultivated fielcls.
24
The
overall population elensity was probably not high - perhaps
!Cwcr than four persons per square kilometre in the mid-
scvcnteenth century
25
anel the land teemecl with wild anel often
ela ngerous animais.
Throughout much ofKongo history, land use, labour anel the
primary elistribution ofproduce have been largely controlled by
rnatrilineal elescent groups calleel kand
6
anel for these
purposes the Kongo have norrnally reckoned descent in terms
of relationships with kanda, not with individuais. Thus the term
'brother' was applieel to all members of ego's kanda who could
also be calleel collectively 'rnother'; 'father' referrecl to all
mcmbers of cgo's fathcr's clan anel 'child' referred to ali
members of ego's child's clan.
27
Within this system oflandholcling anel status defining matri-
lincal elescent groups, patrifilial relationships were, for the
individual, crucially important since they conferred spiritual
iclentity, personality, anel practical guarantees offreedom. The
importance ofthe relationship with the father was emphasized
in thc seventeenth century, anel probably earlier, by the
inhcritance of a foocl taboo from thc father. This usually
concerneel a type of meat anel it was bclieved that anyone who
transgressed the taboo would become ulcerous anel contract
leprosy, a conelition which also debarred contenders frorn the
kingship. The taboo was elescribed as a 'prescript of clan'. The
Kongo also took their father's first name as their second name.
I t is likely that then, as !ater, the heads of patrifilially related
!.:anda, that is, of the fathers' anel paternal anel maternal granel-
fathers' kanda joined with his own head in assuming respon-
si bility for bis sociallife, including his freedom. The importance
of the patrifilial relationship h as led J anzen to clescribe clescent
amongst the Kongo north of the Za"ire as 'double unilineal'
according to which principie complementary rights anel links
Crom the mother anel the father come together in one person.
28
EC:ONO\!IC:, SOC:I.-\L, RELIGIOliS, .-\ND POLITIC:.\L E:"J\"IR<Y'Ji\IE:\T 'l
ln addition, howcver, kinship could, in thc scventeenth as in
the twenticth ccntury, bc rcckoned individually anel
bilatcrally.
29
'Individual' reckoning emphasizcs the elistinction
of proximate gcncrations anel the unity of the sibling group.
Accoreling to this, ego's half siblings by clifferent kanda were ali
'brothers', ali cgo's father's 'brothers' were 'fathers' anel ali
ego's 'brothcrs' chilelren werc 'chilclrcn'. Thc 'individual'
system of kinship reckoning createel a flcxibility in kinship
relations which coulel have important politica! rej)ercussions.
The Kongo cconomic anel social structurcs were doscly
rela teci to, anel reflecteel in, a broaeler view of the world. This
view can be illuminatecl by modem accounts
30
in which the
worlel is conceivecl as being like two mountains opposed at thcir
bases anel separateel by watcr. The conceptual barrier between
them is not precisely locatecl but is calleel kalunga, a term which
litcrally means oceano r a large boely of water. Kalunga is both a
great barrier anel the water through which the eleacl pass to the
other world. ln that worlel there is clarity, orcler, anel an
abscnce of suflering. I t is clear from cntemporary accounts
that the sixteenth anel sevcnteenth-century Kongo helel a
similar view anel believeel that 'when a man elieel, his sou!
passeei frorn the pains of the present life to the felicities of the
othcr world'.
31
The Kongo concept of man rela teci directly to this moelcl of
the divicled worlel. ln the Kongo view it vvas thanks to the sou!
(mo_yo) that man liveel his life (unga) in this world.
32
When a
seventcenth-century missionary healeel a man by making a sign
of the cross anel tclling him to stand, the peoplc callcd the
missionai)' 'mo)'O ame' which he translateel as meaning that he
was the man's lifc (mo_yo).
33
When a man eneleel his life (u:cinga)
in this worlel, the soul (mf!yo) rctirccl to the water where it took
another body colourcel white, anel another name. The sou!
rernainecl the samc but thc form changeel. vVhen a sou! conservcd
its orelinary form, it was saiel, kitala buna, it is this, or, it lives still.
If the sou! was transformeel, it vvas saic!,fwafu.Jidi, it is no longer
the samc, it is dcad.
34
! The Kongo bclievecl that it was the powers in the othcr worlel
that caused ali the gooel anel evil perceived in this world anel
that all power anel authority in this worlcl deriveel from the
other. It is possible to elistinguish three broael catcgories or
\li THE KINCDOiVI OF KONGO
dimcnsions of other worlelly powcr amongst the sixteenth anel
c;('vcntecnth ccntury Kongo- thc catcgorics ofthe nameel eleael,
1 l mhumba anel the water anel carth spirits anel of nkadi mjJemba
<tllcl the sky spirits. These categories may be elistinguisheel by
t lwir spheres of influence, anel to some extent by the type of
object which 'containecl' them in this worlel, the nature of the
1 1 tuals which activatcel them anel the role configurations of the
!Jarticipants.
!'h c im portancc of the category of the eleael is evidenceel by
1 hc claborate rituais that surrouncleel death.
35
Thcse rituais, in
dcldition to their normal functions of social anel politica!
i ustrncnt, scrveel to detach the survivor from the immediate
mflucnce ofthe dead person anel to ensure that the ghost ofthe
r 1 cad clid not return to haunt the living. They varicd from region
I o rcgion but thcre was usually a period of mourning of eight
da ys ( two Kongo weeks) cluring which the cognates, affines,
i'ricncls anel slaves of the clcael person wcpt, anel eulogies were
nncle. For thrce elays the father, son anel spouse were ritually
irnmobilized. In the Mbanza Kongo region this period endeel
vvhcn the principal wifc conducteel the relatives to thc nearest
There she cut the belt that her husband hael worn in life
;tnclthrew it in the ri ver. This 'carrieel it away, together with the
:;adness for thc lost one'. Different rituais serveel the sarne
r u nction in other parts ofKongo. During the eight days the men
had worn a whitc cloth whenever they approachcel the corpse,
white being thc colour ofrnourning, ofthe eleael anel ofthe other
world. Now the women smeareel thcir faces anel brcasts with a
mixture containing powelcreel charcoal, black being 'a preserva-
tive anel antielote ofthe eleael'. ln the case ofnobility the corpse
was shroueled first in white cloth anel then in black. The poor
wcrc shroueleel in rough cloth of the country anel then covereel
with a mat. Although the sources are not explicit, these were
llndoubteelly also white anel black. lt was consielereel so impor-
lant that the body bc completely covereel that the poor pleaeleel
cloth from passcrs-by, thc governors, anel even the King. lt was
said that they nevcr refuseel. The burial rites varicd regionally.
,\t the graveside, a pcrson 'respecteel in this function as a
rclig-ious person' amasscel earth anel watcr, carrieel it on bis
then, with face averted, covered the corpse. The
'rclativcs' troei the clay, judging that thercby the spirit of the
ECONOJ\1IC:. SOC:L\L. RELIGIOUS, ,\ND POLITIC.\L EN\'IRONl\lENT' li
Jead woulel 'goto its rest anel having no more need, woulel never
leave the sepulchrc'. The sixtecnth anel seventeenth ccntury
Kongo appear to havc belicved, likc the modem Nsundi, that it
took some rnonths ror the eleael to change thcir skin anel gain thc
village of the anccstors. For a perioel which varicel in different
regions from a month to a ycar after the death, the relatives of
the surviving spousc 'to the scconel elegree', tcrrneel 'slaves',
were not allowed to wash, cut their hair or leavc thc housc
without licence from the relativcs of the dead person, termed
the '!oreis'. At the end ofthe perioel, the survivor was considercd
'free from the virtues ofthe dcad' anel able to marry again. H e or
she was still obliged, however, to wear a black mantle or hat as
an anticlote to the elead.
If the ghost of the ancestor elid return to harm thc li\ing, thc
Kongo elug up the corpse, 'rcsurrected' it. cnquired into tbe
mistake, anel reburied it with the correct rites. This appcars to
have been the function of the nganga atombo/a, a titlc which the
Capucin missionaries translated as 'priest of the rcsurrectcd',
tombola mcaning 'to make somcthing mount or ascenel'. 'Thc
relativcs ofthe elca person went to thc nganga atombo/a pleading
that hc resurrect the dead person. The nganga receivecl the
corpse anel, in public, maelc it appear to rise, walk about, anel
spcak. The best explanation of these rites which were notcel in
'many' places throughout Kongo, seems to be that of \Veeks,
who statcd in the nineteenth century that pcoplc had an etombola,
ghost, which coulel risc from the grave, enter the body ofa living
perscm anel become an nkwiva, evil spirit. A person with nkwiwz
became an ndoki, witch, anel causccl sickness anel eleath.
36
The graves were the principal mcclium through which the
living communicated with the deael. They werc located in
special wooels or thickets called ir!finda
37
anel wcre placcd
upon thern to inclicate thc name anel status of the elcceascel. I n
the miel-seventeenth century, chairs, bows, arrows, horns, cups
anel other utensils were placed on the graves of title-holclcrs;
skulls ofwilel bcasts on the tombs ofhunters; musical instrumcnts
on those of musicians; baskets of roots and herbs on thosc of
curers, harnrners, bcllows, anvils anel a crown on those of
srniths. I t was customary in some parts to put elephants tusks or
a halfrib ofa cow in the graves.
38
The pu blic cult of the kanda ancestors was conclucted by the
I:! THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Children of the kanda anel was based upon the spiritual power
which the Father was considered to exercise with respect to the
Chile!. Thus, in the late sixteenth century, the 'children anel
near relatives' visited the graves every new moon. They
lamented the dead, left wine anel food for them, anel then ate
anel drank as much as they could themselves. They continued to
elo this for many years.
39
They also held occasional rites,
probably at times of calamity, when there had been multiple
deaths or other indications ofthe ancestors' anger.
40
Communication between the living anel dead members ofthe
/umda was normal anel necessary. I t seems that for the sixteenth
anel seventeenth century Kongo, as for the modem Suku,
41
the
elders in the other world were believed to be at the apex of a
continuum of relative eldership which extended from them to
the most junior member of the kanda in this worlcl. Each rela tive
c! der could bless o r curse the junior. The junior was expected to
respect the elder, consult him or her anel offer gifts of tribute.
The eldcrs ofthe kanda performed such functions with respect to
their elders in the other world. They did not, however, head the
public cult of the graves. Similarly when an individual died, the
'nearest relative' - in this context almost certainly the matri-
lineal rela tive- cut a piece ofnail from the hands anel feet anel a
lock ofhair from the head. He 'conserved them religiously in his
honour'. This was probably equivalent to the relics contained
in the 'basket ofthe ancestors' held by twentieth century Ndibu
kmula chiefs. The baskets evoked 'humble dependence anel
profound respect' but no public cult.
42
ln addition to these communications, individuais could
appeal to any dead person with whom they could establish a
social or politicai relationship, as a living member of a cult to a
elead member, a soldier to a dead warrior. The men, for
example, commonly knelt before the graves tones ofthe warriors
before they left for war, praising their valour anel imploring
their aid.
43
One purpose ofthe status designating objects left on
the graves was undoubtedly to facilitate such appeals.
(' Although the named dead were considered to have power to
bless or to curse the living, another dimension or category of
power was considered to be more generally responsible for the
farmers' crucial requirement, fertility. For the sake of
convenience only, this can be called the dimension of mbumba
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONivlENT \3
anel the water anel earth spirts. The dimension appears to have
conceptualized aspects of the natural world anel to have been
expressed in a cluster of beliefs anel rituais involving a giant
snake, water, trees, fire anel fertility rites as well as individual
water anel earth spirits. Therc is some evidcnce that this power
was referred to as mbumba. In the seventeenth century mbumba
literally meant fecund, anel the rites of the nkimba mbumba cult,
which appealeel to mbumba, appcar to have concemcd fertility.
44
ln the mid-seventeenth century a spirit called imbombo was said
to be veneratcd above all others amongst thc Bakongo north of
the Za'ire estuary anel mbumba mbula, mani smith appeared in the
etiologicallegenels of at least two states south of the Zai:re.
45
ln
the twentieth century mbumba was said to be a great power
which ruled over the spirits ofthe carth in the middle belt north
ofthe Za'ire. The obscure sayings ofthe twentieth century Nkisi
valley people in the middle belt south of the Zaire suggest that
mbumba was a power beyond the normal spirits.
46
The modem
nkimba cult conceives mbumba as a gigantic snake which !caves
the sea,jumps on the trees, anel throws itselfinto the air in order
to bathe further in another \.vater.
47
Although it is convenient to
use the term mbumba to denote the general power of this
dimension, it shoulel be noted that certain modem sources
consieler mbumba to be no more than one amongst many
spirits.
48
The local manifestations of the mbumba climensions south of
the Za'ire appear to have been the water anel earth spirits. Such
spirits have often been confusecl with ancestral spirits or with
the spirits of the 'first inhabitants' .
49
ln the earlier perioel,
however, they were probably more usually conceived, as thcy
still are in some places toelay, as 'living, active, lucicl
emanations of the earth anel water, available to local, rather
than to descent groupings.
50
ln the relatively dry, coastal zone,
south of the Zai:re, they were closely associated with water anel
were known as simbi. ln the well watered midellc zone, they
teneleel to be known as nkita anel to be more closely associatecl
with the earth.
51
Thcy were believeel to be pervasively present
anel the Kongo recognizecl anel macle offcrings to them whenever
they approacheel water, crosseel a forel with a strong current,
fished, travelleel along paths, stumbleel uncxpecteelly on odel
stones anel pieces of wooel, gave a gift of palm wine, or witnessed
i: THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
a 'Tackling flre,
52
Thc power of the mbumba elimension, like that of the
;u 1ccstors, was ambivalent. AJbumba, representing the natural
\\r)r!el, elcmancled that man obey its laws,
53
It rewareleel
lu nnonious behaviour with fecunclity anel health but punished
disobcclience with stcrility anel diseasc, ln thc coastal region
sutll h ofthc Zaire, f(x cxample, the people believecl that mbumba
p1 od ucecl a cliscase calleel mbumba which was contractecl in the
r;; n. They threw thc corpses of mbumba victims in to the water.
\Yhcn, in thc sevcnteenth century, missionaries insisted on
hurying them, anel thc rains faileel, the people elug them up anel
t; ">k them to the water.
54
When there wcre multi pie eleaths in a
\il!agc, thc people erected an altar to mbumba kindongo anel
ricd ali the goods belonging to the living anel the dead
lwncath it.
55
I n thc sixtccnth ccntury anel uncloubtedly bcfore, the people
ui Jscrvccl nsona, the first clay of thc four-clay weck, in honour of
thc power or powers of this dimension. Thc practice continuecl
in to thc scvcnteenth anel eighteenth centurics although the day
may have varieel. In the sixtcenth ccntury the people could only
c a t locl which had becn prepared the previous evening. They
wcrc said to clean the vessels used for the meal anel then to
>I'Cak them anel bury them in thc earth. According to a mid-
:>f'ventcenth century account many of them did not speak on
t hat day, The practice was alrnost c:ertainly part of the cult of
( l1c mbumha dirnension, for the day was saicl to be kept 'in
lwnour ofthe cult ofthe devi! anel in order to have a prosperous
l1;1rvcst anel to prevent the devi! from harming it'.
56
i\nother aspect ofthe public cult ofmbumba anel the water anel
c;1rth spirits was the practice whic:h existed in many villages in
Kongo anel neighbouring c:ountries of hanging nki.si-fetishes in
;1 n nsanda tree. The people 'passed much time before them with
;1 thousanel obscenities' anel they considered it an enormous
crime to cut any branch ofthe tree even ifit wcre clead. Sorne of
Lhe priests of' the mbwnba dimension disc:ussed below used the
lll(lllda tree in ceremonies designeel to cnable women to bec:orne
pregnant anel to have an easy delivery. Some villages had palms
'dedicated to the iclols' anel ornarnented in diverse ways. Only
t l1ose chosen to guard the palms c:ould eat the fruit or drink the
\Vinc Crom the trees.
57
These practices may have approximated
EC:ONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, ,\ND I'OLITICAL EN\'!RONi\!ENT Li
to those of thc twentieth century Ndibu who planted an nsanda
tree in a village square to provide a resting place fr the local
water or earth spirit. Altcrnatively, a priest ofthe mbumba type
coulcl 'find' a spirit in a stream anel bring it to dwell in the nsanda
tree.
58
Some 'gigantic' trees were 'commemorated to the devi!'
which was said to appear in the branches in the llxrn of a
snake.
59
The spirits of the mbumba dimension were oftcn inc:arnated in
human forrn. ln the twentieth century people believed that
when water or earth spirits wished to pass into hurnan existence,
they chosc their parents from people that venturecl near the
water. They were then born nine months !ater as human oclditics-
albinos, dwarfs, twins or cripples.
60
There is arnple evielence
that the seventeenth century Kongo held a similar belicf;
albinos, clwarfs, pigmics, c:hildren bom with cripplecl feet
twins, anel children born feet first, ali being consiclered
incarnations of the water and earth spirits. They wcre 'ven'ratcd
by ali' anel played a crucial role in the rites of the mbwnba
climension.
61
ln addition to these incarnations of mbumba type
power, there werc other, more institutionalizccl forms anel these
are discussed below.
The water anel earth spirits sometimes chose to serv' 'normal'
rnen anel women. l\llany of these were curers who specializecl in
specific types ofillness anel who imposecl ritual prescriptions to
bring the patient into harmony with the natural worlcl.
62
As in
the twenticth century, a spirit of the mbwnba type reveakel its
intention of serving the chosen individual by manif(:sting itsclf
in an unusually shaped object of the natural world, suc:h as a
stone, a piece of bizarrly shaped wood, or a gra.in founel near
water.
63
These objects were believed to be nkisi, ktishes,
64
containers of the spirit power. After initiation into the use ofth'
nkisi, the individual, now an nganga-priest, was able to bc
possesscd by the spirit, anel speak with its wisdom anel power.
ln the case of such incarnated spirits as twins anel infa.nts born
with crippled feet, the child itself was the nkisi anel its birth
inclicated that the mother (anel, in the case oftwins, the f ~ t t h r
too), should be initiatccl as ngan,ga. Aftcr initiaton, thcy would
then assist in establishing the ritual prescriptions surrounding
the births ofothcr such spirits.
I n acldition to the dimensions of the dead anel of mbumba anel
lh THE KlNGDOM OFTHE KONGO
thc water and earth spirits the Kongo appealed to a third
dimension of other worldly power which may, again for
convenience only, be termed the dimension ofnkadi mjJemba and
the sky spirits.
65
This dimension conceptualised a power of
destruction and protection associated with the social and
cultural world of the individual man. The term nkadi mpemba
may have been used in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
in this broad sense. The seventeenth century Europeans
translated the term, variously, as the devi!, a dead man, a
phantom, a spectre ofthe night, a devourer anda destroyer, and
'to curse' as 'to speak or repeat nkadi mpemba. Mpemba indicated
white, the colour of the dead and of the other world.
66
An early
twentieth century missionary in the middle belt considered
nkadi mpemba to be a pervasive power of the other world; north of
the Zaire another missionary considered it to be a cruel
dictatorial being, the supreme ruler of the grave, the 'Iord of
sorcery'.
67
As in the case of mbumba the full significance of the
tcrm is uncertain and in any case probably varied in time and
place. I t may conveniently be used, however, to designa te a
power of destruction and protection whiCh operated in the
cultural world of the individual man of which the sky spirits
were particular manifestations.
The dimension of power of nkadi mpemba and the sky spirits
was analytically distinct from that of mbwnba and the water and
carth spirits. Where the powers ofthe mbumba dimension were
concerned with man's relationship with nature, securing or
withholding fertility and health, the powers ofthe nkadi mpemba
dimension were concerned with the social and cultural world of
man. They could help manto acquire wealth, to defend himself
~ i n s t the evil deeds of others, to combat the many manifesta-
tions of sorcery and to manipulate the natural world to his
material ends. Thus, whereas the positive expression ofmbumba
type power inevitably benefitted the whole community, and
was sought and expressed in various forms of public cult, the
positive expression of nkadi mpemba type power was more
problematical. It normally helped individuais, and was sought
through individual cult. Its ambiguous nature meant that in
helping one individual it might harm another and it could only
benefit the community as a whole ifit was used positively as an
acyunct to a legitima te role, notably that of chief.
ECONOMIC; SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 17
The nganga and the nkisi of the nkadi mpemba type were also
analytically distinct from those of mbumba. The mbumba type
ngmiga included women as well as men, and since they were
either manifestations of a spirit or were intermittently possessed
by one of them, they incarnated the purity of the other world,
were considered altruistic, and imposed ritual prescriptions
upon the people of this world. The nkadi mpemba type nganga,
however, were exclusively male. They were not normally
possessed but manipulated the spirit power contained in the
nkisi and also used imita tive magic and human reasoning. Their
motivation was considered very much ofthis world.
68
The nkisi
containers, too, differed. Those ofthe mbumba dimensions were
either human bodies or natural objects found near water. The
nkadi mpemba type nkisi were manufactured by the nganga, who
placed appropriate materiais such as 'small stones, feathers,
herbs and similar things' in either a small sack or a piece of
sculpted wood. The sacks were called nkisi mi mafuta. The
sculptures were called nkisi mi biteke and may have been
introduced in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries through
the slave trade with the Tio; certainly they seem to have
predominated in the north-eastern, and to a lesser extent the
eastern, provinces of Kongo. The forms of the nkisi mi biteke
varied from region to region and included animais, birds,
humans, and monsters. Some were 'scarecely carved at all' .
69
The nganga of the nkadi mpemba and sky spirit type used their
nkisi, together with imitative magic and human reasoning and
understanding, to benefit individuais and public authorities
within the cultural world of man. Many of them specialized in
discovering evil doers. Of these, the most important were the
ubiquitous nganga ngombe, the diviners, who, in addition to
foretelling the future, sought out ndoki-witches. The term kindoki
witchcraft, may have been used for all malevolent action.
70
It
certainly included three types of activity: that of the 'bom'
witch, that of the individual who had been possessed by a
malcontent ghost, turned evil spirit, and that of the individual
who practised loka, that is who cursed or bewitched through his
or her superior spiritual power within the sarne matrilineal or
patrilineal group, the latter being a legitimate activity of elders
and chiefs.
71
ln seeking out those who practised kindoki
illegitimately, the nganga ngombe no doubt also helped to resolve
I "
"
Til I': KINCDOI\1 OFTIIE KONGO
conflict within anel bctween the lincagcs. Hc usually inelicatcel
severa! possible suspects who then took the poisou oreleal nkasa,
prepared with thc poisonous fruit of the nkasa trec.
72
\1\Then a
civil juelgc coulcl not decide a case, h c rekrred thc mattcr to one
o'scvcralngan,ga who detennined guilt anel innoccnce by rncans
ol' an ordcal. Thesc n_grmga were oftcn specializeel in both
rncthod anel purpose. Thc n,ganga mbau, for cxamplc, administcred
<Ul ordeal by hot iron to discover thievcs.
73
Many nganga specializcd in bringing gooel frtune to
inclivicluals, in protecting them against evil anel mislrtunc, anel
in curing thcm from thc illnesses thc lattcr produced. The
npwz,ga mjmn/.;u, for example, raised mOIale by appearing in
battlc whcrever the combat was most furious. His nkisi
prot:ccted him against swords anel arrows but, since he was
consielereel vulnerable to poisoned arrows, he was supporteel by
;1 spccialist in countcr-poisons anel by a thirel nganga who coulel,
i r ncccssary, treat them both. ln sorne regions nganga solei
nkisi
74
to the govcrnors to bring them prosperity, strength anel
hcalth, anel in others lll!,artJ!,a installccl largc statucs which
i>rought 'ccrtain bencfits' to thc principal peoplc. Many nganga
spccializecl in protection against evil anel misfortune. The
11ganga mu!oco, for cxamplc, protcctecl those who suspccteel
otllcrs of harrning thcm. Thcy also helpccl thc relatives of those
who hacl diecl f'rom thunelcrbolts, protccting thcm frorn a likc
i.zttc. Ccrtain nganga solei callecl ikua to protect chilclrcn
iiorn witchcraft anel discase, anel statues called milwzgu (a tcrm
which was also used for protective bracclets) to protect womcn
;gainst cliscasc anel wilcl animais. Others solei nkisi to protect
hc founclations ofhouses, to kill thieves, to protect the crops, to
prevcnt clephants from clcstroying the houses anel the fields, to
prcvcn t thc king from depriving a governo r of offce. Many
ns;anga were curcrs. Unlikc thc curers ofthe mbwnba dimensions,
who irn posecl ritual prescriptions in o reler to bring thc
ind\iiclual into harmony with the natural world, these nganga
uscd medicinal herbs, hurnan reasoning anel imitativc rnagic to
'nuntcr the malcvolence, whether natural or human, that had
,aused lhe illncss. Thus the nganga ngombe not only sought out
\vitches, but also healcd the sick, probably those whosc illness
'Vas attributecl to witchcraft or to inter- or intra-lineage friction.
The ngan/;a nsambi administcred a elrink to cure a highly
EC:ONOl\JIC:. SOC:Ii\L, RELIGIOUS, AND l'OLIT!C,\L ENVIRONMENT !9
contagious clisease akin to leprosy. This was maele from the
bark ofa tree useel by the Portuguese for the same purpose.
Np;anga of the nkadz: mjmncounter tlze malevolence, w!zetlzer natural o r
/wman, tlwt lzad caused tlze il!ness. Tlws tlze nganga ngombe not only
sought out witches, but also healed the sick, probably thosc
whose illness was attributecl to witchcraft or to inter- or intra-
lineage i:iction. The nganga nsambi aelrninistcred a drink to cure
a highly contagious disease akin to leprosy. cure for the ulcer
was the same nkisi.
76
ln the early eighteenth century the
Capucin missionaries were believecl by their supporters to be
nganga who used nkisi to protect against witches; they were
believeel by the fllowers of the Antonine movement to be
witches.
77
In the miel-seventeenth century the nganga ndoki
specialized in helping people to exact revenge. From the point of
view of the h e was aclrninisteringjust rctribution; from
the point ofview ofthe victirn, witchcraft.
78
Some nganga of this dimension specializeel in manipulating
the natural worlel. Thus, the nganga mpzdi maele a smallmound
of earth with !caves anel branches over it. He consecrated his
nkisi. A small grub was then saiel to rise to perturb the air anel
procluce rain. The nganga nzazi imitated the sound ofthuneler in
orcler to bring thunder anel hence rain. The activity can be
contrasteei analytically with that of the nganga of thc mbwnba
dimension who sought to proeluce rain by bringing individuais
anel cornmunities into harmony with the natural worlcl.
For many centuries before the evolution of the Kingdom of
Kongo these broad economic social anel religious factors hael
interacteel to produce a variety of politicai structures. These
ncludeel various forms of kanda which were legitimizeel by
reference to the ancestors, priestly chiefelorns anel cults, which
were legitimized by reference to the dimension of mbumba anel
the water anel earth spirits, anel cxtra-kanda chiefoms which
were legitimizeel primarily by the eleael anel by the elimension of
nkadi rnpemba anel the sky spirits.
I n addition to being the essential units of social structure, thc
kanda wcrc important politicai structures whose primary
function was to provide other worlelly legitimation for their
rnembers' status as free men anel their exploitation of the !anel
anel ofkin-basecllabour. It is almost certain that they clid so in
the sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries, as they do today, by
20 THE KINGDOM OF THE KONGO
estabiishing a direct geneaiogical Iink between their Iiving
members and ancestors who were allegedly the first settlers or
who were permitted to settle by a classificatory Father who was
himself an original settler. Since every individual member of a
kanda was thus a relative elder on a continuum of eldership
which reached from the named elders in the other world to the
most junior member of this, each contained within himself the
full jurai and spiritual authority of the kanda. The affirmation of
this authority was the responsibility of the priests of the kanda,
usually the classificatory children and grand children of the
kanda. Since these were normally members of neighbouring
kanda, the claims of each kanda was, ideally, upheld reciprocally
by its neighbours.
The kanda were exogamous
79
corporate groups.
80
They were
perpetuai and had defined names, traditions and memberships.
They had an exclusive body of common affairs which centred
on the exploitation of the land and people they claimed. They
aiso had the autonomy and procedures necessary to deal with
these affairs with 'chiefs' or 'representatives' and committees at
each levei of segmentation. The kanda chief who, in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries was often a woman, took the name of
the kanda as titleY He or she probably had a subordinate
counterpart of the opposite sex. Her authority, which was
ultimately derived from the ancestors in the 'other' world,
rested upon her real or assumed status as the senior member of
the senior segmen t of the kanda. Other segments were headed by
mbuta, a word which meant 'eldest'.
82
The lowest public leveis
of segmentation coincided with the villages and their associated
hamlets. These were headed by nkuluntu, a term which derives
from nkulu, age, and which indicated relative seniority.
83
The
nkuluntu judged civil and criminal matters and represented the
group in its internal and externa! relations. He was responsible
for the primary distribution of the harvest, extracting a surplus
for himself and other authorities, reserving seed and redistributing
the remainder according to need.
84
The kanda could become powerful instruments in the
extraction of surplus product. Their internal structure was
flexible, authority at each levei being legitimated by the
holder's position on the continuum of eldership and by his or
her power to bless o r to curse his juniors. If power was diffused,
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELI C IOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 21
relatively egalitarian, network type structures prevailed. If
power was concentrated an extremely hierarchical structure
could develop, with the lineage heads extracting a considerable
proportion of the surplus product.
85
The development of hierarchical kanda structures could be
facilitated by, and reflected i11, the acquisitio11 of depende11t
individuais a11d lineages. These included clie11ts, who chose to
place themselves in a state of dependence, pawns who were
temporarily transferred by their own kanda or lineage in
exchange for a debt, and slaves who were involuntarily and, i11
theory, permanently, placed in a state of depe11dence. In the
early sixteenth century, before the developme11t ofthe Atla11tic
trade, the latter were normally captives and it was only recently
acquired captives who could, it was believed, be legitimately
soid.
86
These dependent individuais lacked, to a variable
degree, the normal complement of four interested chiefs to aid
and support them.
87
They only had the kanda or lineage chief
who owned them and who stood as their classificatory Father.
This did not necessarily make their position radically inferior
since anyone's social position depended 011 the number and
power of the groups to which he was affiliated a11d 011 their
willingness to support him, and in the seventeenth century as
today, the position of the head of a descent group was described
by the verb vwa 'to own', which applied to both slaves a11d free
dependants.
88
Nevertheless, clients, pawns, a11d slaves were
normally more dependent and under greater economic obligatio11
than lineage juniors and their acquisition contributed to the
development ofhierarchical structures.
The development ofhierarchical kanda structures could also
be facilitated by the variety of residence options open to
individual males. There is evidence that in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, as today, a kanda male could normally
dioose between severa! places of residence, that is, of physical
location or of social zone. He had direct rights and politicai
interests in the lands of his own kanda. However, he could
normally settle, if he wished, on the lands of his father's and
grandfathers' kanda and he would normally choose the most
advantageous option.
89
Marriage could be used to legitimate a11d to further the
politicai relationships pertaining between and within neighbouri11g
22 THE KING DOM OF KONGO
kanda, syphoning female labour and, in certain circumstances,
reproductive capacity, to dominant kanda, restricting it to
reciprocating allied kanda, or confining it to slave owning
lineages within the kanda.Thus, in the highly stratified society of
the mid-seventeenth century, lineage segment heads normally
had at least severa! wives.
90
There was also a clear preference
for patri- and matrilineal cross-cousin marriages,
91
both of
which would have reinforced existing relationships between the
groups, father's sister's child standing as classificatory Father
to the kanda and the mother's brother's child standing as Child.
Marriage with either would re-create in the next generation the
sarne or inverse relationship. Matrilateral cross-cousin marriage
generally occurs within polities and settlements. It is a well-known
device for centralizing power, wealth and offices ofauthority. If
it is not conducted as a 'circulating connubium' it becomes an
asymetrical relationship between unequal groups in which the
offspring's position may be controlled. It is especially useful in
controlling the reproductive capacity of slaves. Patrilateral cross-
cousin marriage occurs between settlements and polities and is
used as a strategy to create regionally interlocking networks.
92
Severa! forms of marriage contract were available in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as today. The most usual
arrangement was for the man to make a gift to the woman with
the intervention and acceptance ofthe parents ofboth parties.
Domesticity, however, was the minimal condition for a
marriage and in these cases no gifts were given at ali. When a
man sought to secure a right to an infant he would present a
small gift of cloth and wine to the father as well as the girl. The
dissolution of a marriage between members of Iow status
reciprocating groups was easy and frequent; it was unknown
between members of high status reciprocating groups where
marriage cemented important politicai relationships, or
between members of groups of grossly unequal status where the
politicai position of the woman approximated to that of a
slave.
93
Whilst most kanda could, in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, be termed matrilineages, there is some evidence that,
bcfore the evolution of the Kingdom ofKongo, some kanda were
deeply segmented and controlled a number of discrete areas of
land which were interspersed with those ofneighbouring kanda.
EC:ONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 23
ln the sixteenth century some of the 'greater' kanda, which could
perhaps be called matriclans, could still be mobilized for
politicai purposes. The Mbala, which occupied an extensive
area of north-western Kongo, was probably a kanda of this type.
It appears to have been divided into six segments which
occupied the lands known as Ntari, Kiondo, Savona, Kiova,
Kainza and Masongo.
94
If such matriclans had once been a
general phenomenon, then, by the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, changing circumstances, probably including
migration and the evolution of other politicai structures, had
caused most of them to segment into smaller autonomous
matrilineages. An alternative explanation ofthese matriclans is
that they represented the final stage in a process which began
with the developrnent of extra-kanda politicai structures as
described below and culminated in legitimation through the
kanda ideology ofdescent as described in Chapter 8.
Kanda, which, as a result ofmigration or segmentation had no
politicai relationship 'but which shared the sarne categorical
name, believed that they descended from the sarne 'mother'.
Such categories may conveniently be termed mvila
95
although
the term does not appear in the extant sources. Severa! mvila are
known from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
96
but there
is no evidence that they wielded politicai influence either within
the kingdom or rela tive to their constituent kanda.
The kitome priestly chiefdoms, which were found throughout
the Kongo region south of the Za"ire, represented a quite
different type of politicai structure from the kanda, being based
upon local, as opposed to descent groupings. The fact that
similar chiefs with similar titles once ruled throughout west
central Africa
97
suggest that they were very ancient.
The kitome titles relate them both to the mbumba dimension
and to smithing. The word kitome meant the pure, the initiated,
in contrast to the profane. The most common kitome title was
kalunga.
98
Kalunga indicated a Iarge body of water and also the
ideal water boundary between this world and the other. lt
clearly referred to the kitomes' streams and lakes on the one hand
and to their role as mediators between the worlds on the other.
Both of these are discussed below. Other common titles were
nzimba or nzwnba, which may have referred to severa! of the
kitomes' spiritual attributes;
99
mbumba
100
which referred directly
71
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
to the dimension of fertility power in the other world; and
jJangala, which meant smith.
101
The connections between the
kitome and smithing is obscure but in the seventeenth century
smiths were held in high esteem and they were also associated
with myths of origin and the regalia of chiefship.
102
I tis possible
that the kitome were once smiths and had succeeded in
institutionalizing themselves as the established representatives
of the mbumba dimension through their command of an art
which was of key importance in the early period of forest
clearance and agricultura! settlement.
F ew details are known concerning the structure of the kitome
chiefdoms. They did not coincide with the boundaries of the
kanda, for one kitome ruled the two section lands of Kainza and
Masongo in the 'greater' kanda o[ Mbalc. in north-western
Kongo whilst severa) ruled within the section land ofKiova.
103
Rather, the boundaries ofthe priestly chiefdoms appear to have
related to the drainage areas of specific stretches of sacred ri ver
or lake which, with a sacred tree, were believed to contain orbe
visited by the mbumba snake.
104
The chiefdoms were controlled
by priestly lineages,
105
and the people believed that ifthe kitome
office were not continuously filled, the earth would become barren
and mankind perish.
106
For this reason, the kitome)s successor
was chosen before his death. When the kitome fdt his death
approaching, he communicated his powers to his successor and
then, always in public, ordered the successor to kill him by
strangulation or the club. This, it was said, secured the
continuous occupation of the office and prevented disputes.
107
The kitome appointed a representative to each of the villages
within his jurisdiction.
108
The kitome were believed to embody in themselves the power
of the mbumba dimension and it was their function to bring the
people into harmony with the natural world and thereby to
secure the fertility of man, animais, and plants. To this end,
they established rituallaws within their domains. ln the mid-
seventeenth century the kitome ofNsevo, Nsundi, promulgated
his Iaws from two great stones. He sat on one and his female
chief sat on the other. The people sat on the ground, although
the mani governar was permitted to use a small piece of
cloth. Having heard the laws promulgated, the people drank
from the sacred stream.
109
The kitome resolved confticts
{!
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 25
within his domain by means of the poison ordeal bolungoY
0
This differed from the ordeals of the nganga of the nkadi mpemba
dimension, for the kitome did not manipulate an nkisi spirit, he
was himself mbunzba power in this world and h e washed his foot
and his bow in the poison drink to symbolize his other worldly
powers ofhealing (the foot) and harming (the bow). He infused
the drink with both powers to confound the guilty and preserve
the innocent. The kitome also maintained one or two fires, which
were closely associated with fertility, and sold firebrands to
supplicants.
111
Although there is no direct evidence, it is almost
certain that the kitome and their village representatives were
responsible for maintaining and regulating the public cults of
the mbumba dimension and of the water and earth spirits
discussed above.
The kitome were described as the owners, masters, lords or
chiefs of the land and the gods of the earth, seed, or region
112
and it was believed that, as the incarnation of the power of the
mbumba dimension in this world, they could grant or withhold
the rain, thereby making the world fecund or barren.
113
As a
result they were able to extract a substantial proportion of the
agricultura! surplus. The kitome initiated the tillage, either
directly or through their village representatives. They blessed
the seeds, gave permission for the crops to be harvested, and
received the first fruits with rituais of fecundity.
114
ln the
mid-seventeenth century one kitome was said to receive more
tribute than the Mwissikongo governor.
115
ln certain circumstances the kitome could wield considerable
power. ln the mid-seventeenth century they were held in great
esteem. No one could approach them except for reasons judged
honourable. Then, given leave, they spoke to them extended on
the ground with eyes averted. When the kitome solemnly
announced their intention of touring their domains, the
married people observed strict continence on pain, it was said,
of death. The kitome intervened in elections, invested the
Mwissikongo governors, and inftuenced the latter in matters of
government as well as ritual.
116
The kitonze claim to meJiate the power of the mbumba
dimension and to promote health and fertility could, in certain
circumstances, be rivalled by other institutionalized and
probably very ancient forms of mbumba based power, the
:Zfi
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
mlmmba based cults. ln the seventeenth century the kimpassi cult
dominated the Kongo region,
117
although the closely-related
nkimba cult, which centred in Kakongo and Loango may have
had some influence in Sonyo.
118
The structure, organization
and even to some extent the function of these cults has varied
considerably over the centuries.
119
ln the seventeenth
centuryl
20
they were continuous and sometimes very ancient
associations which met regularly outside the villages and towns
in 'deep places where the rays ofthe sun never penetrated'. The
sun, of course, was associated with the dimension of nkadi
mj;emba, and the deep places, over many centuries, with mbumba
and the water and earth spirits.
121
The kimpassi were secret
associations. The password was changed at each meeting, and
thc date fixed for the next, although the initiates also assembled
when a diviner arrived in the village. Each branch had a chief,
thc nganga mani nkita, and the various incarnations of the water
and earth spirits such as albinos, and people with crippled feet,
held office under him. Like the kitome chiefdoms, the kimjJassi
were based upon local, not descent, groupings.
The fundamental purpose ofthe cults in this period appears
to have been to enable the male and female initiates to die and
to resurrect as water or earth spirits possessed ofthe health and
fertility of the mbumba dimension. The initiation procedure of
thc seventeenth-century kimpassi cult is fairly well documented.
The initiate approached a semi-circle of nkadi mpemba type
fetishes which kept out non-initiates and which, in order to
ens ure respect, was called the 'wall of the King ofKongo'. At its
entrance the members threw the initiate a small decorated cord,
ordering him to pass under it many times. Eventually the
ini tia te fainted and fell to the ground 'as if dead'. The members
carried him into the inner part ofthe enclosure and 'cured' him.
H e swore to remain a member ofthe cult until bis death.
122
The
belief implicit in this practice was probably revealed in a
statement by a Kongo woman called Dona Beatrice who, in the
first years of the eighteenth century, claimed to be possessed by
St Antony. She said that she was ill and at the moment of death
a friar appeared to her saying that he was St Antony and that
God had sen t him in to her head to preach to the people. She was
dead because St Antony had entered her head in place of her
sou!. She did not know how this had happened but she felt
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITIC:AL ENVIRONMENT 27
herself revive.
123
The word the commentator translated as
'soul' was almost certainly moyo. ln Kongo thought, the sou!,
moyo, resisted death and took another body appropriate to its
new life in the other world. Dona Beatrice appears to say that at
the mornent of death when her moyo was passing to the other
world, the moyo ofSt Antony entered the vacated body, revived
it and used it as his vehicle in this world. Thus she was not Dona
Beatrice, but St Antony. The cult rnembers appear to have viewed
their 'death' and 'resurrection' in a similar way.
124
The kimpassi
initiates, for example, were called nkita people or nganga (priest)
nkita, and they were said to invoke a 'devi!' called nkita, nkita of
course being an earth spirit of the mbumba dimension. The
Europeans translated nganga nkita as 'a man come back from the
other world'.
125
Thus the initiates appear to have believed that,
d uring the ini tiation ceremony, their moyo passed to the other
world and an nkita or simbi spirit entered the vacated body and
revived it. The initiates wore a certain seed on their left
shoulder, seeds being one of the signs of the water and earth
spirits.
126
The people became water or earth spirits in order to be
imbued with the health and fertility of the mbumba dimension.
This is irnplicit, rather than explicit, in the sources. One
seventeenth-century commentator stated that 'when the bon-
fires of bomba (mbumba) are made- the daughters of kimbo bombos
(nkimba mubumba) ali dance, moving their bodies, eyes and head,
and with obscene gestures, they sing certain verses. A thousand
more ridiculous and bestial ceremonies these shameless nganga
practise at their bonfires'. Another noted that the kimj;assi
initiates made 'acts of leaping of extreme obscenity' in front of
the semi-circle of idols. The kimpassi cult was usually described
as an association in which men and women invoked the devi!,
danced and then 'mixed carnally without respect of relationship
or affinity.'
127
The kimpassi assemblies were also associated with
agricultura! fertility. One of the severa! meanings of the word
vela, used to designate the kimpassi enclosure, was 'to collect
fruits.' Vela mbongo rneant to make the harvest. A mid-
seventeenth century kimpassi enclosure two miles from Mbanza
Nkusu contained an ido! venerated as 'protector ofthe tillage'.
128
The limited evidence suggest a dose relationship between
kimpassi south of the Zaire and lemba to the north, and in the
2B THE KINGDOM OF THE KONGO
sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries lemba too, appears to have
been primarily concerned with fertility although by the early
eighteenth century the emphasis of both cults had changed
from fertility to health, a kimpassi enclosure being described as 'a
place of superstition destined to the care of the ill anel other
pagan ceremonies' .
129
ln the late nineteenth century, e mbumba
jintumbula- may mubumba punish me- was a kimjJassi oath.
130
To some extent, anel in certain circumstances, the cults could
provide a more open anel flexible mbumba baseei alternative to
the autocratic kitome structures. Through them the initiates
acquired the state ofbeing characteristic ofthe kitome, the 'pure
ones'; the term for the kimpassi enclosure, vela, for example, also
meaning 'to become white'
131
anel indicating a state ofpurity.
The key difference between the kitome chiefdoms anel the
mbumba baseei cults was that the chiefdoms were corporations
sole, the kitome mediating on behalf of the group, anel the office
being occupied by a series of individuais in succession, whilst
the cults were corporations aggregate, the office of nganga nkita
being held by ali the initiates simultaneously. That these
corporations aggregate could rapidly be transformed into
corporations sole, was to be amply demonstrated by the
Antonine movement of the early eighteenth century. ln the
mid-seventeenth century the cults rivalled the kitome as a source
of power anel authority baseei on the mbumba dimension.
Observers considered that it was 'incredible the fear that
everyone has of the (kimpassi) sect, even the authorities of the
cities anel of the provinces in whose districts andjurisdictions it
exists. In this way, these criminais live with great impudence,
maintaining themselves immune from any prosecution. Ifthey
consicler themselves persecuted, they guickly venge themselves
against whoever it may be, making them die by means of
witchcraft'. The Antonine movement of the early eighteenth
century became a major politica! force in Kongo.
132
ln addition to the kanda, the kitome anel the cults, the Kongo
kingdom incorpora teci more complex politicai structures which
may conveniently be termed extra-kanda chiefdoms. The
processes underlying the formation of these chiefdoms is
unclear. However, it is significant that the most important
chiefC:loms arose in the most fertile, procluctive, anel prosperous
part of the region along the Nkisi River valley. Severa! factors
EC:ONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 29
may have been involveel. The first was client settlement as
people sought refuge from the periodic elrought of the coas tal
zone anel the aridity of the plateau. Client settlement would
strengthen both the hierarchical tendencies within the kanda
anel the position of the kanda relative to neighbouring groups.
The second factor may have been trade, the prosperous cloth
inelustry of the Nkisi valley attracting salt anel shell-traders
from the coast anel perhaps copper-traders from north of the
Zaire. This too could have strengthened the hierarchical
tendencies of certain kanda anel their position rela tive to others.
A wealthy anel powerful kanda or kanda segment chiefwould be
in a position to draw neighbouring groups into tribute. The
result would be chiefship baseei upon a ruling kanda supported
by other client anel tributary kanda. Such chiefs were normally
male anel they used their principal wives to cement alliances
with egual kanda anel their other wives to cement relationships
with subordinate kanda. The best known Nkisi valley chiefeloms
were those elominated by the kanda Nsaku Lau anel Mpangu
respectively.
133
Other chiefeloms which arose to the south along
the mountain ridge may have owed most to client lineages
escaping war or the more frequent anel intense droughts of the
southern coastal strip. Amongst these Wembo anel Wandu were
to play a part in the formation ofthe Kongo kingdom.U
4
The extra-kanda chiefs attempted to use ali three elimensions
of other-worldly power to confirm their legitimacy. They
attempted, with some success, to elevelop cults of the chiefs'
predecessors anel of the dimension of nkadi mpemba anel the sky
spirits. They also sought the support of the institutions of the
mbumba elimension
135
although the strength ofthe kitome anel the
mbumba baseei cults normally prevented them from dominating
this source of other-worldly power.
A cult of a chief's predecessors could be properly followed by
both the chief's own kanda members anel by ali those who stood
as classificatory Child to the chief. ln theory this coulel include
not only the chief's actual children anel the members of the
client anel tributary lineages, but also the kanda o[ all children
born to the kanda members. There is some evidence that cults of
the chiefly graves were developed by the extra-kanda chiefs anel
that in the sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries people continued
to visit them to plead aiel. I t was said that 'formerly' two o r three
30 THE KING DOM OF THE KONGO
of thc chiefs' favourite concubines were buried alive with
them.
136
The dimension of nkadi mpemba anel the sky spirits offered the
extra -kanda chiefs frther possi bili ties of spiri tuallegi timacy, for
the dimension was associated with powers of destruction,
protcction, anel manipulation; with material striving; anel with
the cultural world of man. These were at the root of the chiefs'
powcr. Moreover, the powers of the nkadi mpemba dimensions
were not associated with other, entrenched politicai structures,
as those of mbumba anel to a lesser extent, the ancestors were,
anel their significance in Kongo cosmology may well have
developed concomitantly with this type of chiefship. Certainly
the use of the powers of this dimension, regarded with
ambivalence when sought, as they normally were, by individuais
for individual advantage, could be perceived as legitimate anel
ofbencfit to the whole community when used by or on behalf of
chiefs. I t may be inferred fromlater evidence that very powerful
chie(c; could attempt to associate themselves directly with nkadi
mpemba type power as the kitome had clone with mbumba. That is,
they could claim to embody in themselves the powers of protection
anel destruction associated with that dimension. ln the seven-
teenth century the mani Loango, north of the zaire, was called
nkisi, fetish, because 'he has, as they say, the power to kill
anybody with a word, anel can spoil the whole country, anel
prefcr anel put down, make rich or poor, at his pleasure'. ln the
ninetccnth century powerful Nsundi chiefs claimed to 'be' nkadi
mpemba. Today, tradition exalts the destructive power ofthe old
chiefs. They 'killed anel burned anel enslaved; they put down
evil, maintained order, anel assigned !anel to their dependants.
The idea of such power horrifies anel fascinates the people of
today'.
137
Whether or not they could convince their subjects
that they embodied these powers, the chiefs could claim the
protcctive manipulative powers normally associated with
priests of the nkadi mpemba dimension. ln the seventeenth
century, for example, the mani Loango performed rain making
ceremonies of the nkadi mpemba type anel the people believed
that, by means of these anel other activities of his priests, he
procluced rain.
138
The ngola a kiluanje to the south of Kongo
similarly claimed to be 'Iord of the sun anel the rain' anel to be
able to make or withold the rain.
139
ln addition, extra-kanda
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENV!RONMENT 31
chiefs normally employed a variety of nganga o[ the nkadi mjmnba
type to assist them in aspects of government.
140
Some chiefs
established a house of the idols guardeei by nganga of the nkadi
mpemba type.
141
The nkisi protected supplicants against a
variety of evils anel could attract people from a wide arca,
proving the legitimacy of the chiefs rule in terms of his
protection of the people.
When the Kongo kingdom evolved in the early fifteenth
century, then, it did so within a social formation which included
kanda matrilineal descent groups, kitome priestly chiefdoms,
mbumba baseei cults anel extra-kanda chiefcloms. Of these, the
extra-kanda chiefcloms were probably the most recent structures,
developecl on the basis ofthe Nkisi valley's fertility anel trade anel
the mountains' precipitation anel fastness. The chieiS legitimizecl
their rule primarily by reference to the other worlclly categories
of their cleacl preclecessors anel the climension of nkadi mpemba
anel the sky spirits although they sought anel often securecl the
support of the mbumba baseei institutions. However, their
centralizing activites coulcl be resistecl by reference to the kitome
anel cults of the mbumba climension which securecl fertility anel
health anel the kanda icleology which legitimizecl rights in !anel,
regulatecl the primary clistribution ofproduce, anel affirmecl the
free status ofits members.
CHAPTER2
The Kingdom of Kongo
Although the early history of the Kongo kingdom is uncertain,
some conclusions may be drawn from sixteenth- and
seven tcenth-century evidence and traditions.
1
These, despi te
their inconsistencies and inevitablc tendency to reflect
contemporary rather than historical concerns and circumstances,
suggest that the Kingdom ofKongo represented a new type of
chiefship which developed from a prototype evolved north of
the Zai"re in the region of the Mindouli-Boko Songo copper
mines. The precise circumstances of this development are
unccrtain. It may bc hypothesized, however, that as cxtra-kanda
chiefdoms evolved in the Nkisi valley, in the southern
mountains, and in othcr locations north ofthe Zai:re, increasing
numbers of smith-traders began to seek copper to work and to
sell at the chiefly courts and markets. Thc Mindouli-Boko
Songo coppcr, which was the bcst in the region, was scattered
ovcr a wide arca. If the local kanda wcrc to maximize thcir
bencfit from the trade, thcy needed to co-operate to providc safe
passage and to cstablish a uniform system of taxation. It was
probably in such circumstances that thc kanda began to elect an
individual who, rather than representing his own kanda broke
the bonds of kin and reprcsented all the co-opcrating groups.
H c was, no doubt, assistcd by a council of all the kanda chiefs or
their rcpresentativcs. Various dcvices may have been used to
ensure that the office of 'king' circulatcd amongst the partici-
pating kanda.
Thc politicai device evolved north of the Za"ire probably
passed south ofthe river in the early fifteenth century. It seems
likely that the success of the copper controlling chiefdom or
chiefdoms, possibly called Vungu, further stimulated the
copper tradc across thc Zai:re. This tradc route from Vungu to
the Nkisi valley chiefdoms and perhaps to the southern
!'
I
r
t
I!
i:
1:
li

i
L
li
i:
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 33
mountains too, crossed an older trade route from the salt and
shell producing coastal strip to thc Nkisi vallcy. It was in this
central region, where the two routes crossed, that the Kingdom
of Kongo arose. There are at least two possible hypotheses
concerning this development. The one which is most congruent
with the traditions is that Vu'ngu became so powerful that it was
able to impose governors upon neighbouring kanda and
espccially upon the kanda which controllcd the principal Zaire
crossing. Thc Za"irc governar used his control of the copper
tradc to intervene in the coastal-Nkisi Valley trade, seceded
'om Vungu and established an independent capital on the
mountain of the !ater Mbanza Kongo (So Salvador), in the
region of the trade route intersection. H e secured the support of
the local kanda by marriage alliances and the children of these
kanda, or in practice, ofthese marriages, became contenders for
the new title of mani Kongo (lord or governar of Kongo). A
second hypothesis, less congruent with the traditions, is that the
kanda of the central region developed a device similar to that of
Vungu in order to maximize the benefits of the trade which
passed through their lands.
The mani Kongo taxed the trade which passed between the
coast and the Nkisi Valley on the one hand and Mindouli-Boko
Songo, the Nkisi Valley and perhaps the southern mountains
on the other. As bis power grew, he sent men to subject the
rclatively weak kanda and kitome on the coast, establishing two
provinces, Sonyo to the north, and Mbamba to the south. ln the
late fifteenth century, the mani Nfbamba conquered coastallands
further south, establishing the nzimbu shell producing island of
Luanda as the southernmost tip of the kingdom.- The mani
Kongo subjugated the kanda, kitome and chiefs to the north and
north-east, forming a province called Nsundi, and the
mountain chiefdom of \Vembo to the south, which became a
province ofthe sarne name. A further mountainous region to the
south, which may also have been an extra-kanda chiefdom, was
conquered and given the name ofWandu, together with other,
smaller, mountain chiefdoms such as Nkusu, Ololo (Lukinga)
and Damba which may, initially, have been incorporated in one
of the major provinces. The powerful chiefdoms of the Nkisi
Valley, based upon Mpangu and Nsaku Lau kanda, accommo-
dated themselves to the new power and were incorporated into
3+ THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
the kingdom as Mpangu anel Mbata provinces respectively.
The central region, which contained the lands of the
participating kanda became the province ofMpemba. Ali these
governors attempted to extend their influence, anel in the late
fiftccnth century the mani Mbamba was still drawing Mbundu
groups under his controi,Z the mani Nsundi was conflicting with
the makoko of the Tio over control of copper-producing groups
north of the Zaire anel the mani Mbata was extending his
influence over groups east ofthe Nkisi.
The governors established their capitais in the most fertile
parts of the provinces. Mbanza Sonyo, for example, was located
in the Zaire estuary in the north-west. This was the best
watered the most populous part of a generally arid province.
Mbanza Mbamba, which generally governed an even less
hospitable region, was located in the wetter, northern part of
thc province in a fertile region south of the Ri ver Mbrije. The
capital of the central province of Mpemba was strategically
located away from Mbanza Kongo at its southern extremity in a
fertile region on the River Loje. The eastern capitais, Mbanzas
Nsundi, Mpangu, anel Mbata were ali located in the fertile
Nkisi Valley near the eastern frontier ofthe kingdom.
3
The conquest or incorporation of the neighbouring kanda,
kome, anel extra-kanda chiefdoms established the Kongo
kingdom on a new economic basis. Instead of simply taxing the
trade which passeei through the central region, the mani Kongo
anel the central kanda now exploited the resources ofthe severa!
ecological zones directly. The governors exacted tribute from
the subject groups anel sent a proportion of it to Mbanza
Kongo. The governors of the coas tal zone sent salt anel shells;
those of the eastern provinces, cloth. The governors of the
sou thern mountain provinces probably sent some of the inferior
copper which was mined in that region. Many of the governors
sent agricultura! produce, especially live animais. Wherever
possible, the mani Kongo or the provincial governors directly
controlled the centres ofproductions. The best-known example
of this is the production of nzimbu shell money on the island of
Luanda. ln the sixteenth century anel almost certainly before,
the appointees ofthe mani Mbamba and the nzani Kongo ensured
that the shells were gradeei by size and placed in sacks of
standard measure before being sent via Mbanza Mbamba to
THE KINGDO!'v! OF KONGO 35
the capital. There may have been similar direct control over
some of the salt pans.
4
The governors sent tribute because the
mani Kongo gave them presents from a different ecological zone
in exchange. Since the products of each zone were relatively low
in value in the producing area but ofhigh value in the alterna te
zone, the governors benefited. They in turn attracted rather
than coerced the subordina te kanda anel other chiefs into tribute
anel so, through their politicai structures to the primary
producers.
5
The general effect of the system was to stimulate the
production ofluxury items- cloth, nmbu shells, and salt, and
to concentra te, but not confine them, in the hands of the ruling
lite. There was also a general movement of live animais
upwards through the system, creating a dietary distinction
between the lite who ate pigs, chickens, goats, and sometimes
beef, anel the rest of the people who seldom di c! so.
6
The precise structure of the Kongo kingdom in the late
fifteenth century is uncertain, but some conclusions can be
drawn from !ater sources. The politicai title of man Konl;o
belonged to the Mwissikongo ruling lite. ln the fifteenth and
early sixteenth centuries, the Mwissikongo could be defineel as
the members of the kanda of the central region. There were said
to be twelve of these
7
but this may have been a conventional
rather than an actual number. It is possible they inclueleel Nimi,
Kitima, Nlaza, Lukeni, anel perhaps Nsundi and Nkusu.
8
The
Mwissikongo kanda constituteel a corporate group
9
with clear
identity, presumed perpetuity and doseei membership. They
had an exclusive body of common affairs - the election of thc
mani Kongo anel thc government anel exploitation ofthc subject
regions - anel set procedures for organizing these affairs. ln
subsequent centuries, the composition ofthe Mwissikongo lite
was to change considerably but it remained a corporate group
analytically distinct from the subject peoples.
The kings fulfilled a representa tive role within the Mwissikongo
group. The Mwissikongo, not the king, 'owned' the !anel of
Kongo. The king distributed offices anel received tribute, but he
could not alienate the !anel anel hc was expected to reelistribute
the tribute to the central and provincial Mwissikongo.
10
His
movable goods, wives, anel slaves belonged to the office, not the
individual, anel his successor, not his relatives, inherited
:)h THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
them.
11
On ali important issues he assembled the Mwissikongo
in the public square anel explained in cletail the circumstances
surrounding the matter. Public oaths, exarninations, anel
receptions followed a similar proceclure. In very clelicate
matters, it was often essential to secure the public agreement of
all the principal Mwissikongo.
12
Whilst the king fulfillecl a representative role with respect to
the M wissikongo, h e was also set apart from them by the
investiture, anel this createcl an ambiguity in bis position which
he was able to exploit in the late sixteenth century. The cletails
of the investiture changecl over the centuries but it is probable
that it always consistecl ofthree parts, an election, an investiture
anel a ritual seclusion, followed by acclarnation.
13
The election
emphasized the mani Kongo'l' representative role. In theory there
were four electors. ln the earliest pcriod of the kingclom, thesc
probably represcntecl the most powerful of the participating
kanda, with the possible acldition of the kome of Mbanza
Kongo, the mani Vunda.
14
Latcr, the elcctors variecl with the
vagaries of power. By the end of the fifteenth century, for
example, the chiefofthe Nsaku Lau kanda, thc mani ;Vfbata, had
the 'first voice in Kongo' anel he continued to be considered a
nccessary elector into the mid-scventeenth century.
15
ln
practice, the most powerful electors resident in Mbanza Kongo
normally endorsed the strongest candidate, revising their
position if he were overthrown by another.
16
There is sorne
evidence that in periods when kanda relationships were
important, the electors preferred the sons of the daughters of
title-holdcrs.
17
This gave the succession to members of kanda
that had given a woman to a titlc-holder anel which therefore
stoocl as classificat:ory Chile! to his kanda. As the kingdorn
cxpancled anel the ruling kanda of clistant extra-kanda chicfdoms
proviclcd wives for the mani Kongo, the possibility ofkings being
sclected from members of these non-Mwissikongo kanda grew.
[ t was not realized, however, until the election of an Nsaku Lau
in the early sixteenth century.
18
The name of the elect was
announccd to the assembled Mwissikongo by the mani Vunda
who thereby enclorsed the decision in tcrrns of the mbumba
dimension.
I n thc second part of the process the mani Kongo was invested
pu blicly with the insgnia of oflice. ln the earliest period of
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 37
Kongo history the mani Vunda probably perforrned this
ceremony alone; from the early sixteenth to the early
seventeenth century, the mani A1bata dominated thesc
proceedings too.
19
The mani Vunda, however, remained an
essential officiant since he alone could legitimize the invcstiture
in terms of the mbumba dimension. ln the early sixteenth century
the insgnia included a copper bracelet worn on the left arm, a
cap, called mpu, a fly whisk, anel a throne of ivory anel sculpted
wood. They probably also included the drum simbo e bulo (power
of the elclers, chiefs) which made a sound like a blacksmiths
hammer, the sembo an.sure, the smiths whistlc, anel an ancestral
sachet. Other, principally Christian, insgnia, were added in
the sixteenth century.
20
Many of these insgnia implied
legitimation in terms of mbumba; the ancestral sachet implied
legi timation in terms of the chiefly prcdecessors.
The third part of the investiture was a ritual seclusion. The
king was conclucted from the place of investiture by twelve
Mwissikongo, no doubt representing the twelve real or
conventional Mwissikongo kanda. The king elect anel the people
threw dust (the dimension of mbumba) upon him. He then
passecl eight days, that is two Kongo wceks, in seclusion.
During this period h e broke the bonds ofkin, thereby fitting him
to represent the whole Mwissikongo group. According to !ater
accounts, earlier mani Kongo killed a junior member of their
kanda anel had intercourse with a female member during this
period, a practice ora myth which would also have legitimizcd
him in terms of the nkadi mpemba dimension. This period cnded
with the mani o n g o ~ s appearance in the public squarc, at which
point the Mwissikongo title-holders sworc to obey him.
Thus, the process ofinvestiture was ambivalent. On the one
hand it demonstrated the mani o n g o ~ s status as the
representative ofthe Mwissikongo group; on the other hancl, it
established his separateness anel legitimized it in terms of ali
three dimensions of spiritual power. This spiritual separateness
established a basis upon which the mani Kongo was able, in the
late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, to develop a
more dominant role within the Mwissikongo group.
Severa! institutions balanceei the power of the king at thc
centre. The council, ne mbanda, was the most important. An
individual's principal wife, who wielded great authority,Z
1
was
')I_)
,)() THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
called mani mbanda, anel the ielentity of name suggests that the
council was expecteel to fulfil a comparable role with respect to
the king. Theoretically at least, wars coulel not be eleclareel,
ollicials nameel or elepriveel, roaels openeel or closeel without the
consent of the council.
22
The most eletaileel accounts of the
cotmcil come from the early seventeenth century, but its general
structure seems to have been similar in the earlier periocl. lt
consisteel of twelve members who may 'orginally' or symboli-
cally, have representeel the twelve real or conventional
M wissikongo kanda. ln the early perioel, the offices were almost
certainly clistributeel amongst the senior members of the
Mwissikongo kanda but the structural position of councillors in
thc late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries altereel
elramatically. The councillors were elivielecl into three groups of
four. ln the mid-seventeenth century, the four principal male
councillors were the principal judge, who presided, the
principal secretary, the major-domo, mani lumbo, who was
responsible for the king's householel, anel another individual
whose responsibility is unknown. There were four lesser male
councillors anel four women councillors. The latter were usually
widowed queens anel the aunts anel sisters of the reigning
kingY Only one of these female titles is known- that of n:mbu
mjmngu, great nzimbu. The n:mbu mpungu was the king's female
co-chief, investecl, like him, with the powers of the other worlel.
ln thc only known instance, she was the king's paternal aunt,
probably the chef ofhis father's kanda.
24
Following the idiom of
the kanda she was also entitled 'Mother anel Daughter of the
King'. The king investeel the councillors in 'rcnts'- provincial
govcrnorships- from which they received the tribute income.
25
'fhc office-holelers of thc king's houschold constituted a
seconel axis of power which could restrain o r support the king.
Thc householel inclueleel relatives, the sons anel nephews of
provincial governors anel their Mwissikongo supporters sent to
be eelucated at the king's court, religious functionaries, anel,
especially in the late sixteenth century, slaves. Most of these
wcre housecl within the royal enclosure - lumbo. The most
irn portan t official was the heacl of the household, the mani lumbo
who, in the early seventeenth century, was also a member ofthe
council. Other sixtcenth- anel seventeenth-century officials
incluelecl three ollicials who took personal care of the king-a
THE KINGDO!vl OF KONGO 39
cup-bearer, a principal cook anel an individual responsible for
the foocl, four commanclers ofthe king's guards, a chief ofpolice,
a treasurer, a collector of tithes anel a collector of taxes, lesser
secretaries, ancljuclges. With the possible exception ofthe early
seventeenth century mani lumbo, the household officials were not
rewarclecl with provincial 'rents' but clepencled upon the king's
bounty. ln the micl-seventeenth century there was a tenclency
for these offices to become hereclitary.
26
Certain non-Mwissikongo chiefs also exercisecl power in
Mbanza Kongo anel balanceei that of the king, the council anel
the householcl. They tencled to be mjJemba nkazi,Z
7
powerful
extra-kanda or kanda chiefs who, having submitted to Kongo
overlorclship, were given the privilege of supplying the mani
Kongo with a kanda member- frequently their 'own' sister- as
wife. They exerciseel power at Mbanza Kongo clirectly anel also
through the sons of their sisters who were important members of
the Mbanza Kongo court anel their own closest relatives. The
identity ofthe mpemba nkazi varied accorcling to the exigencies of
power. Throughout the sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries,
the most important was the mani Mbata, the chief of the Nsaku
Lau kanda which had dominated the most powerful of the Nkisi
Valley chiefcloms. He hacl submitteel to the Kongo kings anel
acceptecl the Kongo title of mani ;Vi bata. However, he retained
much of his former power anel even increaseel it, for the upper
Nkisi valley was the most fertile anel populous part of the
kingclom anel the richest in cloth, anel the mani Mbata received
salt anel nzimbu shells in exchange for bis clotb tribute. The mani
Kongo never succeeclecl in imposing a non-Nsaku Lau governor
on tbe province anel in the fifteenth anel much of the sixteentb
anel seventeenth centuries, they simply confirmed the local
election. Even the fact of submission was concealecl, for tbe mani
Kongo hacl agreed to take an Nsaku Lau as bis principal wife anel
the tribute submitted by Mbata was said to be a subsidy to help
support the queen. ln the early sixteenth century, the mani
Mbata was describecl as tbe 'head' ofthe kingdom. Throughout
the sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, he was generally
regarclecl as a necessary elector since his position could be
clecisive. H e was entitlecl Granclfather of the king of Kongo, a
title which impliecl authority witb equivalence, since the
merging of alternate generations is explicit in Kongo usage. Hc
-lO THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
could sit nearer the king than any other title-holder and eat at
his table. Only h e and the king could use the drum called simbo e
bulo (power of the elders, chiefs) and only h e, the king, and the
kitome mani Vunda could wear an ancestral sachet on their left
shoulder.
28
ln the early seventeenth century the mani Wembo,
governor ofthe former southern chiefdom, was also an important
mjmnba nkazi, as was the smaller neighbouring mani Ololo on the
Lukunga River. These two title-holders acted with the mani
Vunda as stake-holders during interregna. They attempted to
prevent the lawlessness that usually occurred when the king
decl, and they summoned the Mwissikongo to bury the old king
anel to invest the new.
29
The power ofthese mpemba nkazi in the
electon period derived from the fact that, in theory at least,
thcy had no nterest in the electon. ln general, of course, their
power derived from the fact that they were powerful chiefs with
inclcpendent bases whose opinions and interests had to be accom-
modated.
Throughout the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries,
there were eight major provinces in Kongo. ln the early
sixteenth century the cloth-producing provinces ofMbata and
M pangu, located in the fertile Nkisi valley, were the 'principal'
provinces.
30
Nsundi, Mbamba, and Wembo were also impor-
tant,31 the first because it had access to the copper trade of
Mindouli-Boko Songo, the second because it controlled nzimbu
production, and the third because it controlled the copper
mines of Mbembe. Sonyo, which had few natural resources,
M pcmba, which was dominated by Mbanza Kongo, and Wandu,
which was distant and without any unique resource, were less
important. Of least importance were the small mountain
provinces such as Nkusu, Damba, and Ololo, which were
probably also incorporated in the kingdom. All the major
provinces incorporated sub-provinces based upon kanda, extra-
kanda chiefdoms or regional identity. The rela tive importance of
both the provinces and the sub-provinces was to change
dramatically in course ofthe succeeding centuries following the
vagaries of power.
Throughout most of the sixteenth and early seventeenth
centuries, the mani Kongo, with the approval of the council,
appointed all the major provincial governors for an initial
period of three years. He invested them in the public square,
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
+I
giving them a special cap, called mpu; the characteristic Kongo
ttle mani and the authority to rule. ln theory the mani Kongo and
council could renew or withdraw the governorship at any time.
He could appoint a regent for a very young title-holder or,
having deprived one title-holder, make an nterim appointment.
32
ln practice, of course, his control over these appointments was
directly related to his politica! position at the time. ln the case of
Mbata, his possible choice was always confined to members of
the ruling kanda Nsaku Lau and he was often able to do no more
than confirm a local electon.
33
ln other provinces, the king's
power varied considerably according to time and circumstance.
34
ln the course of the fifteenth and !ater centuries, the kings
attempted to extend their right of appointment to the governor-
ships of sub-provinces, districts and sub-districts. These
corresponded to various permutations of earlier structure norm-
ally based upon kanda and extra-kanda structures.
35
The royal
policy sometimes resulted in severa! authorities sharing power.
ln the sixteenth centu[y, for example, three authorities ruled
the nzimbu shell-producing island ofLuanda: a direct appointee
of the mani Kongo, a representative of the mani iV!bamba within
whose province the island was situated, and the local kanda
chief.
36
Direct royal appointment not only helped to secure the
mani o n g o ~ s financial interests, it also increased the number of
appointments under his patronage and helped to balance the
power of the provincial governors. At other times, powerful mani
Kongo simply supplanted the provincial governar in selected
sub-provincial appointments. By the late fifteenth century, this
process of direct appointment to sub-provincial office had
scarcely begun.
37
ln the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, the
governors constituted the principal source of danger to
individual kings. U ntil the !ater seventeenth century few
governors sought to secede from the kingdom. Their economic
dependence upon l\1banza Kongo was too great, for they
needed the high value products of the Mbanza Kongo redistri-
butive system in order to maintain the subjection of the local
chiefs. Moreover, they had strong ties of kinship and politica!
interest with the centre and, on completing their period of
office, they returned either to their kanda or to the court where
they sought further advancement. The principal danger to the
-1:! THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
kings in this period was not that the governors would secede,
but that they would use the province as a power base from
which to challenge the throne. Under weak kings, able men
could some times secure the governorship of severa! provinces or
districts simultaneously,
38
anel full brothers could amass power
in <l similar way.
39
From these bases, anel from the major
prm incial governorships, individuais could challenge the king.
40
Thc kings sought to avert this danger in three principal ways.
First they attempted to replace their predecessors' appointees
with thcir own men, anel often with dose relatives. This could
takc considerable time anel politicai skill.
41
Second, they
insistcd, as the most rigorous condition of their appointment,
that tbc governors attend at Mbanza Kongo every three years
or \\ henever called to do so. From the early sixteenth century
omYards, the triennial attendance was normally on StJames's
day (25 J uly) in the middle of the long dry season. The mani
KonJ!,O \ power was directly reflected in bis ability to secure
obcdience in this respect. The mere sending oftribute in no way
com pensateel anel the kings construeel failure to attenel as
rebcllion.
42
Thirel, the kings sought to maintain dose !ines of
cornmunication with the provincial governrs. They nameel an
official at Mbanza Kongo to represent the provincial Iord. The
official normally took the sarne title as the lorel anel received a
certain sum from him each year.
43
The king appointed
amhassadors to the provincial governor's court.
44
They
encourageel the governors to senel their sons anel nephews to be
eelucatcel at Mbanza Kongo
45
anel they insisteel upon a frequent
exchange of messengers.
46
From the mani point ofview, the governors hael three
relatccl functions- military, fiscal, anel aelministrative. ln the
!ater Portuguese terminology, the governors were the king's
captains-general.
47
They accompanieel him whenever he went
in pcrson to war anel failure in this eluty was consielereel
rebdlion. The governors exacteel the sarne obligation from the
suhordinate chieis anel in this way the mani Kongo coulel
mobilize a mass army.
48
The captain generalleel the army. ln
thc fiCteenth century this title was probably inelepenelent of the
major provincial titles anel elrew upon the manpower of the
central Mwissikongo province ofMpemba.
49
At the enel ofthe
fiftccnth century, the mani Kongo was saiel to have been able to
THE KINGDOtvl OF KONGO
"f3
raise an army of80,000 men.
50
The governors' seconel function
was fiscal. The mani Kongo appointeel the governors as 'captains
of some parts of his !anel in the collection of his rents.'
51
They
hael to collect tribute from the subject groups anel eleliver a
proportion of it on their tricnnial visits to the capital. The
amount was not fixeel.
52
l\II uch elepeneleel upon the prevailing
politicai situation. A relatively strong king coulel deprive a
governor who disappointeel him;
53
a weak king would have to
accept a lesser tribute. The governors' third function was to
administer the province in the king's name anel especially to
dispense justice, provieling a court of appeal for the suborelinate
groups.
54
ln aeldition, they maintaineel the communications
system within the province, opening or dosing the roaels on the
mani orelers,
55
anel intercepting messages of the mani
Kongo>s enemies or potential enemies.
56
The provincial governors tendeel to duplicate the administra-
tive proceelures of the capital. They appointed identical state
anel householel officials.
57
When they eliel not attenel at Mbanza
Kongo, they assembleel their subordinate governors anel chiefs
at their capital on Stjames's elay.
58
They expccteel them to fulfil
the sarne military, administrative, anel fiscal functions as they
diel for the mani Kongo. Like the mani Kongo, the provincial
governors generally attempteel to extenel their authority within
the provinces anel to impose their own nominees on the subject
chiefdoms, kanda anel sections, either directly or by daiming the
right of confirmation.
59
They sornetimes appointeel a politicai
chief to represen t them alongside the locally electeel one.
60
This
process, however, had scarcely begun in the late fifteenth
century.
61
They received a member ofeach ofthe subject kanda
as concubine.
62
The establishment of the kingdom hael an important effect
upon the kanda, shifting them further towards the hierarchical
pole of their structural continua. The provincial governorships
constituteel the most important sources of wealth anel power
available to the mernbers of the Mwissikongo kanda at the
centre, anel competition for them within as well as between the
kanda was intense. The successful competitors tended to be the
senior members of the kanda or their dose relatives anel these
strengthened their position vis--vis their kanda juniors. The
title-holelers secured some (few) slaves in the initial wars of
44 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
conqucst, luxury gooels of cloth, nzimbu shells anel salt. They
also recciveel wives from the subject kanda anel, on their retum to
Mbanza Kongo, these further increaseel both their agricultura!
wealth anel their prestige. Their sons by kanda anel slave wives
directly increased their p9wer. ln the provinces kanda anel
extra-kanda chiefs strengtheneel their position by controlling
prestigc goods which they receiveel from the Mwissikongo
governors in exchange for locally proeluceel tribute. The senior
members of the central Mwissikongo kanda anel their non-
M wissikongo chilelren, who were the dose relatives of kanda anel
extra-kanda chiefs, increasingly formeel a privilegeel group at the
expense of the junior Mwissikongo kinsmen. This was to have
important repercussions in the late sixteenth century.
63
Meanwhile, however, the structural elistinction between the
Mwissikongo, defineel as members ofthe central kanda anel the
non-Mwissikongo remained.
The establishment of the kingelom hael some effect upon
demographic distribution within Kongo, the region of the
capital, Mbanza Kongo, becoming increasingly elensely
populated. The capital
64
centred on a fertile, well watered
mountain plateau roughly ten miles in circumference. The mani
Kongo 's direct elependants accounteel for some ofthe increased
settlement on the plateau, anel in the late sixteenth century the
king's householel occupieel an enclosure roughly a mile anel a
half in circumference. lt containeel labyrinthine walleel paths,
courtyarels, huts elecorateel with palm cloth, anel garelens. A
second major source of settlement was that of the senior
members of the Mwissikongo kanda anel title-holelers who
sought to establish enclosures containing their householels as
near as possible to the king. These householels, too, consisteel of
a large number ofhuts to accommoelate aelelitional wives from
the subject kanda anel, especially in the !ater sixteenth century,
slaves. The sons of the Mwissikongo also sought to establish
themselves near the mani Kongo rather than with their less
powerful matrilineal relatives. ln the sixteenth anel seventeenth
centurics there was also aPortuguese quarter of about a mile
circumference. The !anel between the enclosures was intensively
cultivateel, most settlements provieling for their own subsistence
neeels. I n aelelition fooel was bought anel solel at the Mbanza
Kongo market. Governors invariably inclueleel fooel, particularly
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 45
animais, amongst their tribute, thus provieling for their
subsistence eluring their stay at the capital.
65
The region
arounel the plateau for a circumference of about twenty miles
was also densely settleel with the enclosures ofthe Mwissikongo
set amielst cultivateel fielels. The Europeans estimateel the
population of the Mbanza Kongo region in the late sixteenth
anel early seventeenth centuries at between 60,000 anel 100,000.
The Mwissikongo aelministration hael little effect upon the
elemographic pattern of the provinces, the capitais of which
normally remaineel relatively small. The principal reason for
this was that in the fifteenth, sixteenth, anel early seventeenth
centuries the governors selelom serveel more than three years in
one office anel Mbanza Kongo, which alone coulel offer them
further career aelvancement, remaineel their principal focus of
interest. They travelleel to the province with their frienels anel
relatives anel investeel them in provincial anel householel offices.
On completing their term of service, they took them on to their
next appointment or back to Mbanza Kongo. The chilelren of
the M wissikongo by local wives, together with the wives
themselves, moveel on with the governors or, in the case of the
sons, sought their fortune anel serveel their father's interests in
Mbanza Kongo. As a result of this, the provincial capitais
remaineel relatively small areas of elenser settlement on the
usual pattern of village o r householel enclosures surrouneleel by
cultivateel !anel. I t was not until a miel-seventeenth century mani
Sonyo establisheel an inelepenelent source ofwealth anel power
.anel severeel the link with Mbanza Kongo that a more extensive
settlement on the moelel ofMbanza Kongo arose.
66
The Mwissikongo attempteel to legitimize their power by
reference to ali three 'other worlelly' elimensions. The most
explicit was that of nkadi mpemba, the power of elestruction anel
protection in the material worlel of man which coulel be affirmeel
by both the mani Kongo anel the provincial governors. The myths
of origin which elevelopeel arounel the figure of the 'first king',
Lukeni, emphasizeel his 'unnatural' violence anel cruelty
especially with respect to his 'own aunt', perhaps the female
chief of h is kanda.
67
La ter traeli tion as cri beel similar 'unnatural'
cruelty to Afonso I, the 'first Christian king', a violence which is
contraelicteel by the contemporary sources.
68
ln seventeenth
century Kwilu, the people venerateel a site in the mielelle of
I fi THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
wooels which, accoreling to traelition, was the elwelling place of
the first kings ofKongo. They believeel that ifthey looked upon
the si te, they would suddenly die. Some people believeel that the
whirlwinds, which were very tempestuous and dangerous, were
the sc)lds of Mwissikongo princes or governors. They also
attribu teci to the mani Kong o the manipula tive powers associated
with Lhe nkadi mpemba elimension, believing, like their
neighbours in Loango anel Ngola a Kiluanje, that he could
control the rain.
69
. Thc mani Kongo also developed a cult of his predecessors'
graves. Since he broke the bonds ofkin during the investiture,
he stood as classificatory Father to ali the Mwissikongo and
ineleed to ali the subject groups. His graves could be venerated
by them as those of an actual father would be. The mani Kongo
graves were located in a special wood dose to the capital and it
was said in the seventeenth century that 'formerly' the
Mwissikongo buried twelve virgins (one for each real or
conventional kanda?) alive with the dead king. The graves were
highly vcnerated. ln the fifteenth, sixteenth, and early
seventccnth centuries, the Mwissikongo governors were unable
to elevclop provincial grave cults since they seldom died in the
provincial capital.
70
Thc mani Kongo also attempted to claim a dominance over the
mbumba dimensions. Thus, one seventeenth-century tradition
assertcd that the mountain of Mbanza Kongo had formerly
belongcd to the kitome, mani Vunda and that on taking possession
of it, thc first mani Kongo hael fillecl in the latter's sacred lake.
Anothcr traelition asserteel that the 'first King of Kongo' hael
hael to defeat the kitome mbwnba a mbula, mani pangala (mani
smith) in oreler to establish the kingdom, anel an annual ritual
was hcld to recall this victory. Other traditions associated the
mani Kongo with the realm of smithing, which was also
associa ted with the kitome, asserting that the first King ofKongo
inventcd the art ofsmithing or was descended from a 'very wise
anel skil l'ul artisan'.
71
This association was, of course, reinforced
in various rituais ofkingship and especially in the investiture.
More crucially important in establishing the mani
legitimacy in terms of the mbumba dimension, was the readiness
of the kitome, the established representatives of that dimension,
to invest the mani Kongo and the provincial governors in office.
THE KING DOM OF KONGO 17
The involvement of the kitome o[ Mbanza Kongo, the mani
Vunda, remaineel essential to the investiture of the mani Kongo
throughout the history of the kingdom. ln the provinces the
governors in effect recognized and thereby confirmed the
kitome's spiritual authority, and the kitome in return sanctioned
their secular power. This bargain was struck in a ritual which
was performeel every time a new governor entered the province.
The only detailed account derives from seventeenth-ce1tury
Nsundi. At that time the ritual was performed by the kitome
whose domain straeldled the route from Mbanza Kongo to
Mbanza Nsundi in the Nkisi valley. When the mani Nsundi and
his wife arrived at the sacred stream, he stood on one
side anel the kitome and his wife on the other. The two parties
simulated battle, using straw arrows, and the mani Nsundi, his
wife anel people, acknowledged themselves clefeated. The kitome
then gave his hand to the mani Nsundi, his wife gave hers to the
governor's wife, and they helpecl them and their people across
the stream. The next morning the mani Nsundi anel his wife
removed their clothes anel tramped them at their feet. The
kitome poured some water on the earth and daubed some mud
on the governor and bis wife. This mud represented the land,
the water, anel the mbumbq dimension. Thus sanctified, the mani
Nwndi anel his wife gave their clothes to the kitome anel bis wife.
The kitome gave the mani Nwndi some objects including a sacred
firebranel, symbol offertility, from which the Mwissikongowere
to take their fire. They were to be kept in the governor's wife's
house.
72
ln a more generalized seventeenth-century account,
the kitome was said to tread the governor under bis feet 'to
elemonstrate that he must be subject' and the governor swore
perpetuai obedience.
73
The spiritual authority was
reinforced when he invested a dose matrilineal relative of the
governo r with the power of the mbumba dimension. The rela tive
- a pre-pubertal virgin - was kept apart and coulcl only be
visiteel by the governar and other females, for it was believecl
that if she were touched by another man she would Jose her
power. When she grew oleler she was clismissed and the kitome
invested another in her place. The girl, it was believed, helped
to 'conserve the kingelom' anel her title, kz:vela, referred directly
to the purity of the mbumba climension.
74
The kitome imposed
certain taboos on the governor and the governar also obeyecl the
48 THE KING DOM OF KONGO
general 'laws of the land' established by the kitome and deferred
to him in ritual matters.
75
When the governor finished his term
of office, his house and effects were destroyed and the new
governor passed through the sarne ritual procedures.
76
The !Seneral effect of the kitome investitures was to strengthen
the kitome as well as the Mwissikongo. In effect, the
M wissikongo recognized the kitomes' position as incarnations of
the mbumba dimension essential to life and fertility, in exchange
for thc kitomes' recognition of their nkadi mpemba and ancestral
based power. The effect of this was not only to legitimize the
Mwissikongo overlordship in terms ofthe mbumba dimension; it
also strengthened the position of the kitome with respect both to
the Mwissikongo system and to the cults. Over the centuries,
the kitome developed a hierarchical structure which paralleled
that of the Mwissikongo. The mani Vunda, kitome o[ Mbanza
Kongo, dominated the system, enjoying the greatest prestige
and power; the kitome who invested the major provincial
governors occupied an intermediary position and those who
invested lesser governors or none were as 'priests amongst
bishops and archbishops'.
77
The two spheres of the
M wissikongo and the kitome were kept discrete. ln the
seventecnth century and no doubt before, it was held that the
kitome could not hold a position within the Mwissikongo
system.
78
It was also asserted that the mani Kongo and the mani
Mbamba (like other kikongo-speaking chiefs north ofthe Zaire),
could not look at the sea, which was most especially associated
with thc mhumba dimension. Ifthey did, it was believed that the
sea would cease to render the nzimbu shell money so crucial to
the economy ofthe Kongo kingdom.
79
The Mwissikongo governors did attempt to associate them-
selves with other aspects of the mbumba dimension. ln the late
fifteenth century, the governor ofthe north-western province of
Sonyo appears to have taken a leading role in the mbwnba based
cult nkimba. When he met the first European arrivals, he wore a
cap embroidered with a snake, the symbol of nkimba and he
greeted them with an nkimba cult ceremony.
80
ln the
seventcenth century, and no doubt earlier, he administered an
oath identical to that of the kitome and which implied that he,
too, was an expression of rnbumba power. Other governors
sometimes administered a similar oath to those suspected of
i
\,
r
r
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 49
treason.
81
A governor of Wandu province performed certain
ceremonies every four days in honour of mbumba and the water
and earth spirits,
82
and the principal wife of a mani Nsundi had
two 'superstitious trees' near her house.
83
Whilst the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo lite thus sought
and to some extent achieved legitimation in terms of ali three
dimensions of 'other worldly' power, they lacked a unique
source of legitimation under their direct control. Neither the
cult of the chiefty graves nor the directo r indirect assumption of
the manipulative powers of nkadi mpemba were unique to the
mani Kongo, whilst, despite occasional success, the mani Kongo
and the Mwissikongo lite ultimately failed to dominate either
the kitome o r the cults of the mbumba dimension. I t was this
absence of a unique source of legitimation under their direct
control which caused the mani Kongo and the ruling lite to
welcome the Christian cult in the late fifteenth and early
sixteenth centuries.
CHAPTER3
European Contact: The Kongo Kingdom
1483-1561
Whcn the first Europeans arrived in Kongo in 1483, the Kongo
n'garded them as water or earth spirits of the mbumba
d irncnsion. I t was understandable that they should doso. They
loukcd like albinos, who were venerated as water spirits; they
carne from the sea which, with other stretches of water,
constituted the ideal barrier between this anel the other world;
thcy spoke a strange language, as the kimpassi cult initiates did,
alld they brought rich gifts unknown to 'this' world. Incleed,
C\Tn in the micl-seventeenth century the people of eastern
Kongo, who had not seen them before, callecl them nkita, earth
spirit.
1
The Europeans said they carne from the 'King of
Portugal'. The Kongo, seeing the enormous1y rich gifts he sent,
called the king ofPortugal nzamb1: mjJUngu, which the Portuguese
tr;mslated as 'Iord of the world'
2
anel which was a rela tive term
rncaning 'highest spiritual authority' (in this case ofthe mbumba
dirncnsion).
3
Diogo Co, the leader ofthe first expeclition of 1483landecl at
1\:l pi nela near Mbanza Sonyo in the Za"ire estuary. He dicl not
visit the capital, Mbanza Kongo, although he sent messengers
and gifts. He did take some Mwissikongo hostages anel when he
rcturnecl with them in 1485 they personally witnessecl to the
marvels ofthe 'other worlcl' beyoncl the water.
4
ln view ofthis, it
was appropriate that the mani Kongo should sencl the kitome of
M banza Kongo, the mani Vunda, with return presents.
5
lt was
also politic from the mani u n d a ~ r point ofview, since the new
conLact potentially threatenecl his position as the principal
mcdiator of the mbumba elimension in Kongo. The mani Vunda
elicd cm the return journey in 1491. Any misgivings the Mwissi-
kollgo may havc felt on this scorc wcrc qucllcd by cxccptionally
rich prcscnts. The new cxpeditions brought cloth, clothes,
ornaments, instrumcnts, horscs, anel many peoplc, including
EUROPEAN C:ONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM. 1-IR3-15(il 51
priests, stonemasons, carpenters, anel also women, who wcre
inteneleel to instruct the Kongo in Portuguese housekeeping.
The mani SonJio was overwhelmeel by the sight of the gifts,
touching both hancls to the grounel anel putting them to his
heael in a gesture associateel with the mbumba dimension.
6
He
then organized a festival which was clearly an nkimba cult
assembly. The people were nakeel to the waist anel their skins
were painteel white, the colour of the other worlel. They wore
palm cloth from the waist to the grounel anel feathers in their
hair. The mani Sm!JIO wore a hat embroiclerecl with a snake, the
symbol of mbumba. The people praisecl the king of Portugal,
nzambi mjmngu, the highest other worlel1y authority of the
mbumba elimension. The mani Sort)IO anel his son were then
baptizeel, that is to say, they were initiateel into the new mbumba
cult inspireel by nzambi mpungu. As in similar initiations, the
ceremony took place in seclusion in a newly built special
enclosure, a 'church'. The Mwissikongo remained outsiele
'fearful'. The mani Sm!JIO then gathered all the olel nkisi-fetishes
anel the priests burneel them, thereby reelefining them as
fetishes of kindoki, witchcraft, the destructive aspect of nkadi
mpemba power.
7
Later, the mani Kongo greeteel the expeelition
with similar respect. ln a gesture to the mbumba elimension, he
put his hanel on the grounel, took some elust anel toucheel the
Portuguese ambassaelor's chest anel his own. vVhen he receiveel
the mission before the assemblecl Mwissikongo, the people
praiseel the king of Portugal, nzambi mpwzgu. The stonemasons
set to work with the help of the Mwissikongo to bui1el a new
enclosure, a 'church' of stone. The king was baptizeel before it
was finisheel, however, since h e hacl to leave for war. H e took the
same name as the king ofPortugal,Joo. Six title-holelers were
also baptizeel. They took the names of members of the Portuguese
king's householel. A certain Don Diogo then found what luokecl
like a cross macle of black stone. Diogo was the brother of the
mani Vunda who hael travelleel to Portugal. He was almost
certainly a member ofthe Nsaku ne Vuncla kanda anel may even
have been the new mani Vunda. The fineling of the b1ack stone, an
unusual natural object clearly relateel to the mbumba elimension
anel the new cult, authenticated the initiations in terms of
mbumba anel the water anel earth spirits.
8
Although the king of Portugal sent his gifts, inclueling the
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
ncw cult, elirectly to the mani Kongo, this eliel not substantially
strengthen the mani position within Kongo. The
principal reason for this was that Kongo lackeel tbe resources to
tempt tbe Portuguese into furtber generosity. Tbe best Joo
could offer was ivory anel palm clotb anel subsequent Portu-
gucse gifts were proportionately moelest: some clotb in 1493,
anel some clergymen, vestments, crosses, anel religious books in
!''J04.
9
A seconel factor, relateel to tbis, was that.Joo faileel to
confine the new cult to bimself anel his dose allies, as be bael
wisheel to do. After tbe iriitial baptisms of 1491 ,.Joo was forceel
to concede to the wisbes to tbe otber title-bolelers to be baptizeel.
Within a short wbile most of the Mwissikongo title-ho1elers of
thc court anel tbe provinces hael been baptizeel with Portuguese
narnes. This gave the emerging lite amongst tbe Mwissikongo
a unique source of mbumba-baseel power, but it ceaseel to be
unique to tbe king anel bis dose allies.
10
vVithin a few years of the initial baptisms, most of the
M wissikongo title-holelers, together with tbejunior members of
thc central kanda anel the mani Vunda, bael reelefineel tbe new cult
as kindoki, witchcraft, the elestructive aspect of nkadi mpemba
power. The mani opposition was inevitable since tbe
mlmmba definition cballenged his own position. Tbe king of
Portugal sent presents to the mani Kongo, not to him, anel tbe
Portuguese priests opposeel him. Tbe Mwissikongo title-
holelers became elisaffecteel wben the Christian priests
elcmanded tbat the king abanelon ali but bis principal wife. The
mmzi principal wife was a member ofthe Nsaku Lau, the
kmzda that ruleel Mbata. Sons by tbis wife coulel not succeeel to
the throne. The mani lesser wives were almost ali
members of tbe central kanda, tbe dose relatives anel often tbe
sis ters of the M wissikongo title-holelers. I t was from tbe sons of
these lesser wives that the next mani Kongo was cbosen. The
missionaries thus challengeel the title-holelers' most vital
interests. The junior members of tbe Mwissikongo kanda
objected to a cult which was exclusive to the title-holelers anel
thcir dose relatives. The general elisaffection was strengtheneel
by a drought in the coastal zone wbich people attributeel to tbe
ncw cult anel the assault that it hael maele upon the position of
thc kitome anel the ineligenous cults. The Mwissikongo pointeel
ou t that the elrought also meant less tribute anel that this in turn
EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOivl, 5:3
meant fewer gooels with which to rewarel fielelity anel avert
rebellion. The disaffected groups were leel by one ofJoo's sons,
Mpanzu a Kitima, a member of one ofthe central kanda anel for
most of the !ater years of his reign Joo aelhereel to their
position.ll
Joo's son by bis principal wife, who hael been baptizeel
Afonso, hael a suprem e interest in supporting the new Christian
cult. He coulel not, in theory, succeeel to the kingship, since it
still belonged to the central kanda anel he was an Nsaku Lau.
12
The Christian priests, however, regarelecl Afonso, the son ofthe
principal wife, as the only legitima te heir. Afonso's mother, anel
bis uncle, the Nsaku Lau mani 1Vibata, hacl a similar interest in
supporting the new cult. Afonso hael been governor of the
north-eastern Kongo province ofNsuneli when the 1491 mission
arriveel, anel he succeeelecl with some elifficulty in retaining this
position throughout the rest ofhis father's reign. He was helpeel
by Portuguese resielents who were few, but who tcneleel to gravi-
tate to Nsuncli which thcy believeel to be on thc routc to the
fabled !anel of Prester .John. They helped Afonso to establish
contrai over the copper traele route to Mindouli-Boko Songo.
13
ln the !ater years ofjoo's life, the priests also moveel to Nsundi
to seek refuge, anel perhaps wealth, with the 'Christian prince'.
Afonso useel the presence ofthese hitherto unknown nkita earth
spirits to develop an mbumba type cult anel to gather support
from the local groups.
14
WhenJ oo I clieel in 1506, Afonso seizeel the throne. From the
severa! extant versions of this episoele,
15
it appears that most of
the Mwissikongo ofMbanza Kongo anel the provinces supporteel
his half-brother, Mpanzu a Kitima, anel it is likely that Mpanzu
was, in fact, investcd as mani Kongo. Afonso came from Nsuneli
and the brothers met in a battle outsiele the capital. Afonso was
said to have hael thirty-six or thirty-seven meu, inclueling some
Portuguese, some 'noblemen', probably members of the Nsaku
Lau who were also sons of l\1wissikongo title-holelers, anel .
members of his own householel. He was far outnumbereel by
Mpanzu's men, but, accoreling to the story, St.James interveneel
on bis behalf, appearing with a cross anel with one or more
horsemen dressed in white. The horsemen may have been
Portuguese riding one or more of the horses that hael been sent
to Kongo with the 1491 mission anel they may have hael firearms.
: i ~ THE KINGDO!V! OF KONGO
M panzu's men fled anel Afonso executed him.
Despite the victory, Afonso's immediate position was weak.
'rhc Mwissikongo title-holders, the central kanda anel the kitome
mani Vunda were defeated but not reconciled. Afonso appointed
bis cousin Pedro to the vacant governorship ofNsundi. Pedro
was probably an Nsaku Lau. He lmew Nsundi well, having served
thcre during Afonso's governorship anel he was entirely trust-
worthy. Afonso's only otber supporterwas tbe Nsaku Lau kanda
chicf, tbe mani Mbata, wbo was bis dose matrilineal relative.
The dissidents also sougbt tbe mani Mbata's belp, for be was tbe
classificatory Grandfatber of the mani Kongo, of the sarne mvila-
categorical group as the mani Vunda, anel governor of the most
powerful of the Kongo provinces. H e supported Afonso, however,
for, as h e said, 'who could be king that was a closer rela tive?' Ali
thc other provincial posts were held by Afonso's enemies.
16
Afonso eventually drew the provincial anel central Mwissikongo
title-holders into tribute anel submission, partly through the
sword, but principally through the European goods that he was
ablc to acquire anel redistribute to them. These goods were very
highly valued indeed anel Afonso could acquire them immediately
bccause, unlikeJoo, he controlled a commodity which was of
considerable value in Europe, namely copper. There are several
rcasons for supposing tbat this copper carne from Mindouli-
Boko Songo nortb of the Za"ire anel that Afonso had secured a
source of supply during his governorship ofNsundi. First, the
copper that be exported in the early years ofhis reign was 'fine'
coppcr.
17
The copper from within the nuclear kingdom was
poor anel in the mid-seventeenth century, it was unacceptable
011 the European market.
18
The Mindouli-Boko Songo copper,
however, was of excellent quality, dominating the inter-
rcgional copper trade of that century.
19
Second, the captain of
So Tom understood in the mid-sixteenth century that the
mines of copper were 'further up along the river' (Za1re),Z
0
that
is to say, in the general direction of Mindouli-Boko Songo.
Third, ali the early sixteenth-century Kongo copper was
exported in the form of manilla arm-rings anel this was the
characteristic form of the Mindouli-Boko Songo exports.
21
Fi nally, the only known late fifteenth-century Kongo wars were
fought against the Tio, anel the Tio state ofMakoko was the only
state neighbouring Kongo known to the Portuguese.
22
Copper
EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM, 1483-1561 55
was the resource most likely to have been fought over. The
contest probably occurred downstream of the Pool in the
Nsundi sub-provinces ofMazinga anel Nsanga which straddled
the Za:ire anel neighboured or even incorporated parts of the
copper region.
23
Afonso was governor of Nsundi from at least
14-85 untilJoo's death in 1506 anel it is likely that the wars were
intended to secure o r to win back these provinces anel with them
control of the copper trade. Joo I had only been able to ofier
the Portuguese ivory anel palm cloth.
24
Between 1506 anel 1511
Afonso was able to export 5,200 arm-rings of copper. He also
traded ivory, cloth, skins, anel honey which were obtained
through the normal tribute mechanisms, anel some slaves who
were probably acquired in the Tio wars.
25
The European goods
he secured in exchange were more than enough to bring the
provincial governors into tribute anel submission.
Afonso traded with the Portuguese at severa! leveis. He
established an official trade with the Captain of the island So
Tom, which the Portuguese had begun to colonize in the late
fifteenth century. Although the exchange rate was very much to
bis disadvantage, tbis constituted the greatest part of the trade
in the first ten years of bis reign. Afonso bought gooels from
individual Portuguese traders, who were beginning to establish
themselves in Mbanza Kongo. He successfully monopolizeel
tbis trade too, for the Portuguese were a few in number anel
elepencled upon bim. Moreover, be was the only title-holder in a
position to purchase European goods on a large scale, for he
con trolled the flow of copper through Pedro, mani N'iUndi, anel h e
bad re-established a flow of goods from ali the provinces
through the tribute system. Afonso also attempted to purchase
goods directly in Portugal. He was less successful in this since
tbe Captain of So Tom seized the goods be dispatched to
Portugal in Portuguese boats anel frustrated his attcmpts to
purchase hi_s own boats.
26
In the seconel decade ofthe sixteenth century, So Tom anel
metropolitan Portugal began to experience an acute labour
sbortage anel the king of Portugal, hoping to secure slaves,
renewecl bis interest in Kongo. In 1508 he had merely sent some
canons, churcb ornaments, anel workmen,
27
but in 1512 be sent
an ambassador, a factor, priests, workmen, anel many gift:s. He
instructecl tbe ambassador to send the Portuguese then in
Sfi
THE K!NGDOM Of KONGO
The Mindouli-Boko Songo
copper region
o 100 200
l ___ __, ___ __, ___ __j
MAP3
EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOivi, !483-156!
57
Kongo back to Portugal, to examine the trading potential of the
country, to establish a royal factory and to impose a royal
monopoly on the slave trade. H e expected Afonso to send return
gifts of slaves, copper, and ivory.
28
Afonso welcomed this
initiative. He had himself attempted to establish a direct
exchange but the Captain ofSo Tom had seized the gifts and
sometimes the letters and ambassadors that he had sent, too.
Now, Afonso appointed the king's factor as Captain of the
Portuguese. He gave him nzinzbu shells to buy slaves and
decreed that no one else could buy them. He kept a strict
account of these purchases. There were in fact very few slaves
available for purchase and scarcely any had so far been
exported from Kongo.
29
ln order to secure the return gift
Afonso had to raid the neighbouring Mbundu - probably
Ndembu,
30
newly acquired captives being the only people who
could, at this time, be legitimately sold.
31
Afonso also gave the
factor nzinzbu shell money with which to buy slaves in the
Mbanza Kongo market. The So Tom officials and resident
Portuguese, hitherto divided, united against the royal
monopoly and the Captain of So Tom offered to ship any
slaves that the Portuguese residents bought.
32
ln the face ofthis
opposition, the royal enthusiasm declined and the king's
presents of 1526 were substantially fewer than those of 1512.
33
Finally, the king abandoned the proposed royal monopoly in
fa vour of taxing the slave trade and insisting that all the trade be
carried in official boats. The latter refused to carry the
alterna tive exports that Afonso wished to send to PortugaJ.3
4
ln the third decade ofthe sL-xteenth century the abandonment
of the attempted Portuguese royal monopoly and the growth in
the demand for slaves undermined Afonso's monopoly of the
Atlantic trade. So Tom needed slaves for the growing sugar
industry and metropolitan Portugal needed to replace the
manpower lost to the expanding empire.
35
Afonso was ill-
equipped to conduct frequent slave-raiding campaigns at the
periphery ofthe kingdom. H e had no disciplined standing army
and mass levies were destructive in their passage and incapable
ofmore than the briefest campaign.
36
ln general, Afonso dared
not second Portuguese gunmen to the provincial governors.
This would have simplified slave raiding but it would also have
decentralized power and encouraged a direct exchange of
:)B TI-!E KINGDO!vl OF KONGO
European anel Kongo goods. Afonso's monopoly collapsed as
thc balance of the traders' demands turned fiom copper to
si aves anel began to outstrip his raiding capacity?
7
As it did so,
thc Portuguese began to trade directly with individual Kongo
in hoth Mbanza Kongo anel the provinces.
38
Direct Portuguese trading threatened to destroy Afonso's
h a rd-won position at the apex of the Kongo redistributive
system. Certain Kongo, avie! for European goods, began to
kidnap people to sell as slaves. ln 1526 Afonso complaineel that
'thicves anel men without conscience' seizeel 'filhos da terra'
( people of the su bject kanda) anel 'jillzo.r de nossos fidalgos e vassallos'
(pcople ofthe Mwissikongo anel ofthe tribute submitting kanda
anel cxtra-kanda chiefs) to sell to the merchants.
39
Some ofthis
dircct trade undou btedly occurred in Mbanza Kongo where the
Portuguese had openeel three or four factories.
40
Other
Portuguese, however, began to seek slaves in the provinces anel
this threatened to undermine the whole economic anel politicai
basis ofthe state. Afonso complained in the same letter that, as a
result, the tributary governors anel chiefs became richer in
European goods than he. 'Formerly', he saiel, 'we would have
givcn them these things in order to satisfy them anel keep them
under our suzerainty aneljurisdiction'. Now, having no need of
thc Mbanza Kongo redistributive system, they rebelleel; that is,
they refused tribute anel obedience. Afonso attemptcd various
palliatives. H c askcd thc king ofPortugal to ban thc factories in
1Vl banza Kongo. Hc establishcd three ofhis household officials
as j uclgcs to examine the slavcs bought by thc white mcn anel to
determine whether they were truly war captives or whethcr
they were kiclnapped free men. Atone stage, Afonso consiclerecl
the tracle so destructive that he proposed to end it. H e informed
thc king of Portugal that he wanted Portuguese teachers anel
pricsts but he no longer wantecl traders anel mcrchants, 'for it is
ou r will that in ou r kingdom there should no longer be a trade o r
export of slaves. '
41
U nfortunately for him, this was not a
practical proposition. If Afonso ejected the Portuguesc traders
the tributory govcrnors would certainly have welcomed them
and hastened the clisintegration ofthe statc.
Disintcgration was averteel in the late l520s by the evolution
of si ave markets on the Nsundi-Tio boundary near Malebo
Pool. Severa! factors facilita teci their evolution there. There had
EUROPEAN CONTACT: TI-!E KONGO KINGDO!vl, H83-l5GI 59
been Tio-Kongo wars connected with the copper trade since at
least the late fifteenth century anel this had created a pool of
recently acquired captives. Afonso had welcomeel the
Portugucse to Nsundi anel thcy, attracted by rumours ofPrester
John anel the evidence of copper, had resided anel traeled there
during Afonso's governorship. \Vhen Afonso succeeded to the
throne, he gave a Portuguese aid to the new mani Nsundi, his
kinsman Pedro, anel this aid helpcel Pedro to keep the copper
route open.
42
When the Portuguese began to demand slaves,
Pedro anel his aid were able to supply them with their own
captives anel with those that people began to sell in the markets.
As the supply of reccntly-acquired captives dried up, Tio began
to trade in captives from more distant rcgions. The Tio state of
Makoko began to control the trade anel to funnel it through the
Malebo Pool markets. The markets were called Mpumbu, a
toponym tht corresponds to Wumbu, the ethnic name of the
people that occupied the rcgion. The term was !ater used
generically for ali the slave markets on the Kongo border.
43
The evolution of the Mpumbu market restored Afonso's
politicai anel cconomic dominance. First, Tio, not K.ongo,
organized the supply. This recluced the dangers incurred in
direct trade between thc Portuguese anel Kongo vassals.
Second, the Mpumbu supplies were abundant anel cheap. This
drastically reduced the traders' incentive to seek slavcs in the
Kongo provinces. Third, the traders had to pass through
Mbanza Kongo, which commandcd the route between Mpinda
on the Sonyo coast anel the Pool, anel which became a base for
the Mpumbu operations. Some Portuguese anel !ater, mulattos,
called pombeiros, began to specializc in trading in the interior,
sending thc slaves they purchased to Mbanza Kongo or to
Mpinda. Other Portuguese resided in these towns. They acted
as agents for the pombeiros anel also owned slaves that they sent
to the interior to trade on their own account.
44
Fourthly, anel
most importantly, the Tio demanded nzimbu shells which the
Portuguese had to buy fiom the mani Kongo.
45
This largely
restored Afonso's monopoly on European imports, his dominance
of the Atlantic trade anel his traditional position at the apex of
the Kongo redistributive system. The markets at Malebo Pool
domina teci the supply of slaves through Kongo until after the
'Jaga' invasion ofthe late sixteenth ccntury.
46
(){) THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Having re-established control, Afonso reversed his position
on the slave trade. ln 1540 he wrote to the king of Portugual
vaunting the Kongo trade and his own protection ofit: 'Put all
thc Guinea countries on one side and only Kongo on the other
and you will find that Kongo renders more than all the others
put together ... no king in all these parts esteems Portuguese
goods so much or treats the Portuguese so well as we do. Vve
favour their trade, sustain it, open markets, roads and
Mpumbu where the pieces [slaves) are traded.'
47
Through his monopoly on European products, Afonso was
able to draw many ofthe neighbouring groups into tribute and
to crcate a 'greater' Kongo which far exceeded the nuclear
kingdom of the late fifteenth century and which added to his
wcalth, prestige, and power. By the second decade of the
sixtccnth century two important Mbundu chiefdoms, Ngola a
Kiluanje in the south and Matamba in the south-east, had sent
prcsen ts. By the mid-thirties, severa! states north of the Zai:re,
including Ngoyo and Kakongo on the coast, Vungu which had
formcrly controlled the Mindouli-Boko Songo copper, and
Makoko had also clone so. So too had the plateau groups, the
Sosso and the Suku, and some of the Ndembu in the southern
mountains.
48
All these groups sent presents and offered homage
in order to secure European goods. ln 1563, aJesuit noted that
tbe mani Kongo 'could not bear that we should go to Angola
bccause he customarily sent presents ofPortuguese goods to the
King of Angola and the King of Angola sent him many small
cattle in payment for these, the land of Kongo having few
domestic animais and Angola an abundance.'
49
The only
groups drawn into Greater Kongo by conquest were the Pangu
a Lungu, who occupied the islands and north bank ofthe Zai:re
anel who had attempted in the second decade of the sixteenth
ccntury to establish an independent trade with the Portuguese,
raiding the south bank for slaves.
50
Afonso used not only the Atlantic trade to strengthen his
politicai position; he also used Christianity. He established
Christianity as a royal cult under his direct control, which
lcgitimized his own position and that of the Mwissikongo and
which elevated the kingship above compcting groups. ln arder
to do this, hc had first to makc thc cult acccptablc to thc
lVf wissikongo ruling group. Paradoxically, the key to this had
EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM, 1483-1561 61
MAKOKO
- - The slave trade route
o 1 00 200 300 km
MAP4
()2 TI-IE KING DOM OF KONGO
been founel when the Mwissikongo title-holelers abandoned
their earlier elefinition ofChristianity as an mbumba baseel cult
anel reclefineel it in terms of kindoki, witchcraft. Kindoki was an
aspcct of nkadi mjJemba power anel Christianity was much more
appropriately locateel in this dimension. The nkadi mpemba
elimcnsion was concerneel with the cultural worlel of man anel
with man's material striving, anel its associateel spirits were
located in the sky. lt was especially associateel with traele baseel
chiefShip. Afonso also associated Christianity with the cult of
the royal graves, for which there was also a strong precedent
amongst the normally traele anel client based extra-kanda chiefs.
Thc Mwissikongo title-holders anel their relatives were prepared
to support a reelefined Christian cult for three reasons. First, it
elid not challengc the established representatives of the mbumba
dimension, the kitome priestly chiefs. Second, it offered the
ruling group as well as the king a unique source of spiritual
power ancllegitimacy within the climension of nkadi mjJemba anel
the clcael anel thereby facilitated its evolution as an lite
indepenclent of the kanda structures. Third, its status rose as
Afi!nso consolidated his position in the centre anel the provinces.
I t did indeeel appear to be a cult of the nkadi mjJemba dimension,
productive ofwealth anel power in the cultural world ofman on
the one hancl, anel of the Mwissikongo title-holders in the other
world, successfully consolidating anel extending the power of
thcir descendants in this world, on the other.
J\Jonso's first task was to establish the Christian cult in
Mbanza Kongo as the established cult of the nkadi mpemba
elimension anel the royal graves. To do this, he had to destroy
the great 'house of the nkisi-fetishes' in Mbanza Kongo which
con tained the protective fetishes of the 'old' nkadi mpemba type.
H e hacl hoped to obtain guns anel ammunition from So Tom
to cnforce this, since only his household anel bis cousin Pedro,
mani Nwndi, supported him f1rmly. When So Tom failed to
supply guns, he proceeded without them. ln the event his
N saku Lau kinsman, mani Mbata, stood by him, anel Afonso
believed that it was this which 'maintained our kingelom anel
Christianity'. Afonso then cut elown the great trees that
encloscel the royal cemetery anel built a church on the site.
51
He
thus establisheel Christianity as a new cult of the royal
prcdecessors. ln the miel-sixteenth ccntury this church was the
EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM, 1483-1561
Approximate boundaries of the nuclear Kongo Kingdom
INGOYOJ Drawn in during reign of Afonso I (1506-43)
(KUNDI) Drawn in after the Jaga invasion of 1568
O 100 200 300 km
MAP5
63
Gl THE KING DOM OF KONGO
centre of the Christian cult in Mbanza Kongo anel was calleel
mbila, meaning tomb.
52
It was eleelicateel to Our Laely of the
Victory, a reference to the allegeelly miraculous intervention
that hacl secureel Afonso the throne. Afonso proceecleel to builel
other churches in Mbanza Kongo anel to futnish them with
Christian fetishes obtaineel from Europe.
53
Having clestroyeel olel forms ofnkadi mpemba anel royal grave
cults in Mbanza Kongo, Afonso neeeleel a hierarchy of priests
anel teachers to elevelop the new cult uneler his elirect control.
H e pursuecl two !ines of approach, seneling thirty or forty ofhis
sons anel Nsaku Lau kinsmen to stuely anel seek orelination in
Europe, anel pleaeling European priests anel teachers from the
King of Portugal.
54
Both approaches bore fruit. The King of
Portugal, minelful of the temporal as well as the spiritual
aelvantages of furthering pagan conversion, sent successive
missions of priests anel teachers. These men were often more
intercsteel in traele than in religion, but they eliel elevelop the
Christian cult in Mbanza Kongo anel they taught basic literacy
anel Christian eloctrine to the Mwissikongo youths. Ineleeel, by
1526 Afonso fdt he hael sufficient Portuguese anel Kongo
teachers for these purposes anel he askeel the King ofKongo to
sencl three or four gooel masters of grammar.
55
U nlike the
priests of the ineligenous cults the Portuguese hael few local
conncctions anel were elirectly elepenelent upon the king. The
Kongo kinsmen who returneel from Europe further aelvanceel
the new cult. Amongst them was Henrique, one of Afonso's
sons, who hael been orelaineel bishop. He returneel to Kongo in
the carly 1620s anel heaeleel the cult, resieling in Mbanza Kongo
anel rcceiving the 'rent' from the province ofMpangu.
56
H thc Christian cult were to serve the interests ofthe kingship
anel the Mwissikongo ruling group, it hael to be establisheel in
the provincial capitais as well as in Mbanza Kongo. Afonso
achieveel this as a elirect corollary of his growing economic
power; as he elrew the provincil governors into tribute, so they
acccpted the Christian cult. The eletails of this are not clear.
However, churches were built in Mbanza Mbata anel Mpangu
by 1514 anel a new church was built in Mbanza Sonyo by 1516.
ln the early 1620s ngola a kiluanje, who hael just been brought
into tribute, accepteel a Portuguese cleric from Mbanza
Kongo.
57
Concomitantly, Afonso sent 'officia1s of justice'
i'
i
I
i
i
EUROPEAN CONTACTS: THE KONGO KINGDOM, I483-I:i6l 65
through the kingelom to burn fetishes anel to seize those who
possesseel o r maele them, anel 1iterate Kongo to estab1ish schools
anel teach Christian eloctrine.
58
ln 1526 Afonso estimateel that
he neeeleel another fifty priests to serve the provinces.
59
No king
ever receiveel so many. Nevertheless, in 1561, some eighteen
years after Afonso's eleath, there were saiel to be churches in all
the 'kingeloms, lorelships anel provinces' of the kingelom. Each
hael a Mwissikongo youth from the mani o n g o ~ r chapei to teach
the Christian eloctrine.
60
ln oreler to gain anel to retain Mwissikongo support Afonso
ignored the Christian strictures against po1ygamy anel, in the
!ater years of his reign, he favoureel his sons by Mwissikongo
wives against his Nsaku Lau kinsmen. Afonso presenteei himself
to the European powers as a marrieel Christian monarch anel in
1514 he boasted that ali the Mwissikongo dose to him were
married.
61
There can be no eloubt however, that, in aelelition to
his 'legitimate' wife, Afonso continueel the nonnal anel po1itically
necessary practice oftaking concubines from all the Mwissikongo
anel mpemba nkazi kanda. Unlike his father, he avoieled clerical
strictures, partly because ofhis greater power, but also because
his priests were more lax in this respect thanjoo's hael been.
62
As a conseq uence of this policy, Afonso hael many sons anel they
belonged to a cross section ofthe Mwissikongo anel mpemba nkazi
kanda. A1though Afonso hael initially placeel great reliance upon
his Nsaku Lau kinsmen anel especially upon his 'own' nephews,
he !ater favoured his sons, who provided him with a means of
winning the support ofMwissikongo alienated by his succession.
By 1526 Afonso hael appointed sons to three ofthe eight major
provincial governorships, Nsuneli, Mbamba, anel Mpangu. He
hacl also appointed a brother, who may have been a halfbrother
anel a member of the ruling mpemba nkazi kanda, to the
governorship ofWembo.
63
Diogo I (1545-61), Afonso's granelson by his elaughter
N zinga, succeeded to the throne after a brief struggl
4
anel h e
continued Afonso's policy of using the Atlantic traele anel the
Christian religion to strengthen the kingship. He hael to resolve
elifficulties on both fronts. Afonso hael commaneleel the slave
trade anel expanded the tribute system through his contrai of
the nzimbu shell supply. Only he could supply the pombeiros with
the large quantities of nzimbu they needeel to traele at the Pool.
GG THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
ln rcturn for the nzimbu he received the European goods he
needcd to keep the provincial governors and the neighbouring
chicfs in tribute. By the mid-sixteenth century the Tio slave
tradcrs began to demand European goods.
65
The pombeiros
needcd fewer nzimbu shells and the mani o n g o ~ r income in
European goods declined. This threatened his position at the
apex of the tribute system, for the provincial governors would
no longer be satisfied with the products ofthe alternate zone. If
the mani Kongo did not supply them with European goods they
would seek them directly from the jJombeitos. The problem was
com pounded by the fact that many of the Portuguese had now
residcd in Kongo for fifteen or twenty years. They had formed
local alliances through trade and concubinage and were less
depcndent than hitherto on the mani Kongo. Diogo restored his
posi tion by taxing the trade. H e charged the jJmnbeiros 27 reis, 43
reis and more to leave Mbanza Kongo for the Pool and he fixed
the cxchange rate at the Mbanza Kongo market ata measure of
cloth, which was longer than that currently used in either
Portugal or its dominions. He imposed strict rules on the
pombeiros to confine them to the Sonyo-Mbanza Kongo-
Mpumbu trade route and, in 1555, expelled those that were
trouhlesome.
66
ln the religious sphere, the latent problem of
monogamy revived when a .Jesuit mission, fired with counter-
reformation enthusiasm, arrived in Kongo and attempted to
persuade Diogo to abandon his secondary wives. When they
failccl to do this, they conspired with his rivais to replace him
with a candidate more amenable to their doctrines. ln 1555
Dio.u;o expelled the mission, and, with the support of the secular
pricsts, continued to develop Afonso's Christian policy.
67
By the mid-sixteenth century Christianity anel the slave trade
had shifted the balance of power in Mbanza Kongo anel the
coun try dramatically in favour of the king, and this was
exprcssed in attempts by the king to designate an heir,
bypassing both the established claims of the s"enior members of
the central Mwissikongo kanda anel the new daims being made
by powerful men who were the children ofMwissikongo fathers
by provincial kanda wives. The Portuguese, who believed in the
principie of primogeniture, had tried to persuade Afonso to
name his eldest 'legitimate' son, Pedro, as successor. Afonso
had been unwilling to challenge the electoral claims of the
EUROPEAN C:ONTACTS: THE KONGO KINGDOl'vi, UB3-I56I 67
Mwissikongo kanda. Moreover, Pedro may have been an Nsaku
Lau, since Afonso probably conformed to the cus tom of taking
an Nsaku Lau as his principal wife, overcoming the obstacles of
consanguinity through the ritual of investiture which broke the
bond ofkin. The kanda leaders, whom Afonso had spent much of
his reign subjecting and propitiating, would have unanimously
opposed the succession ofanother Nsaku Lau. Afonso therefore
refused to designate a successor, saying that it was contrary to
custom.
68
At his death in 1543 the Portuguese tried to impose
Pedro but the kanda quickly overthrew him and after a further
struggle elected Diogo I. By about 1550 Diogo felt sufficiently
strong to attempt to designate one ofhis sons as successor, and
h e deposited copies of his will with five of the principal title-
holders.
It was this attempt by Diogo to designate an heir which
triggered a confrontation between the forces that supported the
strengthening kingship and those that opposed it.
69
Diogo had
three bases of support. The most important was his household
Ied by the major-domo, the mani lumbu. The household had been
considerably strengthened in the first part of the sixteenth
century by more or less dependent Portuguese priests and
traders, by the Christianized Kongo who acted as interpreters
and teachers, and especially by slaves whom the mani Kongo
began to purchase at the Pool. These acted as functionaries,
messengers, cultivators, and, if necessary, as soldiers. They
were all directly dependent upon the king. The mani o n g o ~ r
second basis of support was the mani Vwzda, kitome o[ Nlbanza
Kongo. The mani Vunda had much to gain from a strengthened
kingship since his dose association with the institution ensured
that his prestige and powcr vis--vis and other Kongo kitome rase
concomitantly. The third basis ofDiogo's support was the mani
Nwndi, who depended upon the king for the passage of the
pombeiros and for the wealth that he thereby accrued.
The opposition was led by two non-Mwissikongo grandsons
of Afonso I, D. Rodrigo and D. Pedro, who considered that they
had a claim to the throne and who were incensed by Diogo's
action in favour ofhis son. Their principal basis of support vvas
their own 'greater' kanda Nlbala, which consisted of severa!
Iarge discrete sections located in north-western Kongo in Sonyo
and Mpemba. This straddled the slave-tradc route bctween
63 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Mbanza Kongo and the port of embarkation, Mpinda, and was
no doubt strengthened by the profits which accrued from the
passage of traders. As one of the few kanda matriclans, it could
mobilize considerable support although, conventionally, it was
still cxcluded by its non-Mwissikongo status from providing a
royal candidate. The brothers were given tacit support by
senior members of the central (Mwisskongo) kanda whose
electoral claims were directly threatened by the king's action, as
well as by junior members who may have been alienated by the
growing status differentiation between themselves on the one
hand and the senior members and their non-Mwissikongo sons
on thc other.
Diogo succeeded in suppressing the opposition but not in
determining the succession. D. Rodrigo escaped to So Tom
from whence he attempted to acquire a papal bull supporting
his claim to the throne. Diogo I was said to have sought a papal
bull permitting him to exterminate the Mbala. He did kill or
exile severa! of the kinsmens' sisters, nephews, and sons.
Nevcrtheless, his attempt to designate the succession failed. At
his cleath his designated son succeeded to the throne as Afonso
II, supported by the Portuguese. However, he was quickly
ovcrthrown by another son, Bernardo. The issue of the
succession, on which issues concerning the limits of royal
powcr, the role of the central kanda, and the status of the
title-holders' non-Mwissikongo children centred, was not
resolved until after thejaga invasion of 1568.
CHAPTER4
Centralization: 1568-1622
ln 1568 the 'J aga' invaded Kongo and in the course of repelling
them the ruling lite strengthened its position within the Kongo
kingdom. It did so, in the immediate post-restoration period,
through the use of armed Portuguese and guns. I t then received
augmented trade revenues which it invested in slaves. It used
many of the slaves as soldiers and cultivators, so rendering itself
relatively independent of the kanda structures. I t used improved
communications, including literacy, to develop its administrative
efficiency. The definition of the group changed to include the
children of the senior Mwissikongo kanda members by provincial
and slave wives and to exclude the junior members of the
central kanda. This reftected and facilitated the lite's growing
independence of the kanda. The changes were furthered, and the
whole state structure strengthened, by the development ofChrist-
ianity as a legitimating ideology.
I. Economic and administra tive change
The J aga invasion of 1568, which proved a watershed in these
developmen ts, h as been the subject of much speculation.
1
The
sole source, Pigafetta, states that the Jaga entered Mbata
_erovince in 1568, overcoming all resistance. The mani Kongo,
Alvaro I, met them and was defeated. He sought refuge in
Mbanza Kongo and then fted to an island in the Zai:re. The
priests and principal title-holders accompanied him. TheJaga
seized the capital and then divided into groups to subject the
provinces. They burnt the villages and churches leaving no one
they met alive. The Kongo fted and sought refuge in the
mountains and deserts. On the island, lvaro and his followers
suffered hunger and disease. lvaro appealed to the King of
Portugal for help and the latter sent the Captain ofthe island of
So Tom with 600 men. This army rallied the Kongo forces
70 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
anel in one anel a-halfyears drove thejaga from the kingdom. It
owed its victories to thejaga's 'extraorelinary fear' ofthe sound
anel power ofthe guns.
I t seems likely that the J aga invasion resulted from
elevclopments to the south-east of the slve-proelucing state of
Makoko. The introeluction of the Atlantic traele hael a similar
effect upon Makoko as it hael upon Kongo. The makoko confineel
the pombeiro traders to the markets at the Pool, which he
controlleel, anel with the high value goods he thereby obtaineel,
he consolielateel his power anel drew more elistant states into
tribute. By the miel-sixteenth century these probably inclueled
Ngobila, on the south bank of the Pool, Mfuningu, east of the
Pool, anel Okango on the lower Kwango. The very limited
evielcnce suggests that, as in the early Kongo traele, the slaves
solel at the Pool were raieled from peoples at the perimeter of the
makoko '1 em pire, anel it was these people that experienceel the
mosl elisruptive effects of the slave trade. One region that was
almost certainly affected was the lower-middle Kwango, south
of M akoko's tributary state of Mfuninga. ln the seventeenth
century the people ofthis region were called Muyaka which is a
form of the worel -aka, meaning foreigner, brigand; in the mid-
sixtcenth century, they were probably Kongo or Tio speakers
dislocateel by slave-raiding. Some slight evidence for elislocation
in this region is afforeleel by the fact that the Suku of the middle
Kwango, who paid tribute to Kongo in the early sixteenth
century, retreateel later in the century from the west to the east
bank of the Kwango. The predecessors of the Muyaka, who
livecl immediately north of them, may well have been implicated
in these events.
Thus, it was probably dislocated groups from the lower-
middle Kwango that attacked Mbata in 1568. Mbata was
especially attractive to raiders. I ts relatively good soils and
climate produced the largest agricultura! surpluses anel
population densities in the Kongo kingdom, whilst its men were
relatively peaceful doth-weavers. There had been Jaga
incursions in 1567 anel possibly re1ated difficulties with the Tio
of the Pool early in 1568. Thejaga invasion of 1568 probably
began as raieling for slaves anel perhaps for food anel continued
as an attempt to break the Makoko's slave-selling monopoly anel
establish direct contact with the European traders. Kongo was
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 71
i !I adapted to cope with sudden invasion for she had no standing
army. The moblization of mass 1evies took time and was
impossible in the wet season. Moreover, the invasion coincided
with a period of change anel conflict as the mani Kongo, the
children of Mwissikongo title-holders, anel kanda struggled for
power. Although Diogo I had succeeded in suppressing opposition
to his centralizing policies and had designated bis son to
succeed him, his death had been followed by a bitter succession
dispute. When lvaro I (1566-87) succeeded to the throne he
was in a poor position to mobilize resistance to thejaga. It was
only through the power ofPortuguese guns that he restored the
kingdom.
Most of the Portuguese remained in Kongo after the restoration
anel they provideel a core of fighting men committed to the
maintenance of the kingdom, although not necessarily to a
particular king. They were joined by Portuguese from the new
colony ofLuanda, established in 1575 at the south-western tip
of the Kongo kingdom. These men followed the mani Kong o 's
own tribute route from Luanda island to Mbanza Kongo in
search of trade. ln the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth
centuries other Portuguese sought refuge from the tyrannies of
Portuguese governors of Luanda and even of Benguela which
was established further south.
2
Most of these Portuguese took
Kongo concubines, anel they anel their mulatto children formed
a distinct trader community. By the early seventeenth century,
these pombeiro colonies had become established along ali the
Kongo slave trading routes.
3
The community was much 1arger
than the earlier Portuguese trading community based on So
Tom anel it identifieel itself more closely with Kongo affairs.
Members of the community sometirnes conspired with the
rivais of the reigning mani Kong o o r wi th the Luanda Portuguese,
whose interests, especially in the early seventeenth century,
tended to rival those of the mani Kongo. Nevertheless, the
Portuguese in Kongo had an interest in strong kingship, for it
kept the trade routes open anel guaranteed security; whilst it
often opposed the ambitions of the Luanda governors who
generally sought quick profit at the e x p e ~ s e oflong-term trade.
An anonymous writernoted in 1606 thatAlvaro II (1587-1614)
'greatly esteems the Portuguese in his city for they teach hirn to
live civilly and aid him against his enernies. They are so
72 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
The modern Yaka
--'!>- The direction of the Jaga attack
---3>- Movement of Suku
O 100 200 300 km
MAP6
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 73
important to him that it is understood that he would already
have been destroyed if his enemies had not feared these
Portuguese.'
4
ln the sarne year the Luanda authorities became
so concerned at the pro-Kongo sympathies of the Portuguese
traelers there that they considered licensing the Kongo trade
anel executing oflenders anel those that aided them.
5
ln adelition to Portuguese gunmen, the post-restoration mani
Kongo had the benefit of guns. Although few in number, these
were of considerable military importance, having already
proved elecisive against the 'Mbundu' in the early sixteenth
century anel against theJaga in more recent years. ln the early
sixteenth century Afonso I had tried to buy guns through the
Captain of So Tom anel the King of Portugal, but they had
aelopteel the normal policy of refusing guns to ineligenous
powers. ln the !ater sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries
the Luanda authorities assumed the same policy.
6
However,
they hael Iess control over the activities of the by now large
Portuguese anel mulatto community in Kongo anel successive
mani Kongo were able to secure small supplies of guns and
powcler. The supply was sufficiently small to enable the mani
Kongo to enfarTe his own monopoly. ln the late sixteenth
century the only title-holcler permittecl to own guns, apart from
himself, was the mani ,11/bata who was saicl to need them to repel
thejaga.
7
The maizi Kongo was able to buy guns, Portuguese gunmen,
anel incligenous support through greatly augmented trade
revenues. The increase came about in two ways. The first was
through the evolution of a new slave-trade route to Okango on
the Ri ver K wango. The route developeel as a consequence of the
retreat of certainj aga to their 'homeland' east ofl\Jlbata and the
continuecl elisturbances createcl by them and by other raiders
on the Mbata boreler. The mani lv/bata secured the mani Kongo 's-
permission to acquire guns to fight them and he was undoubtedly
further helpecl by cashiered soldiers from the Portuguese relief
force anxious to acquire slaves. H e 'did not cease to fight against
the pagans ofthe borcler' and was in a 'permanent state ofwar
with his neighbours'. The fighting and the presence of
Portuguese buyers encouraged the development of an African
slave-traeling system anel may even have cliverted parts of the
Makoko system, since the markets of the Pool had been closed
N
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
by thc J aga wars. The development of new markets east of
Mbata in turn drew pombeiro traders from Mbanza Kongo anel
from the newly established colony of Luanda. Many of the
Portuguese solcliers turned to trade. The new trade route
passcd from Mbanza Kongo through Mbanza Mbata anel the
Kikongo-speaking states of Lula, Songo, anel Kundi to the
Humor Mfinu Tio state ofkango. The mani Kongo taxed the
traclc at Mbanza Kongo. H e also received tribute either directly
or through the mani Mbata from the eastern states, who now
recognizecl his overlordship. These payments were macle to
ensurc the continued passage of the pombeiros, on whom the
rulers clcpended for nzimbu shells, anel, !ater, for European
goods. U nlike the payments made by neighbouring states in the
earlicr periocl, however, they were relatively small, since the
chiefs dealt directly with the traclers.
8
The second factor which led to an increase in the mani Kongo)s
trade revenues was the establishment of the Portuguese colony
at Luanda. This occurred in 1575, only a few years after the
restoration of the kingdom, when the Portuguese troops still
occupiccl Mbanza Kongo. Although the mani Kongo, lvaro I,
attempted to prevent the colonization, which appeared to
thrcaten his tracle monopoly, thc situation established in the
south in the early 1580s actually favoured it. The immediate
Luanda hinterland was controlled by the Kongo tributary
chiefdom of Kazanze anel was defended by thick bush.
9
ln the
late century the Portuguese wcre less inter.ested in
Kazanzc than in the more powerful state of Ngola a Kiluanje
which they approached by way of the Rivcr Kwanza to the
south. Ngola a Kiluanje already produced slaves anel was said
to control silver mines. The ngola a kiluanje resisted Portuguese
encroachment anel for forty years he pinned the Portuguese to
the Luanda plain anel the lower reaches of the Kwanza. The
wars prevented the Luanda merchants from developing alter-
native trade routes to those of Kongo, for although the wars
provided the transient Luanda governors with slaves anel short-
term profits, they did not providc the trading infrastructure
that thc merchants needed. The governors furthcr impeded the
trade by heavily taxing the markets in the regions they did
control. Meanwhile, Portuguese merchants werc familiar with
the trade route from Mbanza Kongo to Makoko, anel Portuguese
C:ENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 75
soldiers, turned merchants, had hclped to forge the Mbanza
Kongo-Okango route. The king of Portugal banncd trade
through the Sonyo port of Mpinda
10
anel the Portuguesc
merchants in Kongo began to use thc Luanda entrept. Frce of
war, the Luancla-Mbanza Kongo-Makoko/Okango route devel-
oped into the principal slavc trading route of the late sixtecnth
anel early seventeenth centuries anel the mani Kongo taxed the
traele at Mbanza Kongo.
11
In the early seventeenth century, the Portuguese defeatecl
Ngola a Kiluanje, the trading patterns changed, anel the
Portuguese elevelopeel alternative routes which reduced thc
volume of both thc Makoko anel the Okango slave trade. The
mani Kongo was able to retain his position, however, by taxing a
lucra tive new traele in indigenous cloth. The trade elevelopeel in
response to a Portuguese need for currency, firstly in Luanda,
anel then in the interior markets. At first the Portuguese hacl
used nzimbu shell money in Luanda co1ony. This was the
currency used in western Kongo anel in 1575 a measure ofthe
best shells equalled about 200 reis. By 1610, howevcr, the
proximity of the supp1y on Luanda is1and had cleflated their
value in the colony anel forced them out of currency.
12
ln the
territories of Ngola a Kiluanje, the currency was salt anel the
people would not accept n:mbu shells.
13
The Portuguese trieel
but failed to capture the most important of the salt mines at
Kisama
14
anel there was no profit in using European goods to
buy salt to sell for slaves in the sarne region. At the end of the
sixteenth century the Portuguese used Venetian glass beads in
Ngola a Kiluanje,
15
but they do not seem to have becn
permanently acceptable. The Portuguese had mooted the possi-
bility of introducing a minteel currency in the first years of the
conquest
16
but this suggestion, which was often revived, was
not aelopteel for several reasons. First, European currencies
were not acceptable on the Kongo trade routes.
17
Second, the
Portuguese hoped to discover precious metais in Ngola a
Kiluanje anel in view of this, felt it would be better to keep the
people ignorant of their value. Third, the Portuguese wou1d
have had to circu1ate coins above their intrinsic value in orcler
to pay the costs of coinage. This, they believed, would produce
an influx offoreign metais anel with it, economic disaster.
18
The ineligenous cloth ofKongo's eastern provinces was wcil
76
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
MAKOKO
O 1 00 200 300 km
MAP7
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-!622 77
suited to meet Luanda's currency needs. First, the pombeiros
could buy it cheaply, using nzimbu shells which they extorted or
bought very cheaply indeed from the Luanda islanders; foreign
shells, which Luanda began to import in increasing numbers,
or very shoddy Europe"!-n merchandise.
19
Second, the cloth was
negotiable throughout the region conquered by Luanda and the
different cloth sty1es and sizes all developed a relatively
standard va1ue there.
20
ln the early seventeenth century, the
Luanda authorities stabilized the Luanda currency by marking
certain cloths - the libongo of Loango and the kundi (from
Kundi) of Kongo - with the royal seal. The libongo had one
mark, the kundi, two. Only thcse, called panos mercados, were
accepted as currency in Luanda. Thc other cloths, generically
called panos limpos, circulated in the interior.
21
The principal
disadvantage of this cloth currency rela tive to n:mbu shells and
European currency was its poor durability. The libongos, which
were va1ued at I O reis or more before the Dutch occupation of
1641 were so ragged that they would on1y fetch 5 reis after the
restoration of 1648.
22
This disadvantage was more than offset
by the high intrinsic value of the cloth. As new Luanda trade
routes evolved to the Ndembu, Matamba, and Kasanje, so did
the need for Kongo cloth. ln 161 O Luanda imported an average
of 20,500,000 reis' worth of cloth each year. This included an
average of 12,500 'painted' cloths from Mbata,
23
worth 640 reis
each, 45,000 songas from Songo near Okongo
24
at 200 reis each,
and 35,000 half kundis from Kundi valued at 100 reis each.
25
ln
that year the merchants' profits were estimated at 800 per cent;
in the 1630s they were estimated at 500 per cent. This compareci
with an estimated minimum profit in 1622 on slaves of200 per
cent.
26
The Dande formed the boundary between the cloth
currency and the nzimbu currency ofwestern Kongo.
27
The evolution ofthis cloth trade compensated the mani Kongo
for the decline in slave trading which followed the evolution of
new Luanda trade routes in the early seventeenth century.
Throughout the early to mid-seventeenth century Portuguese
traders dwelt in all the major towns en route to Okango: on the
Dande, in Mbumbe, Wandu, Mbamba, Mbanza Kongo, Kongo
de Mbata, and in Okango itself. They had local concubines and
deep roots. ln addition to these, many Luanda based
Portuguese and their pombeiros went to Mbata, Songo, Kundi,
78
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
anel Okango to purchase cloth. Although occasionally opposed
by Makoko, some Portuguese traded from Okango into the Makoko
controlled province of Mfuninga anel thence to 'Nimeamay' an
independent state which had 'firm league anel amity' with
Makoko.
28
The mani Kongo taxed this trade as he eliel the
continueel, though reduced, slave traele.
29
ln the course ofthe restoration ofthe kingdom, the mani Kongo
anel the Mwissikongo lite hael acquired a consielerable number
ofslaves, anel the reviva! anel expansion oftraele enabled them
to augment these numbers still further. In the early sixteenth
century, not even the mani Kongo had had a large retinue of
slaves.
30
ln 1550 the mani Mpemba hael excused himselffrom the
conspiracy against Diogo I on the grounds that, having only
recently received the title, he was still gathering the allegiance
of the subject groups anel was 'without people'. The kitome mani
Vunda hael supporteel Diogo I but this had been of little value
since the suborelinate kanda refuseel to obey him.
31
In the late
sixteenth century, the mani Kongo anel the title-holelers invested
much of their wealth in slaves. They used them as soldiers,
messengers, porters, builders, domestics, concubines, anel
general retainers. They also used them to trade in the slave
markets on their behalf 'buying anel selling accoreling to their
... orelcrs'.
32
The development of substantial s1ave-holelings
strengthcned the Mwissikongo anel renelereel them increasingly
inelepenelent of the kanda for the provision of fighting men anel
aelministrative support staff.
The mani Kongo anel Mwissikongo lite were ab1e to app1y
many of their slaves to nori-subsistence labour because, on the
one hanel, they used other slaves to cultivate the lanel, anel, on
the othcr hand, they aelopteel new fooel crops. The use of large
numbers of male slaves to cultivate the land is noted from the
late sixteenth century, the slaves fulfilling the traelitional male
role ofclearing the !anel anel also the female role of cultivating it.
This elcvelopment greatly increaseel productivity since it was
normally labour, rather than !anel, that was the scarce factor of
agricultura! production.
33
Meanwhile, the King of Portugal
hael sen t Afonso I a variety of seeels in 1512,
34
anel citrus fruits
spreael rapielly.
35
The Kongo were slow to cultivate the
staples/
6
however, for they were only suiteel to certain regions.
ln the late sixteenth century the Portuguese experimenteel with
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 79
new crops on the River Bengo, which feel Luanda, anel the new
market encourageel the Kongo to experiment too.
37
By the end
of the sixteenth century, they had adopted maize in the
grasslands, anel in the mid-seventeenth centmy it was said to be
the most common anel best of the crops.
38
The Portuguese
introdu ceei manioc at Mpinda in the early seventeenth century,
but the Kongo were said to be reluctant to grow it, probably
because it was unsuited to the elry coastal region.
39
It was
quickly adopted in wetter parts, however, anel by the mid-
seventeenth centmy manioc was the staple fooel in the foresteel
strip between Mpinda anel Mbanza Sonyo whilst in Mbanza
Kongo, it was seconel in importance to maize.
40
These new
staples considerably improved the proeluctivity of the !anel.
Sorghum, the most widely used of the indigenous grains, only
produceel one crop a year. 1\tlaize, however, could proeluce two
crops a year in the humid grasslanels anel manioc, which was
easy to grow, produceel crops throughout much of the year in
the forests. Moreover, maize appears to yield more calories per
acre than other cereais in the grasslanels, anel manioc more than
other starchy staples in the forest. Manioc flour could also be
storeel for a long while.
41
Slave cultivators anel new crops
enabled the Mwissikongo to support a growing number of
non-productive elependants.
Whilst slaves anel the aeloption of new crops strengtheneel the
Mwissikongo lite generally, literacy improved the efficiency of
its aelministration. Only Afonso I sent stuelents to Portugal,
42
but almost all the sixteenth anel early seventeenth century mani
Kongo maintained the missionary schools in Mbanza Kongo.
These schools taught basic literacy, the Christian eloctrine, anel
some Latiu anel higher studies. ln aelelition, severa! mani Kongo
anel missionary groups established schools in the provincial
capitais, Mbanza Sonyo teneling to be more frequently provieled
than others.
43
Missionary resources, however, were always
sleneler anel there were politicai advantages in confining the
schools to Mbanza Kongo. Literacy was helel in high esteem
anel schools added to the prestige of the court.
44
They also
encouraged the practice by which the provincial governors sent
their sons anel nephews to be eelucated there.
Through the schools, the lite throughout Kongo acquireel a
minimal literacy. Letters were written in Portuguese,
45
using
80
THE KING DOM 01' KONGO
ei ther paper, which was very expensive ( costing a hen per sheet
in the mid-seventeenth century), or the leaves of the nicifz or
banana trees.
46
Some books were published in Kikongo in the
anel early anel mid-seventeenth centuries,
47
but
these wcre usually available only to major title-holders, since a
grammar cost at least 6,000 reis in the mid-seventeenth century,
anel a common missal a slave.
48
Literacy facilitated anel thereby strengthened the processes
of central government. ln particular, kings rccorded financial
arrangements within the state anel this permitted more
sophisticatcd tribute arrangements. ln the late fifteenth anel
early sixteenth centuries, the tribute was not fixed anel vassals
paid tribute every three years on their visits to Mbanza Kongo.
lndeterminate tribute payments were still made in the late
sixteenth century.
49
However, from at least the mid-sixteenth
century, kings began to record the amount that the provincial
governors customarily received in tribute, that is the 'value of
the rent' anel the amount that they normally delivered to the
capital.
50
ln some cases they also recorded the type of tribute
expected. After the establishment of Luanda colony, for
example, some groups were obliged to purchase cloth anel grain
from thc Portuguese to sencl as tribute to Mbanza Kongo.
51
Literacy also permitted more ftexibility in tribute payment. ln
the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries some
payments were made annually anel even twice yearly rather
than, as hitherto, triennially.
52
The mani Luanda undoubtedly
dispatched n;mbu shell consignments frequently anel probably
more than twice a year. The kings sometimes placed a 'special
purpose' burden on a rent anel permittecl the beneficiary to
determine how it should be paid.
53
Governors also sent ad !zoe
tribute payments for various politicai purposes.
54
Each
provincial governor had an official who handled the receipt of
tribute from the suborclinate vassals anel the clispatch oftribute
to the king's official.
55
Literacy enabled ali these transactions to
be recorded.
The complexity of these financial arrangements may be illus-
trated by the provisions that Pedro II (1622-4) made for his
proposccl royal chapei of St James. He promiseel 100 cofos of
nzimbu shells for the first chaplain anel 40 for the clean to be paicl
from thc 'royal rents ofthe province ofMbamba'. He promisecl
C:ENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 81
300 cofos to be clivicleel between the other nine chaplains anel the
treasurer. Of these, I 00 cofos were to come from the 'royal taxes
anel revenues' of the mani Mpemba, 100 from the 'Cabata
chiefs'
56
anel 100 from the revenues of the chief juclge. The
fabric ofthe chapei was to be paicl from the revenues ofthe mani
Vunda. The title-holclers concerneel woulel pay once or twice a
year according to the orclers of the first chaplain anel to a person
designated by him.
57
Literacy strengthened other spheres of central government,
although the evidence for this is scatterecl. Secretaries recorclecl
the decisions taken by the mani Kongo in council. These included
matters ofinternal politics anel eleclarations ofwar.
58
Alreacly,
in the early sixteenth century, Afonso I (1506-43) hacl kept a
record of ali his transactions with the Atlantic traclers anel in the
mid-sixteenth century Diogo I hacl attempteel to use litetate
means to pre-empt the succession in favour ofhis son.
59
Matters
of state were usually clealt with orally,
60
but witnesses'
statements were sometimes recordecl. As early as 1517, when
Afonso I ordered an inquiry into the theft of presents sent him
by the king of Portugal, witnesses signeel their statements.
Later, in the mid-sixteenth century Diogo I's chief juelge
orclered a public inquiry into the rebellion ofPeelro Mbemba. It
was recordeel by aPortuguese notary with signecl statements.
61
ln the mid-seventeenth century the interpreters hacl certificates
testifying to their function anel in certain circumstances the mani
Kongo issued travei permits.
62
ln the late seventeenth century
the mani Nsundi anel his council insistecl that a Capucin friar sign
a statement exonerating them from ali responsibility before
they permitted him to embark on a clangerousjourney.
63
Literacy facilitatecl communication between the centre anel
the provinces. Throughout the sixteenth anel seventeenth
centuries letters were the normal means of communication
between the mani Kongo anel the title-holclers anel between the
title-holders themselves.
64
Ali the provincial governors hael at
least one Mwissikongo who serveel as secretary anel member of
the council.
65
Literacy authenticatecl the message anel the
messenger. Garcia II (1641-61) sent at least three circular
letters to the title-holelers. ln one he saiel that he diel SD in orcler
that 'no-one may allege ignorance ofthis my commandment.'
66
The kings kept copies of their corresponclence anel the replies.
67
{)<)
"-
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
I n this way, they could document the progress of any matter.
The importance ofthis may bejudged ~ o m the correspondence
that resulted from the rebellion of Alvaro III's (1615-22)
brother, Afonso. The mani Mbata wrote to lvaro urging him to
pardon Afonso. H e also wrote to other M wissikongo and clerics.
;\s a result ofthese letters, provincial Mwissikongo wrote to the
m.ani Kongo supporting the mani Mbata, whilst those in Mbanza
15-.ongo spoke to him directly. ln response to this pressure,
Alvaro gave the Vicar-General and Headmaster of the King-
dom a letter empowering him, on his behalf, to pardon
Afonso. 68 Literacy did not, of course, always work to the
advantage ofa particular king. ln 1645 Garcia II wrote to the
mani Sonyo suggesting terms of peace. U nfortunately, 'the king
had many enemies at court who wrote to the Count urging him
that h e should not trust Ris Majesty'.
69
Literacy also strengthened the position of the mani Kongo
vis--vis his European enemies. It enabled the kings to appeal to
!ormer agreements, cite precedents anel prove action.
70
The
Luanda Portuguese, for example, repeatedly asserted that
former kings ofKongo had ceded the copper mines ofMbembe.
The kings were always able to disprove this by reference to their
own documents. ln the late 1620s the canon Bras Correa, who
was involved in these machinations, stated that he would be
unable to use the arguments proposed by the governar of
Luanda. ln addition to the 'natural distrust that the king,
council, anel vassals have of the whites' the king would 'see anel
read the !etter of King D. Sebastio' (of Portugal) disproving
them' .71 Alvaro VI ( 1636-41) was able to maintain the right of
the Kings ofKongo to the title ofMajesty- a right the Luanda
rcsidents challenged- by reference to a concession ofPope Paul
V 'ofwhich we have the Brief.
72
Garcia II (1641-61) countered
the Portuguese assertion that the Bishop ofSo Salvador should
be Portuguese with the fact that 'one reads in the history of the
bishops that they have been of diverse nations and that there
had been two of the royal nation ofKongo' .
73
Garcia II was able
to substantiate a case against the Luanda Portuguese by reference
to the 'authentic paper' in which the Luanda assemb1y had
recorded in 1641 its decision to invade Kongo.
74
On severa!
occasions the kings secured certificates signed by Portuguese
clerics anel others affirming actions they, the kings, had taken in
CENTRAL!Zi\TION: 1568-1622 B3
Kongo, anel thereby protecting themselves against possible
Portuguese accusations.
75
Literacy proved critically important in enabling Kongo to
appeal beyond Luanda to the metropolitan powers. The So
Tom authorities had impeded the passage of Kongo
ambassadors in the early sixteenth century and the Luanda
authorities did the sarne in the early seventeenth.
76
Attempts by
Afonso I anel Garcia II to purchase boats were inevitably
doomed to failure.
77
Literacy provided an alternative means of
communicating with Europe, although the Luanda authorities
confiscated letters whenever they could.
78
The letters were
usually sent through sympathetic clerics and other Portuguese.
ln the early seventeenth century the Jesuits acted as couriers.
Roman correspondents addressed their letters to Bras Correia,
the highly politicai canon of So Salvador. They sent them
through the Apostolic Collector, theJ esuit Provincial at Lisbon
and thejesuit Superior in Luanda. 'Otherwise nothing arrives'.
The mani Kongo sent letters to Lisbon, Madrid, and Rome by the
sarne route.
79
ln the mid-seventecnth century Capucins and
Kongophile Portuguese transmitted the mani Kongo's letters.
80
European contact was a powerful weapon in Kongo-Luanda rela-
tions. The most drama ti c illustration of this occurred after the
restoration of Portuguesc Luanda in 1648 when, as a result of
letters anda Capucin embassy, the king ofPortugal redrafted
the Kongo-Luanda Peace Treaty in Kongo's favour.
81
The speed of communications had a direct bearing on the
efiective area of central control. Three factors had restricted
travelling speed in the fifteenth century. First, the individual's
physicallimitations restricted the speed ofpedestrian travei. ln
thc coastal anel middle zones pedestrians travelled an average
of twelve miles a day in a direct line and perhaps twenty-four
miles a day on the ground.
82
Second, in the absence of a large
number ofpersonal carriers who would travei the wholejourney,
individuais had to hire porters from village to village. This
caused perpetuai detours away from the most direct route. It
doubled the time otherwise taken on a journey. ln the mid-
seventeenth century, one such journey between Mbanza Kongo
anel Mbanza Sonyo averaged six miles a day in a direct line.
Another between Luanda anel J\ilbanza Kongo averageel five miles
a ela y in a elirect line.
83
Thirel, physical elifficulties impeeleel
8'1
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
journeys. ln the coastal anel middle beits roads passed through
tall, sharp cane, deserts, forests, mountains, anel marsh. Rivers
were crossed by log anel liana bridges or by canoes.
84
The speed
of messages was impeded by a fourth factor: the need for
accuracy. This limited the number of oral transmissions that
could be made anel therefore prevented the widespread use of
relays.
ln the sixteenth century travelling speed doubled anel the
speeel of messages quaelrupled. The Portuguese introeluced
hammocks early in the sixteenth century
85
anel the expanding
slave population provieleel the manpower to carry them. On
longjourneys severa! groups operated in reiays at running pace.
Another four carrieel a portable beel.
86
The Atlantic trade
increaseel the volume of traffic, keeping the roads clear anel
making it profitable to establish or perhaps to extend the ferry
services at the important river crossings. ln the seventeenth
century a subject of the mani Mbamba controlled the canoe-
crossing on the River Laje anel a canoe was kept at Nkondo to
cross the Mbrije.
87
The evolution of a 'Greater Kongo' was
fac i li tateel by the fact that travei was easier on the grassy eastern
plateau than in the coas tal anel the middle zones of the nuclear
kingelom.
88
In the late sixteenth century people travelled in
hammocks at 32-40 miles a day on the ground- perhaps 17-20
miles in a straight line. ln the mid-seventeenth century Dutch
mcrchants travelleel between Mbanza Sonyo anel Mbanza Kongo
'without hurrying' in six or seven days, that is at 18-21 direct
miles a elay.
89
ln the early seventeenth century people werc said
to travei 'elaily' between Luanda anel Mbanza Kongo in less than
nine days, that is at twenty-seven direct miles a day.
90
The
expansion in the number of slaves combined with the introduction
of literacy to quadruple the speed of messages. In the late
sixteenth century the mani Kongo stationed couriers at
convenient distances throughout the kingdom. They transmitted
messages 'like post stages' .
91
I t is not certain whether this
system surviveel into the seventeenth century. However, in the
micl-seventeenth century messages could travei between Mbanza
Kongo anel Mbanza Sonyo in four days; that is at thirty-two
clirect miles a clay.
92
These couriers were almost certainly
slavcs,
93
although Mwissikongo youths were useel for less
urgent anel more formal messages.
94
The increased speed of
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 B5
communications improved administrative efficiency anel
increased the arca of effective Mwissikongo contrai.
2. Social structure and politica! change
The mani Kongo, whose position had already strengthened in the
earlier part of the century, gained most from these economic
anel administrative changes. His holelings of slaves, in par-
ticular, far outstripped those of other title-holders. He used his
tax anel tribute revenues to acquire large numbers of slaves in
the Malebo Pool markets. In aeldition, lvaro II (1587-1614)
anel his immediate successors successfully claimeel the right to
inherit the slaves (anel European clothes) of deceased anel
deprived titlc-holders, probably on the grounds that they
pertained to the title, which belongeel to the ruling group,
represented by himself.
95
These, of course, were inherited by
his successor. As a result, anel in contrast to the relatively few
slaves held by the mani Kongo of the early sixteenth century,
lvaro II, the most powerful of the mani Kongo of this perioel,
held some 16,000-20,000 Tio slave guards. They were
commanded by four Mwissikongo title-holelers anel garrisoned
in Mbanza Kongo anel other strategic places.
96
These slave holdings shifteel power elecisively in favour ofthe
mani Kongo. The royal householel, to which the slaves belongeel,
became the most important of the three axes of power in
Mbanza Kongo, anel the heael ofthe household, the mani lumbo,
was considered the first dignitary after the king.
97
The mani
Kongo appointeel the mani lumbo, slaves, anel even in one
instance, a European confidant, to the Council, thereby abro-
gating the rights of the central kanda to whom these offices hael
formerly pertained.
98
Meanwhile, the slave holdings strength-
ened the mani Kongo vis--vis the provincial governors. lvaro II
was able to appoint judges to each province to coneluct trials
anel pronounce juclgements according to the custam of each
region, a system which continueel into the miel-seventeenth cen-
tury.99 It is not clear how this meshecl with thejuclicial functions of
the governors, but it does appear that most of the work of the
juclges involveel disputes concerning slaves,
100
that is, the most
valuable commoelity in Kongo. ln any event, the establishment of
this centralizeel system of justice both reflectecl anel furtherecl the
increasecl power of the king vis--vis the governors.
Bfi
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
1
JOAO I
1506
l
2
AFONSO I
1543

3PEDRO I (NZINGA fL (LUI<ENI f) (NTUMBA f)
4 FRANclfc:l\5oiOGO 1 -1 I
1568
1622
1636
1661
l
I I I I
I I I (m) (t)
6AFON
1
SO 11 I I I I
t7BERNARD0 I I I I I
IBHENRIQUE I I I
t

\ \
=-=t Genealogical links
-- Reign length
I I I
I I I
I
10
ALVA\ROII \ \ \
I I I
I I I
I I I
1
I I
11
BERNARDO I I I
12
ALVARO III I I I
1-----.
13
PEDR0 11 I
t (m) i-
I !
14
GARCIA I I
16. 1
15
AMBROSIO I i- I
ALVARO IV t
18
r--
1
t 17ALVAR0 V ALVARO VIl
t t I
19
GARCIA 11
MPANZU
MUB>CA NCAZA L-
20ANTNIO I
( i
'----
FIG 1
C:ENTRALIZATION: 1568-!622 87
The mani Kongo title was now monopolized by the
descendants of Afonso L ln the course of his very long reign,
Afonso had introduced a new lu)lalu,
101
a new regime with a new
tradition and spirit based on Christianity and the Atlantic
trade, and the prestige attached to his name determined that
only those who carried his name could hope to succeed to the
throne. Afonso's children had, according to custom, taken his
name as their second name and his daughters' children had
sought to secure their position with respect to the throne by
taking the name of their mother's father, rather than the name
of their 'own' father. The logic of this is found in normal kanda
descent reckoning. The children of Afonso's daughters were
members of their mothers' kanda. These stood collectively as
classificatory Child to Afonso. By clan reckoning Afonso was
their Father and they could take his name as their second name,
interposing their mother's name to indicate the basis of the
claim. ln terms of clan reckoning, the sons of Afonso's
daughters had a better claim to the throne than the sons, who
belonged to kanda which did not stand in this relationship.
Thus, with the exception of Afonso's sou, briefly imposed by the
Portuguese, Afonso's immediate heirs were grandsons by his
daughters. Ali subsequent contenders for the kingship had to
bear Afonso's name.
102
ln the later sixteenth century the Afonso segment derived
from lvaro I used its slave-based power to eleva te the kingship
above both the kanda and the other Mwissikongo and Afonso
groups by successfully designating royal sons by slave wives to
succeed to the throne. ln contrast to Diogo I's unsuccessful
attempt to designate a son as heir, lvaro I (1568-87), who had
children by his principal and perhaps by other free wives and by
various slaves, successfully designated ,a son by a. slave wife.
The designated son, who succeeded as Alvaro II (1587-1614),
had several sons by various women and he, too, designated a
son of a slave wife to succeed him. When lvaro II died, this son
was considered too young and Bernardo II, lvaro II's half
brother, secured the election. Bernardo was also the son of a
slave woman without kanda affiliation. ln 1615 a rebellion
brought lvaro II's designated son to the throne as lvaro
III.
103
lvaro III reigned untill622. Thus, between 1587 and
1622 the throne was monopolized by a slave-based Afonso
gg
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
group wbicb descended patrilineally from lvaro I, grandson of
Afonso I and wbicb entirely excluded tbe central and tbe
provincial kanda, tbe Mwissikongo, and otber Afonso segments
from any interest in tbe tbrone. Tbe segment was called
M panzu Afonso.
Tbe cbanging pattern of succession to tbe kingsbip was part
of a general movement amongst tbe Mwissikongo in favour of
the patrilateral tie. Tbis relationsbip bad always been
important to tbe Kongo. Tbe Mwissikongo generally bad
continued tbe normal Kongo practice of taking tbeir fatber's
personal name as tbeir second name and inberiting bis food
taboo. Tbey continued to prefer matrilateral or patrilateral
cross-cousin marriages.
104
The circumstances of tbe Mwissikongo overlordsbip had
strengtbened tbe patrilateral tie in severa! ways. First, it bad
necessitated geograpbical mobility. Tbe Mwissikongo manned
all tbe centrally appointed provincial governorships and
individuais sougbt politicai advancement by proceeding from
lesser to greater ones. ln tbe course of bis politicai career an
individual could reside in many different parts oftbe kingdom.
Before Pedro II (1622-4) became king be was exiled twice and
g;iven 'numerous' governorsbips. He graduated to Wembo,
Mbamba, and finally tbe kingsbip.
105
Tbis strengtbened tbe
patrilateral tie, since a busband bad greater control over bis
wife and children if they were thus detacbed from the adult
males of their kanda. Second, tbe Mwissikongo overlordsbip
brought wealtb and prestige, and tbis further strengthened the
patrilateral tie since tbe relationsbips with tbe wives given by
the subordinate kanda were dominated by the Mwissikongo and
the sons of sucb unions preferred to reside witb tbeir powerful
Mwissikongo fatbers ratber than witb their less powerful non-
M wissikongo maternal uncles.
106
Tbird, tbere is some
indication that tbe M wissikongo, anxious to increase tbe
number of dependants and hence their politicai power, used
some of tbeir wealtb to secure additional rights o ver their wives
and cbildren. Tbese rigbts probably included the permanent
transfer to tbe Mwissikongo of rights in uxorem.
107
Fourth, the
powerful Mwissikongo title-holders accumulated slave con-
cubines. Tbey bad complete control over tbese women and
cbildren wbo, by definition, bad no kanda. Fiftb, tbe rigbts oftbe
CENTRALIZATION: 156B-1622
B9
minimal matrilineages to inherit movable goods were eroded on
the one hand by the mani K o n g o ~ successful claim to inherit the
slaves and European clothes of the title-holders, and on the
other by the accession to office and hence to wealth, of the sons
ofMwissikongo by slave wives who had no minimallineage to
claim their goods. By the mid-seventeenth century, the lite
bequeathed their possessions by will, and usually to their sons,
and filial inheritance generally superseded matrilineal
inheritance amongst the ruling group.
108
This too strengthened
the patrilateral tie. Finally, the desire of the Mwissikongo title-
holders to maximize their politicai support by securing
positions for their many sons by slave and other wives,
combined with pressure from the sons, and, on occasion, from
their kanda, to be recognized as members ofthe lite and eligible
for office.
109
Meanwhile Christianity, which had been embraced by the
Mwissikongo in the early sixteenth century, also favoured the
patrilateral tie and provided a means of formalizing and
legitimizing the new emphasis. The Europeans constantly
urged the merits of filial succession. "
0
:More importantly, when
the M wissikongo accepted Christianity in the first years of the
sixteenth century the king, his principal wife and one son took
the name of the king, queen, and prince of Portugal: Joo,
Eleanor, and Afonso. The other nobles took a baptismal name
and one of the family names of the Portuguese nobility- Castro,
Meneses, Silva, Vieira, Vasconcelos, Pereira, Cortes. Their
children took these names as their second names.
111
The names
were associated with the Christian religion and the wealth and
power brought by the new trade.
Following the normal Kongo practice oftracing relationship
(as opposed to descent) 'individually',
112
their late sixteenth-
and early-seventeenth-century descendants used these names
to 'prove' their Mwissikongo status, reckoning descent
patrilineally from the first holder of that name. They would
normally use their personal or baptismal name together with
the patrilineal name, for example, Antnio da Silva. On solemn
occasions, or whenever their genealogy was in doubt, they
recited the whole genealogy. This may be illustrated by the
name of Garcia I (1624-6) who was briefly called Garcia
Afonso. Garcia' s full name was: Mbemba (h is personal name) a
90
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
Nkanga (his father, Pedro ll's personal name) a Mubica
(Pedro's father, a former mani Nsundi) a Ntumba (the third
known daughter of Afonso I) a Mbemba (Afonso I's personal
name) Nzinga (Afonso's father, Joo I, the first king known to
the Portuguese) Nkuwu Uoo's father, known fromjoao's full
name, Nzinga Nkuwu) a Mutinu (king, an honorific title, the
title ofthe 'first King ofKongo').
113
Ali these factors combined in the late sixteenth century anel
led to the formation of patrilineal categories. These categories
united in varying degrees individuais who shared the sarne
patrilineal name. U nlike the matrilineal kanda, these new
patrilineal groupings were corporate categories, not corporate
groupsY4 They had clear identity, closed membership, anel
presumed perpetuity. However, for the most part they lacked a
clear body of exclusive common concerns anel the set
proceelures for elealing with them. They did not have chiefs anel
committees anel they did.not normally control particular offices.
Although the patrilineages did not, individually, become
corporate groups, they did, collectively, establish themselves as
thc ruling group. The definition of the Mwissikongo ruling
group ceaseel to be related to membership of a central kanda.
The M wissikongo were now defined as the patrilineal descendants
ofmembers ofthe central kanda baptized in the reign ofjoo I or
Afonso I, together with the patrilineal descendants of the
elaughters of Afonso I who constituted the Afonso patrilineal
category. Patrilineal descent categories thus formalized a
elivision between the Mwissikongo, who had access to politicai
oilice, traele wealth, anel slave labour, anel who included the
chilelren of Mwissikongo fathers by provincial kanda anel slave
women, anel the non-Mwissikongo who, through the kanda
structures, anel kin-based labour, continued to control access to
]anel outsiele the Mwissikongo towns.
3. Ideology and politica! change
The social anel politicai changes of the late sixteenth anel early
seventeenth centuries were legitimized in terms ofthe Christian
religion. This hael initially been perceived as an mbumba-based
cult, but Afonso I had re-ielentified it as a form ofnkadi mpemba
anel grave-based cult anel had used it in conjunction with the
mbumba-baseel kitome as a means of legitimating Mwissikongo
CENTRALIZATION: l56fl-l622
91
rule. ln the course of the later sixteenth anel early seventeenth
centuries many of the details anel implications of this
interpretation were worked through.
There were considerable problems ofideological 'fit' between
Christianity on the one hand anel the nkadi mpemba dmension
and grave cult on the other. A central problem concerned the
key Christian concept of 'God'. This had been translated from
the earliest contacts as nzambi mpungu. Nzambi appears to have
referred to the rela tive power of moyo, spirit or soul. The power
of moyo ul timately derived from the other world. I t was exercised
in varying degrees in this world anel nzambi was the superior
power in a particular context.
115
Mpungu meant 'great,
supreme' .
116
Thus nzambi mpungu probably signified 'highest or
ultima te power'. This appears to be similar to the Christian
concept of 'God'. ln fact, its connotations were quite different.
ln particular, it was a relative term. It could be used in many
contexts and the context defined the meaning. ln the context of
the family, nzambi mpungu was the maternal unde or the father.
ln 'this' world in general, it was the chief, the lineage head or
the kitome. ln the 'other' worldly village of the ancestors, it was
the founder of the village. ln the 'other' world in general it was
the ultimate creative power beyond the three categories of
power distinguished above. ln the late fifteenth century the
Kongo called the King ofPortugal nzambi mpungu which in this
context probably meant 'highcst spiritual authority of the
mbumba dimension' .
117
ln the early scventeenth century the
mani Loango was called nzambi mjJungu,ll8 which probably
connoted 'highest spiritual authority of the nkadi mpemba
dimension in this world'. When the Europeans asked the mid-
seventeenth century Kongo who made them, they said nzambi
mpungu, that is the highest spiritual ( creative) force made
them.
119
ln the mid-seventeenth century, the kitome were called,
amongst other things, nzambi mpungu nsi 'gods' of the land.
120
Since the term nzambi mpungu was relative to a particular
context, it had little meaning in the abstract. The Kongo were
not interested in it as a general tcrm anel the Europeans
complained that outside the arcas ofintense evangelization, the
people 'had no knowledge of God at ali, nor his word, but only
the bare name, which in their language is Sambian Pongom'.
They neither cared nor desired to know more.
121
92
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
The most fervent Mwissikongo needed a clearer definition
and provided it by using the term nzambi mpungu to express the
benevolent aspect of nkadi mpemba and the sky spirits dimension.
They affirmed the 'one-ness' of nzambi mpungu, for the 'ultimate
spiritual authority' in any context was inevitably indivisible;
bu t they insisted upon giving nzambi mpungu two attributes. One
was nzambi caca, unique power, a translation of the European
doctrine. The other was nzambi diulu, power in the sky, which
defined it in terms ofKongo cosmology, that is, in terms of nkadi
rnpemba and the sky spirits.
122
Concomitantly, the Mwissikongo
Christians used the word nkadi mpemba itself to express the
clcstructive aspects of that dimension and to translate the
European conceptofthe 'devil'.
123
The Mwissikongo developed this definition of God, nzambi
mjJUngu. They called the inhabitants ofheaven ntungu za mazulu,
inhabitants ofthe sky. They called the archangels arkanio a ntazi
- archangels of the sun. Various stories evolved to elabora te the
concept. ln one a beautifullady descended from heaven on a
cloud. She took the soul of a particularly faithful Christian and
returned with it to the sky. ln another a nganga (indigenous
priest) sought to draw the faithful from Christianity. 'A ray fell
flom the sky and turned him into ashes.' Another story
concerned the early days ofthe conversion. A Mwissikongowho
opposed the evangelization died and was buried in a church.
That night there was a great tempest with much thunder and
Jightning. The following morning they found the tomb open
and the body missing 'a manifest indication of the fearful
punishment ofGod'.
124
The Kongo believed that Christ had been a powerful mfumu-
chief. H e was called Kristu mfumu, and ngusi mfumu ami -Iord or
chief Jesus - was a common expletive.
125
This associated
Christianity with the cult of the graves of the chiefly pre-
decessors and there is some suggestion that the Mwissikongo
regarded the Virgin Mary as Christ's female co-chief. ln the
first years of the eighteenth century Dona Beatrice, the
prophetess of the Antonine movement, transposed the principal
bblica! characters to Kongo. ln doing so, she stated that the
Virgin 'had her origin' in a slave or servant of the mani nzimbu
mpungu, that is of the female co-chief of the mani Kong o. The mani
nzmbu was also entitled 'Mother and Daughter' of the king of
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 93
Kongo and may normally have been the female of the mani
o n g o ~ r father's kanda.
116
The concept of the resurrection was translated into
indigenous terms. For the Kongo death occurred when the soul,
moyo, took a new form. Ifit had not clone this, it had not died.
127
To 'rise from the dead' implied that the tranformed moyo took
back its early and lesser powers. This was unlikely. ln the
mid-seventeenth century a Matamba notable explained to the
newly arrived missionaries that 'the soul had a horror of the
pains and miseries of this life . . . being in another lifc
abundantly furnished with all, without the least pain',
128
and in
ali the newly evangelized Kikongo-speaking regions, the
concept of the resurrection was derided.
129
Two Kongo
concepts apparently similar to the Christian doctrine of the
resurrection were in fact very different. ln the cults of the
mbumba dimension individuais 'died' and 'resurrected'.
However, they resurrected with a different mrryo, soul. Their
own soul had passed to the village of the ancestors. Their body
rcvived as an nkita spirit possessed it.
130
The Kongo also
believed that the ghost of dead people who had not been
properly buried could come back to haunt the living as one of
the severa! forms of ndoki, witch. However, they did not return
in their earthly bodies. It needed an nganga atombola to remedy
the situation by a transitory resurrection of the body and
reburial.
131
The Christian Mwissikongo may have resolved the
problem by reference to a concept of suspended animation.
This may have been an indigenous concept or it may have
developed in response to the challenge posed by the Christian
concept of the resurrection. Certainly, the early twentieth-
century Nsundi believed that when a mrryo-soul- arrived in the
other world the ancestors sometimes decided to send it back to
this world tocare for the living. Such a person could relate what
h e had seen and heard in the other world. However, h e had not
died, that is, been transformed. H e had simply been in a state of
suspended animation.
132
That this concept was used to
translate the Christian concept of the resurrection is suggested
by the fact that the mid-seventeenth century Mwissikongo used
the term lu katukulu for 'resurrection'. This literally meant 'to
wake up', a phrase which suggests arousal from suspended
animation rather than from death.
133
94
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
l t is unlikely that the Christian concepts of hell and heaven
were accepted by any but the most devout Mwissikongo. They
could not be adapted to Kongo thought and were either
accepted as additions to the belief system or, more usually,
rcjected. The twentieth-century Kongo believed that the moyo,
souls, of the dead went in their new form to the village of the
ancestors under the ground. The souls of malefactors and
bandoki, witches, however, did not become ancestors. They
became matebo and constructed their huts in the woods near
springs or the rivers.
134
The Christian priests used the term
nzazulu, sky, to indicate the Christian heaven. They used the
tcrm bulungi to designate hell.
135
It was difficult to reconcile
mazulu, sky, with the underground village. Bulungi was closer in
rneaning to the waterside huts of the malefactors, but more
confusing. It was a form of the word kalunga, which indicated
several things: water, the ideal barrier between this world and
the 'other', the 'other' world itself and the kitome priestly chiefs
of the mbumba dimension.
136
I t is not surprising that the
Christian doctrines of heaven and hell were generally rejected.
i\ mid-seventeenth-century Capucin missionary who worked in
Sonyo, Mbanza Kongo and Wandu said that it was 'the universal
opinion that what the Capucins preached of judgement, hell,
and glory is a lie and no person is able to go either to hell
( bulungi) or to the glory ofheaven (mazulu) .
137
ln accordance with the generallocation ofChristianity with-
in the dimensions of nkadi mpemba and the graves, the
M wissikongo regarded the Christian priests as nganga who used
nkisi, fetishes, to influence events in the world of man. They
called the Pope ntotela wa Papa, ntotela being a title normally
applied to great chiefs, and mulukiriiri nkuluntu a nganga, superior
head of the nganga lineage. The different types of priest were
called nganga plus a modifier. Thus the Capucins were variously
called nganga nzambi mpungu, nganga a Papa, and nganga
Capuccini. 138 The term nkisi, fetish, was used to translate 'holy'
'sacred' 'divine' so that the eucharist, for was nriwa
(food) a nkisi and crosses, crucifixes, Ave Marias, paternosters,
and other Christian symbols were nkisi.
139
For the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo lite the Christian
priests served two principal functions, the first of which was to
support the cult ofthe royal and Mwissikongo graves. This was
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 95
facilitated by the Christian practice of burying the dead in or
next to the churches, in contrast to the indigenous practice of
burying them in woods near the settlement. By the seventeenth
century, ali the churches in Mbanza Kongo contained tombs.
They were like the wooden tombs the Europeans put in the
middle of the church on the anniversary of the dead. They were
placed at the sides of the church and covered with black cloths,
black being a traditional antidote to the dead. The churches
carne to be called nzo a nkisi, house of the fetish or graves.
140
Through them the Christian priests assisted the mani Kongo and
the Mwissikongo lite in communicating with their predecessors.
The Christian priests were used exclusively in royal funerais.
ln 1622 the funeral procession of lvaro III was led by the mani
andu (kiandu-chair) who carried the throne. Other officials
followed, carrying the carpet and the cushions that the king
used in church. Then carne the musicians. Among these, one
beat the ancient insgnia of authority, the ngoma drum, and
another blew the sembo ansuri, the smith's whistle. The brethren
of the Brotherhood of the Holy Mercy followed with their
banner. Then carne the chapter, the clergy, and six title-holders
carrying the body of the king. This was clothed in a hat of the
Order ofthe Holy Trinity. On this occasion the king was buried
with Roman rites in the Church of St Antony.
141
After the
funeral one or two of the former king's most faithful slaves
remained in perpetuai service of the tomb. They prayed fie-
quently and especially on Saturday which the Kongo adopted
as the day of the dead.
142
The mani Kongo assumed responsibility for the cult of the
churches and of his dead predecessors. ln the mid-sixteenth
century, a daily mass was held in the Church ofur Lady of the
Victory for the sou! of Afonso I.
143
By the early seventeenth
century, the mani Kongo heard mass every day in his private
chapei, perhaps for Afonso I or perhaps for one of bis more
immediate predecessors.
144
ln the mid-seventeenth century, he
maintained the churches and provided lamps for the tombs. He
arranged a mass on the anniversary of the death of each of his
predecessors, assisted at it dressed in black with a cleric's hat,
and supplied the tomb with a new cloth. On Ali Souls Day, he
provided every tomb with a new cloth. He also assisted at the
funerais of the members of the confraternities, dressed in
9(i
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
black.
145
There is some evidence that by the early seventeenth century
each Afonso segment sought to,build a church to serve as the
sepulchre ofits royal members. Alvaro II, for example, built the
royal chapei ofStjames. Both he and his son, lvaro III, were
buricd there. Garcia I, who was of a different patrilineal
segment, built a new church dedicated to St Ignacius. lvaro
VI, who represented a third segment, built the Church ofur
Lady of the Victory and he was probably buried there. Garcia
Il, who was of the sarne matrilineage as lvaro VI, but who
wished to establish a new patrilineal claimant category, also
built a new church.
146
ln the mid-seventeenth century, there
wcre about eight churches in Mbanza Kongo and the Church of
Our Lady of the Victory, built by Afonso I, had disappeared.
147
The mani Kongo led the Mwissikongo and the other residents
of Mbanza Kongo in all the major celebrations devoted to the
clead. On Ali Souls Days he led a great procession to visit the
churches, placing lighted candles on the tombs, chanting
prayers in Kikongo, attending mass and insisting that the priest
chant the responses for the dead on the tombs. These devotions
lasted all night.
148
On Holy Thursday, the mani Kongo led a
similar procession to pray at the tombs. H e went barefooted and
without his mpu, cap which was an insgnia of authority.
149
On
Holy Saturday, he displayed the most important of the royal
insgnia, the drum simbo e bulo which as otherwise only revealed
at royal investitures and funerals.
150
There is some evidence that the Mwissikongo regarded the
rnass as a means whereby the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo
received the blessing of their predecessors in the other world.
J ust as the children acted as priests for their father's kanda, so
the Christian priests mediated between the living and dead
members of the Mwissikongo corporation. Their rites inevitably
{ocused upon its chief representative in this world, the mani
Kongo. ln a detailed mid-seventeenth-century account, the mani
Kongo's servants laid a great carpet in the church before he
attended mass. On it they placed three chairs. One, in red
velour, was for the king to sit upon. On the others he knelt and
leaned. The king entered with all the great nobles of the court.
\1\Then the Gospel was about to be read, the priest gave the king
a lit ta per which he passed to a page. After the reading, he gave
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 97
him a missal to kiss. At the offering, the king went to the altar to
kiss the paten. At the elevation of the host, the priest gave the
king another taper. At the end ofthe mass, the king knelt at the
feet of the priest who read an extract from the Gospel over him.
When the mass was over, the king sat on the seat ofred velour.
The great nobles of the court gave two slow handclaps, asking
his blessing. To each in turn the king gave his blessing, slowly
moving the fingers of his left hand 'as if playing a lute'.
151
The
Kongo mass thus centred on the king. ln the absence of the king
few attended the service.
152
Significantly, the priests held
different services for the Mwissikongo and their slaves on the
one hand, and the 'common people', that is the ordinary
members of the central kanda, on the other.
153
The mani Kongo used specific church services to emphasize
the legitimacy of his rule in terms of his predecessors and to
reaffirm the unity ofthe Mwissikongo group scattered through-
out Kongo. On Stjames's Day, for example, he presided over
spectacular celebrations which recalled the 'miraculous'
intervention of St James in the battle which secured Afonso I
the throne and which established the Afnso as the royalline of
Kongo. ln an integral part of the ceremonies the provincial
governors, who were expected to attend at Ieast once in three
years, submitted tribute and reaffirmed their allegiance.
154
The Mwissikongo group also sought the power and blessing
of their dead members in the other world through the Christian
confraternities and congregations. These engaged in various
spiritual exercises and celebrated mass for their members, their
benefactors, and most especially for the souls of the dead.
155
Some were based on the Cathedral which was established in the
late sixteenth century. Others were introduced by missionary
groups. ln the early l620s the Jesuits introduced separate
congregations for the youths, the married men, and the married
and widowed women. The Capucins introduced more in the
1640s.
156
ln the rnid-seventeenth century there was a
confraternity of St Antony which was no doubt based on the
church of that name and which was led by a judge of the
company. This operated independently of all the priestly
groups.
157
ln effect, the cult ofthe graves practised at funerais, festivais,
mass, anel through the congregations provided the Mwissikongo
~ J
THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO
group, and potentially each patrilineal category, with a
spiritual legitimacy based upon a descent system which
straddled the two worlds. This was structurally equivalent to
thc legitimacy provided by the ancestors within the kanda
system. The importance to the man Kongo and the Mwissikongo
group of establishing their legitimacy in these terms was
rdlected in their increasing use in the early seventeenth century
of the European seven-day week. This largely replaced the
Kongo four-day week in the central region, and nsona, formerly
a day ofprayer and rest associated with the mbumba elimension,
was replaced by Saturelay, on which prayers were saiel for the
royal dead and people poureel water on the graves.
158
ln addition to their function as priests ofthe cult ofthe royal
anel Mwissikongo graves, the Christian priests also acteel as
royal nganga of the nkadi mpemba and sky spirit type, using
rcasoning, imitative magic anel nkisi. Thus lvaro III (1615-
22) 'plcadeel sun and rain of the prelates as they pleaded it of
thcir fetishes.'
159
Garcia II (1641-65) askeel the Pope through
thc Capucin missionaries for an exorcism against a plague of
locusts.
160
The Mwissikongo greeteel the arrival of each new
rnissionary group with great enthusiasm for, in aelelition to
opening up new possibilities of politicai anel religious
relationship, the new group oiTereel the likelihooel ofnew, more
powerful defences against (anel oiTences through) kindoki,
witchcraft.
161
The Mwissikongo interpreteel many ofthe rites offereel by the
Christian priests as rites ofthe nkadi mpemba elimension. Thus,
they believeel that baptism, which was the ri te in most elemanel,
protected against witchcraft. The Christian priests adapted the
ritc to fit Kongo belief so that, in aeldition to the normal
Christian ceremony, the priests placeel a piece of salt in the
mouth of the supplicant. The Kongo generally believed that
salt protected against sorcerers and witches, anel for them the
salt was the essential active element in the rite. They called
baptism ncuria mnungua, to eat salt.
162
ln the mid-seventeenth
cen tury the Capucins, attempting to break the association,
calleel the ri te sukula ya ukisi 'to wash or clean with nkisi'. No one
coulel be persuaeleel to accept the ri te without salt, however, anel
the change in name merely confirmeel its significance as a ri te in
which the nganga useel salt to protect against witchcraft.
163
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622
99
ln accorelance with the ambivalent nature of the nkadi mpemba
dimension, the Christian priests were believed to practise as
well as protect against witchcraft anel to have elestructive as well
as protective and manipulative powers, anel many Christian
rites were vieweel in tqis light. Thus, of the terms useel to
translate 'excommunicate', kandila meant to prohibit, to refuse
admittance, anel was dose to the European meaning. Siba,
however, meant the act of invoking a nkisi, fetish, or placing
oneself under its protection.
164
ln this context it uneloubteelly
signifieel the use of an nkisi for the purposes of witchcraft. The
Capucin missionaries also useel the worel loka. This worel
referred elirectly to witchcraft. It inelicateel the action by which
one exerted an evil influence over another. I t coulel be practiseel
in severa! circumstances but was most closely associateel with
the commission of witch, ndoki.
165
The priests furthereel this
interpretation, believing, for example, that their curse coulel
wither a tree.
166
ln 1649, when a certain Capucin passeel from
Mbanza Kongo to Mbanza Sonyo, the mani Son)'o fleel the city.
He believeel that the Capucin hael been sent by the king to kill
him with nkisi.
167
Whilst the mani Kongo anel the Mwissikongo thus accepteel
Christian rites as an important means oflegitimizing their rule
in terms of the categories of the eleael anel of nkadi mpemba, they
could not ignore the crucial importance oflegitimation in terms
of the mbumba dimension upon which, it was believeel, all life
anel especially fertility, elepeneleel. The kitome, therefore,
remained a seconel, essential, pillar of their rule. Nor coulel the
interests of other powerful groupings be ignoreel. The form of
investiture, therefore, reflecteel the balance which at any one
time pertainecl between these interests.
168
From the reign of Afonso I onwarcls, investitures
169
always
took place in a church, although the particular church variecl
according to circumstances. ln the sixteenth century it was
normally helel in the Church or the ruins ofthe Church ofur
Lady ofthe Victory, which Afonso I hael built to commemorate
bis victory over his 'pagan' brother anel in which he hacl
probably been burieel. The Church was thus the meelium, the
nkisi, through which the new incumbent could be placeel in
communication with the other world anel receive the power anel
legitimacy which eleriveel from Afonso I. ln the 1622 investiture,
]()()
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
thc royal throne anel carpet were placed inside the ruined
endosure anel an altar, bearing a crucifix, missal, candles, anel
Christian anel traditional insgnia, were placed outside. ln the
micl-seventeenth century, when this Church had entirely dis-
appeared, the insgnia were received in the Catheelral Church
of So Salvador. To the traditional insgnia had been aeldeel a
flag with the Kongo arms sent by Manuel I of Portugal to
Afonso I, anel a Papal Bull sent to Diogo I authorizing him to
reserve the sacrament. ln the sixteenth century, despite the
Christian location anel insgnia, it was nota Christian priest of
the dead anel of the sky spirits who invested the king, but the
rnani Mbata, the most powerful of the mpemba nkazi, who
provided the king with his principal wife anel who was the
classificatory Grandfather of the king. He was assisted by the
local kitorne, the mani Vunda, who thus legitimized the king in
tcrrns of the mburnba dirnension. ln 1622 the changing con-
stellations ofpower caused the mani Mbata to be absent anel the
kitorne mani Vunda presided, assisted by a Christian priest, the
particularly influential Bras Correia. This was an irnportant
innovation, suggesting that Christianity was evolving as a
source of legitirnacy nearly equal to that of the mbumba
clirnension. ln the 1665 investiture the roles of the kitome anel the
Christian priest were reversed, the mani Vunda announcing the
narne of the elect anel delivering an oration, anel the Christian
priest actually investing the mani Kongo with the insgnia of
office. The change ofofficiants was paralleled by an increase in
the explicit references to Christianity. ln 1622, after the eight
days of ritual seclusion, the mani Kongo appeared in the rnarket
place anel each ofthe title-holders then laid his hands upon the
missal anel swore to serve anel obey hirn. By the rnid-
seventeenth century the king in his turn then swore to rnaintain
the Christian faith anel act for the good ofhis subjects.
The Mwissikongo provincial governors generally irnitated the
cult in Mbanza Kongo as best they could. By the mid-seventeenth
ccntury all thc 'nobles in thcir villages' had at least one church
which was large o r srnall according to the size of the population.
170
Thcre rnay have been as rnany as eight in Mbanza Sonyo,
171
anel there were several in Mbanza Nsundi.
172
The churches did
not generally serve as sepulchres for the dead governors anel a
focus for their cult. They could not do so as long as the mani
CENTRALIZATION: !568-1622
101
Kongo retained the power to circulate the governorships
arnongst the Mwissikongo, ensuring that few actually died in
office. The provincial mbanza also lacked congregations anel
confraternities, for the Mwissikongo regareleel themselves as
members of the Mbanza Kongo congregations, only temporarily
resident in the province. When the governor's term of office
ended, they would accornpany him to another office, or back to
Mbanza Kongo. The governors useel the churches, notably
when priests arrived, in order to exalt their position as
controllers of powers of the nkadi mpemba dimension, anel to
focus the ri te upon thernselves.
173
When the governors were not
themselves attending Mbanza Kongo, they celebrated Stjames's
Day in their own capital, expecting the suborelinate governors
to attend with tribute anel elemonstrations of allegiance.
For the non-Mwissikongo population, the Christian priests
were irrevocably associated with the mani Kongo. They centreel
their activities on Mbanza Kongo, where they were politically
anel to a large extent economically elepenelent upon the king.
When they evangelized the provinces, they generally elid so
with the authority anel with the material assistance (including
interpreters anel porters) of the mani Kongo. ln the provinces
they dwelt in the capitais of the Mwissikongo governors on
whorn, sirnilarly, they depended for politicai anel economic
support.
174
Like the lite itself, they were inevitably associated
with the wealth anel power of the Atlantic traele. They were
usually European, like the wealthier merchants who settled or
travelled along the traele routes. Most ofthe eliocesan anel some
of the religious priests thernselves engageel in the traele. They
were otherwise independent of the Kongo social structures,
being unable, despite their frequent state of concubinage, to
establish priestly lineages.
For the subject groups, the most important functions of the
Christian priests was to protect against witchcraft, anel it was
through this function above ali that the Christian priests elrew
the non-Mwissikongo into the cult. ln doing so they establisheel
a degree of ideological dorninance for the mani Kongo anel the
M wissikongo lite, for the mani Kong o could be seen as supplying
nkadi mpemba type nganga to battle, on behalf ofthe community,
against witchcraft. Throughout Kongo the late-sixteenth anel
early-seventeenth-century priests encountered a keen demand
102
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
for baptism, that is for the mani Kongo's ri te ofprotection against
witchcraft. The demand for other Christian rites was negligible,
anel new missionary groups soon learnt that 'those that do
Christian works are very few, those that conserve the name anel
character ofHoly Baptism are innumerable.
175
Concomitantly,
the nkisi-fetish-of the Christian nganga- the cross, became one of
thc most ubiquitous in Kongo, the most powerful of the nkisi
protective against witchcraft. By the mid-seventeenth century,
thc country was 'full of crosses ofwood' anel the people 'saluted
thcm devotedly anel knelt before them'. ln Mbanzo Zombo there
was a great cross situated dose to another 'idol protector of the
village'. The Capucin mission was a singular failure there. ln
Sonyo anel elsewhere, the people erected crosses in 'traditibnal'
cemeteries anel even the kimpassi cult enclosures were protected
wi tl! crosses amongst other nkisi.
176
Most people wore locally
manufactured rosaries anel crucifixes, anel they also wanted
rclics, images, names of Jesus, medals, crowns, Ave Marias,
anel paternosters, to wear round their necks as 'holy things',
that is, as nkisi.
171
People wore them even in those regions where
baptism was not demanded. They repeated the sign ofthe cross
as a protection against evil-doers anel they sometimes swore by
the cross.
178
Whilst Christianity was thus interpreted as a cult ofthe nkadi
m.pemba dimension anel the graves, anel served to legitimize anel
define the Mwissikongo lite anel the hierarchy within it, the
ideological 'fit' between Christianity anel the indigenous
concepts remained inexact anel it was still possible to associate
aspects of the Christian cult with the mbumba dimension. Thus,
both the predilection of the missionaries anel the relative
weakness of the indigenous concept of nzambi mpungi, led the
M wissikongo to emphasize the concept of the Madonna. ln
missionary thought the Madonna was especially associated
with the family anel hence, in Kongo thought, with fertility, the
especial concern of the mbumba dimension. Moreover, the
Madonna was also associated with Saturday, which the
M wissikongo now took as the day of prayer anel rest devoted
especially to the dead. The former day of rest, however had
been been associated with a public cult of the mbumba
dimension. Thus, the potentiality for reinterpreting
Christianity, particularly in terms of the mbumba dimension,
CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622
103
remained, anel this was to be of crucial significance in late-
seventeenth- anel early-eighteenth-century Sonyo anel central
Kongo. ln the course ofthe late sixteenth anel early seventeenth
centuries, however, the nkadi mpemba anel grave cult inter-
pretation dominated, providing a unique legitimating ideology
for the mani Kongo anel the ruling lite without, however,
reducing its dependence upoh the kitome of the mbumba
dimension, who continued to control the health anel fertiljty of
man, animais, anel crops.
ln the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, then,
several factors combined to strengthen the mani Kongo anel the
ruling lite. ln the course of the suppression of the Jaga
invasion, the mani Kongo received help from armed Portuguese,
many of whom remained to support him anel to supply him with
guns. A new trade developed through Mbanza Kongo to
Okango anel the establishment of the Portuguese colony at
Luanda stimulated both this anel the old trade to Malebo Pool.
The mani Kongo taxed the trade anel he anel the Mwissikongo
lite invested much of their trade wealth in slaves. Slave
soldiers, slave cultivators anel new crops strengthened the lite
rela tive to the kanda, anel improved communications, especially
literacy, improved its administrative efficiency. The ruling lite
re-defineel itself in terms of patrilineal elescent categories
inelepenelent of the matrilineal kanda. The kingship itself was
monopolizeel by a slave-baseel patrilineal segment supported by
slave soleliers anel slave councillors. The Christian relgion was
further aelapted to proviele the lite with a legitimating ieleology
inelepenelent of the local religious anel descent structures anel
closely associateel with traele-baseel wealth.
CHAPTER5
Decentralization: 1600-1641
I n the course of the first half of the seventeenth century
economic, politicai, social, and military developments began to
rcverse the centralizing tendencies discussed in the last chapter.
The economic factor was of paramount importance. Two develop-
ments had delayed the adverse economic effects of the establish-
ment of Luanda colony: the lure of silver which caused the
Luanda forces to concentrate upon conquests well to the south
ofKongo, and the evolution of a new cloth trade through Kongo
to Okango. ln the early seventeenth century, however, Luanda
bcgan to develop new trade routes which bypassed Kongo, which
drew Kongo's southern tributary chiefdoms into its orbit, and
which undermined the Kongo fiscal system. The development of
Dutch and Luanda trade with Sonyo and with northern Kongo
states further reduced the trade passing through Mbanza Kongo.
1 t provided Luanda with a cheaper alternative to Kongo cloth,
thereby depriving Kongo ofits principal remaining export. Sonyo
became independent. The mani Kongo tried but failed to find an
alternative source of revenue. The weakness of the centre was
reflected in a change in the balance of gun and slave-holding
between the mani Kongo and the provincial title-holders and in new
alliances forged between patrilineal categories and local provincial
groups. The kingship, which had formerly beeen monopolized by
the slave-based Mpanzu Afonso, became the object of competing
Afonso segments. As Kongo weakened, the military and ideo-
logical threat from Luanda grevl.
1. The evolution of new trade routes and tlze decline of tlze mani Kongo's
revenues:
1.1 The evolution of new trade routes: Luanda and the southem
Kongo states
Trade routes to the south ofKongo had begun to evolve in the
R
8
~
~
~
!
j:
t
f
I
r
'
r
'
l
t
~
DEC:ENTRALIZATION: 1600-1641 105
early sixteenth century as So Tom ships sought cheaper
supplies of slaves. Luanda was then under the jurisdiction of the
mani Kongo, with familiar language and social and politicai
structures. It tapped an alternative supply of slaves from the
Mbundu state of Ngola a Kiluanje, a state which had been
drawn into the economic system of Greater Kongo, but which
was eager to establish more direct trade relations with the
Portuguese. The local Luanda taxes were far lower than the
taxes imposed by the King ofPortugal and the mani Kong o on the
Mpinda trade and so the unofficial trade grew, despite repeated
attempts by both kings to suppress it.
1
The mani Kongo was
concerned, not only because the trade undermined his monopoly
o[ the Atlantic slave trade, but also because it threatened his
con trol of the 'mines of money', the nzmbu-shell islands of
Luanda.
2
ln 1545 Diogo I attempted to end the trade by
crushing the supplier, ngola a kluanje,
3
but although h e defeated
him in a campaign of 1545, he lacked the militaty and admini-
strative resources to keep so distant a chief in military
subjection. So Tom pressed the advantages of establishing an
official trade with ngola a kiluanje and Portugal was convinced by
the evident bcnefits to be derived from taxing the trade, by
rumours ofmetals and trans-continental communications, and
by the possibilities of conversion. ln 1571, the King ofPortugal
declared the region between the Kwanza and the southern
Kongo boundary a royal colony and he named Paulo Dias
governor for life and hereditaty Iord of a proprietory colony
south ofthe Kwanza. Paulo Dias arrived at Luanda in 1575 and
settled on the mainland opposite the nznzbu-shell-producing
island ofLuanda.
This development had not proved a disaster for Kongo.
lvaro I, seeking to preserve bis monopo1y, had at first
attempted to disrupt the negotiations which developed between
the Portuguese and ngola a kiluanje. When the negotiations did
break down, he supported the Portuguese, no doubt hoping to
destroy ngola a kiluanje, re-establish his monopoly, and himself
supply Luanda. ln the event, ngola a kluanje was not destroyed,
but the outcome benefited Kongo since the conftict engrossed
the combatants for the next forty years, enabling Kongo to
develop its lucrative slave and cloth trade to the colony.
4
Despi te the early benefits ofthe trade, it became increasingly
J()() THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
apparent in the early seventeenth century that in the longer
term the establishment of Luanda colony would have a most
deleterious effect upon the mani Kongo's economic anel politicai
position. The Luanda-Okango cloth trade itselfproved a mixed
blessing, for whilst it enhanced the mani Kongo's trading
position, it undermined his fiscal system. This had been based
upon nzimbu-shell money in the vyestern provinces anel cloth in
the east. The mani Kongo had monopolized nzimbu-production
anel circulated the currency from Mbanza Kongo. When the
Portuguese established the colony of Luanda, the mani Kongo
forbade the islanders to sell nzimbu or to communicate with the
Portuguese in any way. However, the Portuguese needed
n:mbu to service the Kongo trade. A system soon evolved
whereby colonists paid the three governors of the island one to
three slaves each in return for the privilege of buying nzimbu
shells. Later, the Portuguese extorted shells from the islanders.
They also imported shells from Brazil anel India. This practice
had begun as early as the third decade ofthe sixteenth century
when Afonso I had tried, without success, to persuade the King
of Portugal to help ban them.
5
These developments did not
irnmediately destroy the Kongo fiscal system. ln 1540 one crifo
measure had been worth 13,200 reis in Mbanza Kongo anel in
1575 anel 1615 it was still worth 10,000 reis.
6
ln the second
decade of the seventeenth century, however, Portuguese mili-
tary successes expanded trade in the south. The demand for
Kongo cloth to service this trade, anel with it the demand for
shell money, rose sharply. Luanda imported large volumes of
foreign shells anel produced a rapid inflationary spiral on the
Luanda-:Okango cloth route. ln 1619 one cofo ofnzimbu shells
fctched 1,600-2,000 reis in Mbanza Kongo. This was one fifth of
their value four years earlier. lvaro III estimated that the
inflation had cost him two thirds ofhis revenue anel was 'bring-
ing the country to ruin'. He imposed heavy penalties on the
importation of foreign shells.
7
The currency did not recover
however. ln 1622 anel 1625 one cofo was worth 1,500 reis in
Mbanza Kongo anel it fluctuated at about this price into the
!ater seventeenth century.
8
The establishment of Luanda anel the development of the
cloth trade also undermined the position of the mani Kongo at the
apex of the redistributive system. Through the tribute mechanism,
DECENTRALIZ1\TION: JG(XHG,H
107
the rnani Kongo had effected the exchange, amongst other things,
of cloth from the eastern provinces anel salt anel nzirnbu shells
fi:om the western provinces. After the introduction of the
Atlantic trade, he was able to confine the slave trade to the
Mbanza Kongo-Makoko route, adding European goods to the
continued exchange of indigenous products. Most of the
governors had had to use the tribute mechanism to secure
European goods anel they had ali had to use it to secure the
products of other regions. The development of the Luanda cloth
trade undermined the mani Kongo's position, for the pombeiros
traded directly between the ecological zones taking nzimbu
shells anel European goods to exchange in eastern Kongo for
cloth.
The Portuguese colony of Luanda also provided a relatively
direct anel lucrative market for southern Kongo products anel
this further undermined the Kongo redistributive system. The
Luanda mainland was arid anel infertile. The Portuguese had to
import food for their own anel their slaves' subsistence anel for
the ships. Some of this came from overseas; some from plant-
ations that the J esuits anel other Portuguese established in the
more fertile Bengo valley to the north anel from the dried fish
industries they established in Mbamba. ln addition, however,
the southern Kongo peoples, including those ofLuanda island,
used kin-labour to produce considerable quantities of millet,
fish, anel other foods to sell in Luanda, anel this production was
crucial to the survival ofthe colony.
9
Luanda also needed wood
for ships, houses, anel fuel, since the immediate hinterland only
supported a low grass steppe. The Portuguese imported wood
from the Kongo valleys of the Lufine, Dande, anel Mbrije, anel
these too were probably obtained with the help of local kanda
labour.
10
As the colony developecl, it neeclecl indigenous
proclucts to service its new tracle routes to the south. Mbamba
was able to supply elephant tails which were resolcl in ngola a
kiluanje anel other southern states for necklaces. ln the early
seventeenth century, l 00 orclinary tails or 50 large tails fetched
l ,000 reis. Mbamba coulcl also supply skins which had been
long clemanclecl in the same market.
11
The demand for indige-
nous cloth lecl those few Mbamba lineage groups that occupied
lancls supporting palm trees to expand their cloth production
for sale in Luanda.
12
ln the late sixteenth century a new
!OH
THE KiNG DOM OF KONGO
European demand caused the Portuguese to seek ivory.
Elephants were numerous in Mbamba and ivory had accumulated
in the bush over many centuries. A ftourishing trade devel-
oped.13 Ali these commodities could be produced by lineage
groups possessing little orno capital, employing family labour
and using traditional tools. They sought European goods, and
services such as blue-dyeing
14
in exchange.
The M wissikongo in Mbamba were also drawn into the
Luanda economic system. The Luanda island govemors sold
nzimbu shells to the Portuguese in the early years of the colony.
Some of the southern Mwissikongo governors established slave
plan tations on the J esuit model and supplied food.
15
They hired
slaves to the merchants that traded through Mbamba.
16
Some
sought direct employment vth the Luanda administration, as
did the tandala 'general of the black camp' who represented the
Luanda governor in all his dealings with the subjected chiefs.
The tandala was assisted by about a hundred ofhis own relatives
and dependants.
17
n the first half of the seventeenth century severa! factors
enable the mani lvfbamba to exploit the economic expansion
induced by the development ofthe Luanda economy, although
in the longer term this was to undermine his position too. The
most important factor was slaves. ln the late sixteenth century
Mbamba was said to supply 5,000 slaves a year to Luanda.
18
It
is probable that these did not come primarily from the nuclear
kingdom o r from the Okango or Ivlalebo Pool markets, but from
Ndembu chiefdoms controlled by Mbamba. Initially, they
were probably local criminais and captives and later people
imported from the small, defenceless settlements on the
plateau. vVhen, in the early seventeenth century, direct
Portuguese and pombeiro trade through the Ndembu states
reduced incarne from this source, Portuguese militai)' activity
to the south ofKongo created an important new source of slaves
the mani 1\fbamba. The Portuguese there retained many of
captives as domestic and agricultura! slaves but they
treated them with such brutality that they invariably seized the
first opportunity to ftee. They sought the protection of powerful
neighbouring lords. Northwards, the nearest independent
nnwers >Vere either the Ndembu chiefs or the memi lvlbmnba. and
latter vvekomed many hundreds and
DECENTRAL!ZATION: 1600-!64! !09
them in the comse of the early seventeenth century.
19
These
fugi tive slaves were accepted as clients by their new mas ter and
they strengthened his position vis--vis the subordinate groups
and the mani Kongo. Amongst other things, the mani Mbamba was
able to use them to enforce tribute payments including pay-
ments of newly valuable items such as ivory, now dedared a
royal monopoly, skins, and elephants' tails. Although the royal
monopoly on ivory was never strictly enforceable, and the mani
iVfbamba sent a variable proportion of it to Mbanza Kongo, he
was able to benefit from this and the other new trades, together
with the traditional southern Kongo revenues ofshells, salt and
agricultura! products.
ln the course of the early seventeenth century the power of
the mani Afbamba relative to the mani Kongo grew and was both
reftected in and furthered by his ability to establish his own
taxes on the Luanda-Okango/Makoko trade route. ln the mid-
seventeenth century, for example, a mani Kongo appointee
received the tax on the River Loje crossing and probably the
l-I 1fz cifos of nzimbu shells per Ioad that was imposed on the
River Dande too.Z
0
1v1bamba was not alone in being strengthened by the develop-
ment ofLuanda colony; the Ndembu states and the south-eastern
Kongo provinces also benefited. The Portuguese and pombeiro
traders developed new trade routes through the Ndembu states
in the early seventeenth century. Some of these had been
controlled by Mbamba; others, such as Mbwila, had owed
direct allegiance to Kongo. By 1631 'many' Portuguese had
settled in l\'1utemu and in 1641 some eighty Portuguese were
said to reside amongst the Ndembu, trading in ivOI)' and
slaves.
21
The chiefs also traded directly with Luanda. In
addition to trade revenues and the slaves that they could
thereby purchase, the Ndembu, like the mani Afbamba, received
fugtive slaves from the south. In 1622, for example, a
ngongo, threatened with invasion, returned over 500
fugitive slaves to the Portuguese.
22
By the mid-seventeenth
century, Ndembu chiefs dressed in European clothes and
prided themselves on being 'royal and free potentates' .1\ribwila,
ically placed on
new routes to l\rlatan1ba, to """"''"""'
Kongo to
!lO THE KINGDOM OF KONC...O
mid-seventeenth century it dominated fifteen chiefdoms and
'vied with Kongo in wealth and magnitude'. It extended as far
as M pumbu Samba ( the market of the Samba) in the middle of
the p!ateau. Some hventy years la ter it was said to have over 140
suqject chiefs. Other formerly subject provinces and states also
benefited from the new trade. In the mid-seventeenth century
vVandu sought independerice. In the later seventeenth century
N sonso greatly increased its power and Kongo dia Nlaza was
said to extend far beyond the Kwango 'without anyone
knowing where it ended'.
23
ln the course of the early seventeenth century the former
tributary chiefdom ofMatamba to the east ofthe Ndembu also
established a direct trade with the pombeiros and broke all ties
with Kongo. The female chief muhongo Matamba had offered
tribute to Kongo in the early sixteenth century in order to
acquire European goods. When ngola a kiluanje developed a
slave trade route to the south, muhongo Jtlatamba found it more
profitable and, in view of the distance, easier, to exchange gifts
with him. By the end ofthe sLxteenth century muhongo 1\llatamba
had ceased to pay tribute to Kongo. The kambole, the chief
captain of the kingdom and the queen's consort, strengthened
by European goods, embarked upon a series of conquests and
extended the kingdom to the east. vv'hen conflict broke out
betvveen Luanda and ngola a kilua:nje, muhongo lvlatamba
supported ngola a kiluarife and in 1589 she sent a 'great army'
against the Portuguese and defeated them on the Lukala near
Mbaka. In 1591 she 'confederated' with ngola a kiluanie and v.rith
'a great lord called Caculo' (probably the Ndembu
kahenda who dweh to the south of Mbwila, west of Matamba
and north of ngola a kilumife). As the war dragged on muhongo
\J.atamba appears to have abandoned the policy of resistance.
she seems to have traded slaves directly to the
Portuguese pombeiros through the neighbouring
chiddoms.
24
mani Kcmgo did not simply lose the tribute revenue
the defection of this chiefdom threatened other vital
Kongo interests. ln the early l630s Nzinga, the female holder of
the ngola a kiluarife title, conquered ~ l a t a m b a and fu.rthered its
integration into the Luanda economic system. had
organized her followers on radically new !ines the
DECENTRALIZATION: 1600-!64! lll
--Pre-1641
------ Post-1641
O 100 200 300 km
MAP8
example of the Imbangala kilombo, which traditionally
organized states found difficult to resist. In addition she
probably had guns, for in the la ter l630s gunpowder was one of
her major irnports. She conquered Matamba during the vulner-
1,-,vng the succession of a new muhongo lHatamba
a kambole and applied Imbangala methods of
organization to extend her territories. She blocked a
.uua.m1a. trade route which had developed in the l620s to
bangala state of Kasanje and she dre1N slaves
and of the middle
!!2 THE KlNGDOlvi OF KONGO
too.
25
The Portuguese developed a new trade route from
Luanda through the defeated ngola a kiluanje to Nzinga
Matamba. By 1641 most ofthe slaves exported from Luanda
were said to come from Nzinga Matamba, an estimated 12,000-
13,000 per year. The 'Jaga' captured the slaves in 'very distant
places in the interior' .
26
ln this context the 'Jaga' were probably
Imbangala, but the Yaka, who occupied the region to the north
ofNzinga, may also have been involved. Nzinga thus syphoned
off sla ves that might: othervvise have passed through the Okango
routc to be taxed at rv1banza Kongo. By the mid-seventeenth
century Nzinga had become so powerful that she posed a
military threat to Kongo.
bv the mid-seventeenth centurv the establishment
" '
the Portuguese colony ofLuanda had affected Kongo n three
principal ways. It had undermined the mani Kongo's control of
the fiscal system based on nzimbu shells. It had undermined the
tribute system, the economic and politicai basis ofhis power,
and it had also drawn the Ndembu, Ngola a Kiluanje,
Matamba, and to some extent 1vlbamba, \;\landu and other
southcrn and eastern Kongo provinces into the Luanda
economic system, reducing the mani Kongo's tax revenues and,
in the case ofNzinga Matamba, creating a nevv military threat
to thc kingdom.
1.2 The evolution of new trade routes: Sonyo and Loango
Developments in the south \overe not
undennining the mani Kongo's economic and no11rw"
important was the growth in the
seventeenth century of Luanda and
Throughout the sixteenth century Sonyo naa contmuea as an
integral part ofthe Mbanza Kongo system oftribut:e exchange,
the mani SonJ'O supplying salt in exchange for cloth and other
products of the alternative ecological zones. He had benefited
locally from the shippers' and traders' demands
and porters, but he could neither supply nor contrai a slave
t:rade whose operations, for historical, economic, politicai, and
ideological reasons, centred on Mbanza Kongo. In the l580s
the Kongo slave-trading entrept had been diverted
Sonyo to Luanda. ParadoxicaHy it was this initiated the
mani 's rise to independent po,ver. Luanda needed food to
support its own popu1ation and the
DECENTRAUZATION: 1600-!64! !13
products to service the slave trade in the south. In the late
sixteenth century European demand led to a search beyond the
slave-trading routes for supplies ofivory and, to a lesser extent,
redwood. Mbanza Sonyo and its port ofMpinda, located at the
mouth of the Zaire, was the nearest well-watered region of any
extent accessible to Luanda by ship, and therefore a convenient
source of food. as late as the second decade of the
seventeenth century, it still contained 'great quantities' of
ivory.
27
It also controlled access by pinnace to the well-watered,
forested, and as yet largely unexploited regions of the north
bank of the Zaire.
ln the early seventeenth century, the Luanda governors'
interest in Sonyo and its north bank hinterland grew as rival
Dutch and English merchants entered the trade. The Dutch
trade, which began in the last years of the sixteenth century
28
, tended to syphon ivory fiom Luanda to Sonyo, since the Dutch
paid a better price?
9
In the 1620s the Dutch began to trade with
Luanda, exchanging Sonyo products needed for the southern
slave trade against patacas, a Brazilian coin worth 320 reis. The
Luanda governar, concerned at the loss of trade and hard
currency, sought with some success to develop Luanda trade in
the Zaire estuary.
30
The mani Soryo benefited from this trade because he
controHed the port of .fv[pinda and because he was a major
products such as elephants tails, ivory, leopard
and indigenous doth, acquired through the tribute
system, and of food, acquired both through tribute and slave
ln addition, he was able to ta.,x a gro-wing trade in the
sarne products conducted by lineage seniors. These acquired
capital partly by extracting agricultura! and especially animal
produce from their juniors,
31
and partly from the Dutch, who
lent merchandise against men and women deposited as
guarantors?
2
ln I 606 members of certain Mbala kanda
segments conducted a 'great trade' with the people of the River
Kakongo buying 'great stocks' ofivory to seU at Mpinda to the
Portuguese and ot:her merchants.
33
By the mid-seventeenth
people travelled north of the Zaire to Ngoyo to
indigenous doth for resaie to
the seventeenth Luanda and
!!+
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
Du tch interest in Sonyo and its north bank hinterland was
further stimulated by the development of a copper trade route
from Mindouli-Boko Songo to Mpinda. Mindouli-Boko Songo
copper had been an important factor in the evolution of a series
of states, for it was traded to each economically dominant
peripheral region in tum. It had influenced the early
development ofKongo and Afonso I's rise to power. ln the late
sixteenth century it was traded to the slave markets at the Pool
and contributed to the power ofMakoko, which controlled the
trade route.
35
ln the third decade of the seventeenth century
the Loango coast began to supersede the Pool as the dominant
entrept. Capital accumulation and rising European demand
led the Vili of Loango to intensif)r a previously limited trade.
Groups ofVili smiths and their slaves left for the copper region
in September. They mined, smelted, and forged the copper and
returned with it, and with locally acquired ivory, in May. They
transported some of it westwards through Loango and some
south westwards through Vungu to the Zaire estuary and the
Sonyo port ofMpinda.
36
The rise ofthe Sonyo copper trade was
not uncontested. It threatened both Makoko and, later, Loango
control. ln 1623 'Jaga' attacked Vungu, which controlled the
south western route from Mindouli-Boko Songo to Sonyo and
thc Zaire estuary. These 'Jaga' may have been Yaa, Tio
tributaries of Makoko. The rnani Loango supported the attack,
since it effectively disrupted the copper trade in Sonyo and the
bank states of Ngoyo and Kakongo. However, Makoko
was unable to sustain the attack. ln 1627 Vungu \vas peacefui, a
new ruler appointed and the trade to Sonyo resumed.
37
ln the fourth decade ofthe seventeenth century Sonyo began
to export slaves. This reflected two developments: a new Dutch
demand for slaves, and Vili access to the a k o k o slave markets.
By 1636 the Dutch had conquered Curaco and most of north-
east Brazil induding the sugar growing region ofPemambuco
Paraba. They needed a large labour force and, iike the
Portuguese, sought to supply it through the African slave
38
Since the diversion of the Mpumbu trade from lVlpinda
to Luanda, Sonyo had no organized slave trading :route. Nor did
Loango, the Netherlands' other
traded to the
\vas dose
DECENTRALIZATION: !600-16+1 !!5
they began to add Makoko slaves to their increasingly
diversified trade. Loango and Sonyo continued to be their
principal entrepts
39
although rivalry between the two states
continued and occasionally, as in the early 1640s, disrupted
both trades.
40
The rnani Sonyo was able to control the copper and slave trade
because he commanded access to the north bank hinterland
and because the trade had been developed through indigenous
networks which the Europeans could not enter competitively.
Rapids prevented ships from proceeding up river beyond
Mpnda and they therefore had no alterna tive but to anchor at
Mpinda and establish their main base at Mbanza Sonyo.
vVhen, in the 1630s, the Portuguese and Dutch began to estab-
lish factories on the north bank serviced by pinnace, they did so
'with the consent of the Count'
41
and the factories were
necessarly dependent upon the Sonyo station. The mani Sonyo
was already sufficiently strengthened by the earlier trade to be
able to inhibit attempts to develop a trade with his immediate
northern coas tal neighbours. Thus, in the late I 620s, h e
obstructed trade between the Portuguese and Kakongo. ln
1631 h e invaded Ngoyo, which controlled the north bank of the
Zaire, installed his son as rnani Ng<?.,YO and sacked the capital of
Kakongo. A branch of the Sonyo ruling patrilineal category
Silva continued to rule Ngoyo until at least the late seventeenth
cenl:ury.
42
The mani Sonyo benefited from the trade by port
taxes, as '"'ell as by the continued direct supply of food, local
products and services.
The trade at Sonyo, together with the trade that both the
Dutch and Luanda developed with Loango, undermined the
mar Kongo's economic and politicai position in several \Vays.
First, none of the trade which developed at Sonyo passed
through 1Vfbanza Kongo, and Sonyo became increasingly inde-
pendent, as did Kiova, a sub-province adjacent to Sonyo, which
controHed the Vili route from the Zaire crossing. Second, the
evolution of a Vil trade route from Makoko to Sonyo and
Loango reduced the volume of slaves available for the Luanda
trade through Kongo. This led to a further decline in Luanda
interest in the Kongo-Makoko trade route. Third, the
markets, which had hiterto been located at
and had enabled the Mwissik01
ll6 THE KINGDOl\1 OF KONGO
+- - The principal slave-trade routes
.... The principal copper-trade roules
O 100 200 300 km
MAP9
were transferred to Luanda and to the Dutch factories at
Loango and Sonyo. The M \vissikongo traders v.rere increasingly
unable to compete with the Vili, pombeiros, and more locali:zed
Sonyo traders who traded ""''ith Portuguese and Dutch capital
and credit. The Vili and the people ofSonyo had an additional
advantage over the Mwissikongo in that they traded with
superior Dutch as opposed to poorer Portuguese merchandise.
43
The development of Luanda-Loango trade had a further
deleterious effect on Kongo since it provided Luanda \v:ith an
alternative to Kongo cloth. In 1610 the largest proportion of
Luanda cloth carne from Kongo. However, the profit on Loango
doth was greater, probably because it -..vas taxed less. It
averaged 1,200 per cent and at leasi: per cent compareci
with 800 per cent on the Kongo trade. Although there are no
DECENTRi\LIZATION: !600-1611 !!7
statistics, it is probable that the proportions steadily altered in
Loango's favour. After the Portuguese restoration ofLuanda in
1648 most of the doth carne from kikongo-speaking states north
of the Za1re.
44
1.3 The decline in the mani Kongo 's revenues
The mani Kongo tried and failed to discover an alternative
exportable commodity to compensate for the losses incurred by
the changing patterns of trade. In the first half of the
seventeenth century he imposed a monopoly on ivory. He also
licensed certain men to kill elephants with a gun, permitting
them to keep the flesh. However, it was impossible to enforce a
monopoly on so widespread a resource, and licensing became
less and less effective as the mani Kongo lost his monopoly on
guns.
45
Kongo's other potential resource was copper, which
was found in severa! places, and notably at Mbemba in the
province ofWembo, and near Mban:za Kongo. Although t\vas
probably exploited in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
it was of such poor quality that in the mid-seventeenth century
Kongo imported European copper.
46
Nevertheless, the
Portuguese believed the Kongo mines were rich and they
coveted them throughout the six.teenth and first half of the
seventeenth century. Despite their long-standing fear that any
European mining would culmina te in conquest, the need for an
alternative export and the fear of Luanda avarice led several
early-seventeenth-century mani Kongo to attempt to interest
European powers in Kongo copper. These attempts failed.
47
The mani Kongo also attempted to improve his position by
increasing the taxes on the trade which still passed through
Kongo. The Portuguese later said that lvaro I had offered,
and the King of Portugal had accepted, free passage for
Portuguese trade13 in Kongo.
48
\'Vhatever the truth ofthis (and
it is unlikely), Alvaro II taxed the traders, although he
exempted the Jesuits. In 1612 the Portuguese that traded in
Sonyo and 'Kongo' pad a tax on each load at each
river crossing. In 1619 lvaro III was said to be increasing the
taxes 'every day'. In the l630s there were 'many taxes' on the
river crossings and land routes and in the l640s Garcia
created nevv tax

Cadornega de:scribed one
merchant left Luanda in the l630s >vith reis in trade
goods. After paying; taxes,
1 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
arrived in Okango with 200,000 reis, although he still made a
profit of 500 per cent on the journey.
50
The mani Kongo, however,
did not necessarily benefit from all these taxes. ln the sixteenth
century he had imposed one tax at Mbanza Kongo and another,
under his direct control, at Mpinda. Now, many of the prolif-
erating tax points were controlled by the provincial governors,
as those on the Rivers Loje and, probably, Dande, were con-
trolled by the mani Mbamba. Moreover, as the Mbanza Kongo
tribute system weakened, some distant and loosely tributary
governors such as the mid-seventeenth-century mani Lula,
imposed direct taxes too.
51
Ultimately, the proliferation of tax
posts proved counter-productive since they raised the costs of
the Kongo routes and rendered the new trade routes that
Luanda was developing to the north and south of Kongo the
more attractive.
The mani Kongo also sought to increase his revenue by general
taxation. This enabled him to cream the provincial revenue
vvhich he could no longer recover through the tribute mecha-
nism. H e did so in three ways. ln the early seventeenth century
the mani Mbata had paid the mani Kongo a tribute ostensibly to
maintain the queen, who was taken from the dominant Mbata
kanda Nsaku Lau.
52
ln the mid-seventeenth century the mani
Kong o generally took a wife from one of the principal patrilineal
categories and the mani Kongo levied a general tax for the queen.
I t was called pintelso and each household was supposed to pay a
slave for every span's-breadth ofbed.
53
The mani Kongo raised a
sccond tax in Ii eu of tithes. This was levied every three months,
presumably amongst different groups. He raised a third tax
arbitrarily by permitting his cap, mpu to blow off. The mpu was
an important insgnia and its loss was used to justifY general
taxation.
54
The mani Kongo had to bribe the governors to permit
coUectors to pass and in those provinces where revenue
dedined their passage resembled the :ncursion of enemy
soldiers.
55
Despite ali these efforts, the Dutch estimated that the
mani Kongo's total revenue in the mid-seventeenth century did
no t exceed 600 gulden per year.
56
mani Kongo's declining economic position inevitably
undermined his politicai position rdative to the pro-vincial
governors. By the early seventeenth centmy the return that the
provincial governors and local chieiS received on their tribute
DECENTR"-LIZATION: 1600-164!
ll9
had dedined substantially and by the mid-seventeenth century,
general taxation through centrally appointed tax collectors may
have caused them to suffer a net Ioss. The mani Kongo was
increasngly unable to buy the loyalty of the provincial
governors.
2. Tlze clzanging balance qf power between the centre and tlze provinces
The shift in economic and hence politicai power from the centre
to the provinces was manifested most crudely in terms of guns,
slaves, and clients. I t led to significant changes in the relation-
ship between certain patrilineal categories and provincial
kanda. It also broke the power of the slave-based Mpanzu
Afonso who had monopolized the kingship since the reign of
lvaro I (I 568-8 7) and led to a fragmen tation of the Afonson
category.
2.1 Guns, slaves, andclients
Guns were a major factor in the balance ofKongo power and in
the course of the early seventeenth century the balance of
gun-ownership shifted radically from the centre to the
provinces. ln the late sixteenth century the mani Kongo had
monopolized guns. He banned them to ali but the mani .lv!bata
who needed them against the Jaga.
57
Two factors undermined
his control. The first was his growing economic and politicai
weakness relative to the provincial governors. The second was
the dissemination of guns through the pombeiro and Vili traders
and through fugitive Portuguese and later Dutch soldiers. This
occurred despite a determined attempt by the Luanda authorities
to ban the sal e of guns to African groups.
58
By the third decade
of the seventeenth century a strong mani Wembo, who had
personal connections in Nsundi and :Mpemba, was able
to warn Alvaro III (1615-22) that ifhe carne against him he
would 'kill him with a gun', and by the mid-seventeenth century
most if not: ali of the provincial title-holders had guns.
59
\Vhen a
Mnnnba rebelled n the mid-seventeenth century he did so
archers and 100 musketeers.
60
The chiefdoms to the
south of nuclear Kongo, which had fomerly submitted tribute
now traded intensively l'V-ith Luanda, probably had
more, and the Dutch began to seU increasing numbers of guns to
61
Meamvhile, the KonJ;o's ability to acquire guns
120 THE KING DOM OF KONGO
dedined. ln the mid-seventeenth century Garcia II (1641-41)
had few muskets and little powder. The soldiers that guarded
his chapei were armed with ndigenous weapons, although the
squadron that guarded him when he left the palace included
musketeers, and he had sufficient powder to spare to use three
salvoes of musket fire to assemble the people in the main
square.
62
The shift n the balance of power from the centre to the
provinces was lso manifested in terms of slave-holdings. ln the
late sixteenth century the mani Kongo had owned an enormous
number of slaves relative to the provincial and other title-
holders. lvaro II's (1587-1614) personal guard was
commanded by four principal nobles, each of whom commanded
4,000-5,000 slaves garrisoned in Mbanza Kongo and other
places. This guard, whch amounted to a standing army, far
ou tweighed the slave-holdings of any of the provincial or other
title-holders. ln the course ofthe early seventeenth century the
changing balance of economic power combined with other
social processes to even the balance of slave-holding between
the central and the provincial title-holders.
An important factor in altering the balance of slave-holding
was the decline n the purchasing po>ver of the mani Kqngo
rela tive to that of certain other title-holders. The mani Kong o was
simply unable to purchase as many slaves in the Malebo Pool
markets as he had clone in the late sixteenth century. Some
provincial title-holders, and notably the mani Sorryo and the
lvfbamba, were able to use their new sources of revenue to
purchase more.
Another factor which altered the balance of slave-holding
related to a change in the source of slaves consequent upon the
development of new trade routes. Afonso I had effectively
transferred the process of primary slave acquisition from Kongo
to the Makoko empire and beyond. He had established a
trading pattern by which both pombeiros and l''vlwissikongo could
purchase slaves cheaply in the Malebo Pool markets on the
borders of Kongo and Makoko using a trade route under his
direct control. This system continued throughout the sixteenth
century, with the later addition of a route to the new Okango
markets, which were also be.)lOnd the nuclear Kongo kingdom.
Al though these systems continued at a reduced levei into the
DECEN!RA.LIZA TION: !600-164! 121
late seventeenth century, the new trade routes to the north and
south of Kongo provided the mani Sorryo and the northern
coastal chiefs on the one hand and the mani Mbamba and the
southern tributary chiefs on the other, with sources of slaves
denied to the mani Kongo. Thus the Vili trade from Makoko to
Sonyo and the northern,coastal states completely by-passed the
mani Kongo, as did the Luanda trade routes through the Ndembu
and Matamba. Some fugitive slaves from the south did seek
refuge with the mani Kongo, and Garcia II, for example, settled
'many' of them near Mbanza Kongo under an Imbangala named
Kabuku.
63
Nevertheless, many more sought refuge with the
nearer powers ofthe mani Afbamba and the Ndembu.
Even more important, perhaps, in altering the general
balance of slave-holding between the centre and the provinces
was the growing practice of enslaving the non-Mwissikongo
population of Kongo itsel( This practice had formerly been
regarded as illegitimate. It is probable that some pre-Kongo
state formation had occurred as a result of individuais fleeing
wars or famine, seeking protection from more powerful or more
wealthy neighbours, and being settled on their kanda lands as
clients. It is also possible, although there is no evidence for it,
that individuals were occasionally enslaved for crime or debt. If
so, these would again have created dient relationships. Neither
circumstance would have given the 'owner' the right to sell the
dient. ln the early sixteenth century the only individual whom
the Kongo believed could be legitimately sold was the newly
acquired captive.
64
Afonso's achievement in diverting slave
acquisition from Kongo to Makoko and beyond ensured that
this continued to be the norm throughout the sixteenth century.
Alvaro II's (1587-1614) enormous personal slave guard con-
sisted of Tio and other people bought at Malebo Pool, not
Kongo. ln the course of the eady seventeenth century the
politicai and social restraints on Kongo enslavement declined.
The development of Kongo enslavement was a direct con-
sequence of the changing pattern of trade and the consequent
decline in the mani Kongo's economic and hence politicai
On the one hand this decline weakened the mani
of provincial and sub-orovincial
permitting politicai controversy
warfare and in the l!"eneration of captives
122 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
'legitimate' slaves. On the other hand, the mani Kongo's
declining income was reflected in the receipts which the
provincial and sub-provincial governors received in return for
their tribute. If they lacked the kind of alternative revenue
enjoyed by the mani Sonyo and to a lesser extent the mani Mbamba
and mani Wandu they increasingly lacked the means to buy the
loyal ty of the subordina te groups and they increasingly looked
to warfare both to subject the groups and to achieve a quick
profit. The fact that their term of office was often short
intensified the profit motive. ln the mid-seventeenth century
one ofGarcia II's sons, then mani 1Hpangu, attacked an Nsundi
h i d ~ who, he said, had offended him. He destroyed the chiefs
village and 'reduced numerous inhabitants to slavery'.
65
One
experienced mid-seventeenth-century observer considered that:
'they customarily acquire most of the slaves in wars that one
potentate makes against another, and those that are taken alive
become slaves, and not being needed for the house, they sell
them to be embarked. As a result they are more often moved to
war to acquire a quantity of slaves ... than for politicai needs
and matters of state'.
66
The Mwissikongo were the more
inclined to internecine warfare since, if defeated and captred,
they themselves were normally more profitably ransomed than
killed or soldas slaves. It was the non-Mwissikongo captives
who became 'legitimate' slaves. The consequent breakdown in
order led, by the mid-seventeenth century, to cases of simple
kidnapping.
67
1V1eanwhile, as the politicai, economic, and social
significance of slave holding grew, individuais increasingly
sought slaves as compensation through the courts, and this
further reduced the social restraints on Kongo enslavernent.
Garcia II himself seized and sold into slavery many of the
viHagers whom h e judged responsible for the death of a Capucin
fria r.
68
This penalty was increasingly dernanded at every levei
of society. The 'Christian' 'wife of one governor who was
offended when her husband took a concubine, demanded and,
the help of the Capucins received, many slaves in
compensation.
69
According to one mid-seventeenth-century
observer, if someone srnashed or lost a borrov.ed caiabash
l\1hata, the owner would refuse to accept another or even
several calabashes, insisting on the return of the original.
DECENTRALIZATION: !60CH64! 123
Eventually, the offender would offer a slave. Similarly, if
someone ate a pig or chicken belonging to another, the injured
party would argue that the chicken laid eggs, and from the eggs
carne chicks, which would also multiply, so that the loss equalled
a slave or more. If a descent group did not itself own slaves, it
would have to deliver one ofitsjunior members into slavery. If
someone committed adultery with another's concubine, the
injured party would demand the offender, and often a relative
too, as slave.
70
Since the Mwissikongo controlled the institu-
tions of justice, they were able to benefit most frorn this
development, and since the centrally appointedjudges appear
to have dealt only with disputes involving slaves, the provincial
governors, who were apparantly responsible for ali other areas
of justice in their province, benefited most of ali. Sorne acted as
judge in their own cases.
71
Exploitation of these new sources of slaves produced a
drama ti crise in the proportion of slaves to free over the whole of
the nuclear kingdom. In the mid-seventeenth century, one
experienced observer considered that the Kongo could be
divided into three groups; the nobility, the free 'whovvere few in
number', and the slaves and women who tilled the land and who
vvere 'rnost numerous'. Another considered that the number of
slaves nearly equalled the free, anda third that there were more
slaves than free.
72
Ali the relatives, induding the children, of
title-holders, owned slaves.
73
U nlike the slaves of the pre-
Atlantic period, these slaves were regarded less as clients and
more as cornmodities which could be sold at any time to the
Atlantic traders.
An important consequence ofthis grovvth in internal Kongo
enslavement was that provincial title-holders attracted dients,
for whilst they could easi1y acquire captives or condemned
people and convert thern into European or other goods, it was
less easy to convert them into loyal followers who would support
their politicai aspirations. ln this respect freed slaves were more
dependable. Consequently, powerful rnen encouraged slaves to
fiee their masters and to seek protection with them. They
offered freedom, in exchange for which the ex-slave paid a fee.
The abandoned master coilld appeal to the ammi
judges,
central power weakened,
124 THE KINGDOlVI OF KONGO
also began to seek the protection of the powerful. ln the mid-
seventeenth century some people, fearing seizure, asserted that
they vlere already the slaves of a powerful man and some
fathers, in order to prevent their sons being taken, branded
their backs to indicate that they already had a master.
75
The
growth of clientage throughout Kongo both reflected and
furth.ered the shift in the balance ofpmverfrom the centre to the
provmces.
2.2 Alliances between patrilineal categories and local descent
groups
The changing balance of power between the centre and the
provinces was also reflected in and furthered by the develop-
ment of alliances between certain Mwissikongo patrilineal
categories and local descent groups. These arose as Mwissi-
kongo fathers sought to strengthen their own politicai position
by securing appointments for their children, ali of whom \vere
members of their patrilineal category. As the Mwissikongo
group expanded, it increasingly appropriated quite low-level
appointments including the chiefships of the children's own
kanda or kanda-segment. Alternatively the Mwissikongo
appointed their sons as politicai chiefs ruling alongside the
kanda or kanda segment chiefs. Such appointees would receive
local concubines and thereby engender children who were
members of the group and who could subsequently, through
their father's influence, aspire to the kanda and segment
chiefships. By the mid-seventeenth century highly connected
Mwissikongo increasingly held small rents, sometimes ofonly a
fe\v villages. ln certain circumstances, a considerable propor-
tion of such posts could be held by members of a single patri-
lineal category.
76
integration of a Mwissikongo patrilineal descent
category with local descent group chiefs was most pronounced
in Sonyo, and, for a while, in Mbamba. The Silva patrilineal
category was involved in both provinces. Its origins are
uncertain. The first Silva who indubitably held Sonyo was
1viiguel in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.
There is some evidence, however, that thecategory had become
entrenched in Sonyo earlier than and that the Manuel
mani SonJ'O \vho received baptism in 1490 took the name Silva
founded the patrilineal category.
77
DECENTRALIZATION: 1600-!64! !25
It is possible that other Silva were appointed as mani Sonyo
between Manuel and the late sixteenth century Miguel da
Silva, but in any case it is likely that, beginning with Manuel,
they formed dose relationships with the local kanda. ln the late
sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries Miguel da Silva
customarily took a girl from successive local kanda or kanda
segments as concubine, made her pregnant, and then presented
her and the child to one of his principal nobles. The
beneficiaries considered themselves very honoured and this
ordinarily brought other unspecified profits.
78
The child of
course was a member of1viiguel's patrilineal category and ofthe
local kanda. This appears to have been a local variant of the
general custom whereby the local kanda gave a woman to each
new Mwissikongo governor.
79
1\!Iiguel's practice multiplied the
number of girls he could impregnate and consequently the
number of kanda and kanda segments related to his patrilineal
category. It also multiplied his relationships with the
Mwissikongo ofMbanza Sonyo to whom he gave the girls. On
the assumption that the Silva patrilineal category established
lines of relationship with the Sonyo kanda from the governorship
of 1VIanuel onwards, and that one or more Silva ruled in the
nterim, then it is easy to understand how, by the early
seventeenth century, they had established a firm base in Sonyo.
The descent category itselfwould have been numerous since it
induded all the children ofSilva fathers. The rela tive weakness
of the pre-existing politicai structures would have encouraged
individuais to define themselves in terms of Mwissikongo
patrilineal categories, especially during Silva governorships.
The first Silva bid to establish an independent state ofSonyo
occu:rred n the first decade of the seventeenth century, soon
after the province had been enriched by Dutch trade. Miguel da
Silva rebelled against lvaro II and 'killed many nobles of the
nmrt'. lvaro was unable to punish him because, in order to
mobilize t:he whole country, he 1Nould have had togo in person
against him and he _:vas 'aged and ~ N e a r y of wars'. A few years
later .rviiguel died. Alvaro III, who had succeeded his father,
took the opportunity to appoint a member of a weaker
\ntnio de Sousa, to
and nlrunl:alned mnf"rn!
80
126
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Meanwhile, another Silva, Antnio, ruled
:N1barnba was then the richest and rnost powerful of the Kongo
provinces, for it received fugitive slaves frorn the south and
cornrnanded all the trade routes through Kongo. Its irnportance
it evidenced by the fact that the title Captain General of the
Kingdorn, which forrnerly pertained to the mani Mpemba at the
centre of the kingdorn, was cornbined with either the mani
Nsundi or the mani 1\tfbamba in the early seventeenth century and
exclusively with the mani A1bamba in the rnid-seventeenth
century.
81
Antnio undoubtedly developed the network of
Silva relationships with the local kanda. He also sought and
gained support frorn the Portuguese in Luanda. Unable to
succeed to the Afonso dorninated throne, Antnio had assurned
the role of kingmaker, placing Bernado I on the vacant throne
in 1614 anc!, a year later, deposing hirn and securi?g the
election of Alvaro In 1616 he rebelled against Alvaro,
perhaps in protest at Alvaro's appointrnent of a non-Silva to the
vacan t governorship of Sonyo. On this occasion Antnio carne
to terrns. Three years later, lvaro, atternpting to re-establish
central control, appointed his own brother to the govemorship
ofM pernba and an infant with a regent in Nsundi. Antnio again
rebelled, leading a coalition of 'whoever in any way _pretended
to the kingdorn'. Again the parties carne to terms. Alvaro, his
first wife having died, rnarried a daughter of Antnio da Silva
with the express intention of engendering an heir to the throne.
This ended the Mpanzu Monso's practice of succession
through slave wives. Despite this, when Antnio died in 1620 he
'left h is sou as Duke ofMbamba'. Alvaro, however, was able to
crush the .relatively inexperienced young man and re-establish
central controP
2
Despi te their loss of control in Sonyo and Mbamba, the Silva
retained their identity and their power base in the province
l\fter defeating Antnio da Silva's sou, Alvaro appoiuted his
owu infant sou as mani i\lhamha, but, in the early I620s, Luanda
began to encroach ou Mbarnba territory, and lvaro was forced
to appoint a strong man, Pedro. Pedro was a leading member of
the non-ruling Afonso patriliueal segment of N1ubica Monso.
H is rnother >vas a Silva, but this did not necessarily :recornmend
him to the Silva category since individuais norrnally
not their patrilineal categOI)', from their mothers.
DECENTRALIZATION: !6(l(H 64! !27
128 THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO
Glose relatives tended to be more loyal but were more
dangerous if they rebelled. tv:lembers of other segments had less
powerful connections but were also less committed to the king.
Afonso segments rivalling the established Mpanzu Afonso
succeeded to the throne from Mbamba in 1622 and in 1636.
After the disintegration of the kingdom in the la ter seventeenth
century the struggles of the rival Afonso segments centred on
Mpemba province, which contained the capital, and Mbamba.
87
ln Nsundi and Mpangu, which were adversely affected
the changing patterns of trade, alliances also developed
between patrilineal categories and local descent groups. ln the
sixtecnth and early seventeenth centuries, the mani Kongo had
invariably appointed dose relatives to Nsundi,
88
which was a
key province. It controlled the vital Mbanza Kongo- Makoko
tradc route and also the relatively powerfullocal structures of
the fertile and populous northern middle belt. These consistent
Afonso appointments prevented other patrilineal categories
from entrenching themselves in the province. ln the early
seventeenth century, however, as the centre weakened, the
strong local organizations asserted themselves. ln 1614-15 an
'ordinary' Mpangu noble, probably a senior non-Mwissikongo
member of one of the local kanda revolted, kiHing the llWlli
Mpangu and the mani Nsundi and marching on Mbanza Kongo.
The mani Kongo, Bernardo II (1614-15) defeated him and
appointed a certainjordo Manuel as mani NsllJldi.Jordo was a
senior member of the Manuel patrili.neal category and related
through his nephew to 'nearly ali thefidalgosoH-.ilpangu', which
probably means that he \vasa senior member of the,kanda that
formerly ruled the independent Mpangu state. Alvaro III
(1615-22), no doubt fearing this allianceofpatrilineal category
and local descent group, deprivedjordo ofNsundi, hirn
vVem bo and other rents far from his power base instead. Alvaro
later fdi out: with his brother, to whom he had given Mpangu,
and '<vas forced to appeal to Jordo vvith his Mpangu connections,
to help him deprive him.Jordo insisted that he be reinstated as
mani lv'sundi. Alvaro eventuaUy cornprornised by appointing
Jordo's infant nephew as rnani Afpangu. This appears to have
represented a capitulation to the local descent trrouus and a
withdrawal centrai authority. Pedro II
ascended the throne in 1622. detennined to appoint 'men, not
DECENTRALIZATION: !60-!64!
129
children' and to reassert central control. H e reinstated Jordo
as mani Nsundi. Fours years laterJordo used his patrilineal and
matrilineal connections to lead a successful revolt against
Pedro's son Garcia I (1624-6).
89
Jordo Manuel did not establish Nsundi and Mpangu as a
power base for his patrilineal category, principally because,
unlike the Silva in the western province, he had no independent
access to European goods. He was therefore comrnitted to
operate within the Mbanza Kongo economic system and to
participate in its politics. However, his relative success
demonstrates the potential power available to members of the
patrilineal categories who were closely related to the senior
members of the dorninant provincial kanda. Subsequent mani
Kongo were careful to appoint dosely related Afonso to Nsundi,
the most powerful ofthe two northern middle-belt provinces.
90
Although these Afonso threatened the reigning kings, they were
committed to the institution which 'belonged' to their
patrilineal category, and though they might attempt to use the
base to seize the throne, they did not attempt to secede.
The indigenous politicai structures were stronger in Mbata
in the southern centrai bdt than they were in any other Kongo
province, and the Nsaku Lau kanda rnonopolized the office of
throughout the period of the Mwissikongo
overlordship.
91
ln the course of the sixteenth century the
convention had evolved that the mani was chosen from
men who were both Afonso and Nsaku Lau.
92
The sons of the
mani ililbata could not succeed, of course, since they were
members of their mother's, not their father's, kanda. If the sons
rnarried into the Nsaku Lau, however, their sons could doso. ln
the late sixteenth century, at the height of central power, the
mani Kollgo was said to appoint the mani lvfba.z from amongst the
rnen eligible to succeed.
93
Later, the evolution of the Mbanza
Kongo-Okango trade route expanded the mani 1iifbata's trading,
'<Veaving, and agricultura! tax base. 1vioreover, the new outer
eastern provinces, which were nominally subject to the mani
Kcmgo, increasingly paid tribute to the mani A1baia, who rnost
directly controlled the access of the Portuguese traders,
was and consisted of
respect.
94
As the centre
to appmach l'vlbata
!30
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
from the south, rather than from Kongo, the mani
!ylbata asserted his independence. H e failed to respond to any of
Alvaro III's (1615-22) summonses to the capitalandhedid not
attend the investiture of Pedro II in 1622 even though he was
the principal officiant.
95
By the mid-seventeenth century the
Nsaku Lau normally elected the mani Jlllbata [rom men who were
Nsaku Lau and Afonso, and the mani Kongo simply con-
firmcd the election. Only occasionally could a strong king such
as Garcia II intervene and impose a candidate of hs own
choice.
96
A parallel, but less well-documented development, occurred
in \N andu. This was probably also a former extra-kanda
chiefdom, but the early mani Kongo had imposed Mwissikongo
governors without local connections.
97
ln the early seventeenth
century, \'Vandu began to trade directly wth Luanda based
traders and by the mid-seventeenth century the local ruling
kanda normally elected the governor. Perhaps, as in Mbata, it
confined its choice to men who were also members ofthe Afonso
patrilineal category. ln any circumstances; however, it was only
a strong king such as Garcia II who was still able to impose his
own choice amongst the local canddates.
98
2.3 Loss ofthe Mpanzu Afonso monopoly and fragmentation of
the Afonso category
The shift in the balance of power from the centre i:o the
provinces, together with the development of aUiances bel:\'leen
the patrilineal categorie:s and the kanda, broke the p\Ver ofthe
slave-based Mpanzu Monso who had monopolized the kingship
since the reign of lvaro I (1568-87). The Mpanzu Afonso had
succeeded through the de:signated sons of slave wives and had
excluded ali other Monso segment:s and non-Monso patrilineal
categories, as well a:s the central and provincial kmula, from any
interest in the throne. ln the course of the third and fourth
decade:s of the seventeenth-century rival Afonso segments; the
most powerful of the non-Monso patrilineal categories, the
Silva; and the central kanda; ali successfully laid a claim to an
interest in the kingship.
The first breach in the Afonso position occurred in
the early seventeenth centmy when the grow:ing strength of the
provinciaUy based patrilineal categorie:s, and notably of the
Silva, and the grm'>'ng rdative weakness ofits own slave
D.ECENTRAUZATION: 1600-1641 131
caused the Mpanzu Afonso to abandon the policy ofsuccession
through slave wives, and to attempt to strengthen its position
through marital alliances. Thus, after the death of his first
principal wife, lvaro III (1615-22) married a daughter of the
powerful Antnio da Silva, mani Mbamba. He explicitly
intended to establish a link with the Silva patrilineal category
and to engender with hera 'legitima te successor to these states'.
He informed Rome ofthe birth ofhis son, baptized him lvaro
and dedared him heir to the kingdom.
99
Thereafter successive
kings and kingly aspirants usually took a member of the Silva
patrilineal category as their principal wife and designated one
ofher sons to succeed. The kingship ceased to be elevated above
the competing matrilineal and patrilineal groups and categories.
ln the third decade of the seventeenth century the weakening
of the wipanzu Afonso position enabled a rival Afonso segment
to use its Mbamba base to displace them. A certain Afonso
l'vfubica, mani Nsundi, who was a son of Afonso I's third
daughter, had already rebelled against lvaro II without
success. ln 1622 Monso Mubica's son used his governorship of
Mbamba to seize the throne as Pedro II and in 1624 Pedro's son
also succeeded from Mbamba as Garcia I (!624-6). This
second segment may conveniently be called Mubica Afonso.
Although the 1VIpanzu Monso used the Silva andJordo Manuel
to return to power in 1626 their monopoly was broken.
100
ln !:h e fourth decade of the seventeenth century a new Afonso
daimant category seized power from with the help of
!:he Silva on the one hand and the central kmula on the other.
The latter phenomenon can be in terpreted as part of the general
process whereby individuais and groups exduded from the
throne began to use their kanda affiliations to seize power or,
equaHy, as a reassertion, as the kingship weakened, of the
central kanda's eariier right to supply the mani Kongo. ln any
event, the accession ofthe new daimant category represented a
major change n recruitment to the k:ingly office. It wa:s by now
necessary for all asprant:s to prove descent from Afonso I, and
Mpanzu Monso and Mubica Monso did so by proving patri-
lineal descent from the son of one of Monso I's daughters.
VI, seized the in ] 636, and his brother
Garcia H, succeeded him in !641 , ho'We''er.
proving matrilinea1 descent from a third daug-htei
!31
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
JOO!
NZINGA NKUWU
l
AFONSO I
MBEMBA NZINGA
I I I
PEDRO I NZINGA f ISABEL I ANNA
LUKENI f / NTUMBA f
____ .. / I
/---
/I I
{ AFONSO I NZENZE f
NTUMBA I
,\ --
1 - .......
PEDRO 11 "- LUKEN! f
NKANGA M8'MaA \\
GARCIA I I LVARO VI GARCIA 11
MBEMBA NKANGA \ NIMI.LUKENI NKANGA LUKENI
MUBICA NTUMBA \ NZENZE NTUMBA NZENZE NTUMBA
MBEMBA NZINGA '\......._ ----------
-MiJBICA-
----- I
ANTNIO I
VITANKANGA
- NLAZA {NKANGA MUBICAJ-
{e:<, Antnio
FIG2
say, mey belonged to the sarne kanda as t:he third daughter and
therefore stood as Child to Afonso I. The kanda concerned was
Nlaza.
101
In t:he la ter seventeent:h centmy members of this
continued, successfully, to claim a right to the t:hrone. They
were sometimes called Nkanga (from Garcia II, t:he real founder of
the fortunes of t:his group) Mubica
102
(the son of t:he thi:rd
daughter, the mal e :rep:resentative of t:he Nlaza in t:he generation
that parallded Mpanzu). This groupcan rnost conveniently be
DECEl'!TRt\LIZATION: !600-!64! !33
called Nkanga Mubica Afonso, which expresses their claim in
its pseudo-patrilineal form, or Nlaza.
Thus, as the centre weakened relative to the provinces, the
slave-based Mpanzu Afonso monopoly of the kingship crumbled.
Rival Afonso segments disputed the throne and used other patri-
lineal categories, notably the Silva, and their own kanda to
further their claims.
3. The military and ideological threatfrom Luanda
3.1 The military threat
In the first decade of the seventeenth century the mani Kongo's
difficulties were compounded when the Portuguese colony of
Luanda suddenly began to pose a serious military, threat.
Throughout the late sixteent:h century the thrust of Luanda
penet:ration had been along the Kwanza River, for the Portu-
guese believed there were silver mines in the town of
Cambambe. In 1603, however, they captured the town and
found no mines. They began to look for other potential sources
of wealth and they were drawn to three Kongo territories. The
fi:rst was the island of Luanda across the bay from the colony.
This produced the nzimbu shells which were used in the Okango
doth trade. Alvaro I (1568-87) had offered the KingofPortugal
one fifth of t:he nzimbu revenues in recognition ofhis help against
the Jaga but the latter had dedined to take them. In the early
seventeenth century, the Portuguese denied t:hs, argued that
the revenues belonged to Portugal, and debated whether they
should seize the island or at least exact a proportion of the
revenne.
1
!}
3
The Luanda residents also began to interest
themselves in the Kongo copper mines of:Mbembe, the value of
they consistently overestimated. Afonso I had raised and
vvit:hdravln the snggestion of joint Kongo--Portuguese
exploitation. The Portuguese coveted them throughout the
sixteenth centu:ry but then shelved the matter in anticipation of
greater wealth from the npper Kwanza. After the disappointment
of Cambambe these hopes revived.
1
M Luanda vvas also con-
cerned to secnre the Luanda hinterland and the chiefdoms
.-wthva:rds to the Dande, for continued KollQ"o control threat-
Luanda securitv. In
of Kazanze in the immediate
the Portug:uese off the mainiand
131 THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO
and back to the islands ofLuanda Bay.
105
The chiefdoms to
north could threaten the Portuguese plantatioQs of the
River Bengo, which were crucial to the Luanda food supply.
vVhilst security reasons could be adduced for attacks on the
Kongo chiefdoms, another important factor was that they were
a conveniently dose source of slaves. They were also a major
obstacle on the path to Mbembe.
Relations between Kongo and Luanda became increasingly
tense in the first half of the seventeenth century. They were
ofTicially conducted through a Luanda appointee in Mbanza
Kongo called the 'Portuguese Judge' or 'Captain'. The mani
Kongo also appointed various agents and ambassadors in
Luanda and received information from Kongophile clerics and
Portuguese in both Luanda and Mbanza Kongo. Strong kings
such as Garcia II also kept 'spies' throughout the kingdom to
report the passage and activities of foreigners.
106
Anxiety
concerning Luanda was so great that mani Kongo rarely spoke to
foreigners alone or without an interpreter,
107
and Kongo
generally were reluctant to communicate with them. One
Capucin friar commented that 'these people do not normally
rcveal the business of their princes for fear of being put to
dcath'. Another noted that, 'these people do not want anyone to
understand them, and as they refrain from communicating
their secrets to us, we are unable to decipher them'. The mani
Kongo encouraged the use of interpreters whether they were
nceded or not. They secured information for them and they
frustrated the foreigners' enquiries. Conversely, the kings
discouraged foreigners from learning Kikongo. ws
ln the first two decades of the seventeenth ce:ntury Luanda
to raid the subject Kongo chiefdoms betvveen Luanda
Dande. ln 1604 lvaro II asked the Pope to arder the
Portuguese to retire from his lands and to cease maltreating the
" the island ofLuanda. H e asked him to '"'arn them that
if metal were discovered in his lands no one should try to take
force as the Governors of Luanda usualiy did.
109
By
I 607 an anonymous report noted that the 'Ambundu along the
Dande were formerly subject to the King of Kongo although
they obey him little and do not send tribute. And many
obey the Governar ofLuanda and Portuguese g;o there
to trade with them and many of them are Christian. '
110
Alvaro I
DECEfi.'TRALIZATION: !600-!64!
135
had attempted to counter Luanda designs by interesting other
European powers in the Mbemba copper. As early as 1583, he
had instructed an ambassador to offer the Pope 100 square
Ieagues of Iand 'rich in mines'. This had produced no result.
Through an embassy of 1604-8, lvaro II asked the King of
Portugal to send miners. Lisbon, however, still hoped to find
mines in the conquista. lvaro toyed with the idea of permittng
individual Portuguese to exploit the mines but decided against
it. ln 1613 he asked the Pope for a Brief prohibiting anyone,
under pain of censure, from making himself master of the
mines.
111
Ali this was to no avail. ln 1615 the Portuguese seized
the territories between the Bengo and the Dande. 112
The pressure on Kongo increased in the third decade of the
seventeenth century as the Portuguese discovered that there
were no mines at all along the Kwanza. With newly enlisted
Imbangala support they won a series of crucial victories and by
1622 had defeated Ngola a Kiluanje.ll3 In 1622 the Luanda
governar seized the mani Luanda. He then subjected Kazanze,
the Kongo chiefdom which controlled the Luanda hinterland.
He executed the mani Kazanze and sent his ministers to Brazil.
lvaro III sent an ambassador to Luanda to negotiate but
almost immediately afterwards died. The mani 1l1bamba, who
had aided Kazanze resistance, succeeded to the throne as Pedro
II. The Portuguese invaded. They said that lvaro III's son
should have succeeded, that the subject Ndembu chief nambu a
ngongo kept Portuguese slaves and that the maniA! bamba forbade
the passage ofPortuguese and held them for ransom. According
to the Jesuit missionaries the governor wanted to take the
copper mines of:Mbembe and Luanda Island, and to gain what
he could from piHage. The Portuguese defeated nambu a ngorzgo
and occupied Mbumbe, the Mbamba chiefdom which controlled
the middle part of the Luanda-Mbanza l\ibamba route. In the
\vhich followed, the mani JJfbam.ba, the mam J1t!pemba,
ninety and many other Kongo were killed. The
Portuguese captured rzambu a ngongo and sent him to Brazi1. The
Jesuits complained on Pedro's behalf and Pedro appealed to the
Dutch for aid. The King of Portugal ordered some redress,
retum afte:r the
L<uauda attacked and
l3b THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
thc latcr l620s a new Governor, Ferno de Sousa, divided the
lands between the Dande and the Bengo 'to the convenience of
the residents of Luanda'. ln response to the mani Kongo's
protests, he said that the King ofPortugal required it. The mani
lvfbwila, strengthened by the new trade, rallied the Ndembu of
the Dande-kiluanje, kankango, kiteshi, kampangala, kakanua pikeno,
kambangombe and others. He denied the tribute that he had
promsed in 1622 and dosed the slave trade.
114
I n I 633 Luanda again subjected Mbwila. At the sarne time
the authorities plotted with internal Kongo dissidents to secure
the mines ofMbembe. ln the later 1630s the mani Kongo lvaro
VI feared a new invasion and appealed to the Dutch for aid. ln
1641 Garcia II became mani Kongo. As mani Mbamba he had
frequently conflicted with Luanda. The Luanda authorities
determined to overthrow him and, no doubt, seize the mines.
They prepared to invade, but the Dutch occupation supervened.
115
3.2 The military and ideological threat from Luanda
ln the early seventeenth century Luanda did not merely pose a
military threat to Kongo, it posed an ideological threat too.
Since the reign of Monso I the role of the mani Kongo had been
legitimized through Christian rituais and institutions inter-
preted as uni que forms of the nkadi mpemba cult and the cult of
the Mwissikongo graves. The value of the cult depended in
large measure on the ability of the mani Kongo to control the
priests who served it. The mani Kongo had never been as
successful in this as they wished, but the situation became
increasingly difficult after the establishment of the colony of
Luanda.
A crucial impediment to Kongo aspirations was that in 1499
Pope had conceded to the kings of Portugal the right
patronage to the Church in Africa.
116
ln accordance with this,
they assumed financial responsibiiity for the evangelization,
reserved the right of patronage, and monopol.ized rdations
betwveen Kongo and Rome. At first they had administered Kongo
through the Vicar ofTomar, prelate nullius of aU the discovered
then, in 1514, through the Bishop ofFunchal; and
in i534, through the Bishop of So Tom. As early as
Afonso I had pressed for the establishment of a separate see at
"tv1 banza Kongo. This was not conceded to him but his needs
were largely met by the appointment in the eadv l620s of his:
DECENTRALIZATION: 1600-lMl
137
son, Henrique, as auxiliary bishop. When Henrique died,
however, Portugal decided that Kongo was too near So Tom
to warrant this.arrangement. Instead, the BishopofSo Tom
visited occasionally and provided a resident vicar-general.
117
The bishops' visits were variously received. Diogo I ( 1545-61)
complained that Bishop Joo Baptista, who visited in 1547,
caused him many difficulties and treated him discourteously.
The bishop would neither preach nor visit other parts of the
diocese. On the other hand he was very satisfied with Bishop
Gaspar Co who visited Kongo in 1554 and who confirmed,
ordained, visited the diocese and celebrated mass. Visits were
infrequent, however, only two further episcopal visits being
made that century. ln practice the mani Kongo had to contend
with the vicars-general. These were invariably Portuguese, and
primarily concerned to enrich themselves. Relations tended to
be difficult. Nevertheless, the mani Kongo were sufficiently
strong in this period to impose their will and at the end of the
century the bishop changed the vicar-general three times in
three years in order to avoid too great a conflict with lvaro
II. H8
When, in 1596, Clement VIII established a separate See of
So Salvador in Mbanza Kongo
119
it proved a disappointment.
The King of Portugal kept the right of patronage, the Arch-
bishop of Lisbon administered the diocese and the bishops
themselves continued to be Portuguese. The establishment of
the See of So Salvador coincided with the growth of Portu-
guese power in Luanda. This increasingly undermined the mani
Kongo's control of the diocesan structures, for the bishops
inevitably looked to Luanda for politicai and moral support. As
Bishop Manuel Baptista (1612-19) coldly informed Alvaro II,
'neither he nor the chapeis belonged to the King' (ofKongo).
The bishops often supported Luanda encroachment and they
could depend upon Luanda support in any confrontation with
maui Kongo. They invariably preferred to reside in Luanda
rather than in the cathedral residence in Mbanza Kongo.
120
Successive bishops challenged the religious authority of the
mani Kongo. They even denied him the title ofMajesty conceded
Pope. Alvaro II complained that the first B.ishop
Miguel Rangel
the 'proper ceremonies' towards:
133 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
the height of his throne. The third bishop, Manuel Baptista
(1612-19) was mostly resident in Luanda. When in Mbanza
Kongo, however, he too attempted to place his throne higher
than the king's. He also demanded that, at his approach, the
king should rise from his chair, take offhis cap, mpu, which was
an insignia of authority, and demonstrate 'great reverence'
towards him. ln effect, h e demanded that the king recognize his
superior religious status.lvaro refused. He also refused to
remove his mpu before the sacrament in the church, although
the bishop succeeded in forcing the other Mwissikongo to do
so.
121
Before the erection of the diocese, the mani Kong o had been
able, as a last resort, to expel the vicars-general. It was more
difficult to expel a bishop and impossible with Luanda so near.
ln the absence of the bishop, who seldom resided long, authority
devolved upon the cathedral chapter. This invariably pretended
to the sarne privileges as the bishops, though with less success.
122
The problems they encountered with the So Salvador
bishops led the early-seventeenth-century mani Kongo to appeal
directly to the Pope. At various times they asked permission to
name the bishop, the chapter and, during a vacancy, a vicar-
general. They suggested that, instead of a bishop, the Pope send
a vicar named by himself. Such a man would not be controlled
by the King ofPortugal or his ministers. H e would recognize the
King ofKongo 'whose bread he ate'. ln 1619 Alvaro III asked
the Pope to name Bras Correia as bishop. Bras Correia was
Portuguese, but had come to Kongo in his youth and spoke
J5-ikongo fluently. He was very able and became president of
Alvaro III's council. None of these appeals succeeded,
al though the King ofSpain, as King ofPortugal, agreed that the
Kings ofKongo could name most of the members of the chapter.
123
Unable to contrai the established ecdesiastical structures, the
kings attempted to establish an alternative ecdesiastical
structure independent ofthe diocese. ln 1604 Alvaro II urged
Pope to erect the Church of St James as a royal chapei
similar to that of the King ofPortugal. AJvaro III and Pedro II
renewed the proposal. The chapei would be served by a chief
chosen by the king. Both lvaro III and Pedro II
chose the ubiquitous Bras Correia for this office. There
be nine other chaplains, a treasurer, anda dean. The chapel
thus emulate the chapter, which however never had its
DECENTRALIZATiON: 1600-1641
139
full complement of nine canons and fi v e dignitaries. I t would be
entirely exempt from diocesan control and would enjoy the
sarne privileges as the Portuguese royal chapel. The chief
chaplain would be named protonotary. As such he would be
able to administer the sacrament of confirmation, occupy a
special place in the church and keep his hat on in church. He
would also be given faculties to defend the kings against the
bishops. Once again, Rome failed to respond satisfactorily,
although the King ofSpain and Portugal agreed to concede the
privileges to the chapel.
124
Bishop Miguel Rangel, however,
refused to recognize the concession on the grounds that it had
not been ratified by the Pope.
125
The mani Kongo also attempted to use a new Jesuit mission to
circumvent the diocesan structures. This mission had
accompanied Paulo Dias in the first colonization ofLuanda. It
had frequently conflicted with the Luanda and the diocesan
authorities and it sympathized with Kongo. It transmitted
Kongo letters to Europe and in 1622 publidy condemned the
Luanda invasion of Kongo. Pedro II invited the Jesuits to
Mbanza Kongo. Two fathers went there in 1623 and the college
opened in 1625. Pedro II (1622-4) had insisted that thejesuits
name the Kings of Kongo as founders of the college. His son,
Garcia I (1624-6) gave the site and other lands together with
fifty aifos o[ nzimbu shell money per year for every Jesuit up to a
m ~ x m u m of ten. The mission inspired a great movement of
enthusiasm in 1'vibanza Kongo. However, the Jesuits, like the
chapter and priests, were reluctant to depend on the mani Kongo.
\
1
Vhen one of their members left the college a large legacy, the
company preferred to recognize him as founder. Alvaro VI
protested to the General of the Company, without effect.
126
Meanwhile, the college remained administratively dependent
upon the Luanda college which in tum formed part of the
Portuguese province. The fathers were invariably Portuguese
and they received a stipend from the King of Portugal and
Spain.
127
ln the later l620s and I630s their relations with the
Luanda governors improved and the Luanda college increasingly
concentrated on secular rather than missionary affairs. ln the
mid-seventeenth centurv thev en;ap;f'fi in th., d,.,.,., trade and
time
l-tO THE KlNGOOM OF KONGO
Jesuits spent in administering their possessions.
128
As the
Jesuits' relations with the Luanda governors improved, they
began to conspire with them to secure the Kongo mines of
Mbemba.
129
By the later 1630s thejesuit mission in the Kongo
had lost its impetus and the kings their enthusiasm.
F rom 1628-43 Bishop Francisco Soveral governed the
Church in Kongo-Angola and Kongo control reached its nadir.
Soveral aided the Luanda governors in their attempts to obtain
mines of Mbembe and in 1641 he supported the proposed
invasion of Kongo.
130
He depleted the Church in Kongo in
favour ofthe regions ofPortuguese conquest. ln 1610 there had
been priests in six provincial capitais under Kongo control,
I\1bata, Mbamba, Sonyo, Mpemba, Nsundi, and Wandu; and
the ou ter province of Okango, and the Ndembu chiefdom of
M u temu, which were of especial interest to the Portuguese, also
had priests. ln 1631 there were priests in ali these places as well
as in Mpangu and the Sonyo sub-province ofKiova. ln 1640
only five provinces had priests - Mbemba, Nsundi, Mpemba,
Sonyo, and Wandu. Mutemu, which also had a priest, was
within the Luanda sphere ofinfiuence. Meanwhile Soveral had
erected ten new parishes. One was in the Ndembu state of
_ Mbwila, formerly subject to Kongo, but recently defeated by
Luanda and ofkey importance in the contrai ofthe trade routes
of the plateau. Four were in areas ofPortuguese encroachment
between the Bengo and the Dande, and three in the newly
subjected lands in the south. Soveral had also erected parishes
for the mulatto and indigenous populations of Luanda and
Massangano separate from those of the Portuguese. The
cathedral chapter of So Salvador consisted of five dignitaries
and nine canons. ln 1641 four dignitaries Iived in Luanda- the
archdeacon, schoolmast:er, chief treasurer, and visitar-general.
Only four canonates were filled and these hvo canons lived in
Luanda. Only one dignitary - the chorister- and hvo canons
lived in Mbanza Kongo. Most of the Jesuits and all the
members of the other missionary group, the Third Order ofSt
Francis, lived in Luanda.m Alvaro VI \ovrote to the Pope in
1636 and 1639. He complained of Soveral's behav-:iour and
asked the Pope to order him to reside Mbanza Kongo. He
repeated the earlier req uest for a decree in favour of the Chapei
of St James. He also asked the Pope to confirm the tide of
DECENTRALIZATION: l600-!64l Hl
Majesty and grant ajubilee and indulgences to strengthen the
cuJt.B2
There was only one respect in which Soveral's m1mstry
created conditions potentially favourable to the cult in Kongo.
The bishop was genuinely zealous for the expansion of the faith
and to this end he ordained a number of Mwissikongo and
mulatto youths. These had been trained by the Jesuits in
Mbanza Kongo and Luanda. He appointed them to the cathedral
chapter and to those Kongo parishes which h e did fill. Although
the Nlwissikongo and Kongo-born mulattos were the only
derics who normally cared to reside in Kongo, this did not in
itself resolve the problem of residence. ln I 64 I two of the four
cathedral dignitaries who lived in Luanda were probably
mulatto- the chief treasurer and the visitar general. So too were
the _two canons. Nevertheless the mulattos were potentially
more sympathetic to Kongo than the Portuguese. Two of the
three members of the chapter that lived in Mbanza Kongo were
mulatto
133
and this was to be importan_t in the 1640s when the
situation suddenly improved and it seemed possible that the
mani Kongo might establish the cult under his direct control with
a plentiful supply of priests.
By 1641, then, the unitary Kongo state was being subjected
to increasing fissipa:rous pressures from within and w-:ithout.
The principal factor involved was the evolution of new trade
routes to the north and south which syphoned trade from
Kongo, withdrew the Ndembu states, Matamba and the northern
coastal states from the Kongo system, strengthened Sonyo,
Nibamba, \'V andu, and the eastern ou ter Kongo provinces, and
undermined the Kongo fiscal and tributary systems. The centre
\oveakened and the balance of slave and gun holding began to
favour the provincial title-holders against the mani Kongo. The
Afonso segments contested the throne whilst other patrilineal
categories allied themselve5 with local groups and sought power
bases in the provinces. N1eanwhile, the Portuguese colony
posed a growing military and ideological threat.
CHAPTER6
N ew Opportunities:
The Dutch Occupation ofLuanda, 1641-1648
An extremely able king, Garcia II, ruled Kongo between 1641
and 1661 and h e attempted to reverse the fissiparous tendencies
of the preceding years. Early in his reign it seemed that this
might yet prove possible. The Dutch occupation of Luanda,
shortly after his accession, appeared to offer the opportunity of
destroying Portuguese power in the region, establishing and
con trolling an alterna tive to the slave trade, and of reuniting the
kingdom. ln the sarne period the Portuguese Bishop of So
Salvador died, so that authority for the Church in Kongo and
Angola devolved upon the Cathedral Chapter in Mbanza
Kongo. Soon afterwards, a new Capucin mission arrived which
was constituted as an Apostolic Prefecture directly dependent
upon the Pape. These developments appeared to resolve the
vexed problems of patronage and manpower and to place the
Christian Church in Kongo directly under the contrai of the
mani Kongo. These new opportunites were doomed to failure. ln
the period 1641-8 Garcia experienced the slow erosion of his
hopes concerning the Dutch, and, with the Portuguese restora-
ton of 1648, the sudden collapse of his plans for the Christian
Church.
1. Politicai and economic developments
The mani Kongo had long been ambivalent towards the Dutch
trade at Mpinda in Sonyo. The slaves were supplied, not
Kongo, but by Vili traders from north of the River Zaire, who
syphoned off Kongo's Makoko trade. The trade had led to a
considerable increase in Sonyo power and had reduced the mani
Kongo'> incarne from taxable Makoko slaves. lt also provided
the Portuguese with a convenient excuse to invade Kongo, a
fact which deterred the mani Kongo from attempting to develop a
Sonyo-Mbanza Kongo-Makoko trade.
1
Throughout the early
THE D.JTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, i64H&ffi !43
seventeenth century the Portuguese pressed the mani Kongo to
eject the Dutch from Mpinda.
2
ln 1640 lvaro VI, fearing a
Luanda invasion, repeatedly ordered the mani Sonyo to doso,
but only effected it through two Catholic priests who demol-
ished the factory.
3
Whilst there were thus serious disadvantages
n the Dutch presence, the mani Kongo welcomed it as offering
the sole possibility of aid against the Luanda mence. ln 1622
when Luanda invaded the southern Kongo provinces, Pedro II
ordered the mani Sorryo to ask the Dutch for aid. He promised
payment in gold, copper, and ivory. ln 1623 the Dutch West
lndia Company, partly encouraged by these reassurances,
planned a twofold attack on the Portuguese strongholds of
Bahia and Luanda. They took Bahia but failed at Luanda.
When they arrived at Mpinda in 1624 the mani Sonyo disclaimed
ali knowledge of the letter. His secretary explained that Pedro
II was now dead and his successor, Garcia I, had made peace
with the Portuguese.
4
ln the late 1630s, when Luanda planned
another attack on Kongo, lvaro VI appealed to the Dutch for
aid.
5
When the Dutch finally seized Luanda on 26 August 1641,
the Portuguese were again preparing to invade Kongo. Garcia
II had acceded to the throne in February 1641 and the Luanda
authorities had used this as an excuse to declare war. As mani
Garcia had resisted Portuguese aggression against
Kongo' s southern vassals, and had accepted many fugi tive
Portuguese slaves. His relations with the Luanda authorities
had deteriorated to such as extent that the latter had pressed
lvaro VI to dismiss him. His accession gave the Portuguese an
excuse to seize the copper mines of l\1bembe, and to install a
more amenable king.
6
Before the Portuguese army could strike,
however, the Dutch occupied Luanda with over 2,000 troops.
1\{ost of the Portuguese colonial army was in the interior
preparing fo:r the invasion of Kongo. Those left in Luanda fled
into the bush. On 2 September the Dutch seized coastal
positiohs outside the city on the River Bengo. The Portuguese
governar, camped beyond the river, refused to negotiate. He
probably hoped to hold out until the rainy season had depleted
the Dutch forces or until he learnt of a Dutch peace treaty
signed in Europe. The Dutch sent a small contingent to
cultivate Bengo piantations needed to feed Luanda. A
!44 THE KING DOM OF KONGO
later they also sent two companies to build a fort on the river.
These companies routed a small Portuguese force and the
governar, with some 600 Portuguese and several thousand
African allies, fled inland to Massangano. The Dutch then
temporarily occupied several further positions between Luanda
and the Dande.
7
Garcia did not immediately ally himself with the Dutch,
although he later dedared that their occupation was an act of
God designed to punish the Portuguese for their many sins.
8
At
present, however, they had won an initial battle, but had not
destroyed Portuguese power. Garcia had no wish to provide the
Portuguese with further excuses to invade. 1\-foreover, the
ideological legitimation of M-vvissikongo rule was based upon
Roman rites and Catholic priests and an alliance with Dutch
protestants could create problems in this respect. According to
the Catholic priests, the Dutch were heretics and pirates who
Iived without God and without Iaw.
9
The Dutch, who had
orders to ally themselves with Kongo, immediately proposed a
defensive and offensive aiiiance. At first, Garcia did not reply.
Eventually the Dutch sent an ambassador to Garcia together
with his own mani Luanda, and Garcia finally agreed to send t\vo
ambassadors and a secretary to Luanda. He limited their
powers to maintaining friendship. Their principal brief, it
seems, was to report the strength ofthe Dutch position and the
possiblty of a final victory against the Portuguese.
10
Popular feeling finally forced Garcia to take more positive
action. As soon as Garcia heard of the Dutch landings h e sent:
messages through Kongo urging the Portuguese to retire to
1\tfbanza Kongo where he would protect them, and he also
\HOte to the southern chiefs urging them to protect the
Portuguese. The Dutch, however, had declared on landing that
they had taken Luanda in order to free the people from
Portuguese tyranny. Garcia's messages were either ignored or,
as h e Ia ter asserted, arrived too late.
11
The Portuguese v,rho took
refuge i n 1\tfbanza Kongo were saved, but in many other regions
they >vere massacred and their possessions taken. These
massacres alone could later provide the Portuguese with an
excuse to invade.
The actions of the southern Kongo chiefs also forced Garcia
to act. The mani Luanda had co-operated with the Dutch from
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, 164!-1648 145
the beginning. Soon afterwards, the mani Mbamba openly
declared himself an enemy of the Portuguese. He raised a
powerful army and participated in the action which caused the
Portuguese to flee to Massangano. ln the autumn of 1641 an
Ndembu chief nambu a kalombo denied allegiance to the
Portuguese. A Portuguese captain suppressed his revolt and
ravaged the whole region from the Bengo to southern
Mbamba.
12
lf Garcia failed to support the southern chiefs and
governors he would lose his claim to lordship ofthe region.
In March I 642 Garcia decided to ally himself with the
Dutch, although he still doubted their power. He sent his
ambassador authority to sign an agreement and on 28 March
1642 the two nations agreed to combat their enemies offensively
and defensively. Garcia authorized the Dutch to construct forts
throughout Kongo. H e granted them complete freedom of trade
and promised to aid trade commissioners at any factories they
cared to establish. Soon after the agreement the Dutch
constructed factories in Mbamba and Mpemba and, as a result
ofa separate treaty, at Sonyo.
13
Having thus committed himself to the alliance Garcia was
anxious to secure the final destruction of Portuguese power in
Angola. H e sent messages to ali the southern chiefs urging them
to join forces against the Portuguese. The Ndembu chiefs
mutemu, nambu a ngongo, kakulu kahenda, and ngombe a mukama
revolted against the Portuguese and declared their allegiance to
Kongo. Other Ndembu chiefs lter joined them. Garcia was
a1most certainly in contact with Queen Nzinga in Matamba
and h e encouraged the Dutch to believe that she would join the
aUance.
14
A Portuguese captain defeated kahenda and mutemu
the hdp of a local 'Jaga' chief. The Ndembu lost thousands
of men. The Dutch sent 200 men to aid nambu a ngongo and the
Portuguese fled to Massangano.
15
Garcia wanted to press the
attack to M:assangano before the Portuguese could recover. The
Dutch agreed. However; by tllis time their troops were weak
from disease and malnutrition and rumours of a Luso-Dutch
treaty encouraged them to hesitate. ln May 1642 Garcia wrote
to the Dutch governar of Brazil urging him, amongst other
things, to press Luanda to attack.
16
Luanda failed to do so and
"""'""'""h""'''h' was losl:.
failed to meet Garcia's expectations. In September
146 TI:IE KINGOOM OF KONGO
164 2 they announced the sgning of the Portuguese-Dutch
treaty which had been ratified in Europe in November 1641_17
On 30 January 1643 they signed a local agreement with the
Portuguese of Massangano which permitted the latter to settle
on the Bengo and which ceded to them many of the Ndembu
chiefs who had only recently joined the Kongo confederacy.
18
This agreement broke down on 17 May 1643 when news of
Portuguese revolts in other colonies led the Dutch to make a
pre-emptive strike on the Bengo.
19
The Dutch signed a new
agreement on 1 July 1643,
20
however, and they did not send
troops against the Portuguese again until the end of1646.
Three factors exacerbated the effects of Dutch military
weakness and forced them to come to terms with the Portu-
guese. The first was the problem of victualling Luanda. The
Portuguese abandoned the Bengo plantations which normally
supplied Luanda in October 1641. Refugees then occupied
them. ln J anuary 1642 a Portuguese captain ravaged them.
They were again abandoned and by the end of the year were
returning to bush. Luanda teetered on the verge of starvation.Z
1
When the Portuguese returned to the Bengo in January 1643
they started cultivating but after the Dutch attack in May this
ceased. On lOJune the Dutch directors reported that 'the land
prod uces nothing. W e will di e ofhunger if nothing is clone.' The
soldiers complained that they had too much food to die and too
little to live. The directors feared that the who1e harvest would
be lost. They sent the Kongo ambassador and the mani Luanda
to ask the Ndembu to stop harassing the Portuguese. They then
learnt that a Portuguese captain was destroying everything
along the Bengo. The garrison there lacked the power to
prevent him. A boat arrived w-ith provisions just in time to
prevent the Dutch from starving.
22
It was dear, however, that if
Luanda was to survive the Portuguese "'vould have to remain on
Bengo and this was one of the major reasons for their signing
agreement ofjuly 1643.
The second factor that forced the Dutch to come to terms
the Portuguese was the failure of the slave trade. The
Dutch had arrived wit:h quite unrealistic expectations of the
volume of trade. A Brazilian estimate :made in November
suggested that the annual export of slaves amounted to
year. The VV est India Company calculated that, aHm-,ing
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, 164!-1643
147
c:J The Ndembu chiefdoms
O 100 200km
MAPIO
<'
MBWJLA'j
K!TESHI;
/_
7
I
Mbaca
sosso
(NSONSO)
Mpumbu
Samba \

'i!!

Q::''
S. Maria de
Matamba
R. Lukala
the costs of purchase, transport, and defence, the colony VI'Ould
make a profit of over 2m. guilders per year.
23
The Dutch in
Luanda were even more optimistic. They estimated in September
1641 that the annual export of slaves from Luanda was 50,000-
<>vn.Prt.>rl to be able to
148
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
many of the principal traders and their pombeiros remained. The
Dutch vvanted. to use these traders as they had neither the means
nor the inclination to alter the existing trading pattem.
25
The Dutch failed to make a going concem ofthe slave trade
from Luanda because the Portuguese blocked the principal
slave trading route. ln the mid-seventeenth century ths passed
through 1vlassangano to Nzinga Matamba and the upper
Kwango.
26
ln October 1642 when more realistic estimates were
being made, the Luanda Dutch estimated that Nzinga pro-
duced 12,000-13,000 slaves per yearP The Portuguese closed
this route and no slave carne from Nzinga during the Dutch
occupation. The principal Kongo trade route passed to
Okango.
28
Although it produced some slaves, the main
commodity was cloth, used in the general trade of the
Portuguese conquista. The slaves which formerly passed from
Makoko through Mbanza Kongo now tended to pass along the
northern Vili route to Loango and Sonyo.
29
The Dutch could
not tap this trade since, at the end of 1642, war broke out
between Sonyo, Loango, and Lemba on the north bank of the
Za!re and the trade from Sonyo and Loango ceased
completely.
30
I n these circumstances the first eighteen months' trading was
poor. The first load of slaves did not leave Luanda until April
164 2, eight months after the occupation. It consisted of only 150
slaves, ofwhich 39 had come from Sonyo. Five months later a
second load of 405 slaves v.ras embarked. This induded slaves
from the Loango coast. By May 1642, the directors realized that
the Luanda trade would not fiourish unless the Portuguese were
removed from Massangano by force or agreement. They impeded
ali trade with the Mbundu and Nzinga and the Dutch had to
depend upon the trade of Kongo which, as they now realized,
had 'always' been small.
31
ln December 1642 the director
reported that the trade was 'very slack' and little arrived for the
company from Kongo. The only free passage was that of'Pumbo'
from which most of the slaves were in fact coming.
32
lnJanuary
I and again inJ uly 1646 the Dutch hoped that an agreement
with the Portuguese would free the Nzinga slave trading route.
i\ third factor encouraged the Dutch to seek agreement
the Portuguese. This was the failure Garcia's attempt to
develop an alternative to the slave trade. hnmffiiatdv after
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUli.NDA, 1641-1648 149
ratifying the Kongo-Dutch treaty in 1642 Garcia had written to
the directors proposing that they send workers to Kongo to
assess and to develop the mines - presumably those of
Mbembe. He offered to pay ali their expenses. The directors
had heard the Portuguese rumours of gold and silver. They
were interested but at that time more concerned to propagate
the slave trade. ln May 1642 Garcia wrote to the governor of
Brazil urging him, amongst other things, to take up the offer. ln
the course of the following months the Dutch grew convinced
that the mines were of gold or si1ver, but they still did nothing.
Later, in May 1643, the general failure ofthe slave trade, which
was exacerbated by an inability to feed the slaves that did arrive
in Luanda, did lead them to seek fortune in the mines. The
director approached Garcia's ambassador and samples were
sent to Holland to be assayed. This showed once again that the
metal was inferior copper.
33
Apparent attempts by Garcia,
through the mani Nsundi, to gain control ofthe Mindouli-Boko-
Songo copper mines (and also, no doubt, to block the Vili trade
to Sonyo) seem to have failed, although they may have contri-
buted to the dsturbances north of the Zaire which halted the
trade to Sonyo and Loango in 1642?
4
Early in 1644 Garcia, disgusted with the Dutch, sought a new
ally in Nzinga. This was not a natural alliance since both
Nzinga and Garcia daimed the lordship ofNgola a Kiluanje,
and Nzinga had established herselfin Matamba, which Garcia
still daimed as his own.
35
Nzinga, however, promised to be a
more determined ally than the Dutch. The Portuguese blocked
her trade with the coast and her survival depended on their
extermination. On hearing of the Dutch occupation ofLuanda,
she had immediately sent ambassadors to congratulate the
directors on their victOI)', and she promised to establish trade
relations?
6
The Portuguese based at Massangano had
effectively blocked the proposed trade?
7
ln the autumn of 1642
and the spring of 1643, Nzinga attempted to bypass the
Porl:uguese by moving into territories subject to Kongo on the
upper Dande. She took bowmen >vith her. She gained
the allegiance of some of the Ndembu and, with the aid of 100
troops, crushed tried to
way.
28
Garcia was alarmed at Nzinga's encroachment and
mPt-rn...-..nlit"-,n nutrh , ~ A . , , . . , ; ~ h,.,. as 'WeH as against the
!50
THE K!NGDO!vt Of KONGO
Portuguese.
39
However, after the signing ofthe second Dutch-
Portuguese agreement in July 1643, he appears to have
considered that, in the short term, her potential aid
outweighed the danger. He probably concluded an alliance
with her early in 1644. There seems to have been a general
agrcement regarding spheres of influence. Nzinga would rally
the Mbundu, Garcia the Ndembu. This alliance was always
clouded with suspicion, however, and Garcia attempted to
intercept ali the letters that passed between the Dutch and
Nzinga.
40
Both Nzinga and Garcia advanced their position in 1644.
N zinga sent her army to support a rebel Mbundu chief near the
Portuguese fort of Mbaca. They secured a major victory and
Nzinga rallied more Mbundu to her cause.
41
Meanwhile,
Garcia advanced among the Ndembu. In doing so he conflicted
with the Dutch. They protested that he was occupying places
inherited by them from the Portuguese and impeding the Dutch
negotiations with Massangano. Nloreover, he refused to permit
the Portuguese to take slaves through his territories to the coast.
Nor wou1d he let the chiefs pay the ta'< in slaves which the
Dutch, following Portuguese precedent, were now imposing.
42
ln 1645-6 the wars turned in the Portuguese favour. In
October 1645 Portuguese reinforcements reached Massangano
under the command of a new governor. They immediately
infiicted a major defeat on Nzinga. The governor then formed
an alliance with the rising power Kasanje on the upper
K \vango.
43
H e demanded that Garcia permit Portuguese slave
traders to pass through his lands. "\tVhen Garcia refused, he
invaded the Ndembu region and took 600 slaves. This incited a
new popular uprising in Kongo against the Portuguese thatstill
remained. Garcia imposed a total ban on the
urged the Dutch to reactiva te the alliance vth Kongo, and
sent 'great gifts' urging them to help to destroy
Massangano once and for aH. The Dutch recognized the
danger, but they lacked the power to assist.
44
Tmvards the end ofl646 the Dutch again demonstrated their
weakness vis--vis the Portuguese survivors. They received
reinforcements and, aware of the dangers posed by
Portuguese resurgence, they sent troops to aid the indigenous
The aHiance now consisted of a Kongo army kd
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, l6"H-!64B L)l
mani Luanda, the arroies ofNzinga and severa! Mbundu chiefs,
and 500 Dutch soldiers. Problems of victualling doomed the
allies. The Dutch always succumbed quickly and Garcia lost
the greater part ofhis army.
45
ln 1647 Garcia sought an alternative European ally. The
Dutch had failed to exterminate the Portuguese. They had not
developed an alternative to the slave trade and they were
seriously jeopardizing his religious policy, as discussed below.
46
Garcia sent two newly arrived Capucin missionaries, Giovanni
Francesco da Roma and Angelo de Valencia, as ambassadors to
Europe. They had an important mission to the Pope and to
Holland where they were to negotiate the passage of further
Capucin missions.
47
In addition, the Spaniard, Angelo de
Valencia was to urge the King of Spain to send an armada to
seize Luanda from the Dutch. Garcia would support the attack
land. The Spaniards vmuld ban the Portuguese from the
and send miners to develop the Kongo copper mines.
48
Garcia failed to receive a reply to this proposal before the
Portuguese restored Luanda.
From Garcia's point of view, the failure of the Dutch with
respect to the Portuguese was par31lleled by their failure with
respect to Sonyo. The accession ofAlvaro VI and Garcia II had
furthered the process ofSonyo independence4
9
for the brothers
owed their elevation to Sonyo support. Miguel malli Sonyo, had
helped lvaro, then mani llilbamba, n ~ Garcia, then mani Kioua,
in their first victorious battle against Alvaro V. H e had received
and another adjacent governorship as the price for
lvaro V to the throne. He had then supported the
brothers in a second batde which elevated lvaro to the throne
as lvaro VI and took Garcia to 1'vbamba.
50
In the later l630s
rmrsued a vigorous trade with the Dutch in defiance of
e..'<press orders.
51
Dutch occupation ofLuanda furthered Sonyo's move-
ment tmvards independent power. The Dutch had explicit
instructions to condude an offensive and defensive alliance
Sonyo apart from the proposed allance with Kongo.
52
The
wekomed the aUiance and asked the Dutch to
H e a]so asked
!;):! THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
threaten Sonyo the enemy envisaged was certainly Garcia.
rl 'o-wards the end of 1641 or the beginning of 1642 Sonyo
rebellcd. Miguel, mani Son}'O, died and Daniel da Silva seized
powcr. Daniel was the brother of Garcia's principal wife.
54
Garcia asked Daniel to attend Mbanza Kongo to be confirmed
in the office. Daniel prudently declined. Garcia would certainly
havc deprived him. Daniel declared that he had been named by
the Sonyo electors and did not need to be confirmed. Garcia
declared unequivocally that the right to elect the mani Son)'o
pertained to the mani Kongo. Both parties maintained their
position.
55
Daniel sought European recognition and support, for he
feared that Garcia would obtain Dutch help against him.
Miguel, mani Son)'o, had formally asked the Dutch not to help
Garcia in this way, and, after his accession, Daniel wrote to the
governor of Brazil twice with the sarne request.
56
In 1643
Garcia obtained Dutch help against the rebelled mani Mbamba
Nwla
57
and Daniel no doubt feared similar action against
himself. ln December 1643, therefore, he sent two ambassadors
and a present of200 slaves to Dutch Brazil and one ambassador
to Holland. The Dutch beleved that the controversy hindered
trade. ln February 1644 the Council ofBrazil assured Daniel
that they would not support Garcia and they instructed the
Director of Angola to try to resolve the dispute. 5
8
I n the early years ofhis reign the failure ofDutch support and
Garcia's commitment to the Portuguese wars prevented him
from attacking Sonyo. After Nzinga entered the alliance in
164-4, however, he determined to act. Early in 1645 he
appointed his eldest son, Afonso, as governar of Mukato.
M ukato was one of the provinces which Alvaro V had ceded to
mani Son)'O in 1636. Garcia raised a large army and
instructed Afonso to occupy and then proceed against
Daniel. The armies met on 29 April 1645, in a pitched battle.
The Kongo army fted. Afonso and many other Mw-ssikongo
were taken prisoner. Daniel treated Afonso weU, for, in addition
to the politicai advantages ofholding him, Afonso was his own
sister's son and therefore a member of his lcanda- matrilineal
desccnt group. The Capucins tried, but failed, to secure
Afonso's release. lnjuly 1646 Garcia raised a army under
the command of the mnni J\lbamba. It was defeated. The mani
THE DUTCH OGCUPATION OF LUi\l'lDA, 1641-1648 !53
Mbamba and many Mwissikongo soldiers lost their lives.
59
The Dutch finally secured the release of Afonso although
they did not help Garcia to subject Daniel. They probably
hoped that the end of hostilities would revive the Sonyo slave
trade. By this time they also recognized the clear threat posed
by the Portuguese and needed Garcia's continued support.
They had only recently offended Garcia in religious matters
60
and may have sought to mollify him. Soon after Garcia's defeat
of July 1646 the directors equipped a boat with artillery and
soldiers and sent it to Mpinda to demand Afonso's release. The
mani Sonyo refused but soon afterwards he devised or took
advantage of a supposedly miraculous occurrence to prove that
'God' wanted him to return the prince.
61
ln 1647, with Afonso safe in Mbanza Kongo, Garcia sent
another army against Sonyo. It was again defeated. Daniel da
Silva seized the adjacent province of Kiova and assumed the
title 'Grand Prince ofSonyo'.
62
Garcia attempted and failed to
subject Daniel da Silva on several subsequent occasions. From
the early 1640s Sonyo was effectively independent.
Daniel sought to establish his ideological legitimacy by
reference to the Pope and to the Christian religion. In 1648 he
\Vrote to the Pope, to the Propaganda Fide, and to the King of
Spain justifying his independent position and thanking them
for sending the Capucin mission. H e asked the Pope for a sword
blessed by himself.
63
He and his heirs developed a Christian
nkadi mpemba and grave cult parallel to tl1at of Mbanza Kongo.
They were invested by the local kitJJme and a Christian priest in
one of the earliest Mbanza Sonyo churches and were buried in
another.
64
Sonyo independence had three important effects upon Kongo.
First, the hostilities dosed the only port through which Garcia
could communicate with Europe independently of Luanda.
Noone dared to pass between the two capitais and months could
pass vvithout news from the otl1er.
65
Second, Sonyo independence
struck a major blow at the concept of the unitary Kongo state,
and in material terms deprived the mani Kongo of salt tribute and
of taxation. Third, the Dutch continued to trade with Sonyo
ingly, to supply it guns and even
'Kong-o dedined, so that in the later
l5<t THE KING DOM OF KONGO
on tne throne ofKongo.
66
2. Religious developments
Whilst the Dutch occupation thus proved a disappointment
with respect to the Portuguese menace and the movement of
Sonyo independence, lt, <and the arrival of a new Capucin
mission, promised at last to place the Church in Kongo firmly
under the control of the mani Kongo and thereby to fulfil its
designated role oflegitimizing Mwissikongo rule. When Garcia
II ascended the throne in 1641 the mani Kongo's control ofthe
Christian cult had reached its nadir. Successive bishops had
resided in Luanda rather than Mbanza Kongo and had used
the Christian structures to support Luanda's ambitions.
Meanwhile Bishop Soveral in particular had withdrawn priests
from Kongo in favour of the Portuguese-controlled territories.
Thc Dutch occupation and the arrival of the Capucins
promised to resolve the problems both of manpower and of
control.
\Vhen the Dutch occupied Luanda, the tbree most influential
clerics in Mbanza Kongo were independent of the Luanda-
oricnted cathedral cbapter and Jesuit college. Manuel
Roboredo was a mulatto. His father, Thomas Roboredo, was
Portuguese. His mother, Dona Eva, was also the motber of
lvaro V through a different marriage. Roboredo had
sypported his half-brother against Garcia and Alvaro and after
Alvaro V's deatb in 1636 had nearly lost his life. He was
Jesuit-trained and ordained by Soveral in 1637. He spoke
'many languages' and read Latin fluently. He won Garcia's
confidence and became bis cbaplain, the most important
ecclesiastical appointment in Garcia's gift. He later belped the
Capucins in their linguistic studies, defining ,the rules of
Kikongo and composing a copious vocabulary. The Capucins
respected his intdligence and integrity. H e entered the Capucin
Order, after a year's novitiateship, in 1653.
67
Simo Medeiros and l\1iguel de Castro were halfbrothers of
Canon Estevo They were bom of the sarne
Portuguese father by different mothers.'
58
Like
Estevo and Roboredo they \'Itere trained by the Jesuits and
by Bishop Soveral.
69
The Capucin prefect Giacintoda
said that thev 'had so little intelligence that
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA; l&H-1648 155
scarcely knew how to read or write'. Giacinto, however, had
good reason to dislike them. U nlike Estevo, Simo and Miguel
were highly ambitious and politicai men. Miguel's motber was
an Afonso and in the later seventeenth century when cognatic
descent-reckoning became common, Miguel made a bid for the
throne. Soveral appointed both Simo and Estevo as canons.
Simo allied bimself with Garcia, informing him of Alvaro VI's
deatb and enabling Garcia to hasten to Mbanza Kongo to
secure tbe election. Soveral deprived him of the canonate,
ostensibly for concubinage but probably for his politicai
activities. He appointed him to a very unhealthy parish on the
Bengo. Both Simo and Miguel took concubines and they
married tbeir sons to women of 'major title'. They gave their
two sisters as concubines to Garcia and witb tbe younger
Garcia had four sons. Wben this sister married, the brothers
persuaded Garcia to relax the ban which he bad hitherto placed
on 'indecent balls'. Miguel de Castro, and no doubt the otber
brothers, too, owned many slaves.
70
The immediate effect of the Dutch occupation \vas to worsen
Garcia's religious position, since it cut off the supply of priests.
Garcia forbade the clergy then in Kongo to leave the country.
This especially affected the archdeacon, who had been visiting
l\tlbanza Kongo, and ajesuit who was sick and wished to retum
to bis kindred.
71
Towards the end of 1642 Garcia wrote to
Bishop Soveral and to thejesuit Rector in Angola asking them
to come to l'vfbanza Kongo or at least to send priests. They had
retired to Nlassangano with the Portuguese govemor and
troops. They both refused, condemning Kongo's 'bad Christ-
ianity'. In 1643, after Soveral's death, Garcia again wrote to the
Jesuit rector in Angola asking for priests and pointing to the
many evi1s caused by Soveral's non-residence. The rector gave
letter to the governor who dispatched it to Lisbon as
evidence ofGarcia's bad faith.
72
In February 1643 Garcia wrote
to the king of Portugual via the Dutch to ask for priests. The
Dutch feared that the priests would prejudice Garcia in favour
ofPortugal and they 'lost' the letter.
73
The Dutch also attempted to convert Garcia to Calvinism.
Garcia succeeded in resistimr this. Christianitv was intimatelv
l5G THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
the kingship as well as the Catholic faith. Catholicism was also a
sine qua non of the relationship with Portugal and Rome and the
Portuguese had not been exterminated from Angola. If they
returned to power they would use a charge ofheresy to justify a
war of revenge. As Garcia told the Dutch, he 'understood these
people'.
74
The Dutch wanted Garcia to accept a permanent
representative to teach Dutch 'civilization, religion and
government'. The representa tive would attempt to persuade
Garcia to accept a Calvinist minister and schoolmaster. They
included the proposal in the draft Kongcr-Dutch treaty ofl642
and the Dutch ambassador, trying to persuade Garcia to ratify
the clause, gave him several Calvinist books to read.
75
Garcia
burnt the books in the public square. The cathedral chapter
and thejesuit rector signed statements certifying this action.
76
Garcia deleted the offending clause and explained his position
to the Dutch governor ofBrazil. He stated that he had sworn to
the Dutch alliance. However no ambassador or minister should
be sen t to Mbanza Kongo for h e belonged to the Catholic
religion and had put himself under obedience to the Pope.
77
Despite these immediate problems, the Dutch occupation
did ensure that, when Bishop Soveral died in November 1642,
78
the Christian cult in Kongcr-Angola at last centred on Mbanza
Kongo. Soveral could not be replaced and, in the absence ofthe
bishop, authority devolved upon the cathedral chapter there.
Four members resided in Mbanza Kongo- the archdeacon,
retained by force, the choriste:r, and ~ v canons. Garcia seized
the opportunity to strengthen the chapter in his favour. Early in
the century Spain had ceded to the mani Kongo the right to
nominate members of the chapter but the practice had lapsed
during Soveral's minstry.
79
Simo de Medeiros had fled to
Kongo when the Dutch invaded and Garcia had already
appointed hm as his confessor. The chapter now absolved
Simo and reinstated him as canon. It also appointed the
Miguel de Castro, as canon.
80
I t elected the non-
controversia1 mulatto chorister as Vicar ofSo Salvador.
81
The
asserted its authority over the clergy resident in
forcing them to accept a vicar acceptable to them and
Angolan dergy but anathema to the Portu-
guese.82 Miguel de Castro and Simo de Medeiros
themselves into the campaign against the Portuguese. They
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUAi'-;DA; l&fi-16-18 157
declared the Dutch the saviours ofKongo and placed an image
of them in the Cathedral. Later they wrote to Nzinga to
congratulate her on her victories against the Portuguese.
83
By 1643 Garcia had acquired a precarious control over the
Church in Kongo and Angola. However, there was a desperate
shortage of priests and the situation was worsening. Some
priests were captured by the Dutch and sent to Brazil. Others
left of their own accord. One priest was killed serving as a
captain of infantry with the Portuguese resistance.
84
In 1645
there were only seven secular priests and two Jesuits in
Kongo.
85
Whilst the Dutch occupied Luanda there was no hope
of acquiring new priests from Portugal.
In May 1645, however, the first Capucin mission landed at
rv1pinda.
86
It was ideally suited to resolve the problem of
control. I t had been consttuted as an Apostolic Prefecture
dependent on the Pope.
87
It was unprecedented in its
composition. Three of the Capucins were Italian; two carne
froni Spanish provinces in Italy and seven from metropolitan
Spain.
88
Garcia could expect the Italians to be neutral with
respect to Portugal and the Angolan Portuguese, and he could
expect the Spaniards to be hostile, for Joo IV ofPortugal had
rebelled against the King of Spain and Portugal in 1640, and
the two countries were bitter enemies. Having overcome the
reluctance of the mani SO!!}'O, most of the missionaries passed on
to l'vlbanza Kongo \Vhere the King wekomed themjoyfully.
89
After some controversy, the chapter gave them the licence they
needed to work in So Salvador
0
and, after further
controversy, the Angolan dergy accepted thefait accompli.
91
Garcia determined to eleva te the status of the Capucins and
to associate them dosely with the kngship and with his own
patrilineal segment. On the day following their arrival, he
received them in the royal chapei. This indicated that he
intended them to be 'bis' men and not part of the Portuguese-
oriented diocesan structure. As the Capucins entered, Garcia
c:rm'm from his head and knelt, kssing their hands and
Both gestures '>Vere significanL The kings used the
crown on special occasions as an alterna tive to the mpu cap, the
To remove it was
hand and
!58 THE KNGD01v OF KONGO
cally.
93
He repeated both gestures whenever he met or took
leave ofthe Capucins. When the prefect presented the Apostolic
Garcia fell on his knees, crawled to the altar, kissed the
letter three times and placed it on his head 'with much
submission and reverence'. H e received the Papal blessingfrom
the Pope 'nearly prostrated on the earth'. Garcia la ter built the
Capucins a convent, sacristy, and school, leading the men in
some of the work. On several occasions he summoned the
Mwisskongo and exhorted them to send ther sons to the
school. Ali his own sons attended.
94
He gave the Capucins the
Church Lady of the Victory which had been built by his
brother Alvaro VI.
95
The name given to this church implied
that the Vrgin had been responsible for the v:ictory that had
the brothers to power. I t also recalled the church of the
sarne name thatAfonso I had built to commemorate thev:ictory
which had brought him to the throne.
Garcia used the Capucins to bestow other worldly authority
upon his eldest son, Afonso, whom he wished to succeed him.
He infon:!led the Capucins that both he, Garcia, and his
brother, Alvaro VI, had been devoted to the Virgin. He said
that they had celebrated the feast ofthe Assumpton with great
dedication, that they had carried the Virgin's image into battle,
that they had prayed to her for success, and that it was she ''lho
had given them theirvictories. Garciaalsosaid thatMonsowas
born -. after several years of marriage, as a direct consequence of
his 'copious' prayers to the Virgin. He
Afonso's release from Sonyo to the interventon of the Virgin
the mediaton of the Capucins. H e delayed Afonso' s entry
into Mbanza Kongo after his release from Sonyo in order that
he should arrive (secretly) on the Feast of the Assumpton.
Garcia then received him publidy in the Church of the
Imrnaculate Concepton where, in a drarnatc gesture, he
offered him to the Virgin and to St Francis. Thereafter,
Afonso always signed himself'slaveofthe h1ost Holy Virgin' .
96
a concomitant part ofhis Capucin policy, Garcia restored
the ancient churches and impressed the Capucins bv his
general acts of piety. H e took a leading part in ali the rites
Church. During Easter Week he followed the procession bare-
foot and h e washed the feet of nvelve poor peopk in imitaton
the act ofChrist in washing the feet ofthe aposdes.
97
THE DUTCH OCCUPAT!ON OF LUANDA. !64i-!fl43 !59
ln October 1646 Garcia sought to exploit the new
opportunity brought by the Capucins in an appeal to the Pope.
He accredited l:wo Capucins as ambassadors to Europe.
98
ln
addition to the politicai rnissions to the Prince ofOrange and to
the King of Spain, the arnbassadors were to offer Garcia's
obedience to the Pope and to thank hirn for the Capucins. They
were to explain that the Kings ofKongo had never been subject
to the Kings of Portugal. The patronage of the Church in
Kongo had been given away without their knowledge or con-
sent. Bishop Soveral's prolonged residence in Luanda had
damaged the Church in Kongo in numerous ways. They were
to urge the Pope to appoint bishops directly to Kongo, and, in
view of the sze of the country, to appoint severa! at once. The
bishops would be able to ordain indigenous priests and so
establish the basis for a great expansion of the cult. The Pope
should also decree that Kongo could enter the Capucin arder.
They were to ask for items of cult, an indulgence for all those
that went to war against the infidels, and more Capucins.
Garcia also requested direct papal support for himself and
his patrilineal descent group. He asked for a crmvn blessed by
Pope. The crown 'Nas the equivalent of the mpu, insgnia of
chiefship. ln effect, therefore, Garcia asked the Pope to confirm
in the kingship. He asked for an excornmunication
against people -..vho sought to take the kingship from
him. The excommunication represented an act of witchcraft,
He asked the Pope to issue an exorcism against the
were then ravaging Kongo. Finally, Garcia asked
Pope to decree that the succession should be hereditary in
patrilineal descent group. ln order to reinforce its spiritual
credentials be asked for a pienaf)' indulgence in the hour of their
death for himself, his family, and his descendents.
99
fitfeanwhile, the Capucins thernselves were proving especially
suited to the role of royal nganga of the nkadi mpemba type. The
Bonaventura da Alessano, had chosen thern very care-
100 -- it was believed that they would be rnartyred by the
He had wanted 'perfect' men according to the
and both h e and Gennaro da Nola, who succeeded
!fiO THE KlNGDOM Of KONGO
They had no doubt that they could produce rain, heal, anel even
perfrm catechisms from a distance. They could also curse- in
Kongo terms practise kindoki. With the Pope's authority they
were !ater to exorcise locusts. One Capucin was to curse a
kitome'r sacred tree so that it allegedly dried up anel the kitome
anel his wife died. Another was to relate how God struck a
disobedient slave dead anel sent the 'Jaga' to punish a village
which had threatened a Capucin.
102
The Capucins differed
from the mulatto anel Portuguese priests in the degree to which
they believed n their invincibility. These powers, of which they
wert' so convinced, were powers characteristic of nganga of the
nkadi mj;emba type.
I n M banza Kongo (as in Mbanza Sonyo where some of the
missionaries remained), the Capucins were generally accepted
as new, anel therefore exceptionally powerful, Christian nkadi
mpemba nganga. vVhen they approached, children anel adults fell
on their knees, kissed their hands anel habits anel asked their
blessing, that is, their protection against kindoki, witchcraft.
vVhen the renowned Capucin preacher, Bona ventura da Sardenia
diecl, the court celebrated his exequies with 'copious anel
devotecl tears', but, significantly, 'consoled themselves with the
hope of having him in heaven (the sky) as their protector'.
Roboredo, who delivereel the funeral oration, saicl that they
shoulel attribute his eleath to his 'great concem to procure their
good anel health'. On the other hanel, the great pm.ver attributeel to
the Capucins causeel them to be feareel, for they cou]c\ use it to
practise kindoki, vvitchcraft. Accoreling to Terud, 'women feared
them anel fleel them, swerving from the paths anel making for
the thickets when they encountered them'. They dearly feared
for their fertility, a quality of the dimension of 'other
anel one susceptible to the destructive aspect of
mpemba elimension. w
3
establisheel new congregations which focused
on the cult of the eleael anel which attracted the most eminent
lVlwissikongo. The rector of the men's cm;gregation was Garcia's
chaplain, Roboreelo, the halfbrother of Alvaro V. The rector of
the women's congregation was the w-ielow of a former king. The
rules were very strict. hael to attend each other's
inform the Capucins when anyone was sick, and e.xhort
to confess. Thev hael to encourage everyone to abandon
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LU.-\NDA. !64!-!6+8
!61
concubinage anel 'pagan abuses'.
The Capucins, like other newly-arrived missions, inspireel a
great movement of popular enthusiasm. Every evening at
nightfall youths gathered in the various quarters of the city to
sing the doctrine in Kikongo anel to discuss the faith. They
eventually converged on the Capucin church to continue the
singing anel elisputation. Older men anel women joined the
Capucins in their prescribeel hour of prayer anel discipline.
Many of the nobles paiel schoolboys to go to their houses in the
evening to recite the doctrine to their people. Some people
hearel mass two or three times even on work days. On Sunday
the Capucins anel the schoolchilelren processed through the
streets singing the eloctrine in Kikongo. The people joineel in
anel the whole procession entered the church. The Capucins
founel it difficult to hear the confession of all the people that
wisheel to obtain the inelulgences conceded by the Pope. The
city celebrated Holy w eek with a fervour which astonisheel
them. On Holy Thursday over 3,000 men, women anel children
processeel through the streets. They flogged themselves 'with
great silence anel courage'. Some carrieel branches in imitation
ofChrist. The processon ended in the great square, the people
leaving their bloodstaineel tunics anel branches at the foot of the
great cross. \'Vhenever the elisciplinants saw the sacrament they
turned their backs for a vvhile anel flogged themselves
severely.
104
ln the period 1641-8 the Dutch occupation ofLuanda thus
appeareel to offer the possibility of reversing the forces of
disintegration .in Kongo. \Vhiist it had slowly become dear that
it woulel not in itself resolve Kongo's economic anel politicai
problems, it remaineel essential to the success of Garcia's
religious policy. AU these hopes were sudelenly anel brutally
curtaileel by the Portuguese restoration of 1648.
CHAPTER7
The Portuguese Restoration and the Destruction
of the U nitary Kongo Kingdom, 1648-1665
The Portuguese restoration of 1648 heralded the final destruction
ofthe unitary Kongo state. It crippled the mani Kongo's already
weakened economic position, it lost him the Ndembu chiefs,
and it renewed the threat from Luanda. Garcia succeeded in
surmounting a combined rebellion and Luanda invasion in
1657. However, Lisbon removed its constraints on Angolan
expansion and, in the early 1660s, Luanda determined to secure
the Mbembe copper mines. Garcia's son, Antnio I, renewed
the Kongo-Ndembu confederacy, united the kingdom and, in
1665, marched against the Portuguese. He was defeated and
at Mbwila. This defeat, in vvhich many Mwissikongo
titlc-holders died, unleashed the forces of disintegration which
Garcia and Antnio had, for a while, kept in check.
The disastrous events of 1648-65 were paralleled by a coll-
apse of the mani Konga's religious policy. The most dramatic
cause of this was the Portuguese restoration of Luanda which
shifted power over the Church structures from
Kongo to Luanda. However, as with pre-v"ious missions, a
also emerged between the Capucins and the mani as
Capucins became more aware of the realities of religious life
in Kongo and the m.ani Kongo began to suspect the Capucins'
. In addition, the Capucin mission, more than any ofits
L
raised fundamental questions about the role that
expected and the European priests wished and
in Kongo. lt chaUenged the indgenous religi-
led to a modification in the religious
may have been a factor in
opposition to the Portuguese at
rP<fFvrnfun"l tXXJIWE!lU
On 20 August
Garcia suffered the worst
ofhis
RESTORATION AI'ID DESTRUCTiON OF KONGO !648-!665 163
reign when Salvador Correia landed at Luanda with I ,200
Portuguese troops. The Dutch had received reinforcements
early in the year and had at last joined Nzinga in investing
Massangano. They surrendered and Salvador Correia shipped
most ofthem to Brazil. Nzinga returned to Matamba where she
renewed her threat to Kongo's southern provinces. The
Portuguese who had survived the Dutch wars accused Garcia of
many crimes. They said he had invited the Dutch to take
Luanda; had aided them; had massacred the Portuguese
resident in Kongo and seized their goods; had attempted to
destroy the Portuguese in Angola. His most recent crime had
been to admit Italian and Spanish Capucin missionaries in
defiance of the Portuguese right of patronage. These Capucins,
they said, were Spanish spies who had come to prepare the way
for a Spanish invasion of Angola.
1
Salvador Correia immediately opened hostilities with
Garcia. He sent the Portuguese army into the interior where it
defeated many Mbundu chiefs. He then offered Garcia a
pardon on certain unknown conditions. Garcia replied with
caution, accepting neither the pardon nor the conditions. He
did not send an ambassador with the customary letter of
welcome.
2
In November or December 1648 Salvador ann-
ounced that Garcia was a rebel and dedared war ou him. He
dismissed Garcia's governor on the island of Luanda and
replaced him with another i\thvissikongo who swore allegiance
to the King of Portugal. The Portuguese army ravaged the
'idembu. They kiUed many thousands of people and took as
many others prisoner.
3
Threat:ened by both the Portuguese and Nzinga, Garcia
surrendered. On 13 April 1649 his ambassadors in Luanda
signed a humiliating peace treaty.
4
Several prov"isions were
designed to turn Kongo into aPortuguese dependency. Garcia
;,.,ras to send his son or a principal l\iwissikongo as hostage to
Luanda. Only Portuguese citizens and boats could enter Kongo
and they had to do so through Luanda. The treaty specifically
exduded the Spaniards, Dutch, and Nzinga. The Portuguese
should establish a fort at Mpinda as security against a Spanish
doubt, '\:,.ua.nst Dutch traders. Kongo
Dande. These u tcltlde:d
!6+
THE KINGDOi'vl OF KONGO
condition that Kongo ceded its fabled gold mines. The powerful
Ndembu chiefs north of the Dande, nambu a ngongo, mutemu,
kingweno and mbwila were excluded from the treaty. This denied
their status as Kongo vassals. There were to be no safeguards on
the slave trade as Garcia had demanded. On the contrary, the
taxes on Portuguese trade were to be lifted and Portuguese were
to be established in Kongo to enforce the payment of debts.
Luanda slaves that escaped to Kongo were to be returned and
Kongo was to pay 900 loads of indigenous doth as compen-
sation for the Portuguese losses incurred during the occupation.
This number had been reduced from the 1,500 loads which
Salvador had originally asked. At that time 900 loads equalled
l ,000 slaves.
5
The only other Luanda concessions were a tacit
recognition ofthe Capucin presence in Kongo and permission
for Kongo ambassadors to pass to Portugal. IfKongo failed to
fulfil any of the provisions, the Portuguese could invade, depose
the king, and punish his supporters. His successor would
beco me tributory to the King of Portugal. The King of Kongo
and his council had forty-five days to ratif)r the treaty. Garcia
hesi tated and Salvador Correia dedared war again. Garcia had
little option but to summon the title-holders and detiver a
reasoning in favour of the treaty. He publidy swore on the
Gospels to abide by its conditions.
6
The Portuguese restoration and the Luanda-Kongo treaty of
1649 had several disastrous consequences for Kongo. One ofthe
most important was that it deprived the mani Kongo ofhis last
remaining source of European trade goods. In 1641 Kongo's
rnost important trade commodity had been cloth from Okango
and the other eastern provinces. The Portuguese used this doth
as the offical general purpose currency in Luanda and as the
most important means of exchange in the slave trade south of
Kongo. The Luanda-Okango route passed through Mbanza
and the mani Kongo therefore controlled the trade. The
occupation of Luanda, and more especially the Portu-
g;uese blockade of the interior, had drasticaHy reduced the slave
trade and with it the demand for Kongo doth. Neither do the
directors appear to have supported cloth as the official Luanda
currency. \t\
1
hen the Portuguese restored Luanda
currency was in tai:ters, and 'nearly e.x.tinguished' .
7
Salvador
Correia's demand for Kongo cloth compensation undoubtedly
RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION OF KONGO 1648-!665 !65
reftected the need to obtain a rapid injection of currency to
supply Luanda and the slave trade. ln practice, the Portuguese
experienced considerable difficulty in re-establishing trade,
and the demand for cloth remained relatively low. As demand
recovered, Luanda mported doth from Loango rather than
Kongo. This reftected two factors. First, the bulk of the former
trade had been conducted by Portuguese residents in Kongo.
These spoke Kikongo, had Kongo wives and understood the
intricacies of the trade. A majority of those outside Mbanza
Kongo had been massacred during the Dutch occupation. ln
general, the Portuguese survivors were those who had resided
in Luanda o r the conquista. They were relatively unfamiliar with
the Kongo trade and, as a result of the circumstances of the
Dutch occupation, bitterly hostile to Kongo. Second, Loango
doth had always been cheaper than that of Kongo, but the
Kongo costs had been offset by a continued though declining
trade in slaves. By the mid-seventeenth century the slaves from
Makoko, which had traditionally supplied Kongo, were
increasingly taken north-west by Vili traders to Sonyo and the
northern coastal states. As a result, the Kongo cloth trade
became increasingly uneconomical relative to that of Loango.
By the l660s almost ali the indigenous cloth used in Luanda
and the conquista carne from Loango.
8
The mani Kongo no longe r
had any role within the Atlantic trade.
A second effect of the Portuguese restoration and the treaty of
1649 was to destroy the mani Kongo's internal economic role as
redistributor of the products of the different ecological zones.
Although this role had been eroded by the changes wrought by
the Atlantic trade, he had continued to redistribute the cloth of
the eastem provinces and the salt and nzimbu shells of the west.
From 1641 onwards, however, the mani Kongo received no salt
from the rebelled province ofSonyo. From 1648, despite
the iater modification of the Kongo-Portuguese treaty, he
received no shells from the island ofLuanda.
9
The mani
had to rely upon indigenous cloth as his principal
currency and revenue. ln 1665 Antnio I took doth to pay his
expenses in the campaign that ended at lvlbwila,
10
and in the
the mani dependants in
.,.. ... ,n,,.nnr'P of that name, instead as
The numi Kmwo had little salt and
j(i(j THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
fevv nzimbu shells or European goods to pay for this cloth or to
give in exchange for tribute payment, and his ability to extract
thc cloth dedined. It is significant that in the later seventeenth
century the doth-producing provinces, including Mbata,
played no part in the struggles of the competing mani Kongo.
They no longer had an interest in the office.
12
The Portuguese restoration had the third consequence of
depriving Kongo of many subject chiefdoms in the south, for
Luanda never returned the ceded territories, despite a
subsequent modification of the treaty. These lost chiefdoms
included the island ofLuanda and some ofthe Ndembu states
sou th of the Dan de. ln addition, Kongo lost control of the most
important Ndembu chiefdoms north ofthe Dande for Salvador
Correia had excluded Kingwengo, Nambu a Ngongo
and l\IIbwila from the Portuguese-Kongo treaty of 1649 and
these were then at his mercy. He accused them ofparticipating
in the anti-Portuguese confederacy, ofmaltreating and robbing
the pombeiros and of harbouring fugi tive Portuguese slaves. H e
sent 400 Portuguese anda large force ofAfrican soldiers across
thc Dande and ali the Ndembu chiefs they encountered
surrendered. Two of them helped the Portuguese to inflict a
crushing defeat on the mani A1bwila who, as a consequence, sent
ambassadors to Luanda to offer allegiance. Salvador Correia
recalled the army before it had time to attack Nambu a Ngongo
and Mutemu, for there had been another sighting of Dutch
ships. A little !ater he sent another force across the Dande to
punish the Ndembu chief mangombe who had not offered
obelience. The Portuguese built a fort there but later
abandoned it. Thus, in addition to the lands south of the
Dande, Garcia lost most of the Ndembu north of the river.
13
Fourth, the Luanda restoration revived and intensified the
of militai)' invasion. The principal reason for this was
Luanda economy. The Dutch occupation and
Kongo massacres had destroyed much of the Portuguese
infrastructure. The repeated Portuguese wars of the
l650s,
14
far from <dearing the ways' to the slave markets
impeded their recovery. the Luanda traders were
severely undercapitalized. They had Iost most -
possessons during the occupation and were unable to pay the
debts they had incurred before it. The king
R&'iTORATION ANDDESTRUCTIONOFKONGO i648-loo5 !67
ordered a moratorium on the debts, but the traders continued
to lack capital.
15
The problem was exacerbated by a shortage of
shipping,
16
which led to chronic overloadings and massive
losses. Portuguese merchants became increasingly reluctant to
engage in the trade.
17
Taxation worsened the traders' position.
The threat of Dutch and Castilian invasion led the Luanda
authorities to demand, and Lisbon to supply, a relatively large
military presence.
18
ln order to pay for this and other burdens
mposed by Lisbon,
19
the Luanda authorities increased the tax
on slave exports. This had been 4,000 reis before the Dutch
occupation. I t rose to 7,000 reis after the restoration and to 8,000
reis in the 1660s when Luanda had to meet its share ofthe cost of
the peace with England and Holland.Z
0
Meanwhile the Lisbon
authorities sought to protect Portuguese manufacturers. They
prohibited Luanda trade with Castille and forbade the India-
bound ships to unload foreign merchandise.Z
1
The price of
European goods in Luanda rose sharply.
22
The Luanda cloth
currency libongo inevitably depreciated as a payment for slave
and European goods. ln 1661 the governor attempted and
failed to peg the price.
23
The authorities paid the troops in
libongo but from 1653 onwards they decreed that the residents
pay the taxes in slaves.
24
Luanda had two motives for wishing to invade Kongo. The
first was to obtain slaves. The new governors, like their
predecessors, wished to the profits of their three-year
term of office, and the authorities usually concentrated on
short-term solutions. They could use the relatively large troop
reinforcements to raid for slaves. It is probable that many ofthe
slaves exported in the l650s vvere raided from the Kongo lands
of the Bengo. The detailed figures are unknown. ln 1656,
after some vigorous campaigns, four boats Ieft Luanda and one
at least carried l ,079 slaves.
25
A Capucin, writing of
approximately this period, estimated that 5,000 slaves left
Luanda per year.Z
6
The Kongo lands north of the Bengo were
relatively dose and unexploited, for Luanda had directed most
of its earlier campaigns eastwards towards Ngola a Kiluanje.
Luanda's second motive for wishing to invade Kongo was to
secure the mines contained and
If
!6U THE KiNGDOM OF KONGO
unlike the indigenous doth libongo, would have intemational
currency, and could be used, amongst other things, to pay for
imports.
F ou r factors inhibited the threat of Luanda invasion. First,
the Portuguese forces were often too weak to attack, since they
quickly succumbed to hunger, disease, and constant warfareP
Second, the Luanda residents often doubted whether the wars
were in their long term interest.
28
Third, the Lisbon authorities
fel t that the wars were inadvisable on poli ti cal and indefensible
on moral grounds.
29
They also refused to sanction a copper
currency since they feared it would have an unfortunate effect
on in ternational currency transactions.
3
Finally, repeated
threats of Dutch and Castillian invasion often forced the
governors to confine the troops to Luanda.
31
The effect of the Lisbon restraint was felt in 1652 when the
King ofPortugal deleted most ofthe dauses ofthe Portuguese-
Kongo treaty of 1649 and forbade the governors to wage
aggressive war without his express permission. Garcia had
protested at the treaty through Joo IV's ambassador to
Kongo
32
and through his own Capucin ambassador to
Europe.
33
Both the Propaganda Fide and the Overseas Council
of Lisbon had recommended some modification and Joo IV
had consistently instructed Salvador Correia to proceed with
more gentleness.
34
He now deleted ali the offending dauses
from the treaty. As ratified, the treaty was litde more than a
treaty of friendship?
5
Joo also forbade a new governor from
waging offensive war without his express permission. He
instructed him to give easy passage to any letter or ambassador
that Garcia wished to send to PortugaP
6
Lisbon orders did not reverse the worst effects of the
treaty although they did inhibit further aggression. The
authorities continued to occupy the lands south of the
Dande. They refused to recognize the Ndembu states as Kongo
and they frequently cited the non-ratified treaty to
daims. They refused to transmit Kongo letters or
ambassadors and, as a rift developed with the Capucins, Garcia
ceased to be able to use them as couriers or ambassadors. He
was unable to send any ambassadors after 1649 and he dis-
patched letters w.ith the greatest difficultv. Luanda rPr>P-:>tPA
a threatening stance.
RESTORA T!ON AND DESTRUCTION OF KONGO 1648-!665
!69
Associated with the Luanda threat was the danger of a
Luanda alliance with Nzinga, who had retired to Matamba
after the Portuguese restoration. ln 1650, her army invaded the
southern nuclear Kongo province of \Vandu and took many
slaves.

Nzinga sent an ambassador to welcome Salvador
Correia. She said, that she was old and weary of wars. She
vvanted to see her sister Barbara who was held prisoner in
Luanda and establish her succession to the throne. ln addition,
she dearly needed an outlet for slaves denied to her during most
of the Dutch occupation by the Portuguese at Massangano. The
Luanda residents, especially the survivors ofMassangano, did
not trust Nzinga and did not want to surrender the hostage.
Salvador Correia rejected the proposaP
8
but Nzinga did not
abandon her attempt to reach agreement.
ln 1654 the threat of a Luanda-Nzinga invasion became
acute. The Portuguese seized Recife, the last Dutch territory in
Brazil. Garcia feared that, with no other occupation for their
arms, they would strengthen Luanda. In these circumstances,
only Joo IV's order would prevent invasion. At about the sarne
time Giovanni Francisco da Roma, one of the Capucin ambass-
adors whom Garcia had sent to Europe in 164 7, decided to
return to Europe. Garcia, whose relations with the Capucins
were severely strained, feared that he would confirm the
Luanda rumour that he had attempted to forge a Kongo--
Spanish alliance against the Angolan Portuguese. This, he
feared, \v'ould lead Joo IV to withdraw his prohibition on
Luanda invasion.
39
At the sarne time the danger of a Luanda-
Nzinga alliance revived. When a new govemor, Sousa Chich-
arro, anived in October 1654, Nzinga sent ambassadors to
welcome him with new proposals of peace.
40
Negotiations
ensued, for it had become apparent that Nzinga's co-operation
was essential to the slave trade. Garcia attempted to avert both
dangers. H e sent large gifts of slaves to the governar and other
Luanda officials asking them to prohibit Giovanni Francisco da
Roma's departure. He also instructed ambassadors togo to
Portugal to pre-empt and to counteract the Capucin's story.
The Luanda authorities permitted Roma's departure and
refused passage to thf" Koncrn 41
a new Dutch
!70 THE KINGDO!\f OF KONGO
an a!liance between the Dutch and Nzinga and offering to help
the Portuguese to defend the colony:
42
The Dutch threat
passed. Later in 1655 Garcia attempted to establish an alliance
with Luanda against an alleged conspiracy between the
Capucins and Spain of which he furnished written evidence.
The Capucins countered these allegations and after the initial
excitcment, the Luanda authorities ignored them.
43
Garcia
desperately sought another remedy. Early in January 1656 he
finally succeeded in secretly dispatching letters, though not
ambassadors, to Portugal. ln these he alleged that the Luanda
authorities and the Capucins were conspiring with Spain
against the Portuguese crown.
44
On 15 January 1656 he sought
to deter invasion by informing Luanda of this development. H e
wrote to the Luanda camera that he had informed the King of
Portugal of their treasonable activities and that God and Joo
IV would wreak vengeance on the city ofLuanda for its failure
to dispatch his ambassadors.
45
This success mitigated the
effects of the alliance between Luanda and Nzinga which was
signed on 12 October 1656 and which included a clause
providing for mutual aid against each other's enemies.
46
ln 1657 Garcia believed that the danger ofLuanda invasion
had passed and he determined to tackle the problem of
establishing the succession in his male line. Garcia's claim, like
that of his brother, lvaro VI, was illegitimate in terms of the
convention that the throne should pass to a member of one of
thc patrilineal groups descended from Afonso I's daughters.
N evertheless, having seized the throne on the basis ofhis kanda 's
status as Child of Afonso, Garcia wished to conform to the
normal model by establishing the succession \vithin his
patrilineal segment. ln particular, he wanted his eldest son,
Afonso, to succeed him.
Three groups threatened Garcia's plan for the succession,
1657 he felt that he had eliminated or circumvented their
The first group consisted of the patrilineal
of Garcia's own brother, lvaro VI. The leading
contender was Pedro, who held Nsundi when Garcia carne to
power.
47
Another son held the minor rent ofFunta in Sonyo
48
and others Iived in fv!banza Kongo.
49
ln Garcia's
suspicions crystallized when Pedro spent six months in the
territories east of the Nkisi. Garcia
RESTO R...\ TION A.r'iD DESTRUC'TION OF KONGO l648-ioo5
!71
believed that Pedro was conspiring with the indigenous chiefs
against him. vVhen Pedro returned to Mbanza Nsundi Garcia
wrote inviting him to Mbanza Kongo. He said that he was old
and ill and his sons were young and inexperienced. He
recognized in Pedro the talents needed to govern the kingdom,
and h e wished to designate him as his successor. Pedro went to
.the capital and Garcia promptly deprived him of office. He
appointed a member of a minor patrilineal category in his
place.
50
ln the early or mid 1650s, h e attempted to kill certain
'nephews' - probably Pedro and the other sons of lvaro VI -
but in this he failed.
51
The second group that threatened Garcia were the Mpanzu
Afonso who had occupied the throne for most of the later
sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The contenders in
this period are unknown. However, they had powerful potential
or actual supporters. The first was Leonor, Garcia's female
chief nzimbu mpungu, vvho was probably herself an Mpanzu
Afonso. The second was the mulatto priest Manuel Roboredo
who later joined the Capucin order as Francisco of So
Salvador. 5
2
Roboredo was a halfbrother by the sarne mother of
the last l\1panzu king, j\:Ivaro V. H e belonged to the sarne kanda,
matrilineal group, as Alvaro V but not of course to the fvipanzu
Afonso patrilineal category. f!e had supported Alvaro V in his
battles against the brothers Alvaro and Garcia but had then
won Garcia's trust and became his chaplain and confidant.
53
ln
the early 1650s Garcia. began to suspect the Capucins of
plotting with the Mpanzu Afonso. He exiled Leonor and
secretly killed her. ln 1654 or 1655 he attempted to kill
Roboredo by similar means but the prefect refused to permit his
departure from So Salvador. Garcia then attempted, but
failed, to dscredit him. He did kill Francisco's nephew,
probably a nephew ofhis kanda.
54
The third group vvhich threatened Garcia's plans for the
succession were the l\!Iubica Afonso. The current contenders
were the three brothers of Garcia I (1624-6), Lazaro, the
eldest, Alvaro, and Pedro, the youngest. When Garcia carne to
power all three resided in Mbanza Kongo.
55
Early in his reign
Garcia attemntf'rl to ~
'"'as the most
I n the 1 i ~ s Lazaro grew
!72
THE K!NGDOM OF KONGO
popularity. Garcia mistrusted him but did not dare to act
against him. On one occ.asion when Garcia sat on the throne,
Lazaro carne to kiss his hand. Garcia 'wth dissimulaton and
apparent grace' said to him, 'how dearlyyou would lke to siton
this throne, Don Lazaro'. Lazaro replied in the sarne tone, 'vVe
are all able to doso, Lord- ifwe live'. ln about 1652 Garcia
attempted to win Lazaro's allegiance by offering him his
daughter in marriage and the most important province,
Mbamba, as dowry. Lazaro replied that he more than merited
Mbamba and did not need to marry Garcia's daughter. Garcia
appointed a non-Afonso to the province and married him to his
daughter. This caused some resentment among the Afonso, to
whom Mbamba had always, in recent years, pertained. Severa!
years la ter Garcia began to suspect that the Mubica Afonso and
the Capucins were plotting together. H e responded by attemp-
ting to ally himself more closely with the middle brother,
lvaro, mani Mpemba. ln the mid 1650s he sent the youngest
brother, Pedro, to propose a marriage benveen Garcia's eldest
son and proposed heir, Afonso, anda daughter that had
had with a widowed queen, not his principal wife. Alvaro
appcars to have welcomed the proposal and negotiations
began.
57
Garcia had initially attempted to use the Capucins to secure
a papal decree to establish the succession in his male line. ln
1651 Giovanni Francisco da Roma had returned to Kongo with
the news that the Propaganda Fide had deferred the matter
pending an episcopal report. Meanwhile, the Portuguese
restoration of Luanda raised the vexed problem of the
patronage of the Church in Kongo, and this prevented the
Propaganda Fide from sending a bishop or even a Capucin
prefect ;,vith the faculties of bishop. By 1652 it had become
apparent that Garcia would have to find another means of
the succession for his son.
58
relatively favourable politicai conditions
Garcia to press the matter of the succession. By then Garcia's
manoeuvring had ensured that aU the nuclear pro-
governors except Sonyo vvere his appointees. All but the
mani l14pemba and perhaps the ma1
lesser patrilineal categories. Three them were
marriage or about to become so. Henrique, mani
RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION 1!8-!665 !73
non-Afonso and was married to his daughter.
59
Pedro de
Lagrimas was man Nsundi.
60
The man Mbata was probably a
certain J\1anuel who was married to Garcia's niece.
61
lvaro,
mani A1pemba, was a Mubica Afonso with a clear interest in the
throne, but he was currently negotiating a marriage alliance
between his daughter and the proposed heir. The mani Mpangu
is unknown but appears to have posed no problem. Sonyo
remaned in rebellion, but since the mani would not participate
in any proceedings in J\
1
Ibanza Kongo, the danger from there
appeared minimal.
Favourable developments in Garcia's foreign relations also
encouraged him to press the matter of the successon. ln the
latter part of 1656 Garcia received the news thatJoo IV had
acceded to his request ofJanuary 1656. It was said that he had
agreed to expel the Capucins and replace them with Portuguese
Franciscans. Most importantly, it was said that he had
accepted Garcia's account of affairs in Luanda and ordered the
arrest and repatriation of the Luanda governor.
62
This
appeared to remove ali danger of a Luanda invasion on the one
hand and Capucin support for the dissident nobles on the other.
I n the latter part of 1656 or eady 165 7 Garcia summoned the
provincial, title-holders to Mbanza Kongo. He sent special
orders to Alvaro, mani 1Hpemba, to attend. He assembled all the
J\!Iwissikongo in the great square and then, with due solemnity,
h e ordered them each, individually, to swear that his eldest son,
Afonso, should succeed to the throne. This was unprecedented.
Garcia made an especial point ofthe oath ofthe three Mubica
Afonso hrothers. The Capucins noted that the brothers
complied 'more for fear of violence than from wish and desire'.
63
The forced oath to Afonso triggered the rebellion of 165 7.
64
The prime mover was Pedro the 'youngest and most ardent' of
Mubica Afonso brothers. He ""'as supported by Mvvissikongo
friends of the sarne age. There is no real evidence that the other
brothers knevv of or supported the rebeHion. Pedro determined
to stab Garcia on Holy Thursday when he went to visit the
graves. Garcia learnt of the conspiracy from one of the plotters.
H e waited until the appo:nted day and then ordered the arrest
ofPedro, Lazaro, and theotheryouths. Hesenta message to
in lvlbanza Mpemba. The mani
town and ordered to
H
THE KINGDO!I:! OF KONGO
surrender. Alvaro assured him that he was innocent, that Pedro
would exonerate him and that he would go voluntarily to
Mbanza Kongo. The mani Mbamba accepted his word and
departed. Alvaro left for Mbanza Kongo but then, fearing the
'vengeful soul of the king', turned west into Kiova which was
controlled by the rebelled mani Sonyo.
Alvaro's defection to Sonyo caused the rebellion to escalate.
The mani Sonyo welcomed him. lvaro consolidated his position
with about 5,000 archers and 100 musketeers that he had
brought from Mpemba. H e warned Garcia that if he did not
pardon and reinstate Lazaro and Pedro he would deprive him
of his crown and his life. Many discontented Mwissikongo left
Mbanza Kongo to join him. They included two of Garcia's
nephews, probably the sons of lvaro VI. ln 1\,fbanza Kongo,
Pedro confessed, but exonerated everyone else. Garcia executed
Pedro, Lazaro, certain nephews of theirs and ali their suspected
supporters. He felt so insecure that he replaced his normal
guard with armed Portuguese.
At this point, Luanda invaded. The replies to Garcia's letter
of 1655 had arrived one week after Garcia learnt ofPedro's plot.
The earlier news of Joo lV's favourable reaction had proved
premature. Joo's initial orders had been delayed and Luanda
officials and sympathizers had persuaded him to revoke them.
65
He withdrew the decree against the Capucins and the order to
imprison the governar. An earlier decree of 1655, which
permi tted the entry of non-Spanish Capucins who passed by
way of Lisbon, now stood.
66
Then, on Joo's death, the new
Queen Regent acceded to a request made by the governar Sousa
Chichorro in September 1656. Chicharro had complained that
the mani i\1bamba welcomed fugi tive Portuguese slaves and used
them in the war against Sonyo. ln view of Joo's strict
against \Var he had asked permission to punish the
mar A1bamba. The Queen Regent licensed the governor to
convoke a council to decide the matter. The council \Vas to
the Vicar-General of Luanda, the superiors of the
religious orders and all the captains and officials of the cit)l.
67
Only the religious superiors opposed the war. However, the
governor hesitated to attack, since he was of men and
munitions. lnstead, he demanded the return of the fugitive
Portuguese slaves which he alleged Garcia had settled near
RESTORo\TION AND DESTRllCTION l6+!H665 l75
Mbanza Kongo, and an end to the exorbitant taxation of
Portuguese traders. If Garcia did not fulfil these demands
within two months he would attack. At this moment lvaro,
mani Mpemba, asked Chicharro to support his claim to the
throne. Chicharro could not resist such an opportunity and
invaded.
68
The weakness of the Portuguese forces saved Garcia. They
crossed the Dande and marched to Mbumbe. They considerably
outnumbered the mani 1l1bumbe's forces and defeated them in a
briefbattle. The mani Mbumbe retired across the River Loje into
the lands directly controlled by his overlord, the mani Aibamba.
The Portuguese forces occupied Mbanza Mbumbe but, after
some discussion, decided not to cross the Loje. The chief
captain said that they had not come to conquer Kongo but to
punish the king for his bad behaviour. ln fact the army was too
qepleted and exhausted to proceed with the attack. Meanwhile,
Alvaro left the security of Kiova and passed through 1\.fbamba
to join the Portuguese in Mbumbe. The mani lv/bamba am-
bushed him at the River Mbrije and executed him. Garcia
wrote to Sousa Chichorro. H e excused himselffrom the charges
made against him, promised to keep peace and friendship and
to remit the fugitive slaves. The govemor ordered the army to
retire to Luanda.
69
The Mubica-Luanda defeat of 1657 greatly strengthened
Garcia internaliy. His son's principal rivais were dead and ali
the provincial governorships except Sonyo were in the hands of
his a ppoin tees. Y et paradoxcally, Afonso did not succeed to the
throne. Garcia's second son Antnio appears to have convinced
Garcia that Afonso was plotting against him. The circumstances
are undear. Afonso's dose association with the discredited
Capucins probably contributed to his downfall. ln the later
l650s, Garcia appointed Antnio to Mpangu, the least of the
inner provincial govemorships. "i\s a result ofGarcia's policy of
exduding l\Ionso from these offices, Antnio thus became the
provincial govemor vth a daim to the throne. From
Mpangu Antnio pursued an active policy undoubtedly designed
to secure the succession. \1\hen Garcia died in 1661 Antnio
nnooit;"', nf "'""'"'t;.,,., ctrPnrlb to seize t11e thrcme and kiU
Despi te outcome of the events of 1657, the
176 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Queen iv:Iother's decision in favour of- Luanda was a major
blow. Only three factors now prevented Luanda invasion:
military weakness, the danger of a Dutch o r Spanish attack, and
the reluctance of the Luanda residents and of the troops to
prosecute the war. ln 1659 a new governar declared war on
Kongo. In the specially convened council only the newly
arrived Capucin prefect demurred.
71
However, the demoral-
ized troops and resdents refused to sustan the attack.
72
ln
1663 another governar, Andr Vidal de Negreiros, sent an army
against the Ndembu. It defeated Nambo a Ngongo and Kakulu
Kahenda but was, by then, totally exhausted.
73
Antnio I sought to retrieve the situation by making a new
appeal to Lisbon. ln 1662 he succeeded in dispatching letters.
H e revived the allegation that Luanda was conspiring with the
Capucins and Spain. He asked Afonso VI to arder the governar
to return hs lands and to send a new governar who would reform
the infantry. Antnio had intended to send an ambassadorwith
the letter but the governar refused permission.
74
This letter, like
Garcia' s Ietters of 1655, failed. Supporters ralled to the defence
of the Luanda authorities and, despi te the council's doubts, the
king finally decided to take no heed of Antnio's complaints?
5
The final confrontation began in the latter part ofl663 when
rumours of an imminent Castillian attack on Luanda encouraged
Antnio to attempt to rally the Ndembu against the Portuguese.
H e wrote repeatedly to the governar, Andr Vidal de Negreiros,
demanding the return ofthe Ndembu lands andoftheislandof
Luanda.
76
According to Luanda reports he also sent 'incessant'
messages to the Ndembu. H e informed them that, on his orders,
the mani Loango had contacted the Castillians and a Spanish
armada would arrive at any moment to destroy the Portuguese
for ever. If the Ndembu did not obey him rather than Luanda
they would suffer the sarne fate.
77
Ear!y in 1664 Negreiros revived the matter of the Kongo
mines.
78
They had been discussed Kongo, Luanda, and
various European powers throughout the sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries. Garcia had ceded them to Portugal in
the original Treaty of 1649 butJoo IV had deleted the dause
from the ratified treaty. The parlous state of t:he Luanda
Prnnnmv no;,v caused Negreiros to revive the matter. The slave
failed to recover from the dfects of the Dutch
I'ORTUGUf::SE RESTORATION ANDDESTRUCTION !648--1665 !77
occupation and the perpetuai wars of the 1650s, and the
residents had become increasingly reluctant to support the
governors in their slave raiding expeditions. The residents had
obtained decrees from both Joo IV and the Queen Regent
exempting them from the obligation offighting offensive wars in
the interior.
79
They had already complained to Afonso VI of
Negreiros's wars.
80
The mines were a specific objective which at
best might enrich the whole community and at least could
provide a basis for a copper currency.
The King of Portugal had been the principal restraint on
Luanda aspirations. Joo IV had opposed Salvador Correia's
suggestion of a copper currency which, he thought, would have
unfortunate repercussions on international currency tran-
sactions.81 ln December 1663, however, Afonso VI acceded to
the Luanda arguments and authorized the opening of copper
mines on the coast. ln November 1664, he instructed Negreiros
to send full details of the proposed workings. Negreiros used this
instruction to persuade the Luanda camera to support the
opening of the Kongo mines. He argued that they would be
easier to exploit than the other mines in Benguela. A
fortress couid be built to guard the mines, keep the trade routes
open, and keep the Ndembu subject. The camem authorized
Negreiros to proceed as soon as the danger of Castillian
invasion passed.
82
Devdopments in Kongo facilitated Negreiros's plans. The
pmvince of \Vandu, which controlled the mines, had become
inc:reasing!y independent of Mbanza Kongo. ln the early
sixteenth century the mani K(mgo had appointed the governo r of
from amongst the l\1wissikongo. The establishment of
Portuguese Luanda and the growth of the slave trade through
Ndembu had strengthened the province, and in the mid-
seventeenth century the mani vVandu was normally elected
and only confirmed by the mani Kongo. ln the mid-
seventeenth century, Kongo, Nzinga, Luanda, and the local
group, struggled for power. Nzinga invaded in 1650. The
unruPrnnr was killed and t\"'0 ofhis brothers or cousins disputed
The younger succeeded. The elder went to
.t'>...vugo, sought Garcia's support, and married one of
mani vVandu and
and his
l78 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
supporters founded a large to-vvn on the border with Mpemba.
He died in the mid-1650s. Another brother sought Garcia's
support and with his aid seized power.
83
In 1663 a new mani
Wandu refused to recognize Antnio's overlordship. Antnio
invited Nzinga to subject the province. She defeated the
governor and took his wife, a son, and some of the principal
nobles prisoner.
84
In 1664 the new mani JiVandu questioned
Antnio's authority. The mani lvlbamba appears to have
defeated him and he fled to Mbwila. From there, he sent a
messenger to Negreiros offering to reveal the location of the
mines in return for reinstatement. Negreiros could not send the
arm y, for i t was dep1eted and the danger of a Castillian invasion
remained. However, he sent the chief captain to Mbwila to
secure the mani Wandu's safety, verifY his statement and, if
possible, obtain samples.
85
ln 1664 Antnio and Negreiros engaged in a lengthy written
dispute concerning the legitimacy of the Luanda daim to the
Kongo mines.
86
The cathedra1 chapter presented Antnio's
case. They used the documerits in the Mbanza Kongo archives
to prove that Sebastio had declined lvaro II's offer of the
mines and thatjoo IV had deleted the later cession from the
treaty ofl649.
On 15 April 1665 the camera agreed to Negreiros's proposal
that they execute the orders of the King ofPortugal and seek the
copper mines. The legal debate continued.
87
On 13 July 1665
Antnio dedared war. He ordered ali the able bodied men of
Kongo to enlist with their superiors in order to defend their
'lands, possessons, women and children, their lives and their
liberties'.
88
All the nuclear provincial govemors obeyed,
induding the rnani Sotryo. So did some of the outer provincial
govemors, notably those of the south. According to the
Portuguese the Kongo army numbered There 'Nere
190 mulatto musketeers and twenty-nine Portuguese residents
Kongo. There were two priests, Antnio's mulatto
chaplain, and the mulatto Capucin, P. Francisco de So
Salvador. The latter attended against the orders ofhis prefect.
Antnio took all the nearest potential daimants to the throne,
the roval insgnia, the archives,
provisions. After
boxes of rich goods, rno boxes of precious
PORTUGUESE RESTORATION ANDDESTRUCTION !648--!665 !79
royal crown and sceptre and a staff inlaid with silver, a great
quantity of cloth brought to pay for the war, and food, cattle
and sheep. According to one source, 150,000 porters
accompanied the army.
Antnio intended to defend the mines, restore his authority
amongst the Ndembu and drive the Portuguese into the sea. He
sent the mani Kina and a company of mulatto musketeers to
garrison the mines of Mbembe, and proceeded towards Mbwila.
He sent an ambassador to the regent of Mbwila, Isabel, who
had sworn allegiance to Portugal the preceding year. Isabel
sent the ambassador to Luanda and asked the governor for aid.
Antnio subjected many ofMbwila's vassals and the general of
Mbwila passed to his side. Isabel and the pombeiros that resided
at her court fled to a mountain fastness.
On 29 October 1665 the Portuguese forces joined those of
Isabel, and on 30 October, Antnio met them in battle. Antnio
had calculated that the rain, which had begun to fall, would
prevent the Portuguese from using their superior fire-power. H e
was mistaken. H e was killed together with most of the principal
title-holders. Of the seven remaining major nuclear provincial
governors four- 11ibamba, filsundi, Mbata, and lt1pemba- died. So
did important court officials - the overseer of the king's
possessions, the chambedain, the chief secretary, the private
secretary, and the mulatto Capucin, P. Francisco de So
Salvador. A.hogether ninety-five tide-holders died and 400
other l\i[wissikongo. Kongo losses totalled 5,000. The Portu-
guese also took tvvo of Antnio sons and two sons of his dead
brother Afonso. The Portuguese Iosses were minimal.
89
2. and the mJiz,al tlze indigetwus
2.1 Luanda control of the Christian cult
The Portuguese restoration proved as disastrous for Garcia's
religious policy as it had been destructive of his economic and
politicai position. H e immediately lost control of the diocesan
structure. The Portuguese archdeacon whom Garcia had kept
to
180 THE KINGDOivf OF KONGO
ignored the concession which the Kings of Spain had made to
the Kings of Kongo. They appointed new dignitaries and
canons to the Kongo vacancies.
91
These were usually
Portuguese and they preferred to reside in Luanda. By 1653 ali
the dignitaries lived in Luanda. By 1657 five Portuguese canons
also lived there and one lived in Massangano. Only two ofthe
new canons, a mulatto and an African, chose to reside in
Mbanza Kongo. The parish priests, too, gravitated to the
Portuguese territories. ln 165 7 there may still have been one in
Kongo; there were fifteen in Angola.
92
The members of the
cathedral chapter that remained in Mbanza Kongo failed to
retain authority over their Angolan based colleagues. The latter
appealed to Portugal on important issues.
93
ln the later l650s
or early l660s they elected one of their number to be vicar.
94
They and the Luanda residents appealed to the King ofPortugal
to move the See from Mbanza Kongo to Luanda and in 1656
they began to build a proto-cathedraP
5
Garcia could no longer
con trol the diocese through the chapter at So Salvador.
The Portuguese restoration also gave the members of the
chapter resident in Mbanza Kongo a new measure of indepen-
dencc. ln 1653 the Vicar of So Salvador died and Simo de
Medeiros took his place.
96
H e and his brother Miguel de Castro
dominated the chapter in Mbanza Kongo. They were Garcia's
men but ambitious for wealth and power. During the Dutch
occupation they had depended entirely on Garcia for material
and politicai support. Now they received a stipend from the
Luanda governor and they cou!d depend upon hm in any
confrontation \Vith the king. They used the situation to emich
themselves. On any occasion which direcdy or
threatened or touched the ecdesiastica! jurisdiction d1ey
declared an interdict and closed the church immediately
subject to them. They did ths every three or four months
to pay them the money he gave in
sought a pretext immediately
in return for aims, they informed the devotees that a
certain church would be open at a certain time. Only people
priva te knowledge would be able to hear mass.'n This
practice undermined Garcia's control and
religious policy.
The Portuguese restoration caused the mulatto canons and
PORTUGUESE RESTORATiON AND DESTRUCTION
HH
dignitaries who resided in Mbanza Kongo to turn against the
Capucins and attempt to undermine the Capucin policy.
Portugal still held the patronage of the Church in Kongo and
they feared that a Portuguese bishop might deprive them of
office.
98
The Luanda authorities had written evidence of the
support they had given the Dutch and Nzinga, they had
admitted the Capucins in defiance ofPortuguese patronage and
they lived in a notorious state of concubinage.
99
11oreover,
although the King ofKongo paid them fifty cofos of nzimbu shell
money in lieu of tithes, the King ofPortugal paid their stipend
through the Governar of Luanda. They had received nothing
during the Dutch occupation and there was a clear danger that
the new Portuguese governor would refuse to pay them now.
100
They very much needed to establish their image as loyal
supporters of PortugaL They already resented the Capucins'
extraordinary influence in ~ I b a n z a Kongo and the Capucins'
criticisms of their lives and fonns of ritual.
101
\Vhilst Garcia
dominated the Church they had been forced to 'give freely to
them injurisdiction, charity and alms'. Now they refused them
every povver.
102
The Propaganda Fide resolved one item of
dispute but the basic conflict remained.
103
Injune 1649 Antnio do Couto became Rector ofthejesuit
College in Mbanza Kongo,
104
and h e, too, undermined
Garcia's Capucin policy. Hewas the only residentjesuit priest.
H e was assisted by a series of lay brothers, one of whom died
after seventeen days and another after nine.
105
Do Couto was a
mulatto and a native of Luanda. One grandmother was an
African slave, his mother a mulatto. His father was probably
Portuguese. H e was bom in 161 O and entered the Society in
. H e seems to have spent most of the next two decades in
Portugal.
106
He was weH educated and intelligent and had
publ:ished a condensed catechism in Kimbundu based on a
manuscript prepared by a former ItalianJesuit.
107
H e returned
to Africa permanently in 1648 and was soon appointed Rector
of the College at Mbanza Kongo. H e remained there, with brief
visits to Luanda, until 1660.
108
He spoke Kikongo
109
and appears
to have li,ied as blameless a life as Roboredo and the Capucins
. . ... no He
and
H e
132
THE KINGDOI\,f OF KONGO
censured the whites for their depredations and persecutions. At
the same time do Couto was influenced by his Portuguese
expericnce and took pains to emphasize his Portuguese
ancestry. He was dedicated to the Society and probably
influenced by the LuandaJesuits, who regarded the Capucins
as interlopers and rivals.lll Do Couto reacted to the Luanda
Jesuits and to his own Portuguese predilections by adopting a
firm anti-Capucin position.
Tbe restoration also undermined Garcia's control of the
Capucin mission. lt created an alternative and more attractive
base to which they could withdraw if necessary. Luanda
possessed European comforts which contrasted with the
appalling hardships the Capucins suffered in the Kongo
provinces.
112
It provided a reliable means of communicating
with Europe and so of lessening the aching sense of isolation
which tbe Capucins otherwise suffered.
113
Luanda was the only
port which was regularly visited by European and especially
Catbolic ships to provide flour for the host and wine for the
mass.
114
Luanda also offered politicai support. The Capucin
prekct Giacinto da Vetralla concluded that 'without the arms
and favour of tbe Portuguese, it is impossible to persist in this
mission, still less to obtain copious fruit. For when the
Portuguese deny us aid and favour, the aid and favour of the
powers is not sufficient. lf they aid us then the
malevolence of the indigenous powers does not prevail and the
mission remains stable.'
115
The emphasis of the mission slowly changed from Mbanza
Kongo to Luanda. ln 1649 Bonaventura da Sardenia vvent to
Luanda to negotiate the Kongo-Portuguese treaty. He made a
good impressionY
6
The govemor, wishing to observe them
more dosely, invited the prefect to establish a mission. The
prd(:ct agreedY' ln 1651 the people ofMassangano asked for
missionaries and a mission >vas established there too. us The
Capucins' zeal and charity contrasted strikingly ""''ith the
general behaviour ofthe other priestsu
9
and the govemor and
camera wrote to Lisbon repeatedly in their favour.
120
tvleamvhile, the Capucins sought to establish their credentials
>vi th the King of PortugaL I n 1649 the prefect \vrote to Joo IV
assuring him of the Capucins' loyaJty. In a new prefect
apologized to Joo for the third mission's departure via Spain
I'ORTUGUESE RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION !643-!665 !33
and asked him to license the Capucins to pass to Kongo-
Angola. Joo agreed on condition that they were not Spanards
and that they passed through Lsbon. He confirmed the decree
in 1655.
121
The Propaganda Fide sent no Spansh missonares
after 1648 and sent them ali through Lsbon and Luanda after
1654.
The restoration nullified Garcia's appeal to Rome. The
ambassadors presented Garcia's obedience to the Pope in May,
1648. The Propaganda Fide then approved Garcia's request for
a crown blessed by the Pope, indulgences, and an exorcism
aganst the locusts. Garcia's most important requests, however,
had been for decrees in favour ofhis patrilineal descent group.
The Propaganda Fide decided that it could not grant these
wthout an episcopal report.
122
Meanwhile, both Spain and
Portugal daimed tbe patronage of the Church in Kongo.
123
The
Propaganda Fide attempted to obvia te the problem by apponting
a Spaniard as archbishop with title in par-tibus irifidelium. News of
the Portuguese restoration made this impolitic.
124
The
Propaganda Fide then adopted a Capucin suggestion that they
senda Capucin \vith faculties ofbishop and authority over the
diocesan as well as the Capucin structures.
125
They
encountered difficulties in drafting the additional faculties and
decided to s.end Giacinto da Vetralla with a letter and Brief
from the Pope, a reply to Garcia's letter, and the simple faculty
ofPrefect. They intended to send the other faculties after him.
Giacinto wrote repeatedly for these faculties. However, as
Portuguese infiuence increased, the proposal became increas-
. impractical and Giacinto received neither the facultes
nor a reply.
126
At the sarne time Spanish influence prevented
the Pope from confirming Portuguese bishops.
127
Garcia's
requests, which had been deferred pending a report by the
or apostolic administrator, >vere abandoned. The
Portuguese restoration thus destroyed Garcia's hopes of using
Pope to strengthen the position of his patrilineage and to
establish the succession within it.
A final major effect ofthe Portuguese restoration was to turn
the Capucin presence into a serious politicalliability. Salvador
Correa was less antagonistic to the than the survivors
ofl649
li H THE KINGDO!\ OF KONGO
succcssfully wooed him and many other Portuguese. However,
a scction ofthe Portuguese, led by thejesuits and the members
of the Third Order of St. Francis, remained opposed. They
frequently revived the allegation that the Capucins were
conspiring with Spain.
128
As a result the Capucin presence
prmided an ever present excuse for Luanda to invade Kongo.
A striking example ofthis occurred in 1651, when Giovanni
Francisco da Roma returned with the replies to the embassy of
1651 .
129
He arrived through Mpinda with Spanish missionaries
in a Spanish boat and with the authority ofthe King ofSpain.
The ncws reverberated through Kongo and Angola and the
governar wrote to Garcia threatening war. Garcia was deeply
embarrassed for he knew that da Roma brought a pontifical
letter, a crown blessed by the Pope, an exorcism against the
locust, and indulgences. Garcia proceeded with the coronation
anel the exorcism, against the opposition of do Couto and the
cathcdral chapter. From the day following the coronation, he
trcated the Capucins coldly. He examined their baggage and
askcd da Roma to explain publicly why he had violated the
treaty of 1649 by travelling to Kongo without the authority of
the King ofPortugal. H e informed the Governar ofLuanda that
he was 'an absolute king andas such had been crowned by the
Popc'. Da Roma wrote to the governar repeating his public
explanation. Luanda did not attack, but this was the result of
mil i tary weakness rather than lack of will. A similar crisis arose
in Fcbruary 1653, when Garcia's Capucin ambassador of 1649,
Bona ventura da Sorrento, arrived at Luanda in a Spanish boat
from Cadiz.
130
2.2 The difference between the King's and the Capucins' concepts
of their roles
j 648 the rdations bet-ween Garcia and the Capucins ""'ere, in
axw case, becoming strained as the Capucins began to learn the
of reiigious beiief and practice in Kongo. Garcia,
issikongo generaHy, had auempted to impede these
their predecessors, had attempted to
the Christian priests'
PORTUGUESE RESTORA TION ANO DESTRUCTION
was reluctant to persecute them or evento permit the Capucins
to doso. He told one Capucin, 'I cannot give such orders for
these people would not obey me. When the prelate comes he
will give the necessary orders and I will fulfil them. '
131
According to Giacinto da Vetralla, the king and other titled
people were too intimidated to give the Capucins more than a
secret licence to persecute the nganga.
132
For some four years
Garcia II and the whole Mwissikongo group maintained a
conspiracy of silence concerning the most important of the
indigenous religious practitioners - the kitome. These were the
'holy things ofKongo', the 'secrets ofthe kingdom'. Garcia even
withdrew pupils whom he feared might reveal these secrets.
Garcia's sister and maternal aunt, who were both devoted to
the Capucins, severely condemned the Mwissikongo youth who
they believed, ultimately informed the Capucins of their
existence. They believed that if the kitome were dismissed, the
king would die and misfortune sweep the land.
133
The ultimate failure of Garcia and the Mwissikongo to
conceal the complexities ofKongo religious practice \v-as due, in
l\,ibanza Kongo, to the tendency of the Mwissikongo most
intmately associated with the Capucins to redefine the
Capucins' role in tern1s akin to that ofthe kitome. Garcia himself
had elevated the status of the Capucins and many of them were
exceptional men. l\1ore importandy, certain aspects of the
Canucin's behaviour associated them with the mbumba
ln particular, the Capucins of the early missions
stricdy adhered to the Franciscan ideal of poverty, refusing
payment for their services and accepting only suffi.cient alms to
sustain them. They therefore differed dramatically from the
normal nganga of the nkadi mpemba dimension, induding the
diocesan priests and the Jesuits, who always charged a con-
siderable fee their services. They appeared more akin to the
received alms n recognition of their status but not
payment for services. \Vhen the Capucins discovered that the
Mwissikongo interpreters not only interpreted selectively, but
demanded payment on their behalf against their orders
their knmvled!!e. they redoubled their efforts to
priest, Roboredo.
134
By
to dispense
lU6
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
their refusal to accept payment was made evident to alL ln the
light of this, some interpreters, students from the school,
mem bers of the congregations and penitents carne to regard the
Capucins as something more than the mani Kongo)s nganga, and
it was they who informed the Capucins of the complexities of
religious practice in Kongo.
136
vVhen, in the latter part of 1648, the Capucins began to
evangelize the provinces, they knew the language, travelled
alone or with a fe-vv youths from the school, and Iearnt more
about Kongo religion. Few of the provincial Mwissikongo
govenors had experienced the I'vlbanza Kongo revi vai of the late
1640s and they were accustomed to the accommodating atti-
tudc of the diocesan priests. They faced difficult local problems
and they had no wish to exacerba te them by attacking the local
religious practitioners. The locally elected governors were even
less willing to do so. ln general, therefore, the governors
acceptcd the Capucins as nganga of the king. They permitted
them to evangelize the provinces in accordance with the king's
orders, but did little to help them. The indigenous people
sought their services as nganga of the sky nkisi type
administering the protective rite of baptism. the
youths of the Capucin school followed their instructions and
sought out the innumerable houses of the nganga and even
kitome. The Capucins' experience in the provinces strikingly
revealed the differences between their own and the Mw-issikongo
understanding ofChristianity.
137
Ry about 1649 the Capucins had become severely
demoralized. :Many members of the first mission wanted to
return to Europe.
138
The Prefect informed the Propaganda Fide
that the situation in Mbanza Kongo was moderately satis-
factory but that Garcia would not support them in a thorough
abuses. ln the provinces 'the fruit is very
the early 1650s one Capucin reported that 'we die
and a thousand times a day in ha-..ring to treat with
that appear to lack -vvhat God has conceded to the
,
140
and many missionaries only remained because
the P.ropaganda Fide refused to Iicense thern to
return.r4r
tensions exaceibated
Propaganda Fide sent a new prefect,
In 1652 the
..TMcunu da VetraUa, to
PORTUGtH:-:sERESTORATION AND DL5TRUCTION i64lH665 !87
Kongo. I t had intended to give him the faculties of a bishop but
Portuguese pressure prevented this. Giacinto was authoritarian
and perhaps well suited to the role of bishop. H e was totally
unsuited to that of simple prefect. H e bitterly resented the lack
of episcopal faculties, and hated the rigours of Kongo life.
Meanwhile his appointment angered the Kongo-based Capucins.
The first prefect had died in 1651 and they had elected a much
loved and 1espected member of the first mission to replace
him.
142
They considered Giacinto da V etralla to be grossly
inferior in personal qualities as well as totally lacking in
experience.
143
2.3 Garcia's fear that the Capucins would use their status in the
interests of a rival
Garcia's doubts regarding the mission matched the Capucins'
disillusionment. From 1648 onwards, a series of incidents led
him to question the wisdom of retaining the Capucins in the
kingdom. The Portuguese restoration destroyed most of his
plans for the mission and turned the Capucins' presence into a
politicalliability. ln 1651 da Roma retumed without the bishop
or the decrees regarding the succession. The Capucins added to
his fury by atternpting to use the gifts da Roma had brought to
blackmail him into dismissing the kinne and reforming his
personai life. Garcia also discovered in da Roma's baggage rich
gifts which he believed, erroneously, had been sent to him by
the King ofSpain and expropriated by the Capucins. At about
the sarne time a Capucin of the second mission returned to
Europe. Garcia suspected that he carried a letter from the
Capucins asking the Pope to deprive him of the throne. He
toyed with the idea of inviting Portuguese Franciscans to
replace the Capucins
144
and, atone point, appeared detennined
to starve them all to death. He is said to have abandoned the
persecution because, having convinced the l'v1wissikongo ofthe
Capucins' devated status, he now feared they might react in
145
ln March 1652 Garcia 's hopes of the Capu-
cins revived 'When the new Capucin Prefect Giacinto da Vetralla
arrived in Luanda. He had t:raveHed by -vvay of Lisbon in a
King ofPortu!!al and ''"as
Lua;uua.
146
Garcia
UNUV<J and a
lSB
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
brought letters, aJubilee and the faculties ofprefect.
1411
He took
advantage of the Jubilee but his belief in the Capucins was
finally shattered. Soon afterwards, he began to intercept the
Capucins' letters and those of their sympathizers. He made
frequent changes in the interpreters that served the convent
and h e removed certain youths from the school.
149
Garcia became increasingly afraid that the Capucns would
conspire with his rivais to the throne. This fear may have had
some foundation. ln 1649 the Capucins considered ways of
increasing their influence in Kongo. Bona ventura da Sorrento,
Garcia's ambassador of 1649, urged the Propaganda Fide to
recommend a ne"v constitution to Garcia. ln addition to the
'four traditional electors' of the kingdom there should be two or
three clerics whose vote should be decisive. These clerics would
also impose penalties for abuses of the slave trade and act as
judges in conflicts between the king and his subjects. In other
matters ofjustice the king should act on his own authority but
with the counsel of a 'knowledgeable person'. The latter would
instruct him in the conduct of such matters and in the kind of
penalties he should impose. The king should move the people,
who were mainly dispersed in small villages, into towns of
500-600 fires. Each town would have a governar, a church, and
a priest.
150
These proposals were diametrically opposed to
Garcia's ovm policy of strengthening the kingship and estab-
. ' his mak l'ne. ln addition, there
was a nmt m the >vritings o r one Capucin that the missionaries
were at least aware oftreasonabk acrivities.
151
I n the course of the next few years, Garcia suspected the
ofbeing involved in a series of conspiracies.
152
H e had
begun to suspect the tvvo Mpanzu Afonso women, both called
Leonor, shortly before Giacinto da VetraHa's In
he seized them and a Capucin
The people, fearing to implica te
Capucin church and
V etralla warned Garcia that he had exposed mmsen
first that the people would react against him, and,
second, that he would incur excommunication under the papal
censured those that impeded the missionaries.
accused the three nobles, sentenced them to
privately, to death. However, he feared to proceed
PORTUGUESE RESTOR"\TION AND DESTRUCTION !643-!665 !89
against the Capucins and exonerated them.
ln the latter part of 1654 Garcia's suspicions focused on the
mulatto priest, :Manuel Roboredo, who had entered the
Capucin order as a novice in August 1652 taking the name
Francisco de So Salvador, and was allied to the Mpanzu
Afonso. After Ambrosio's death, Giacinto da Vetralla cut
Francisco's noviateship short and licensed him to confess. He
was outstandingly successful. Giacinto admitted him to the
Order in August 1653 and appointed him confessor-general for
the city. His success aroused Garcia's suspicions. He attempted
to persuade Giacinto to send Francisco to Nsundi where, as the
Capucins suspected, he could arrange his death. Giacinto
refused and suggested that he goto Luanda where he would be
safe. Garcia, perhaps fearing an extension of the supposed
conspiracy, refused. Francisco remained in .i\1banza Kongo
\vhere, a year or two !ater, Garcia attempted to discredit him.
He failed but seized Francisco's mother's possessions and
arranged fm his nephew to be killed. These were the immediate
members ofFrancisco's matrilineage.
Soon after the incident with Francisco, Garcia noticed that
two other nobles had begun to frequent the Capucin church.
These were tl1e nobles most disaflected by Garcia's rumoured
plans for the succession - almost certainly the two
Afonso brot:hers, Lazaro and Pedro. I t was this group which led
major rebeHion of 165 7. Garcia increased his efforts to
intercept the letters of the Capucins and their sympathizers.
The Capucins' status >vas so great, however, that he did not
to
ln a new Luanda magistrate to banza Kongo,Joo da
dations between Garcia and theCapucins.
was Portuguese and is variously described as the iriend.of
son. H is oooosed the Capucins vociferously. H e
old ones, saying that the Capucins
muskets and artiHery in Sonyo. Garcia pressed
Giacinto to withdraw the missionares irom the rebelled
province. Giacinto refused, increasing Garcia's suspcions.
However, Joo da Costa's chief importance was as a
His aooarent svmnathv for
190 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Luanda as long as the Capucins remained in Kongo. Antnio
do Couto and the canons echoed him.
153
For several years Garcia hesitated to take decisive action
against the Capucins. His earlier policy of elevating their status
had proved only too successful. He could not simply expel
them.
154
H is ambivalence was matched by that of the Capucin
prekct, Giacinto da Vetralla, who loathed the mission but
lacked the licence to withdraw.
155
I t was the externa! threat of 1654 which finally forced Garcia
to act against the Capucins. He believed that, having seized
Recife, the last Dutch territory in Brazil, the Portuguese would
concentrate their military forces in Luanda and that the
Capucins would confirm in Portugal the Luanda rumours that
he had conspired with Spain. Garcia attempted to prevent the
proposed departure ofGiovanni Francisco da Roma for Europe
and he intensified his efforts to intercept the Capucins' letters
and goods. There was a series of incidents in Mbanza Kongo
involving the Capucins and their sympathizers. These
culminated in Garcia's letters to the Luanda authorities
accusing the Capucins of conspiring with Spain and then to
Joo IV accusing the Capucins and Luanda authorities ofthe
sarne conspiracy and asking Joo to withdraw the Capucins
and replace them with Portuguese Franciscans.
156
The history of the Capucin mission to Kongo reached a
turning-point in 1654/5 for other reasons, too. A new Capucin
mission, which had left by way ofSpain, had landed at Luanda
in a Spanish boatjust before Garcia's letters arrived. This had
compounded their effect.
157
Giacinto da VetraUa used the
furore as an excuse to leave Kongo for Luanda.
158
The
Propaganda Fide had designated the new missionaries to
N zin ga and Makoko. A council of the senior missionaries vas to
the new prefects. The Capucins then in Luanda decided to
abandon the Makoko mission, which '''ould have had to
serviced through Kongo. They elected Serafino da Cartona as
the mission of Nzinga. Giacinto da V etraUa forced
to establish the administrative centre ofhis mission at
l'v1assangano and daimed Luanda for the mission of Kongo.
159
He did not return to l'vlbanza Kongo and, after a
attempted to the m:issionaries that
in Kongo.
160
Garcia resisted, for he could not pennit a generai
PORTUGUESE RESTORATION /\l"'iD DESTRUCTION i648-Hi65
19!
withdrawal until the p:roposed Portuguese Franciscans arrived.
H e maintained a strict embargo on ali the Capucin movements,
despite severe pressure from the Luanda authorities and the
threat of excommunication.
161
The Capucins remained in
Kongo. This, however, was less the result ofGarcia's obduracy
than of their own dislike of Giacinto da Vetralla, their sense of
duty, and the sympathy that some of them felt for Garcia's
dilemmas. They sent a collective letter of complaint about
Giacinto's action to the Propaganda Fide.
162
ln April 1657
Giacinto da Vetralla left, without authority, for Europe.
163
Serafino da Cartona also left without authority injuly 1658.
164
The events ofl654 determined that the Capucin mission, like
its earlier seventeenth-century prodecessors, would centre on
Luanda and not Mbanza Kongo. The returning Capucins sub-
mitted criticai reports in Rome. Serafino da Cartona warned
the Propaganda Fide that if they wrote to Garcia they 'should
do so cautiously in arder not to make him proud and pretend
authority upon the missionaries as happened in the past'.
165
Both Serafino and Giacinto da V etralla criticized Kongo
Christianity.
166
Later Kongo prefects always resided in Luanda
and in 1662, vvhen the tvw missions were reunited, the joint
prefect likewise resided in Luanda. The prefects increasingly
indined to the Luanda viewpoint. ln 1665 the Capucin prefect
did not oppose the Luanda invasion ofKongo.
167
The emphasis
of the Capucin mission turned from Kongo to the Portuguese
territories. \'\Then Giacinto da Vetralla arrived in 1652 there
were twenty-six Capucins in Kongo and four in Portuguese
territories.
168
ln I 657 when he left, there were only thirteen in
Kongo and two of these were in independent Sonyo. There were
thirteen Capucins in Portuguese territories and in the lands
as Nzinga and Kassanje that interested them.
169
ln 1662
there were four Capucins in Sonyo and eight in the Portuguese
territories. There were only four in Kongo - the mulatto
P. Francisco and a lay brother at Mbanza Kongo, anda priest
at l'vlbanza Nsundi and at Mbanza Mbamba.
170
The alignment of the Capucin mission with the diocesan
authorities and Luanda seriously undermined the mani Kongo's

l!l2
THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
attempted to assert the kings' ancient claim to wear the
cap mpu before the sacrament.
172
The diocesan priests opposed
him, and he again felt unable to assert his will, although, rather
than submit to theirs, he abandoned the proposed ceremony. ln
1662 h e imprisoned a Capucin who had crossed the border from
Sonyo but was obliged to release him at the insistence of
another deric.
173
La ter in 1662 h e imprisoned the superior of a
new Capucin mission who had brought an Apostolic Brief and
lettcrs from the Propaganda Fide. These letters were based on
the hostile reports and recommendations of the returned
Capucins and the Apostolic Brief reprimanded Garcia for the
supcrstitious practices and civil evils of his kingdom. The
govcrnor ofLuanda forced Antnio to release the Capucin.
174
2.4 The Capucins' activity in the provinces and the reactions of
the indigenous religious authorities
ln the long term, a fourth factor rendered Garcia's Capucin
policy impractical. This was that the elevation ofthe Capucins
altercd the balance of ideological legitimation which the
M wissikongo had developed between the nkad1: mpemba and
gra vc-cult dimensions on the one hand and the mbumba
dimcnsion on the other. This provided the subject groups with
an ideological weapon with which to resist Mwissikongo rule.
ln the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the less
elevated, less rigorous, and less numerous priests had
conccntrated upon Mbanza Kongo, and their nkadi mjJemba and
cult role had been balanced by the mbumba-based role of
the kitome mani Vunda. ln the provinces, the occasional priests
had acted as the mnni Kongo's nganga of the nkadi mpemba and sky
spirit type. They administered the protective rite -of baptism
and disseminated Christian :nkiri snch as the cross and the
l\1banza Kongo revival
supported the Capucins in the
'abuses'. This provoked the subject
into an aggressive
PORTUGUES.E RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION I&HHoo5 !93
affirmation of the indigenous religious institutions and
especially of the mbumba-based cults.
The provincial evangelization began in 1648 when the arrival
of the second mission raised the Capucins' numbers to thirty.
The !ater reinforcements of 1651, 1652, and in some degree that
of 1654, maintained approximately this number into the later
1650s. The Capucins established mission stations in ali the
nuclear provincial capitais except Mpangu and Wembo; that is
to say, in Nsundi, Mbata, Mpemba, Mbamba, and Wandu. A
mission had been established in Sonyo in 1645 and from there
the Capucins established stations in Kiova and Matari. They
also established a station at Nkusu. The missions of vVandu,
Kiova, Matai, and Nkusu were soon abandoned. The others
were fairly constantly manned and used as bases from which to
visit the sub-provincial and some of the outer provincial
capitalsY
5
Garcia provided interpreters and an open letter of
introduction ordering the governors to admit the Capucins,
listen to them, and oblige the people to do the same.
176
ln the early 1650s only two tovv'ns experienced revivais
similar to those of Mbanza Kongo and Mbanza Sonyo. These
were :Mbanza

and l\lbanza Nsevo in Nsundi.
178
Both governors had been members oftheCapucin congregation
at the capital and the population ofboth towns consisted ofthe
.f\1wissikongo relatives and followers whom the governors had
brought with them. The governors encouraged the cult and
helped the Capucins to establish schools, observances, and
congregations. Elsewhere the Capucins received little support.
lndeed in Nkusu, where the governar was no longer a central
appointee, an open conflict developed between the governar
and the Capucins and Garcia had to intervene.
179
By the later l650s ali the provincial govemors were the
products of the Kongo revivaP
80
and, with Capucin
guidance, they sought to propaga te the cult in their capitais and
countryside.
181
They normally took some 200 relatives and
supporters to the provincial capitals.
182
As a result the capitais
constituted islands of.f\1wissikongowho invariab1y followed the
governors into ardent Christian affinnation. In Sonyo, which
had been evan.!!:elized in sixteenth and
!9-t THE KING Of KONGO
mani appointed Mwissikongo Christian governors at a
much lower levei than the mani Kongo and the Capucins of
Mbanza Sonyo accompanied them during their provincial
tours. This took the evangelization to the equivalent of the
sub-provincial and district levei in Kongo. It produced a more
thorough evangelization than in Kongo and permitted the
devclopment of relatively sophisticated ecclesiastical structures
in thc !ater seventeenth century.
184
The evangelization of the provinces undermined the
governors' relations with the subordinate groups. The
Capucins insisted that the Christian governors marry and reject
ali concubines. This destroyed the ntegrative devce whereby
the governors receved concubines from each of the ndigenous
chicfs. The chldren of these groups had belonged to
M wissikongo patrilineal descent categories as \'li' eH as to the
local kanda. The Capucns also urged the governors to suppress
the local religious institutions and force the subject chiefs to
reject their concubines. Such activities inevitably provoked a
reaction against both the Christian religion and the
Mwissikongo admnstration. ln 1648 the mani Mbata ordered
his governors to obey the royal orders and aid the Capucins.
Hmvcver he refused to do more. He believed that enforcement
wou!d produce disorder.
185
ln \Vandu 'many' people warned
the governar that the Capucins, in attempting to break the old
customs, threatened the security ofthe state.
186
The governors
of the l\e1 banza Kongo revi vai acceded to the Capucins' request
to force change. The results were invariabiy disastrous. The
mani A1pemba ordered his subordinate governors to marry under
threat of deprivation. This led to complaints that the Capucins
sought to disturb the ancient customs and use their rites to
divide and thereby subject the country. Soon after, there vvas a
rebellion.
187
ln Nsevo, Nsundi, the go,,ernor ordered his
governors to marry. The Capucin concerned 'con-
local baptized and married him. He then
stone on v.,hich the
the mountainside.
In 1652 a
PORTUGUESE RE.STOR:\TION DESTRUGTION l&HHti65 !95
Except in the case ofNsevo, there is no direct evidence that the
religious confrontation caused these politicai difficulties. Other
factors were undermining the integrity ofthe kingdom and the
provinces. Nevertheless the religious confrontation certainly
exacerbated the problem, providing a symbol for both
l\lhvissikongo repression and local rebellion.
The Capucins exacerbated the situation, especially during
their provincial tours. ln 1648 Garcia is said to have given the
Capucins a secret licence to bum the houses of the nkisi and of
the indigenous nganga.
190
The Capucins burnt the nkisi
ruthlessly. The indigenous nganga and their supporters always
outnumbered the Capucins, for in this period the Capucins
were only accompanied by an interpreter and, !ater, by a few
youths of the schooL However, faced with the wrath of these
royal nganga and potential practitioners of kindoki, they invari-
ably fled.
191
The Capucins' activities nevertheless provoked
profound reactions. An nkadi mpemba type nganga offered ali his
wealth in exchange for his instruments. Men and women wept
at the f.:1.te of their 'idols', snatched their buming embers from
the flames or carefully gathered the ashes.
192
Sometimes their
own sense of outrage led them to attack the Capucins or their
helpers. The worst incident occurred in Mbata, in 1652, when
the Capucin Georges de Geei intervened in some rites and
attempted to smash and bum the nkisi. The people beat him
anda few days Iater, he died.
193
Garcia issued a prodamation-
perhaps as much for European consumption as Kongo. He
stated that he had sentenced the culprits to slavery and that he
would punish any governor or principal person vvho failed to aid
the Capucins. No one should impede the destruction of the i dois
and the persecution ofthe 'false priests and deceivers'- H e senta
copy of the proclamation to each of the missionaries.
194
ln
about ] 652 the Capucins embarrassed Garcia by seizing a
They trusted a rviwissikongo to take him to :rvfbanza
Kongb 'so that the king could see what he had in the kingdom' _
M:v;,;issikongo, undoubtediy wishing to avoid the
unpn:;asanl: task of embarrassing the king, Iet him escape.
195
series of disasters reinforced the zeal ofboth the Christian
A sense of social
i96 THE KINGDOI\,1 Of KONGO
Kongo had been populous. 'Kongo is no longer Kongo', they
said.
196
ln the 1640s many people died in the Portuguese wars;
others died in the repeated wars with Sonyo. ln 1649 the
Portuguese ravaged many of the southern Ndembu states and
in 165 7 they occupied Mbumbe. ln 1648 and 1650
197
Nzinga
invaded Wandu and took many people as slaves. ln about 1651
an unknown pagan neighbour invaded Nkusu.
198
Throughout
the l650s people from the north bank of the Zaire sporadically
invaded Nsundi.
199
Natural disasters compounded the human
ones. Locusts devastated most of Kongo in 1642, 1643, 1648,
and 1651. They struck south-western Kongo in 1653 and 1654
and many provinces in 1658, 1662, and 1664.
200
ln 1655 there
was plague. I t dragged on through 1656 and 165 7. According to
one Capucin commentator it halved the population. ln 1659 it
returned with renewed force. ln 1662 another illness, not
plague, ravaged Mbanza Mpangu.
201
ln Kongo terms, the
cumulative disasters could indicate severa! things. They could
mean the people were out of harmony with the mbumba
dimension of the other world. ln this case the people needed to
follow the laws of the kitome more dosely orbe initiated into the
kimpassi sect. I t could mean that the ancestors of the kanda were
angry, in which case the corpses had to be reburied according to
the rites of atombola. It could mean that the Christian priests,
were practising kindoki- witchcraft- ra ther then protecting the
people against it. Meanwhile the Capucins and the Christian
governors attributed the disasters to God's anger at the
superstitious practices or to the kindoki o[ the indigenous
groups.
I n the la ter l650s and early l660s kimpassi and alombola
proliferated. The kimpassi sect achieved great power. The
Capucins knew kimpassi in 1649.
202
However, it was not until the
later 1650s that they noted numerous endosures throughout
the nuclear kingdom. One Capucin described as 'an
extremely secret and redoubtable society; more redoubtable
even than the Ministers of the Holy Inquisition are amongst us
chief, however great, has power over t:hem. They are
convinced that if they mark ther opposition to them thev w:ill
die from their magicai influences.' Another, also
la ter period, noted that it was 'inc:redible the fear thal:
this secl:, even the authorities ofthe cities in whose jurisdiction it
PORTUGUESE RESTORATON AND DESTRUGTION l641:Hl65
exists'.
203
IV1eanwhile atombola flourished especially in Sonyo
and Nsundi.
204
The indigenous religious reviva! consciously opposed the
Christian cult and the Mwissikongo overlordship. One
Capucin, who secretly attended a kimpassi assembly, witnessed
'many blasphemies' and 'saw some apostles deny the faith, the
sacraments, redemption and paradise with many oaths of
loyalty to the idols and promises to bring as many Christians as
possible to apostas7r'. The atombola movement appears to hav
been primarily concerned to 'resurrect' the corpses from
Christian churches, and rebury them, probably in the
traditional woods belonging to the kanda. ln 1663 nganga burnt
churches throughout Sonyo, Mbamba, Mpemba, Mbata, Mbanza
Kongo, Bengo, and other places. They placed nkisi beneath the
threshold of the mani SOl!J'O's notably Christian wife in order, it
was said, to kill her.
205
ln the early 1660s hvo Mwissikongo Christian governors took
drastic action against the resurgent indigenous religious
institutions. The first >vas Paulo da Silva mani Sol!}'O. He set
guards upon the churches to prevent the remova! of corpses for
atombola reburial. He sentenced at least two nganga to death for
burning churches, and he punished others severely.
206
Under
the influences of a Capucin priest, Garcia mani ii1bata ordered
the seizure of nkisi throughout the province, burning them in
huge bonfires outside the church. He established severe
penaities for those who resorted to 'magic' and 'dishonest
dances'. He ordered the head ofhis household,Joo, who was a
'very good Christian and full of zeal for the honour of God' to
help the vsiting Capucin discover kimpassi enclosures. They
found six near Mbanza La ter, Garcia and the Capucin
chose two of the principal nobles ofMbata as 'defenders of the
faith'. These burnt innumerable rzkisi and forty-seven kimjJassi
endosures. The Capucn burnt thirteen and the kimpassi
initiates, 'terrified by the extreme rigour employed' bumt many
others. This activity brought many former kimpassi initiates to
t:he Christian faith. Soon after, Garcia 'Was killed in a
to
mmiements.
207
it
193
THE KINGDOM OFKONGO
kimj1assi sect.
208
Antnio added to the customary titles of the
main Kongo that of 'Iord of the matambulas who interpret the
words of the dead people who are restored to life' .
209
It is
probable that the kings were initiated into these movements,
becoming nganga nkita .and nganga atombo/a respectively, and
incidentally raising the latter to the status of a public cult.
Thus, where mani Kongo from the early sixteenth century
onwards had used Christianity and the kitome priestly chiefs as
their twin sources oflegitimation, the last two kings of a united
Kongo were forced to seek supplementary legitimation from
cults which had been antagonistic to the hierarchical model of
society represented by both the Christian Mwissikongo and the
kitome chiefs. For a while they succeeded, and it seems likely that
the extraordinarily large force which met the Portuguese at
Mbwila and which included even the mani Sonyo, reflected the
strength ofthese popular movements, harnessed briefly, to the
mani Kongo's cause. It was in Antnio's Manifesto of\Var that
the new title, 'Iord ofthe matambrdas' appeared.
210
The battle of Mbwila of 1665, in which most of the eminent
M wissikongo were killed, occurred only a few years after the
accession of Antnio I and before h e could establish a successor.
His death in these circumstances at last unleashed the forces of
disintegration. However, the association bet\\feen the Kongo
kingship and the cults, which had characterized Antnio's and
the later years of Garcia's reign and which had probably
contributed to the unity which preceded Mbwila, was to bear
important fruit in the period of the civil wars which follovved
that defeat.
CHAPTER8
The Later Seventeenth to the Early
Twentieth Century
I. The !ater seventeenth to lhe ear/;1 eighteent/z century
The Luanda invasion and the defeat of 1665 did not in itself
destroy the Kongo kingdom. The mani Wandu acknowledged
Portuguese suzerainty, but the Luanda authorities finally
discovered that the mines only contained poor quality copper.
Luanda did not occupy the region and did not attempt to
exploit the mines until the nineteenth century.
1
The battle ofMbwila was important because it unleashed the
forces of disintegration which Garcia and Antnio had, with
difficulty, kept in check. ln the centre, a succession dispute
raged. On the one hand, tl1e contenders were rival members of
the Nlpanzu Afonso, who had formely reckoned descent in the
male Iines and had provided most of the kings of the late
si.xteenth and early seventeenth century; on the they were
members of tl1e Nlaza kanda which had provided Alvaro VI and
Garcia II. Antnio I had been mwanaNlaza, Child ofNlaza, and
a member of neither of these groups. Garcia II had hoped to
establish the succession in his male lines, thereby creating a
nev,r daimant category, but Antnio had not had time to
establish a position for his son. The Mpanzu and Nlaza groups
coqlpeted within and ben-veen ech other, and throughout the
la ter seventeenth century the central regiqi1 was riven by wars.
2
Kongo was, for a while,
abandoned. The capital had been losing its economic and hence
politicai dominance throughout the first half of the
seventeenth century. The Portuguese restoration of 1648 had
ended the supply of nzimbu shell money and rendered the mani
incapable of exercising his original function of
redistribui:ng pwducts of the 1:\VO nrtmrcnot
trade through
had develooed
20H THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
routc which bypassed Kongo territory and supplied Dutch
tradcrs. The southem states of the Ndembu, together with
Wandu and other states on the edge of the plateau, had been
brought into the orbit of the Luanda traders. ln 171 O a Capucin
missionary induded Mbv.rela, Mbwila, the Dande, and Nzinga
in 'Angola'.
3
ln the decades which followed the battle of
Mbwila, the contenders for the throne abandoned Mbanza
Kongo a11d established rival capitais 011 the perimeter of the
central province of Mpemba. These capitais may have te11ded
to he established 011 desce11t group la11ds where resourccs could
more easily be mobilized, or on defensible mountains.
4
The
capital at Lemba (Bula) on the River Zaire, however, which
proved the most powerful, controlled an important Vili trader
crossing and in 1693 200 Vili resided there.
5
ln 1709 one ofthe
com peting kings reoccupied Mbanza Kongo but the city never
recovered its economic viability.
As the conflict deepened, the Mwissikongo of the centre
increasingly used a cognatic mode of dcscent-reckoning to
establish a daim to the throne or to algn themselves to the
major contenders. The success of lvaro VI, Garcia II and the
Nlaza kanda in the extra-kanda policies of the mid-seventeenth
century had already confused the earlier broad distinction
between patrilineal categories which controlled access to
poli ti cal office, and matrilineal kanda which controlled access to
land. Antnio I's succession reinforced this, since he had to
narne his father and then the female lines ofthe Nlaza kanda to
establish his dairn to the throne. The succession wars of the
late r seventeenth century led to a further shift n the emphasis of
thc Nlaza kanda ideology, and possibly that of other central
kanda too, towards the exploitation of agricultura} and military
lahour to extra-kanda politicai ends. Concornitantly, the
Mpanzu Afonso, hitherto a patrilineai cat:egory, established
corporate rights in land in severa! parts of central Kongo and
perhaps else\'\'here and used former as bases from which to
compete for the throne.
6

the unstable conditions of

the time encouraged people to use the 'individual' mode of
reckoning to establish rdationships with powerful con-
tenders and to use t:hem to reside, aUach or detach themsdvcs
expediently. ln the Iater seventeenth century the Mwissikongo
of centre chose the line, whether straight o:r which
THE LA TER SEVEN1EENTH TO EARL Y TWENTIETH CENTURY 201
suted them best at any particular time. Normally this was the
line which provided them with a Mpanzu or Nlaza descent
narne. Thus Pedro Constantino da Silva was a Silva through his
father, but he could have claimed the throne through his
Mpanzu rnother despite the fact that in the rnid-seventeenth
century the had been a patrilineal categorical segment
reckoning descent through the rnale l1e.
7
Pedro IV gathered
adherents frorn both camps sincc he was Nlaza through his
father and Mpanzu through his mother. He clairned the throne
as an Nlaza
8
despitc the fact that in the rnid-seventeenth
century the Nlaza had been a matrilineal kanda. This
developrnent was reflected in a forrn of naming, which included
both the father's and the rnother's patrilineal names.
9
As a
result of these developments the terms Mpanzu and Nlaza
ceased to refer to a patrilineal category and matrilineal group
respectively and carne to refer instead to unstable cognatically
derived groups supporting one of the severa! contenders for the
throne. V\lith the development of a cognatic mode of descent
reckoning, the term Mwissikongo carne, in the central and
perhaps in other regions, to indu de any person who could dairn
dcscent, whether straight or mixed, from patrilineages or
rnatrilineages associated with Mbanza Kongo and who could
support their daim vvith status symbols such as slaves and the
insgnia ofChristian nobility.
The economic and politicai strength of the contending
warlords was based, first, on personal slaves; second, on thc
precarious loyalties of Mwissikongo slave-holders seeking
personal advancement; third, on individuais and groups
seeking protection through dient status, and, fourth, on traders,
especially Vili, who purchased the slavcs the wars produced.
10
precluded the developrnent
administrative systems bevond the immediate vicinity of thc
nibanza, towns, and the carne to depend for their
subsistence on slave production and to a lesser extent upon
raiding, rather than 11pon tribute provided by the peasant
pr()ducers of the countrysige.
11
Sonyo a different development occurred.
J:h.ere,.the fo:rmer c,gtegmy an intensified
Dutch and English-Vili itself as a. patri1inea1
monopoiized politicai office and trade based
202 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
wealth. ln the la ter seventeenth century the Silva developed, in
addition to the dear identity, dosed membership and
presumed perpetuity of the categories, a dear body of common
concerns- the government of the newly independent state- and
set procedures to deal with them. They thus constituted a
corporate group which monopolized ali the major offices of
state.
12
Th_<": mani Sonyo, who controlled the sole port ofMpinda,
bencfited most from the trade and used his vvealthto control an
administration which extended to ktmda and kanda segments
and which e.xpropriated agricultura} surplus from peasants
throughout thestateas well as salt from the coastal producers.
13
ln 1669 the mani Sonyo imposed his own candidate as maniKongo
in l'v!banza Kongo and in 1670 he defeated an invading Portu-
guese army. ln 1711 he had fifty field pieces acquired from the
Dutch.
14
Disputes ravaged the other provinces of the former Kongo
kingdom. ln Nsundi a Mpanzu group ofMwissikongo retained
power for a while over a diminished province.
15
ln Mbamba
various groups competed for power and sometimes involved
themselves in the politics of the kingship.
16
As Mbamba
fractured, Sonyo sezed the northern part ofits coas tal terrtory
which contained important salt workings.
17
ln Mbata power
reverted to the local ruling kanda Nsaku Lau, but was disputed
between various groups which usually daimed ?Vfv.rissikongo
descent and which vvere sometimes the protgs of competing
18
Many of Mbata's subject pmvinces had already
acquired independence as the trade which had linked them
through Kongo de Mbata and Mbanza Kongd
9
dedined. ln
power had already reverted to local kanda although
was disputed between various
groups.
20
The unitary kingdom fragmented.
groups of the im.:rt:<:e>mg1
Christian cult to legitimate
1nuously served Capucins;
diocesan priests usuaHy resided in central Kongo; and
1mcins also maintained severa! convents in central Kongo
they visited intermittently. From the centre these priests
occasionally visited the other former provinces, especiaUy
which "\.ras on the Luanda route, and Nsundi.
21
These
to leritimize rulin!F lite.
THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY 203
Christian priests had only begun to invest the kings in 1622,
22
contenders for both the mani Kongo and the mani Sonyo titles
believed that, to be fully invested, they needed to be crowned by
a Christian priest as well as by the local kitome. ln 1696 Pedro
IV of Kibangu, in an effort to further his daims, occupied
Mbanza Kongo for one night. He took the vicar-general by
force to install him on the throne.Z
3
The Mwissikongo
maintaned the cult despite a frequent and often normal
absence of priests. The rival kings, in particular, assiduously
attended church, observed the vigils and feasts of the Christian
calendar, wore ali kinds of protective Christian nkisi, learnt the
Christian prayers. The old widowed queen, Anna of Nkondo
'by particular privilege' wore the habit ofthe Capucins.
24
Some
?v'hvissikongo continued to learn to read and write.
25
Mbula
(Lemba), the most powerful ofthe rival kingdoms, retained the
cult despi te a normal absence of priests. A Capucin who arrived
in the late l680s noted that people going on journeys and
women going to vvork in the fields said three parts of the Rosal)'
at day break. Three hours la ter the 'better sort of people' did the
sarne, adding the saints' litany. At night they said the other
parts. That year they kept Lent fifteen days before Europe
because they regulated it according to the moon. They kept the
norml forty days.
26
The l\1wissikongo authorities throughout
kingdom insisted that the priests, when they did visit, focus
the rites upon themselves, often conflicting with the more
zealous of the Capucins in consequence.
27
ln Sonyo, >.rhere there was a strong trade-based administration
and an almost continuous Capucin missionary presence, the
mani encouraged the development of a pmverful Capucin
organization which affirmed his legitimacy in terms of 1zkadi
and the graves. Like other diocesan and missionary
structures this organization developed the cult of the mani So'!J'o
were located in one of the Sonyo
focused the rituais upon the living mani So'!J'o, and
people against witchcraft. The Capucins
appointed ten 'masters of the church' >vho acted as interpreters,
aided tbe confession, and chanted the mass. They >vere ahvays
. --
sons
204 THE KtNGDOM OF KONGO
oblige them togo to war, or use them in his govemment. They
thus paralleled the former cathedral chapter and the proposed
Chapei ofStjames at Mbanza Kongo. There were J:v.ro confrater-
nities28 which provided the Sonyo lite with a spiritual
legitimacy based on the graves of their dead predecessors
located in other churches. In the 1680s the Capucins extended
their organization into the districts. They placed a young man
'traned by us and capable of the role' in aH the villages. They
gave them the title master, and paid a certain amount each
month. The mani So'!yo obliged the people to supplement this
alms.
29
Through these Christian masters the mani
affinned his nkadi mpemba based protective functions and hence
spirituallegitimacy, with respect to aH the people.
Despi te the continued use of Christianity as a legitimating
device throughout the region of the former kingdom, however,
the political-religious conftcts that had characterized the later
period ofthe united kingdom continued. These induded the rift
between the twn pillars of M wisskongo rule, the nkadi mpemba
and grave based Christian priests and the mbumba based kitome;
the continued Capucin attacks upon indigenous religious
practitioners of all types;
30
their reluctance to centre the rites
upon the Mwissikongo authorities; and the continued potential
of the mbumba based cults to focus opposition to Mwissikongo
rule. These problems were exacerbated :in Sonyo by the domi-
nance of the Capucins, ,,vho lNere normally far stricter than the
dioccsan priests, and in the central region by the continuai
and disruption. In the later seventeenth and early
were made to resolve these
power to change
"'''5''-'u"' structures and to drav,,
dements of ali three dimensions of other wordly power unde:r
control. Thus in 1v1banza Sonyo he continued to
propagate the nf.adi and grave-based Christian cult
administe:red by the Capuc:ins and appointed an oficial to force
to go to
31
At the sarne time, he began
to assume some the of the kitome. In
particular, he began to perfmm rites to the fertility snake
the smvingsY These rites est:ablished the memi as the
hPhMPPT> this
THELATERSEVENTEENTHTO EARLYTWENTIETHCENTURY 205
mani Son)'O reintroduced two oaths which had been abandoned
in the mid-seventeenth century and combined them into one.
The accused drank the water in which the mani So'!'}lo had
washed a foot anda bow, and to whicha powder, no doubt the
poison nkasa, had been added.
33
This oath, which expressed the
religious authorit:y ascribed to the mani So'!'}lo, was a
characteristic oath of the kitome.
34
The mani So'!'}IO insisted on his
superior religious status with respect to the kitome of Mbanza
Sonyo, the mani pangala, forcing him to go to him each day to
receive his blessing. H e invested the mani jJangala with an mpu, a
bonnet, the insgnia of authority of governors.
Nor could the mani pangala have intercourse with his wife- a
most fundamental expression of fertility- until the mani So'!'}IO
had invested him.
35
Thus the mani Smryo established his
dominant position with respect to the dimension of mbumba and
the water and earth spirits whilsr continuing to dominate the
Christian nganga o[ the nkadi mpemba dimension and the graves.
By the mid-eighteenth century the mani Son)'O had effected a
similar mpprodzment of thought and control at village levei.
There, the position of the masters was strengthened. The
Capucins gave them calendars so that they could wam the
people of the vigils and feasts. They e-xpected them to teach the
doctrine to the people and reading and writing to the children,
providing them with paper and expecting them to provide

36
The masters no doubt provided protective nkisi; prepared
people for the visits of the priests who would administer the
protective ri te of baptism; and, cutting across descent groups,
'guarded' the graves located in and around the churches.
1\tfeanwhile, the malli Sol!)'O governors began to receive alms
the viUagers brought to the churches every Saturday, the
assoc:iated with the Madonna and the dead. vVhere there
was no church, the villagers placed them at the foot of the cross.
offered tl1e alms to the mamanzamhi, 'mother of nzambi
mfm1gu'. At the time ofthe sowings, they took vegetables, millet,
other things to the church. They then took back a portion
and mixed it "\:Vith their othe:r seed. They believed that the
confered her virtue on the seeds and they would
nrPri<:Piv the
mam it may be
206 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
supposed that the mas ter of the church received a portion of the
profits.
38
I t is possible that the success of the Sonyo administraton a
supplanting the kitome as established mediators of the mbumba
dimension in Mbanza Kongo and the villages resulted from
their adoption ofthe mbumba cult lemba. This cult was then n the
process of adoption and adaption by the politicai and commer-
cal lite north of the Za'ire where it facilitated trade and
reduccd tensions within the kanda. There is some e"\r:idence
39
that lemba was adopted in the early to mid-eighteenth century
by the most powerful section of the Sonyo lite which had, since
the mid-seventeenth century, formed part of the sarne trading
system. For them, as for the northern groups, it would have
facilitated politicai and trade relations. It would also have
served the particularly crucial function of defining the
boundaries of the lite which, in accordance with the earler
practice of confering lite status upon all children of the
Mwissikongo, must now in theory have embraced a substantial
proportion of the slave and free population. A lemba marriage
with a politicai or trading ally or, as often seems to have
occurred in Sonyo, with a dose relative, would have provided a
means of restricting access to the ruling group by conferring
lite status and claims to office to sons oflemba marriages. Lemba
would also have pro...r:ided a means of redistributing some of the
trade vvealth to the non-lite, thereby dissipating potential
conftict. If lemba vvas adopted by the most powerful section of
the former Mwissikongo group, it would have enabled title-
holders to claim the purity of the mbumba dimension and
have rendered easier their assumption of the role
governors
masters, the mani
of
development of mbumba based
and grave-based priests and
developed a fixed shrine cult at the port
united elements of the nkadi mpemba and
lt was dose to Sonyo and under
ln the mid-seventeenth century, the
contained a si:atue of the Virgin and had a great
cross outsicte. The people said that the stat:ue had come from the
40
dearly associating it
ln the la ter seventeenth
THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY 207
priests considered that the church was guarded in a 'vulgar and
non-Christian fashion'. The mani Smryo refused to let a newly
arrived Franciscan mission use the church, saying that 'the
Virgin did not need to be guarded by the Fathers'. There was
always a crowd of people there, the statue performing the
normal protective functions of an nkisi - fetish - of the nkadi
mpemba and sky spirit type. The people of Mbanza Sonyo and
the surrounding districts made numerous processions to it in
times ofcalamity. ln times ofwar thewomen went to it to plead
for their men and to make offerings. \Vhilst the cult was originally
orientated towards the nkadi mpemba dimension, it gradually
orientated itself towards the mbumba dimension too. Thus, even
in the late seventeenth century, people processed from Mbanza
Sonyo to the church to plead for rain. ln the mid-eighteenth
century the statue attracted rnany 'pagans' from north ofZaire
who brought their sick, offered alms, and implored the Virgin to
heal them. The Virgin was dressed in a mantle and the alms
included vestment of silk which were changed, according to the
seasons of the year.
41
This changing orientation >vas facilita teci
by the fact that the Madonna's "\r:irginity associated herwith the
kivela, the virgin who was invested by the kitome with the pmver
of the mbwnba dimension and guarded the chiefs arms.
42
The
Europeans and hence the Kongo considered her intercession of
central importance to the family and hence to the problems of
fertiiity and life, and it seems likely that the cult at Mpinda was
related in some '""ay to the village levei cult at which alms were
offered through the governors to the 'mother ofGod'.
then, the mani So'!Yo had used
weaithi!.nd po>''er toresolve.at last some ofthe
and politicai problems that had vexed the la ter kings qf
t}leunif:ecrKongo. ln effect, he and his administration had
supplanted the kitome in Mbanza Sonyo and the villages in their
function of mediating the fertility and health of the mbumba
dimension. Their administration meshed with and controlled a
Capucin based organization which serviced a grave cult cutting
across descent groups and which provided nkisi and rituais to
protect the people against witchcraft. The marzi Son;yo also
n:rrmirli>rl a central shrine to
and
208 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
evidence that this transfonnation was achieved through the
adoplion by the most powerful group of the mbumba based cult
lemba which also served to define the new lite.
A. different development occurred in central Kongo, where
the established politicai anc1 religious authorities were weak.
The Mwissikongo were divided and the Capucins and the
diocesan authorities lacked manpower. The growth of war-
lords, large slave populations, and cognatic descent systems
had disrupted the established structures ofthe former kingdom,
the kitome domains and the kanda. New politicai and social
structures had emerged, based upon the highly capricious
allegiance of individual to individual. Mwissikongo and non-
M wissikongo, lacking the support of established religious and
politicai authorities, sought security in the cults of the mbumba
dimension. These had strengthened in the l660s
43
and the
process continued into the later seventeenth century. It was
from these tensions that the Antonine movement of the first
years of the eighteenth century emerged.
44
The Antonine movemegtdrew support from ali sections of
Kongo society, for it preached secular arder through the
restoration of the kingdom; purification through the obedience
oLpeople . and kings to the mbumba dimension; and the
era di c a tion of wi tchcraft through the. burning of Christian and
other nk and the rejection of witches such as the Capucins.
The movement was rooted in the tradition of the cults of the
mbumba dimension. Thus, before St Antony possessed Dona
Beatrice, the founder of the movement, other women had found
mn,un:wa type stones in the river Mbrije, indica ting that a spirit
this dimension was anxious to serve man, and St Antony appeared
in the heads of several men and women before he entered Dona
Beatrice and was vvekomed by the peopie, recalling the tradition
snake which threw itself into the a.ir to descend
and rest in one lake after another. Later, St Antony dressed three
stones in her chapd saying they were St IsabeUe, St U rsuUa and
St Anne. St Antony was said to have entered Dona Beatrice as
death. This appears to have been the
in which the initiates 'died' and 'resurrected' as
spirits of the other world. Dona Beatrice, as St
also demonstrated the life giving properties associated wth the
other mirades she
THE L'\ TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY T\VEi'HIETH CENTURY 209
women fertile and she brought dead trees and branches to Iife.
45
Although deeply rooted in the mbumba dimension of Kongo
thought, the Antonine movement also appealed to the Christian
cult of the named dead which had been developed as a means of
uniting the Mwissikongo as a corporate group apart from the
kanda descent groups and which might now serve to uni te all the
people. Thus, the Antonines appealed to Jesus, Mary and St
Francis. It is possible that the choice of St Antony as the
possessing spirit reftected the influence ofthe mid-seventeenth
century confraternity of St Antony in Mbanza Kongo, which
had been the only confraternity which operated independently
of all the Christian priestly groups but which, like the others,
had been especially concerned to promote the cult of its dead
members. After her possession by St Antony, Dona Beatrice
developed the practice of dying every Friday, passing to the sky
(heaven) to plead the Kongo cause, and rising on Saturday, the
day of prayer and rest which had formerly been associated with
mbumba dimension and more recently with the named dead.
The cult also combined sufficient elements of the nkadi mpemba
and sky spirit dimension and of the Christian cult in particular
to be accepted by many Mwissikongo as 'true' Christianity. St
Antony was said to have come from the sky (heaven). Dona
Beatrice fought kindoki, witchcraft and sorcery, and bumt its
nstruments, including the cross, and the priests of the
movement baptized to protect against witchcraft.
46
The Antonine movement was rooted in the tradition of the
cults, which were corporations aggregate, but in the vacuum of
and religious authority it quickly developed the
struci:ures characteristic of the kitome and the
!Vfwissikongo administration which were corporations sole.
Dona Beatrice herselfhad at first emphasized the importance of
direct experience in contrast to the litist approach of the
Capucins, and kings.
47
However, she soon began to
invest 'little Antonines' with crowns made from the bark ofthe
nursmUie tree, as the kings and other Mwissikongo chiefs invested
subordinates with the mpu, bonnet. A hierarchy, somewhat
to bishops, priests, and lay believers, emerged.
48
The
210
THE KINGDOt.i Of KONGO
resurrection. As a result 'the most distant groups' sent alms and
rendered homage.
49
Dona Beatrice occupied the royal city and
her followers began to kiss her feet and treat her in other ways
reminiscent of the kitome. Finally, she ordered all the pretenders
to assemble before the church in Mbanza Kongo where, she
said a crown would fall on the head of the one chosen by God to
be king.50 She thus sought to establish herself in a similar but
more dominant position to that of thc kitome mani Vunda
purifying thc country by subjccting thc kingship to the powcr of
the mbumba dimcnsion. Thc Antonine movemcnt f.iled to
reuni te thc country although it did end the period of the civil
wars. lt_[::tilure was partly duc to misfortune, partly dueto the
opposition oftliEilvaTlords and thc Capucins, whose politicai
apd Cl,l)thority itchallenged; but ultimately it was due
to thc fact that thc old mechanism for cstablishing order and the
exchangc of goods through the region, the strong corporation
sole represented by the Mbanza Kongo kingship, was n6longer
viable in the changed circumstances ofthe trade. Nevertheless,
in l 71 O, as a direct consequcnce of the Antoninc movement, one
of the rival kings, supported by the Capucins, the diocesan
pricsts and Luanda, did reoccupy Mbanza Kongo, with the
taci t support ofall the provincial groups, and in doing so ended
the period of the civil wars. He and his successors recognized
the autonomy of the former provinces and sub-provinces, and
this formed the basis upon which new mechanisms of order and
trade were to emerge in the mid and later eighteenth century.
2. The mid- and
eiglzt.eenlh
mid- and later eighteenth century
51
Sonyo and Luanda
monopoly oftr.e on the.Kongo coast. British and
ships developed . ports at Ambriz, Zembo, and
Cabinda, n:r!h of the Zaire, . grew in
diverted much of the Sonvo trade. The
eh os e one of the ports, set up-operations in
temporary factories on shore, and sent smaH occasional
to the smaller ports. Slave for the,'iholer.egion
the eig:hteenth and especially pehveen
number of <LV<"'"'':U
the increased
THE LA TER SEVEN"TEEN"TH TO E/\.RL Y TWENTlETH CENTURY 21!
trading groups. This process had begun in .the mid-seventeenth
century when, in the course of the Dutch occupation, most of
the Portuguese trading colonies in Kongo had been destroyed.
After the restoration the Landa Portuguese, lacking Kongo
expertise, tended to concentrate upon the new trading routes to
the south. After the Battle of Mbwila, the Kongo authorities
themselves generally forbade the entry of non-clerical white
men
53
, and the latter were further deterred by the continuai
succession disputes. Tr,9-ding opportunities on the coast, anel
the absence ofEuropean co1nptition, encouraged the growth of
tr(lding groups. principal of these was the
Zombo whose lands formed part of the old province of Mbata.
They lived on the western edge of the plateau and were well
placed to trade with the middlemen states of the Kwango- the
Tio state of Makoko and the Lunda based state of Yaka. The
latter traded with the Pende and through them with the far
interir. In the I760s the Zombo sold Tio slaves at the coastal
ports. In 1762 when the Hungu fled Luanda encroachment in
the Kwango valley and invaded territory controlled by the
Portuguese fort at Nkoje, the Zombo moved in on the trade of
that arca too. The Vili of Loango continued to trade through
Kongo, establishing colonies as far south as Matamba as \vell as
in the old markets of the Tio. In eighteenth century
declining trade at Sonyo encouraged the l\tlussurongo - the
people of Sonyo - to enter the long distance trade. They
established trading colonies at Ieast as far south as the Ndembu
region, selling slaves in Luanda and the Kongo and northern
ports.
Slaves also passeei through regional trade nehvorks. Thus, in
the Iate eighteenth century, Mbamba sold slaves at Ambriz in
exchange for guns, pots, powder, and doth, and at Luanda for
sheHs. Mbwila sold slaves at Mussul, v,rhich controlled
Ambriz, and at Luanda, and traded inland with Mbanza Kongo
and with Kibangu, a to-..v-n founded during the late seventeenth
century kingship struggle. Kibangu traded with Mussul and
Luanda as well as with l\lbwila, Mbanza Kongo, and other places
on the River Zaire. They sold the best slaves at Mussul in
.. and
2l2 THE KINGDrvt OF KONGO
and ;,vith the Vili who sold the slaves at Sonyo and Cabinda in
exchange for cloth, pots, hoes, copper for nkisi-feti.shes, powder,
and iron.
The increase in the. number of entrepts and trade routes
caused the formerly powerful coastal states to fragment whilst
the growth of Kongo.trading gr:oups helped to maintain the
integri ty of the central states and the more powerfulstates of the
Nkisi valley and south. coast, the groups which
controlled the new entrepts asserted their independence:
Mussetto _fr()m Sonyo; Zembo,nombala, and Mussul, which
controlled Ambriz, from Mbamba. Some, but not all,ofthese
small coastal states became 'broker states' on the model of the
northcrn coastal states such as Cabinda. The mafouk, chief
broker, assumed great power, and interpreters monopolized
brokerage services and organized lines of credit and clientage in
the interior. wlJ.iclJ. was dose to an important Vili
crossing on the Zaire, brokeaway from Sonyo, and Mbamba
dividcd into several parts, including Mbamba Lovotto,
Mbamba Kong and Kongo Mbamba (Insonia de Luxenga).
I n _the centrlregion around .Mbamba Kongo there was rela tive
Mbula (Lemba) Iost the districts of Sumpa and
Matari, but Kibangu and Nkondo, founded in the late
seventeenth century, vVembo, Lukungu (Ololo) and the rump
province of Mpemba remained intact. '[l1e eastern and
mountain provinces were relatively strong. 1\fpangu was
incorporated in a larger province called :rvfanga; Mbata and
Nsundi were said to be still powerful; Zombo, the trading
became independent of Mbata and 'Nas ruled by four
To the south, Wandu and Mbwila controlled a
considerable volume oftrade, as did Kina, which had broken
Inded,
THE LA TER SEVENTEEl'iH TO
Cabinda
Approxima!e boundaries of the corporation aggregate
Approximate boundaries of the corporation sole
O 100 200 300 km
MAP ll
CENTURY 213
rump Sonyo, and in the late eighteenth century gained contrai
MussuL In the l760s the Romano Leite ruied Mbamba
Kongo, 1V1bamba Lovatta, and Mpemba; the Castello Bianco
ruied the Brandone ruled Nsundi; the Vasconcellos e
55
2l+
THE KING DOM Of KONGO
and local kanda which had been developed in the early to
mid-seventeenth century.
Despite their patrilineal categorical derivation, it seems that
many of theseruling groups had consolidated their position by
adopting the kanda itieology ofdesc,nt and rights in land.
Nkondo, \-vhich had been founded in the late seventeenth cen-
tury by the female chief of the Nlaza kanda, had continued to
reckon chiefly descent matrilineally, the chiefship itself always
passing to a woman. This may also have been true ofVVandu; a
female chief ruling there in the late seventeenth and mid-
eighteenth century. ln addition, there is some evidence that
amongst the ruling groups generally, goods were, by the late
eighteenth century, normally owned by the minimal lineage,
the nephews inheriting from their maternal undes and paying
tribute to them.
56
This suggests that the ruling groups were
using the kanda ideology to secure their rights to land, to daim
the support of their nephews and wider matrilineal kin, to
integrate the group within the more localized communty, and
possibly to daim agricultura! tribute on the basis of dassi-
ficatory Father to Child or, where incorportion v.ras more
advanced, as the senor lineage of a 'greater' kanda.
Thc chiefly groups ruled over complex structures. I t is
probable that in many chiefdoms there were, in addition to the
ruling group, one or t\vo other groups derived from the fonner
patrlineal categories with -..vhich. the ruling group nonnally
married. ln Sonyo, for example, the ruling Silva had, since the
late scventeenth century, nonnaHy married -.... rith the Castro and
Barretto. The members of these groups v.rould, with the
members of the ruling groups, all daim Mpanzu or Nlaza
desccnt; that is to say, they were all infante, members of the royal
. It is possible that the
too.
57
There we:re
and slave groups,
rel.ated to the The chiefs invested the chiefs of major
or groupings \.'llith Lusitized titles, his or her ability to
chief, rather than to accept a local dection,
in time and place. He or she, or a subordinate title-
' appointed o:r
coincided
not always,
THE LATERSEVENTEENTHTO EARLYTWENTIETH CENTURY 2!5
have been members of the local kanda. Neither the mbanza-
towns of the chiefs or of their subordinate title-holders was
large. A Iate-eighteenth-century observer estimated that they
consisted of about 200 houses surrounded by bush for pro-
tection. He estimated the dependent libata at about fifty
houses.
58
The chiefs' power continued to be based upon the wealth
they accrued from the slave trade; that is to say, upon their
ability to control and t<Lx the caravans or the markets, to
R!l:or:ticipatein trading ventures, or, in the coastal chiefdoms, to
form alliances with foreign and internal trad.ers. Their ability to
exact substantial agricultura} and other local produce as tribute
also depended essentially upon securing European goods to redis-
tribute in exchang:e, although some tribute could certainly be
expected fiom subordinates anxious to secure and retain legiti-
mation through investiture.
59
The chiefs' intei:est in tradeencouraged the ending ofthe civil
wars and led to the development of what was, in effect, a trading
cgrporation covering the region of the former unitary Kongo
TJ:le corporation had a clear identity, presumed
pef_Retuity, dosed membership, and an intern31l organization
enabling it to regula te its.exdusive collective affairs. The latter
centred upon the need for civil order and an absence ohvitch-
craft; the smooth passage of caravans and the efficient
operation of the markets; good relations between the chiefdoms
and the legitimation ofthe corporation's rule.
The precise nature of the corporation varied in time and
place. The central core fonned by iVIbamba, Mbula (Lemba),
Kibangu, Wembo, and, to a lesser degree, Nsundi, Mpangu,
and Wandu, tended, in certain respects, to operate as a very
weak corporation sole, the chiefs acknowledging their direct
dependence upon Mbanza Kongo and the king.
.tvu.Jdta, 1\,Ib\vila and Sonyo tended to relate to M:banza Kongo
more as members of a corporation aggregate, in which the
spiritual as weH as the secular office of Christian chief was
occupied by aU the chiefs simultaneously and independently.
()f some of the small coas tal states were outside the
sorne nf tho [,.,.,.,..,.,,....
216 THE KINGDOl'vi OF KONGO
~ a result of the cognatic system of descent-reckoning
during the wa:rlord period, aU the members of the
ruling groups, together with their children by slave and other
wives, >vere able to daim either fvlpanzu or Nlaza descent and
thereby descent from Afonso L They were ali ilifante.
60
Mpanzu
and Nlaza were corporate categories, that is to say, they had
presumed perpetuity, clear identity, and exclusive membership,
but they lacked internal organization, leadership, common
affairs, and command of resources. Roughly speaking, the
categmy occupied the coastal belt and the Nlaza the
of the former kingdom. This, ho>vever, was not a
static or absolute situation. ln the 1760s, for example, the
Romano Leite, v,rhich was said to be Mpanzu in Mbamba Lovotta,
also ru]ed the mmp Mpemba in the middle bdt.
61
Nevertheless,
the broad pattern remained the sarne from the late seventeenth
to the late eighteenth century, replcating the ecological
division upon which the kngdom had originally been founded.
Thc ideology of descent focused upon the royal Christian
graves at Mbanza Kongo which both united the group and
legitimized its rule in terms ofits chiefly predecessors. Since the
infante, through the categories, daimed descent from Monso I
they had the right to be buried in the royal cemetery ofMbanza
Kongo. By the end of the century aU the groups of the centra1
Mpangu, and Wandu, developed
Lnown in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
THE LATE SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY 1:'\VENTIETH CENTURY 2!7
ancestors, the dead, and they recognized twelve ruined
churches there, twelve being the conventional number of the
Mwissikongo kanda in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.
62
The chiefly group was united and legitimized by its con-
tind adherence to Christian rites and symbols, and in
particular to its aspiration to membership of the Order of
Christ. Despi te a frequent absence of priests, the chiefs kept
'masters of the church' who vere literate, who taught the
catechism, and who acted as interpreters when the occasional
priest arrived.
63
The priests, as before, legitimized the ruler in
terms ofthe latter's protective, nkadi mpemba type functions, and
the chiefs maintained the taboos which separated their type of
power from that of the mbumba dimension, such as the taboo
against seeing the sea.
64
ln particular, the rulers and their
dosest relatives sought to buy investiture into the Order of
Christ, conceded by the king with the support of a priest. This
entitled them to put numerous crosses of various colours on
their own and their principal (Christian) wife's cloaks, dresses,
sunshades, and doors. These protected them from evil and
-vvitchcraft and could be used, because of the nkadi mpemba type
power they contained, to establish tax-coUecting stations in the
countryside. They also dearly identified the actual chiefs or
other powerful men amongst the infante.
65
Christian marriage which was virtuaHy confined to the
and which may have been related to membership of the
Order, seems to have been used to consecrate an interlocking
marriage alliances benveen the ruiers of the
chiefdoms. Like investiture in the Order ofChrist
Mbanza Kongo, Christian marriage depended
of a priest. Y et in the l 770s many of the chiefs
were marred by Christian rites; the mani iifbamba Kongo to the
daughter of the mani Mpemba; the mani Wembo to the daughter of
- a son ofGarcia IV; the (female) mani Luclzetta to
son ol: the reigning king. It seems that Christian marriage
was distinct from other forms of marriage. The rulers gave their
rather than their matrilineal relatjves and the father
bride, tl1ereby strenJg:thenmg
21<l THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Za1re in creating a means of alliance specific to the chiefly
groups.
66
The mani Kongo further united the corporation by a system of
investitures and formal relationships. Investiture was believed
to confer legitimacy and, in addition to the payments they made
then, the chiefs sometimes made other, small tribute payments,
probably when they experienced the need to demonstrate their
place within the hierarchy of investiture.
67
Some of the
provincial titles retained or acquired a formal status with
respect to Mbanza Kongo. Thus the mani Wembo, formerly an
mpemba nkazi of the Kongo Kingdom, took over from the mani
A1bata, who had long ceased active involvement in such
matters, the right to sit at the mani right hand. He also
held the title Vicar of the King. The mani Ololo, who ruled
Lukunga, and who had also been an mpemba nkazi in the early
seventeenth century, was also allowed to sit in the presence of
the king and was accounted the third person in the kingdom.
The mani Mpemba held the title King of the Ambundus, which
had formerly pertained to the mani Kongo, and he was
res ponsible for keeping the roads to Ivfbanza Kongo free from
invasion. He also held the title Captain General ofthe Church.
On certain occasions, including, on one occasion, Holy Week,
individuais who held titles from the Kingwere expected, and, to
a greater or lesser extent did, assemble in the capital.
68
The drama of the kingship succession also united the
corporation since it was conducted in the idiom of descent, and
therefore potentially involved ali the irifante in its resolution.
The convention emerged that the king should succeed from
each category alternately. \'\'hen the king died, his councillors,
at least in theory, summoned all the irifante to the capital to bury
the old king and elect the new.
69
T]1e rrzqni thus the key symbol which legitimized
the rule of the corporation;Ju:lited.it,and enabled it to regula te
alliances anel thereby establishorder and control, and exploit
the trade. The mani Kongo 'guardeei' the graves of the
corporation's ancestors, headed the nkadi mpemba based
Christian cult which protected its members from witchcraft,
invested them in the Order ofChrist, and provded the priests
\vho consecrated their marriages.
Despite this, the mani.Kongo's. secular power He
THE LATE SEVEN1EENTH TO EARL Y HVENTIETH CENTURY 219
CC?[l:lmanded little trade, and he seldom exercised authority
beyq11d th immediate vicinity of the capital unless he had an
iJ11p()rtar.lt power base elsewhere. The mani Kongo who reigned
in 1774, for example, had succeeded from Mpangu and had
brought his followers with him. The population of the capital
was then estimated at over 5,000, although this may have been
an exaggeration. ln the early l790s, however, a poor king reig-ned
and the population was estimated at little more than 100. Th1s
king's authority only extended to his house, his women, his
relatively few slaves and an unpopulated place called Pangala,
which was associated with the dimensions of mbumba and the
water and earth spirits. His only incarne was an annual tribute
paid to him by the nephew who succeeded him in his place of
origin,
70
and ritual fees of pigs, chickens, goats, or nzimbu shells
paid for permission to bury the corpses in the churches, for
investiture in titles and the Order ofChrist, andas a proportion
of the fees charged by the priests for other services.
At the end ofthe eighteenth century
71
the mani Kongo)s ritual
importance, combined with his secular impotence, caused him
to take on some of the characteristics of a living nkisi-fetish of the
nkadi mpemba dimension and the graves. This was evident in a
new rui e which confined him to his house. H e could only leave it
when a priest was in Mbanza Kongo and then only to attend
Iviass, which was seen in the context ofthe cultofthe dead, or to
go to war, which was associated with the dimension of nkadi
mpemba and the sky spirits. To do either he had to obtain the
permission of both the mani Vunda, representing the mbumba
dimension, and the priest, representng the dimensions of nkadi
mpemba and the graves.
the ritual and secular position of the mani
in the emergence of a new office- that of
abrogated many of the mani Kongo's secular
functions. The princewas called 'king of the when he
resided in Mbanza Kongo and under weak kings he dealt with
ofstate, including war. In hisabsence the mani
l1nbo,head oftheking's household and principal ofhis five local
kanda councillors, became 'king of the exterior'. The office may
have emerged on the pattern of the coastal ports \vhere an
individua] other than the chief often assumed responsibility
dealing wth traders. It may also have evolved as a device to
220 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
integrate the two categories Nlaza and Mpanzu in 1vlbanza
Kongo since, in theory at least, the king chose the prince from
the opposite family, and the prince normally succeeded to the
throne on the death of the king. ln any circumstances, the
division of roles the increasingly ritual nature of the
mani Kongo office.
Whilst. the,.mani Kongo increasingly assumed the charac-
teristics ofan nkisi guarding the graves of the corporation and
investing its members with .powers derived from its dead pre-
decessors and the dimension of nkadi mpemba and the sky spirits,
his need, and that ofthe corporation, for legitimation in terms of
the fertility and health dimension of mbumba and the water and
spirits, continued. The problem, which had been tackled
in various ways during tlie periods ofthe unitary kingdom and
of the civil wars, was resolved in the late eighteenth century
through the development of the belief that, in addition to the
Mpanzu and Nlaza categories, was a third royal branch
descended from Afonso I. This was Nsaku ne Vunda, the kanda
of the kitome of Mbanza Kongo, which was, however, not
allowed to ascend the throne. The continued importance ofthe
mbumba dimension, together with the weak secular position of
the mani Kongo, enabled the mani Vunda to attain a position of
pre-eminent power in Mbanza Kongo. Although the dual
Christian-kitome investitures continued, the ceremonies
associated with the mani Vunda office now predominated.
During the investiture the mani Vunda took two crowns. He
placed one on the head of the new mani Kongo and the other on
the head of his nephew - his matrilineal heir. The mani Vunda
retained the title Grandfather of the King and this was given
increased symbolic significance by the fact that after the
investiture h e was no longer permitted to see the king. Ifhe did,
it was said, the king would have to accept his blessing and
thereby acknowledge his superior ritual status. His superior
secular position was clear. As mediator of the fertility and
heal th of the mbumba dimemon hecontinued to receive regular
agricultura! tribute and this, given the ma1zi Kongo's lack oftrade
income and onlv occasional ritual income, rendered him the
wealthier. late eighteenth century the mani vmduwas the
chi ef of the mani Kong o 's six councillors and his word was final in
ali matters of state. Appeals from neighbouring chiefs vvho still
THE LATE SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY 22!
looked to Mbanza Kongo as a final court, passed to the five
other councillors, ali ofwhom were local kanda representatives
and not members of the corporation, to the prince, the king, and
finally to the mani Vundu w h o could th us coun termand any of the
previous decisions. The mani Vwzdu also acted as regent when
the king died. It is probable that the local kitome lineages were
accepted throughout much ofthe region as constituting a third
branch of the royal family, establishing the model for three-
branched kanda, of which one was the 'priest', typical of the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They almost certainly
continued to provide local rulers with supplementary legiti-
mation in terms of the mbumba dimension.
3. Tlze nineteentlz century
72
The nineteenth-century trading pattern was characterized by a
proliferation of ports and routes. Ager a turn-of-the-century
slump i:rt the demand for slaves there was an upturn in the
second decade of the century and a rapid expansion in the
activities of European traders on the coast. New merchant
natioris "entered the trade, large commercial houses began to
estblish permanent bases on shore, and Britain and Portugal
vied with each other for control. lVIeanwhile, slavery was
abQlished in ill()St of the European and American states andthe
factoriesreacted i() anti-slavery patrols by moving inland and
de\reloping alternative branch sites near the main depots. By
the l840s these were numerous. As.thepressure on the slave
tradeincreased, the slaving factories developed links with a
trade: This induded copper, ivory, gum-
copal, orchilla, sesame seed, coffee, indiarubber, and
groundnuts. :Qy 1870 the K()ngp CO<).St was dotted witl1 lt:giti-
mate trading factories with subsidia1y sites, and by the end of
th, century many trading posts had been in the
interior. The trade networks multiplied and ramified. The
proliferation Of portS and routeS and the demand for ne\V cash
crops provided employment. opportunities for mny Kongo
groups. The factories required guards, brokers, and inter-
pi=eters. The people around Mussul produced gumcopal and
forbade Europeans to enter the region. OrchiUa and ground-
nuts were produced on indigenous farms,
IV! bamba. Around the new port of l\hgna Grande the
222 THE KINGDO:t\1 OF KONGO
grew sesame seeds and in the region of Nkoje and Luanda,
cofiee. Indiarubber, a boom crop in the 1870s and I880s, was
tapped in eastern Kongo. PecpJe coull trade in. these goods
with little capital and the system of kitomo developed by which
men pooled resources to participa te in a single .. husiness
venture. These caravans rarely travelled more than six or seven
days from their homes before selling their goods at a local
market and returning. The people of Mbembe, for example,
carried and sold their copper at the Loje River and the people
there transported and sold it on the coast. The long distant
Zombo traders diversified their routes as new ports emerged
and the demand changed from slaves to ivory and indiarubber.
Slaves too could take advantage of the new opportunities in
quite surprising circumstances. Garcia V (1803-30), for
example, was said to have had to pay his 300 slaves in cloth and
palm wine in order to retain their services.
73
At first the kingship strengthened somewhat, and the mani
Kongo regained some secular power. Both Portugual and
Britain, vying witheacil.other for control, recognized the mani
Kngo as traditional ruler ofthe region petween theDande and
the Zaire aii.din the 1840s aQd 1850s the courted the
mani Kongo as part of a plan to control the lucrative coas tal ports
from the interior. European recognition and subsidies enhanced
the mani Kongo 's prestige and wealth. His economic position was
also improved by the opening of new ports on the coast and
especially on the Zaire. Some of the new trade passed through
Mbanza Kongo and people from Mbanza Kongo traded with
Magna Grande and especially with Boma which became the
principal entrept for severa! inland routes. The mani Kongo
taxed this trade. As his wealth and prestige improved he also
secured a tax on the new copper trade from Mbembe.
74
The
process by which h e was being reduced to an nkisi was arrested.
Despite this improvement in the nuuli Kongo's secular
posi tion, the orporation itself disintegrated. lts control of the
eighteenth century trade had been basedupon its middle-man
position befvveen white traders who were confined to a limited
( though gro-vving) number of coas tal ports, and the regions of
primarysJave production in the interior. As a corporation, the
autonomous chiefdoms controlled ali the routes through which
the Zombo, Vili, and later 'tviussurongo traders passed and aH
THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARL Y TIYENTIETH CENTURY 223
the markets at which slaves were traded. lt was ill-adapted to
CO_fltrol the thrusting European commerciaf-;:nd;i:rlreasingly,
politicai, expansion, the multiplying and ramif)ring trade
networks, and the burgeoning cash crop production.
The institutions which had linked the chiefs to Mbanza
Kongo became increasingly irrelevant. On the coast, Ambriz,
Mussul, and Mbamba benefited growtli o.f
cash crop exports and the old ruling lite more and more linked
to the new European-run commercial establishments
rathr th<ln Kongo. ln other parts ofKongo, chiefs,
deprived of their slave-trade revenue, could no longer afford the
fees necessary to be invested by the mani Kongo in their titles.
Meanwhile, parvenus, associated with European commerce,
were able to purchase investiture in the Order ofChrist, and by
the mid-nineteenth century membership was commonplace.
Chiefly marriage alliances were no longer an effective means of
maintaining order and regulating the trade netvvorks, and
Christian marriages ceased to exist. M_e<ll1while, the Portuguese
steadily encroached from the south. They took Ambriz i:rl 1855,
opned up tlie Mbembe mines in 1856, installed a king and
garrisoned Mbanza Kongo in 1359-60. By the time this king
died in 1891 the Portuguese daimed sovereignty in and
had the means to enforce it.
75

ln most parts ofKongo, the old chiefdoms disintegrated and
n,w politicai structures emerged based upon kanda and cults. ln
most provinces, some dominant kanda retained a title from the
olCCcorporation and related to a few surrounding kanda as
classificatory F atherto Child. Almost every-vvhere, kanda tended
towards the democratic pole of their strudural continua, and
were ruled by committees and spokesmen (nkazi). In some
places, trade was regulated by a confederation of elected chiefs
- probably nkazi, who exercised power on a rotating basis, the
paramount chief and his council decidng certain ssues of war
and justice and protecting the markets and carvans. Sometimes
a confederation of chiefs exercised power conjointly. ln certain
places, such as Ambriz, chiefs were elected for a limited period
of three to five years only, ahhough powerfuhncumbents might
retain the post for much longer. Where authority of
was too weak to guarantee the traders' safe passage, nkimba and
other mlmmba-based cults provided initiates with nmt<>rtion
22+ THE KING DOM OF KONGO
Occasionally, a chief of the old lite attempted to use the cults to
strengthen his declining position.
76
In some parts the role of the
former Mwissikongo derived chiefs became purely ritual in the
manner foreshadowed by the late eighteenth-century mani
Kon,go. This was most apparent in Sonyo, where the trade had
long been declining in favourofCabinda, and, later, ofthe Za!re
and coastal ports and where the early eighteenth-century mani
had developed an mbumba and Christian-based cult
cen tred upon his administration and himself. By the end of the
nineteenth century he had become a 'mysterious person'. H e
lived hidden in the forest. His actions were constrained by ritual
prohibitions considered essential to the peace and prosperity of
the region, and, when h e became old or infirm, his life was taken
by ritual assassination. H e was buried at Pangala, the residence
of thc former kitome priestly chief, by the 'people of the Church'
the descendants of the eighteenth century Capucin slaves.
77
A
similar development occurred with respect to the mani Nsundi.
18
ln cflect, these chiefs replaced the kitome as the 'pure ones' who
brought the locality into harmony with the mbumba dimension.
ln other parts, the nkazi of the kanda, a dassificatory Child, or
other representa tive of the kanda was, intimes of crisis, initiated
with a female counterpart as mfumu mpu, thereby bringing the
desccnt groups into harmony with the ancestors. The mfumu
mjm wore the cap mpu, the ancient Mwissikongo insgnia of
authority, and was initiated into the use of a basket of the
ancestors which was said to have come from 1\1banza Kongo.
79
By the early twentieth century the Kongo kingdom had
become an other-wordly concept in many parts ofKongo, and it
was used to Iegitimize both national movements and local
politicai and social structures. New forms ofpolitical power, the
variable fortunes ()f Mwissikongo derived groups and the
general vagaries of politicai process had caused the formerly
clear distinction benveen Mw-issikongo derived corporation
and the subord!nate and slave groups to be lo?t. Throughout
much of the former nuclear kingdom ali groups legitirni:z;edtheir
holding ofland and their current politicai position or aspiration
by reference to the Kingdom ofKongo, the ideology
and the authority of the. kitome. Ali groups now traced their
pedigree to the capitaL Their traditions generllybegan-with
the statement that \)riginally' all the kanda lived together at
THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLYT\VENTIETH CENTURY 225
Mbanza Kongo with the king. As a result of a quarrel or
shortage of food or other incident, their particular kanda was
forced to emigrate. They crossed a vast and trackless waste and
eventually carne to a river. Although named, this river was
clearly a mythological river and could only be crossed with the
other worldly powers of the (male) kanda chief. After crossing
the river the kanda segments quarrelled or for some other
reasons divided. They travelled alonga precisely defined route,
founding villages, until they reached their present land, which
was usually said to be unoccupied. Typically, the local kanda
vvas said to have three branches, one of which was the 'priest'.
Two of the historical structures referred to- the Kongo king-
dom and the 'greater' kanda chiefdoms- were thus located on
the 'other side' of the river, that is, of the water barrier which
separates the 'other' world- the locus ofpower, authority, and
legitimacy- from this world. I t the Kongo kingdom and the
'gr,eater' kanda chiefdoms in th'e: 'qi:her' world which gave the
kandamernbers of'this' world their rights to land and kin-based
labourand their status asfree men.
80
Notes
CHAPTER 1:
1. K. Laman, Dictionaire Kikongo-Franais (Brussels, 1936), 1xvii, lxxiv;
G. Van Bulck, Recherches Linguistiques au Congo Belge (Brussels, 1948),
388; Van Wing, Histoire et Sociologie, 1 05; Mertens, Les Chifs Couronns, 5.
2. D. Birmingham, Trade and Conjlictin Angola, (Oxford, 1966), 150-1;]. B.
Douville, au Congo et dans l'Intrieur de l'Afrique quinoxialefait dans
les annes 1828, 1829 etl830 par}. B. Douville, 3 vols. (Paris, 1832), II, 248;
Fr. Bernardo Maria Cannecatim, Colleco de Observaces Grammaticas
sobre a Lngua Bunda ou Angolense, Compostas por Fr. Bernardo 1\1aria
C:annecatim (Lisbon, 1805), III; Guy Atkins, 'An Outline of Hungu
Grammar', Garciad'Orta (1954), 145-64.
3. De Geei, op. cit; Giacinto da Vetralla (trans. H. Gratton Guiness),
(;rammar of the Congo Languages as Spoken Two H1mdred Years Ago (London,
1R82); Franois Bontinck, 'Les Premiers Travaux Linguistiques
Kikongo des Missionaries Capucins' in Ngonge Kongo, 15 (1963); Fra
Luca da Caltanisetta, Diaire Congolais (1690-1701) de Fra Luca da
Caltanisetta, O.F.M., Cap., ed. Franois Bontinck (Louvain, Paris, 1970),
124, 135 (at Ngobila, near Malebo Pool); Report of Pieter Zegers
Ouman, 1643, A.H., 0.\>\I.LC., 46, Jadin (1966) 242 (north of the
Zaire).
4. Teruel, 95, 99; P. Bonaventura da Sorrento to Propaganda Fide,June
A.P.F., S.RC.G., 249 p. 188 (reference to Makoko}; Montesarchip,
114; Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, 12 Dec. l710, injadin (1961),
456 ( reference to Ngobila at the Pool); Report on the Kongo, 4 June 1620
Brsio, VI, 491; Anon., 'Histria do Reino do Congo' (ed. A. Brsio),in
Studia, 27-8, (Lisbon, 1969),443; (referencetoOkangoontheKwango).
Tha t i t was different from Kim bundu: Report ofP. Bernardino da Gal! o,
!2 Dec. 17lO,Jadin (1961), 456. That the differences were minimal:].
Barbot, 'Voyage to Congo River or the Zaire in the Year 1700' injohn
Churchill, A Collection rif and Traz,els (London, 1732), V, 518;
Report ofBalthasar Rebello de Arago (c. 1618), n L Cordeiro, Questes
Hi'itorico-Coloniais (Lisbon, 1934), 15.
5. The following analyss is based on: A. Castanheira Dinez, Caractersticas
.t!esologicas de Angola (Nova Lisboa, !973); Carta Generalizada dos Solos de
Angola (3 approximaco), Misso de Pedalogiade l\ngola dv1oambique
c Centro de Estudos de Peda1ogia Tropical, (Lisbon, 1968); La Denst de
la Population au Congo Belge, Atlas General du Congo (Brussels, 1951 );
NOTES TO PP. 1-6
227
C. Sautter, De L'Atlantique au Fleuve Congo: Une Gographie du Sous-
peuplement (Paris, 1966), 2 vols.; P. Venetier, Gographie du Congo
Brazzaville (Paris, 1966); D. S. Whittlesey, 'Geographic Provinces of
Angola', Tlze Geograplzical Review, XIV (1924), 113-26; H. K. Airy Shaw,
'The Vegetation of Angola', Joumal rif Ecology, 35 (1947), 23-4; Guy
Atkins, 'A Democraphic Survey of the Kimbundu-Kongo Language
Border in Angola', Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, LXXIII, 7-9
(1955), 325-47.
6. Cavazzi, I, II, I7, 37; Teruel, 28; Anguiano, 85; Antonio Zuchelli (da
Gradesca), Relazione de! Viaggio e Missione di Congo nell 'Etiopa lnjen.ore
Occidentale (Venice, I 712), 220-5; Pieter Moortamer to the Council of
Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68; Montesarchio,
132; History ofKongo in Cuvelier andJadin, 136.
7. Histria.
8. Ibid., 433; Teruel, 27;]. Cuvelier, Relations sur le Congo du Pere Laurent de
Lucques (/700--1717) (Brussels, 1953), 74.
9. Pigafetta, 7!; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, in Jadin (1968), 362;
Montesarchio, 58; Cavazzi, I, 27; Histria, 433.
I O. Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, inJ adin ( 1968), 362; Pieter Moortamer
to the Council of Brazil, On the A1auritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H.,
O.W.I.C., 68; Report of P. Seraphino da Cortona on the Mission to
Dongo and Nzinga, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 151-3; Cavazzi, I, 37.
II. e.g. Pigafetta, 76-8, 176; P. Garcia Simes to Father Provincial, So
Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, in Brsio, III, 135; Histria, 457; Terue1, 164;
Cavazzi, I, 37.
12. e.g. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in Cuvelier and Jadin,
li 7, Romano, 88; Grolamo l\1erolla da Sorrento, Breve e Succinta
Relatione del Viaggio nel Regno di Congo nell Ajrica A1eridionale Fatta del . ..
(Naples, 1692) inJohnChurchill (ed.),A Collectionq[Vo_yagesandTravels,
I, (London, I 704), 692,696, Caltanisetta, 41-2.
13. For examples ofthis and the politicai effects, see Chaps. 3, 7.
14. See n. lO, and, for cattle, F. Jos de Pernambuco to Provincial of
Castille, Sonyo, 25 Mar, 1648, in Braio X, I I4; Ogilby, 529.
15. e.g. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in Cuvelier and J adin,
117, !19, 121; Romano, ll6.
16. Dionigi de Carli (da Piacenza) and Michel
Viaggio de{ ... nel Regno de! Congo (Reggio, 1671) inJohn Churchi!! (ed.),
A Collection rif V!)'ages and Traveis, I, (London, 1704), 631 (Mbamba);
Report ofF. Capelle to Countj. M. de Nassau and the Directors of the
Company, Mar. 1642, injadin, 1966, 226 (Sonyo); Pigafetta, 67; Cavazzi, I,
118, (Nsundi); Caltanisetta, 70 (Zombo in Mbata).
17. See belmv.
18.
e.g. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 304;
Pigafetta, 37, 440--l; History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in
Cuvelier and Jadin, 135; Histria, 440-l; Suggestions of Pedro
Sardinha (l6ll), in Brsio, VI, 52-3; Anon. Report on
1622, in jadin 366; Report of F. Capelle to Count
Nassau and the DirPrfor<; nfth"' i\1ar,
228 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...
235; Carli, 635; Romano, 116.
19. e.g. Report ofP. Sebastio de Souto, 1561, in Brsio, II, 477; Pigafetta,
51; Histria, 440-1; Olfert Dapper, Naukeurige Beschrijvinge der
Ajrikaensche gewesten van . .. (Amsterdam, 1671 ), 587; Gavazzi, II, 17.
20. Histria, 455-6; Chaps. 3 and 6.
21. Dapper, 556; Caltanisetta, 1!0, 112, 114.
22. See n. 18, 19, 20.
23. History ofKongo ( compilation, late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 120; Cavazzi, I, 80; Carli, 621; Teruel, 79; Anguiano, 216;
Remedies Suggested by P. Bonaventura da Sorrento (c. 1650), A. S.
Modena, Documenti e Carteggi di Stati e Citta: ltaly Busta Roma 105 Papeis de
Cardinale d'Este. Matters to Raise in the Reply of the Pope to the King of
Kongo (c. 1650), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 42. ln the late eighteenth
century the administrative centres, called mbanza, were 1arge villages
which controlled other villages of about 50 houses. Report of P.
Raimondo daDicomano, 1783, injadin (1957), 318. Forkibelo, De Geei,
57; Doutreloux, 46.
24. The term 'libata' village, was also used to denote a 'quarter ofa town',
De Geei, 29. ln the late seventeenth century Mbanza Sonyo was densely
settled, there being over l 00 libata within a day's walk of the Capucin
missionary's hospice.John Thornton, 'Demography and History in the
Kingdom of Kongo, 1550-l 750', Joumal f!f Ajrican History, XVIII, 4
(1977), 518.
25. Ibid., 507-30.
26. See discussion below.
27. De Geei, 23, 198, 230, 240, 254, 256; Giacinto da Vetralla, Grammar,
!08-12; Appendix 3, 4; MacGaffey, Customand Govemment, 84.
28. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Gisseppe Sacripanti,
Rome, 12 Dec. 17l0in.Jadin (1961), 480 (taboo). King List,Appendix2
Chap. 4. (names). Doutreloux, 98, notes that the people ofMayombe
carry two names simultaneously. The second is always the first name of
thc father. The name is considered an integral part ofthe personality of
whoever carries it. To transmita name is to transmita principie, in this
case, that of paternity.Janzen, Lemba, 40.
29. See n. 27.
30. Van Wing, Religion et Magie; Van \Aling, Histoire et Sociowgie; Laman, The
Kongo, III; W. MacGaffey, 'Kongoand the KingoftheAmericans', Tke
Joumal f!f Modem Ajrican Studies, 6, 2 {1968), 171-81 Bittremieux;
Mertens; W. MacGaffey and.J. M. Janzen. The following passage refers
specifical1y to: MacGaffey, 'Kongo and the King of Americans'; Fukiau
kia Bunseki, 'N'Kongo ye Nza Yakun' sungidila' (1969), 26, 28, 30 in
MacGaffey and.Janzen, 34; Laman, The Kongo, III, 60.
31. Cavazzi, I, 132. See also P. Gilles Mootgat to Airo1di, Amsterdam, 13
Jan. 1673, in.Jadin (1966), 278. Some commentators, failing to under-
stand the Kongo concept of man, stated that the Kongo did not believe in
a life after death, e.g. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous
Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 342; Pero Tavares, S.J. to P.
.Jeronimo Vogado, On Mission,June, 1631, injadin (1967), 295 and Brsio,
NOTES TO PP. 7-!2 229
VIII, 26-39. The misunderstanding arose because the missionaries
used the term kima kifwene kujwa, literally 'thing that is transformed' for
mortal and kima ka kifwene kujwa ko 'thing that is not transformed' (fwa)
for immortal. De Geei, 38. The Kongo inevitably mocked the idea that
man is a thing that is not transfonned. See below.
32. Van Wing, Religion et lvlagie, 8-10.
33. Montesarchio, I I 1-12.
34. Van Wing, Religionet Magie, 8-11; Laman, The Kongo, 15. TheCapucin
missionaries trans1ated moyo as sou!, spirit. De Geei 196. They trans-
lated uzinga as force of life, ibid. 33 L ln the mid-seventeenth century
vela, which indicated akimpassi enclosure, meant 'to becomewhite', ibid.
327. ln kimpassi one 'became' an nkita spirit of the 'other' world. See
below.
35. For the following, see Cavazzi, I, 124, 129-31; Brugiotti-Infelicita,
372-3; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo
Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G. 249, p. 337-9; Terue1, 193; Tovar Pellicer,
67, 68; Laurentde Lucques, 138; Monari, 168; Bentley, Pioneering on lhe
Kongo (London, 1900), 176,253, 289; Laman, The Kongo, III, 15.
36. Cavazzi, I, 100-l.J. H. \Veeks, 'Notes on SomeCustoms ofthe Lower
Kongo People', Folklore, XX, (1909), 476. C.[ explanations of
Batsikama ba !viampuya, 'A Propos de la Cosmogonie Kongo', Cultures
du Zai"re, 4 (Kinshasa, 1974), 260 (mutambo); Van Wing, Hstare et
Sociologie, 271 (kutabwala mate); Van Wing, Religion et }vfagie, 56-65
(matabula); Bentley Dctionary, 434 (tumbula e ndoki).
37. Some texts suggest a casual burial in the fields or along the roads.
Santiago 164; Anguiano, 110, ll5. This pattem is characteristic of the
modem Suku who are dosely related to the Bakongo. L Kopytoff,
'Ancestors as Elders in Africa', lifrica, 3 (!97!), 129-142. l\1ost texts
suggest careful burial in special cemeteries in woods. History ofKongo
(late sixteenth century compi1ation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 133;
Cavazzi, I, 124; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous
Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 339; Brugiotti-Infelicita, 372;
Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brsio, I, 479. The
discrepancy could relate to regional differences or, more probably, to
the casual burials being those of slaves.
38. Cavazzi, I, 127; Caltanisetta, 62, 70; Laurent de Lucques, 331. P.
Bonaventura da Coreila, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 249, p. 339.
39. History ofKongo (late sixteenth century compilation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, !23; P. Bonaventura da CoreUa, Report on Indigenous Kongo
Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 339. The early 1:\ventieth century
and Nsundi did the sarne. Van Wing, Religon et lvlagie, 52;
Laman, The Kongo, III, 45.
40. P. Bonaventura da CoreUa, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 34lv; Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to
Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec. 17!0, in Jadin },
453, (the ceremony dtiampz). See nventieth century practices amongst
the Manianga north of the Zai"re,J. Kamuna, 'Sadila Nsi', quo. MacGaffey,
230
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...
Cus tom and Govemment, I 71; amongst the Ndibu to the south, l\Jlertens,
4-16-427; and amongsttheMpangu, Van Wng,RelgionetMagie,64-75.
41. I. Kopytoff, 'Ancestors as Elders in Africa'. For the power of the elders
when the Mwissikongo state structures broke down, see Bologne, 85.
42. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 373. Mertens, 17-39. J. Van Wing, 'Bakongo
Magic', 85; F. Hagenbucher-Sacripanti, Les Fondaments Spirtuels du
Pouvoir au Royaume de Loango (Paris, 1973), 58.
43. Cavazzi, I, 114.
44. (Eyombombo meant fertility, fecundity, abundance, riches, prosperity),
De Geei, 32, 187. Fornkimbasee Dapper (1976), 176-7; Ogilby,314; De
Geei, 260 (nkimba = 'enchanter')
45. See n. 135.
46. Report ofF. Capelle to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the Directors ofthe
Company, Mar. 1642, in Jadin (1966), 231; Bittremieu.x, 154-5; Van
Wing, Religion et Magie, 88.
4 7. Bi ttremieux, 25; R. Dennet, At the Back rif tlze Black Man's Mind (London,
1906), 140 states that mbumba was a large snake found in wells. Laman,
The Kongo, 144, notes that mbombo was frequently associated with a
snake.
48. Some ofthe early twentieth-century Nsundi conceived one ofthe water
spirits, simbi, discussed below, as a giant snake. C. M. Dupr, 'Le
System des Forces Nkisi chez les Kongod'apres I e Troisieme Volume de
K. Laman', Africa, 45, I (1975), 12-25.
49. Gerard Buakasa, 'Notes sur les Kindoki chez les Kongo', Cahiers des
Religions Ajricaines, 3, 2 (1968), 154; Buakasa Tula Kia Mpansu,
'L'Impense du Discours', Cahiers des Religions Afiicaines, 7, 13 (1973),
I 69; Laman, The Kongo, III, 179; Van Wing, Religion et Magie, 18 >vith
reference to the nkita spirits.
50. Hagenbucher-Sacripanti, 105; Troesch, 43-6; Batsikama ba
Mampuya, 'A Propos de 'Le Cosmogamie Kongo', Cultures du Zaire, 4
(Kinshasa, !974).
51. For the simbi see: Dupr, 12-25; Gerard Buakasa, 154; Buakasa Tu1a
Kia Mpansu, l69;J. Troesch, 'Le Nkuhz des Comtes de Soyo', Aequatori.a, 2
(1961), 43-6. For the nkita, see Van Wing, Religion et Magie, 18;
Bittremieux, 154-5; Gerard Buakasa, 154, 158, 160, and below. The
modem earth spirits of Mayombe and Loango, the nkisi nsi, have
associations identica1 with those of the simbi and nkita. Hagenbucher-
Sacripanti, Chap. II.
52. Cavazzi, I, 118, 120; Laurent de Lucques, H-2; P. Bonaventura da
Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249,
p. 339; Caltanisetta, 119; The modem Kongo perform similar rites in
severa! contexts associated with the ancestors, Van \N"ing, Histoire et
Sociologie, 148 or with the -..vater spirits, Gerard Buakasa, 161.
53. I am inftuenced in the following discussion of the respective roles of the
mbumba and nkadi mpemha dimensions by Dupr op. cit.; v\fyatt
MacGaffey, 'The Religious Commissions ofthe Bakongo', kfan
27-39; ibid, 'Oral Tradition in Central Africa', lntemationaljoumal
African Historical Studies, 7, 3 (1974), 417-426; ibid., 'Cultural Roots
NOTESTOPP. 12-16 231
Kongo Prophetism', History o/ Religion, 17, 2 (1977); ibid., 'Fetishism
Revisited. Kongo Nkisi in a Sociologica1 Perspective', A/rica, 4, 2 (1977)
172-184;JohnJanzen, The Questfor Therapy in the Lower Zaiie, University
ofCalifomia, 1978; Ibid., Lemba, 1650-1930. A Drum of Ajjliction in Africa
and the New World, New York and London, 1982. These dimension
correspond to those described by Dupr as being of the water spirits on
the one hand and the sky and earth spirits on the other. They correspond
to the public and private domains discussed by MacGaffey. The
approach taken here differs in severa! respects from those of Dupr,
MacGaffey andJanzen but is not incompatible with theirs.
54. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p.339.
55. Caltanisetta, 70, 81.
56. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 122-3; P. Bona ventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo
Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 234v; Laurent de Lucques, 150. ln
some places there was a market on the day nsona, e.g. between Mbanza
Mbamba, Mbanza Kongo and Kongo de Mbata. See map ofDapper in
R. Avelot, 'Une Exploration Oubie. Voyage de Herder au Kwango
(1642)', inLa Gographie, XXVI (1912), 320.
57. Cavazzi, I, 115; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous
Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 338v.
58. Gerard Buakasa, 155-8.
59. Cavazzi, I, 88; Laurent de Lucques, 109-12; Monari, 142; Chap. 8 and
Appendi"'< I. .
60. Troesch, 43-4. Hagenbucher- Sacripanti, 47, writing ofthe Vili, says
that the birth of hvins was considered an essential manifestation of the
hakisi basi which appear to correlate with the spirits of the water and
earth dimensionas defined above. They could actas priests of the cult of
the nkisi nsi, ibid. 31. :Mertens, 247, 249, confirms a similar status for
twins, albinos, and children bom with crippled legs.
61. Cavazzi, I, 121; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous
Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 338v.
62. Cavazzi, I, !21.
63. Dupr, 14, 16; Rui de Pina, LXII, in Brsio, I, 125; ReportofP. Antonio
Romano (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 20. Report ofP. Bemadino
da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, inJadin (196!), 495. Report ofLorenzo
da Lucca, .Nlmsu, 3Jan, 1707, inJadin (1961), 546; Laurent de Lucques,
136; Monari, 157-8. This is discussed more fully in Wilson, 252-3.
64. Both the spirit and the material object it empowered were called nkisi. P.
Giro!amo da Montesarchio to P. Bonaventura da Sorrento, Nsevo, Nsundi,
25 Mar. 1650 in Brsio, X, 86; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, p. 200; De Geei, 209. ln order to avoid confusion, I refer
an nkisi. There were three types of nkisi, two of
are discussed be!ow.
65. Nkadi Histria. 436-9: nkari mflemba. De Geel, 365; aaTm'l!Jem/Ja.
P. Raimondo da Dicornano
725-6; mmimmba
232 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...
Barbot, 'A Description', 490. The latter term appears to combine nkadi
mpemba and mbumba.
66. De Geei, 200, 343, 365; Bologna, lI 7; Histria, 436-9; Dapper, 176-7;
Report of P. Raimonda da Dicomano (I 798), in Jadin (1957), 335;
Merolla, 725-6; Barbot, 'A Description', 490.
67. Van Wing, Religion, 21; Laman, The Kongo, III, 61.
68. Dupr 19; MacGa!Iey, 'Kongo Nkisi' and below.
69. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the
Company, Mar. 1642, in Jadin (1966), 23; Caltanisetta, 104, I 12-13;
Cavazzi, I, 85, 87; I, 116; IV, 412; Montesarchio, 51-146; P.
Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 338, 338v. Teruel, 81, 91-5, 121-2; Anguiano,
274--7. The only reference to 'idols' in the west in the mid-seventeenth
century was in Mbamba. Anguiano, 357-9; Teruel, 121-2. By the !ater
seventeenth century, however, they were found in Sonyo too, possibly as
a result ofthe Makoko-Vili-Sonyo trade. Andrea da Pavia, 6 Apr. 1693
inJadin (1970), 551; Laurentde Lucques, 147.
70. Buakasa Tula kia Mpansu, 161, states that the termkndoki can be used
for ali malevolent action. De Geei, 249 tends to confirm this for the
seventeenth century by translating ndoki as 'sorcerer, one who menaces
another with poison or other witchcraft'. Laurent de Lucques, 143
noted two methods of cursing which did not use nkisi and were not
confined to members ofthe matri- or patrilineage.
71. De Geei, 118; Van Wing, Religion et ivtagie, Chap. 4; Hirtaire et Socilogie,
89-90; Nsemi Isaki, c. 1910, Laman Collection, in MacGa!Iey and
Janzen, 42; above.
72. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 342, 342v; Cavazzi, I, 93-4; Guiseppe
Simonetti, 'P. Giacinto da Vetralla etla sua Missione al Congo (1651-7),
in Bollentino delta Societa Geographica Italiana, IV, VIII, 4 (Rome,
305-22; 5 (1907), 369-8! containing quotations from the Iost manu-
script ofGiacinto da Vetralla, 'Infelicita felice ... ' 372; Dapper (1671 ),
555; Ogilby, 535; Caltanisetta, 81, 103; Buakasa TuJa kia Mpansu, 165-ti.
73. The following nganga are described in detail in Cavazzi, I, 102-5. See
also Montesarchio, 67, 68.
74. Laurent de Lucques, 85, 126, 128, 142; Monari, 151; Caltanisetta, 104,
105, 114; Cavazzi, I, 89, 96, 98; IV, 368; P. Bonaventura da Corella,
Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F_., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 341,
388, 388v; Auguiano, 254; Teruel, 91. De Geei, 214; Cadornega, II, 169;
Lunga, to rnind, to take care of, to protect, Bentley, Dictianary, 330.
75. For a modem account of the ambivalence of kindoki see Y aswa Kusikila
Kwa Kilombo, Lzifwa evo Kimongie? (1966) in MacGa!Iey andjanzen,
48-55.
76. Cavazzi, I, 96.
77. Report of P. Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3 Jan. 1707, in Jadin
543, and Chap. 8.
78. Cavazzi, I, 94. The twentieth-century nkondi operator performed a
similar function. Yakobi Munzole, Bakulu betJJ }'e Diela_diau {1965) in
NOTESTOPP. 16-2!
233
MacGa!Iey andjanzen, 45.
79. 'It is not permitted amongst them to marry women ofthe sarne blood',
Report of Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1655, in Brsio, III, 505-!0. The
precise rules cannot be determined but note the use ofthe term ki-utu in
De Geei, 93, and analysis ofDoutreloux, 76.
80. For discussion ofthis term, see M. G. Smith, 'A Structural Approach to
Comparative Politics', in Varieties rif Politica! Theory, ed. David Easton
(New Jersey, 1966), See also De Geei, 14, e kanda- 'ofthe family, ofthe
tribe, public, universal (catholic), general, vulgar, common; ibid, II,
mukentu (woman) wa mbut' (elder) ekanda- 'mother ofthe family; ibid.,
23, esse {father), ri 'ekanda- 'father ofthe lineage'.
81. For the mani Lukeni, the female chief of the Lukeni kanda, see Official
Enquiry of Diogo I, Kongo, lO Apr. 1550, in Brsio, II, 262. For two
successive mani Nla;:.a, female chiefs ofthe Nlaza kanda, see Teruel, 29
and Cadornega, III, 277,304. The maternal aunt ofa mani Kongo held
the title in the mid-seventeenth century and was succeeded by the sister
of the sarne king, ibid.
82. De Geei, 188, 322. The mbuta represents the higher levei of kanda
segmentation amongst severa! modem Bakongo groups. Mertens, 44;
Van Wing, Histoire et Sociologie, !54.
83. 'Lord of the village' in Dionigi da Carli (da Piacenza) and Michel
Angelo (da Reggio), Viaggio de . .. nel Rqno de! Congo (Reggio, 1671, 1672
and Bologne, 1674) trans. in John Churchill, I, III. 'Principais',
'principais of the people, 'superior' in De Geei, 202, 210. 'Heads of
villages', in De Geei, 202, 2!0. 'Heads of viBage' in P. Girolarno da
Montesarchio to P. Bonaventura da Sorrento, Nsevo, Nsundi, 22 Mar.
1650, in Brsio, X, 484; De Geei, 240, 261.
84. Anguiano, 73; Carli in Churchill, I, III.
85. ivlacGaffey, Custom and Govermnmt; n. 41 and Chap. 8.
86. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 3 Oct. 1526, in Brsio, I, 489,490. Even in
the seventeenth centnry most of the terms used for 'slave' also meant
'captive', 'prisoner', i.e. mu-wai, mfumgi, and mubika, De Geei, 193, 203,
234, 236, 240, 330, 349. The only terrn which referred to purchase, muntu
a kusumbira was a cornpound construction suggesting that the phrase
had been devised to express a new condition. Ibid, 220; Laman,
Dictiomzaire, 923.
87. Much of the following is based upon Wyatt MacGaffey, Custam and
Govemment, 88, 215-222; \Vyatt MacGaffey, 'Economic and Social
Dimensions of Kongo Slavery' in Suzanne Miers and Igor Kopytoff,
Slavery in Africa, (Wisconsin, 1977), 235-260.
88. De Geei, 203, 234, 236, 348.
89. Wyatt MacGa!Iey, Custam and Govemment, 99, 215-222; Wyatt
MacGa!Iey 'Economic and Social Dimensions ofKongo Slavery', 235-
260; vVyatt i\bcGaffey, 'Lineage Structure, Marriage and the
arnongst the Central Bantu',joumal .!f African Hstmy (for!:hcoming};
Kopyto!I, 'Matrilineality, Residence and Residential Zones', Ameriam
EthnolJJgist, (I977), 4, 539-558. For residence options in sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, see Chaps. 2 and 3.
234 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...
90. Lineage heads- nkuluntu- could have 2, 4 or 6 wives. Mwissikongo had
up to 30 wives. Teruel, 80. One man who had three wives used one to
cook and serve his food, one to cultivate the fields and a third to receive
h is visitors. Caltanisetta, 75.
91. The Capucins repeatedly asked for the faculty to dispense marriages to
the second degree of consanquinity and the first and second degree of
affinity. The first request suggests a strong tendency to marry first
cousins. These would not be parallel cousins. A mother's sister's child
was a dose member of ego's kanda and therefore prohibited by the rules
of exogamy; a father's brother's child was a member of an otherwise
qui te unrelated kanda. E.g. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propanganda
Fide, So Salvador, 14Jan. 1647, in Brsio, X, 7. See a1so Reportofthe
Bishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, 7 Sep. 1619, in Brsio, VI, 375; and
(Hyacinthe de Bologne), La Pratique Missionare des P.P. Capucins ltaliens
dans la Royaume de Congo Angola et . .. (1747), ed. J. Nothomb, S. J.
(Louvain, 1931), 7!.
92. ln the twentieth century marriage with the father's sister's daughter's
child was the preferred form of marriage in Mayombe. Doutreloux, 143.
In Mpangu, matrilatereal cross cousin marriage was preferred. Van
Wing, Hiswire et Sociologie, 192. Other groups doubt its possibility. De
Souseberghe, 'Cousins croiss et descendants. Les Systems du Ruanda
et du Burundi compars ceux du Bas Congo', Ajrica, XXV, 4, (1965)
4-20. The above position reflects the theoretical discussion of Wyatt
MacGafTey, 'Lineage Structure, Marriage and Family', and Janzen,
Lemba, 42-3.
93. Teruel, 80, 190, 191, 193;Joseph Pellicer de Tovar, Mision Evangelica al
Reyno de Congo (Madrid, 1649), 65, 65v; Laurent de Lucques, 89, 137-8;
Anne Hilton, 'Family and Kinship Among The Kongo South of the Zaire
River from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century',]oumal ojAjrican
History, 24 (1983), 189-206; Chap. 4.
94. Report ofF erno de Sousa, 2 Feb, 1631, in Brsio, VIII, 123; Laurent de
Lucques, 52; Pigafetta, 64; Map annexed to Report on Kongo ( compilati(
c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 75; C.Jeanest, QuatreAnnesau Congo
(Paris, 1883), 56; Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (1775) injadin
(1963), 384; Atkins, 'A Demographic Survey', 333; For its politicai
mobilisation in the sixteenth century see Official Enquiry ofDiogo I,
Kongo, lO April, 1550, in Brsio, II, 262, and Chap. 4.
95. I n this I follow Wyatt MacGafTey Cuswm and Govemmer, 17.
96. I n the mid-seventeenth century the mani Lemju in the province ofNsundi
was entitled 'Grandfather ofthe King ofKongo'. Montesarchio, ll3.
Since the only other Grandfathers were the Nsaku, man Vunda and
Nsaku mani Mbata (see below), it seems likely that the m(llli Lemju was
also Nsaku. The Nlaza kanda in central Kongo was believed to be related
to the Nlaza kanda which dominated Kongo dia Nlaza. Cadornega,
236-243, in Manso, 285; Caltanisetta, 76.
97. E.g. amongst the Luba, E. Verhulpen, Baluba et Balubaises du Katanga
(Antwerp, 1936), 90; amongst the Yaka, tvL Planquaert. Les Yaka: Essai
d'Histoire {Brussels, 1971 ).
NOTES TO PP. 22-25 235
98. e.g. Garcia Simoes to P. Provincial, So Paulo, 20 Oct, 1575, in Brsio,
III, 135; Histria, 434-5; Miller Kings and Kinsmen, Chap. III; Laman,
The Kongo, III, 60. ln the mid-seventeenth century the word ma-dunga
denoted chie( De Geei 1 78. Ma-dunga is a form of the word kalunga. M.
Guthrie, Comparative Baniu: An lntroduction to lhe Comparative Linguistics
and Pre-history of BantuLanguages, 4 vo1s. (Farnborough, 1967-1971 ), III,
C.S., 75.
99. See below. Montesarchio, 102 (nsimba); Cavazzi, IV, 420 (nzimba);
Report ofP. Francesco da Monteleone, Angola, 20 Mar. 1684, A.P.F.,
S.RC., Congo, I, p. 779, (nzumba); P. Francesco Maria Gioia (da
Napoli), La Meravigliosa Conversione alla Sante Fede di Christo della Regina
Singa e del suo Regno di Matamba nell Africa Meridiana/a ... (Na pies, 1669),
2 ('gangazumbo, an ido!, necromancer'). Laman, Dictiorznaire, 828, notes,
nzimbu, intelligence, tutelary spirit; nzimba, a deep place; nzimba nsi, right
in land; nzimba, woman who engenders.
IOO. Report ofP. Francesco da Monteleone, Angola, 20 Mar. 1684, A.P.F.,
S.R.C., Congo, I, 779.
101. Laurent de Lucques, 123 (mani pangala of Sonyo); Cavazzi, II, 231
( bumbambula, mani pangala who lived near Mbanza Kongo). De Geei, 198
(mpangulu, smith).
102. See Chap. 2.
I03. Zuchelli, 242-5, 293-6. C. f. Miller's suggestion in Kings and Kinsmen,
chap. III, that the lunga emblem 'may have linked for the first time,
lineages not connected by descent group genealogies generated by
lineage fission'.
I 04. The lunga kings of Kasanje defined their domains in terms of drainage
areas, ibid. 62. Whilst there is no direct evidence for the Kongo, the
identity of their most common title (kalunga) and their invariable
association with stretches of water, discussed below, suggests that the
kitome defined their domains in the sarne way. For concatenation of
water, tree, and snake, see Cavazzi, I, 92; ?vfontesarchio, 97.
I05. It is not dear how the kitomeofficewas controlled. One source notes that
the kitome had their heirs and entailed property (Memorial of P.
Bona ventura da Aiessano to Propaganda Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brsio, X,
396), and onekitomestated that theoffice had been in his farnily for three
hundred years (Monari, 465-7). This suggests that it was controlled by
a priestly lineage. The individual successor appears to have been desig-
nated before the kitome died. There are references to the 'disciple
designated to succeed' the kitome. Merolla, 68!, and to the 'successor
elect', Cavazzi, I, 92.
I06. Merolla, 681.
107. Cavazzi: !, 92, states that this only happened in some provinces 'where
the superstition is great'. J\.rferolla, 681 implies that it was universaL
108. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657) A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
200; Gavazzi, I, 175; Merolla, 68.
109. Montesarchio, 83--4; Cavazzi, IV, 413.
ll O. Cavazzi, I, !05-6; Laurent de Lucques, HO; Merolla, 675.
III. Cavazzi, I, 92; 1Vkmorial ofP. Bona ventura da Alessano to
236 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...
Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brsio, X, 396. C.f. the Pende, who formerly dwelt
south west of the Kwango, have a tradition that when they crossed the
Kwango only the great chiefs ofthe land brought fire with them. They
used this to delimit their territories. Like many others, they believe that
fire brings fecundity to men, animais and earth.J. Maes, 'Le Camp de
Mashita Mbanza et les Migrations des Bapende', Congo (1935), 717.
112. Report ofP. Francesco da Monte1eone, Angola, 20 Mar. 1684, S.R.C.,
Congo, I, pp. 777, 779, 790; Report on the Kongo, A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
250, p. 56; Zuchelli, 173; Merolla, 181; Cavazzi, I, 91; IV, 413; P.
Serafino da Cartona to the Father Agent ofthe Capucins, Angola, 12
May 1653; ibid., 4 Sep. 1653, A. C. Florence; Montesarchio, 83-4;
Monari, 446; Memorial ofP. Bona ventura da Alessano to the Propaganda
Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brsio, X, 396.
II3. IVIerolla, 680.
114. Serafino de Cartona to Father Agent ofthe Capucins, Angola, 12 May,
1653; ibid., 4 Sep. 1653, A. C. Florence; P. Bonaventura da Corella,
Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 337;
Cavazzi, I, 91; ReportofP. Giacintoda Vetral1a,A.P.F.,S.R.C.G., 250,
p. 200; Report on Kongo (compilation c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250,
p. 56; Congregation on the Mission of Kongo, 4 July 1668, A.P.F.,
Congrega;::ione Parlicolare, 1664, p. 20.
ll5. Cavazzi, I, 420; Montesarchio, 102.
116. I bid.; Cavazzi, I, 420.
117. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on lndigenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 343; Cavazzi, IV, 370, 422; Montesarchio,
1.59, !60, 162, 164, 165; Teruel, 92; Anguiano, 256, 257; Caltanisetta,
39; P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti, Rome, 12
Dec. 1710, injadin (1961), 464.
II8. Dapper (!676), 176-7; Ogilby, 314; De Geei, 260noted thewordnkimba
meaning 'enchanter', which suggests that it did exist south ofthe Zaire.
There is some evidence of an nkimba cult in late fifteenth century Sonyo.
See Chap. 2. In the early twentieth century, it was found in Sonyo where
it merged with kimpassi. Bittremieux, l8, 40. Modem commentators
emphasize the basic identity of the cu!ts of the Kongo region which are
today variously called ndembu, kimpassi, kinkimba, lernba, and bwili b&eelo.
Batsikama ba Mampuya, 255, 259.
119. In the early twentieth-century, assemblies were formed in periods oflow
brth or high death rate. The initiates remained in the endosure for
months or years and when they emerged the kimpassi was over. Van
vVing, Religion et ll,fagie, 185; Bitremieux, 200-2. ln more recent times,
kmpassi assemb!ies were only formed amongst the Ndibu as part of the
investiture of an mjitmu mpu, the crowned chief responsible for the cult of
the ancestors or of the water and earth spirits (Mertens, 53; Gerard
B uakasa, 158). For changes in the role of lemba north of the Zaire see
J anzen, Lemba.
120. Cavazzi, I, 99,212, 198; Montesarchio, 159, 164 for the touowmg
121. Gerard Buakasa, 154; Bittremieux, 179.
122. Cavazzi, I, 99.
NOTES TO PP. 25-31
237
123. Report ofP. Bernadino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961),
501.
124. ln the nineteenth century it was believed that the initiates died and
decomposed until only one bone remained, at which stage the nganga
resurrected them. Bentley, Dictionary, 506.
125. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 336v; Montesarchio, !59, 163.
126. Cavazzi, I, 100; Dupr, 16.
127. Ogilby, 514; Dapper (1671), 534; Cavazzi, I, 99; Memorial of P.
Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brsio, X,
395, 403; Teruel, 91; P. Bona ventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous
Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.RC.G., 249, p. 343.
128. De Geei, 337; Cavazzi, IV, 367-8.
129. Janzen, Lemba, 103, 273-92; Bemadino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe
Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961 ), 464.
130. Bentley, Dictionary, 502.
131. De Geei, 327.
132. Cavazzi, I, 99; Chap. 8.
133. Pigafetta, 18; History ofKongo (late-sixteenth century compilation) in
Cuvelierandjadin, 141 and Chap. 2.
134. See Chap. 2.
135. See discussion on spiritua1 basis ofKongo Kingship, Chap. 2. Note also,
the founder ofNgo1a a Kiluanje was, in one etiologica11egend, bumba a
mbula, mani masure (smith). Francesco Maria Gioia (da Napoli) La
Meraviglwsa Conversione alta Santa Fede di C h ris to de/la Regine Singa (Naples,
1669), 136. Another account states that 'Angola bambambula was made
King of Angola and ofDongo for his own merits and for the benefit of the
people.' Report ofP. Antonio Romano (!ater 1650's), A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
250,20.
136. Cavazzi, I, 125. See Brugiotti-Infe1icta, 371 for similar practice
amongst the 'Abundi of the Kingdom of Angola'. P. Bona ventura da
Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249,
p.339.
137. Ogilby, 514; Dapper (!671), 534; Laman, The Kongo, III, 61;
MacGaffey, Custam and Gouemment, 230.
138. Battell, 2; Report ofF. Capelle to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the
DirectorsoftheCompany, Mar, 1642, injadin (1966), 231.
139. P. Garcia Simoes to P. Provincial, Lunda, 20 Oct. 1575, in Brsio, III,
134.
140. Battel, 2; Chap. 2; above.
141. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 228v.
CHAPTER2:
1. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 294-323;
Pigafetta, 85; Histria, 459-63; Cavazzi, I, 164, 230; Report of P.
Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, in Jadin, (1961), 468; P.
Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May, 1622-4, injadin (1968),
391; Montesarchio, 70-1; Teruel, 181; Cardornega, III, 188; Report on
Kongo (late seventeenth century), A.P.F., S.R.C., Congo, I, pp. 198-200.
In part this follows the analysis developed by Jan Vansina 'Notes sur
l'Origin du Royaume de Kongo,joumal of African Hiswry (1963), 33-38.
See a!so Wyatt MacGaffey, 'Oral Tradition in Central Africa', op. cit.
For the evolution of similar structures to those hypothesized for Vungu,
in similar circumstances, see Chap. 8.
2. The earliest known title of the mani Kongo was, 'King ofManicongo and
of the Ambundus', Afonso I to Pope, Kongo (1512), in Brsio, I, 272;
Afnso I to the Lords ofthe Kingdom, Kongo, !512, in Brsio, I, 260.
This suggests that the Mbundu had on1y recently been incorporated in
the kingdom. The term referred to the people in the region ofthe lower
Dande. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brsio, V, 385; Laurentde Lucques,
191-; G. Atkins, 'A Demographic Survey,' 334. The mani Kongo's control
was strictly limited to the coastal zone. ln the mid-sixteenth century the
mani Carimba, who dwelt near the sea, obeyed both the mani Kongo and
the Ngola a Kiluanje. Fr. Antnio Mendes to the Father General, Lisbon,
9 May, 1563, in Brsio, II, 498.
3. For Mbanza Mpemba: History of Kongo (late-sixteenth-century
compilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 137. The location of the other
capitais are well known from numerous reports. Pigafetta, 36, stated
that the 'River Berbella', the Nkisi, formed the old lirnit ofthe Kongo
Kingdorn in the east.
4. For fod: History of Kongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in
Cuvelierandjadin, 121; Reporton Kongo, 1607, in Brsio, V. 384. 'The
of the viHage pay their tributes to the interrnediate lords, these to
princes and these to the king. And in sorne lands the principal tribute
is the sucking pig, in others goats, in other chickens .... the ordinary
people scarcely eat meat- rather they eat vegetables, a few eggs and
herbs.' Teruel, 185. For doth, Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct.
l 51 5, in Brsio, I, 304; Histria, 440-l. For nzimbu shell money,
Pgafetta, 26 notes that the governar of Luanda Island was 'sent from
NOTES TO PP. 32-36 239
.!(ongo to administer justice and collect the shells that serve as money'.
See also, Suggestions ofPedro Sardinha (c. 1611), in Brsio, VI, 52-3.
For sa1t, note that sorne sources state that 'no-one has 1ordship over the
salt pans except the kings'. Teruel, 170; Tovar Pellicer, 57; Anguiano,
70. Cavazzi, I, 17 noted that the mani Kongo received 'voluminous'
arnounts of sa1t. H e did not, however, directly contro1 ali the coas tal salt
pans. Ogilby, 528; Dapper (1671), 548.
5. Note staternent of Afonso I ( 1506-43) with respect to European goods
and the provincial governors and tributary chiefs. 'Formerly we would
have given them these things in order to satisfy thern and keep them
under our suxereignty andjurisdiction'. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 6
July, 1526, in Brsio, I, 470-1, and Chap. 3. Also, 'neither the king nor
the title-holders reserve things frorn one year to the next except cloth for
their person, but ali that the subjects contribute to them is within a few
days re-distributed to thern'. Quotation from the lost MS ofP. Giacinto
Brugiotti (da Vetralla), Infelicita felice o vero Mondo alia roversa de! R.
P. F. Giacinto da Vetralla .... in Giuseppe Simonetti; 'P. Giacinto da
Vetralla et la sua Missione al Congo ( 1651-7) ', Bolletino de !la Socit
Geographica Italiana, IV, VIII, 4 (1907), 305-22; 5 (!907), 369-81.
6. Seen. 4.
7. Report on Kongo,June 1622, injadin (!968), 379-80.
8. Cavazzi II, 240; Official Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, 10 Apr. 1550, in
Brsio, II, 262, (Lukeni), Teruel, 49; Anguiano, 135-6, (Niaza).
Histria, 497 (Nsundi and 'Cou1o' which Cuvelier, L'Ancien Royaume,
note 30, reads as Nkusu). Nimi rnay have been the kanda name ofthe first
king known to the Portuguese,Joo I. Rui de Pina, LXII, in Brsio, I,
121, (Monymoctyanyny, i.e. mani ntinu (titles) a nimi).
9. See discussion in M. G. Smith, 'A Structura!Approach', I 17.
10. Brugiotti-lnfelicita, 374; Cavazzi, I, 142; II, 226; History of Kongo
(late-sixteenth-century cornpilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 121; Jos
de Pernambuco to the Provincial ofCastille, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in
Brsio, X, 114-15; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, p. 198; 95; n. 6.
11. Pigafetta, 66; Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, p. 198.l'vierolla, 69L
12. e.g. Teruel, 32, 124, 139, 183, and Anguiano, 4!0;Joseph Pellicer de
Tovar, Mision &'angelica al Regno de Congo (Madrid, 1649), 71; :tvfonari,
462; Cavazzi, V, 21.
13. The rnost detailed account is in Report on the Kongo (P. Andr
Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968), 373-82. There are additional
details in Ogilby, 541; Dapper (1671), 564-5; Cavazzi, I, 222-4
(probably the 1661 election).
14. Considered a necessary elector in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries in Kongo and independent Sonyo, Histria, 434-5; Cavazzi,
II, 223; Zuchelli, 309; Laurent de Lucques, 53; Monari, 145. See also
Report on Kongo by Bishop of So Tom, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in
Brsio, III, 505-!0 and hs position in court ofjoo I in Chap. 3. That
the mani Vunda was a kitome, see his functions in Histria, 434-5.
2+0 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
15. Joo III to Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 535; Cavazzi, II, 223.
16. Matters to Raise in the Replyofthe Pope totheKingofKongo (c. !651),
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 40v, refers to fourelectors. Teruel, 131 says the
election was ma de by 'three or four of the most principallords'. Cavazzi,
II, 222-3, states that the mani Sonyo was an elector. He never attended
Mbanza Kongo after the mid-seventeenth century but he did force a
king upon the Mwissikongo in the !ater seventeenth century. See Chap.
8. In the !ater seventeenth century Dona Anna, mani Nlaza, the aged
sister ofGarcia II, had the 'first vote' in the election. Consulta, Lisbon, 3
Mar. 1689, in Paiva Manso, 293. After its secession from Kongo, Sonyo
normally had four electors who also varied according to circumstances.
Zuchelli, 250 (the mani Kioua, Kela, Kitombe and Pangala); Laurent de
Lucques, 53 and Monari, 145 (mani Kima instead of mani Kiova).
M crolla, 690 says there were nine Sonyo electors.
17. Teruel, 58. See also successors of Afonso I, Chap. 4, and Fig. L
18. See Chap. 3.
19. Joo III to Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 535; Report of P. Andr
Cordeiro,June 1622, inJadin (1968), 379 and Chap. 4.
20. Joo de Barros in Brsio, I, 83; Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro),
June 1622, inJadin (1968), 379 and Chap. 4.
21. e.g., Cavazzi, IV, 373; Montesarchio, 34,91-2.
22. e.g., Report ofF. Capei! e to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the Directors
of the Company, Mar. 1642, inJadin (1966), 223; Manifesto ofWar of
Antnio I, So Salvador, 13 July 1665, in Paiva Manso, 244--5.
23. Afonso I to Paulo III, Kongo, 21 Feb. 1535, in Brsio, II, 39; Afonso I to
Joo III, Kongo, 25 Mar, 1539, in Brsio, II, 73; ReportofF. Cape!Ie to
CountJ. M. de Nassau and totheDirectorsoftheCompany, Mar, 1642,
in.Jadin (1966), 228; Ogilby, 536; Dapper (1671), 558; Teruel, 184. The
principal judge was called vango vimgo. Teruel does not describe the
functions ofthe mani bampa, the fourth principal male councillor. It is not
known who took the place of the principal secretary before the introduction
ofliteracy.
24. ln the mid-seventeenth century Garcia Il's aunt filled the office. Temei,
124-5. Since his maternal aunt was the kanda chief mani Nlaza, Teruel,
49, Anguiano, 135, this aunt was his paternal aunt. ln the early six-
teenth century, the most important woman at Afonso I's ourt was
entitled Mother and Daughter ofthe king.Joo III to Afonso I, Lisbon
1529), in Brsio, I, 535. See a!so Report ofP. iv1ateus Cardoso, 14
Sep. 1625, in Jadin (!968}, 426. ln the first years of the eighteenth
century a 'Mother' elected the ma.ni Wandu. Laurent de Lucques, 270.
See also 'iviother' of the ma.ni Nsanga, i 7.
25. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 25 Mar. 1539, in Brsio, II, 73; History of
Kongo (Iate-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin,
131; Bras Correia to Monsenhor Vives, So Salvador, 20 Oct. 1619, in
Brsio, VI, 407.
26. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 18 Oct. 1526, in Brsio, I, 490; Reporton
Kongo by the Bishop ofSo Tom, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Brsio, III,
505-l O; Matters Raised by the Kongo Ambassador, Madrid, 31 Mar. I 607,
NOTES TO PP 36-4-l 24!
in Brsio, V, 284; Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro),June 1622, in
Jadin (1968), 383; Report ofP. Mateus Cardosco, 14 Sep. 1625, inJadin
(1968), 427; De Geei, 136; Teruel, 181; Manifesto ofWar of Antnio I,
So Salvador, 13July 1665, in Paiva Manso, 244-5.
27. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968),
373-4. For an mj;emba nkazi whose status derived from historical
circumstances no longer important in the mid-seventeenth century and
who consequently wielded little power and influence see Montesarchio,
70-l. Nkazi meant spouse. De Geei, 258.
28. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 296; Pigafetta,
69; Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier andJadin, 200,
and Brsio, III, 505-10; Histria, 463-5; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan.
1622, in J adin ( 1968), 3 73-4; MacGaffey, Cus tom and Govemment, 88; and
Chaps. 3 and 5.
29. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968),
373-4.
30. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514-, in Brsio, I, 294-323;seealso
Pigafetta, 71, 'the profit that the king takes from Mbata is double that of
(:rvlpangu and Nsundi).
31. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brsio, I, 46l.Joo III to
Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 535 (who understood that Sonyo too was
amongst the principal provinces, probably because the Portuguese had
to pass through
32. Garcia de Resende in Brsio, I, 139; Rui de Pina, in Brsio, I, 136;Joo
de Barros, in Brsio, I, 143; Reporton Kongo (P. AndrCordeiro),June
1622, in Jadin (1968), 37l, 336; Teruel, 158; Laurent de Lucques, 98,
and Chaps. 3, 4-, 5.
33. See Chaps. 3 and 5 and above. That the kings appointed the mani Mbata
in the sixteenth century see Pgafetta, 69. For Garcia II's intervention in
l\fbata, Cavazzi, IV, 423. That the ruling kanda >vas Nsaku Lau see
Pigafetta, 50; Report on Kongo ( compilation c. I 65 7), A.P.F., S. R. C. G.,
250, p. 80.
34. Chaps. 3, 4, 5.
35. Little is known of organizational change at the lmver leveis, but kanda
must sometimes have been divided or amalgamated in the interests of
the state structure. In the late seventeenth century, the mani Sorryo
conquered six nku!untu who had formerly been ruled by the mani
,Hbamba. He incorporated them in a new district called Mbamba de
Sonyo and placed a 'captain general' over them. Zuchelli, 232.
36. Domingos de Abreu, Summary and Description of Angola (1591), in
Brsio, I, 539.
37. Compare the politicai situation revealed in the Official Enquiry of
Diogo, I, Kongo, 10 Apr. 1550, in Brsio, II, 248--62 with the mani
Kongo's appointments to very small districts in the early seventeenth
century in, e.g., Bras CmTeia to Vives, So Salvador, 30 Oct. 1619, in
Cuvelier andJadin, 333; Montesarchio, 54, 69; Terud, 99; Anguiano,
278; P. Girolamo da l'v[ontesarchio to P. Bonaventura da SorrFnto
23 Mar. !650, in Brsio, X, 486.
21'2 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
38. e.g. Jordo Manuel in the early seventeenth century: Report on the
Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro),June 1622 inJadin (1968), 372; the future
Pedro II (1622-4): ibid. 382; P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues,
May 1622-June 1624, inJadin (1968), 390. ln such cases the provincial
governors appointed substitutes to govern in their absence. Laurent de
Lucques, 170.
39. e.g. the careers of the brothers, the future lvaro VI (1636-41) and
Garcia II (1641-61). Report ofFrancisco Leito, Madrid, 4 Dec. 1643,
in Brsio, IX, 85; Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Sonyo, 25 Mar;
1648, in Brsio, X, 124; Ogilby, 542; Teruel, 123-4; Anguiano, 363;
Cavazzi, II, 247; Dapper (1671), 565.
40. See the future Afonso I's refusal to obey his father's surnmons to
Mbanza Kongo in about 1505. Joo de Barros, III, X, in Brsio, I,
143-4. For the mid-seventeenth century, see Teme!, 100; Cavazzi, IV,
410.
41. e.g. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brsio, I, 461; Afonso
I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 298, Chap. 7.
42. Report on Kongo (P. AndrCordeiro),June 1622, in.Jadin (!968), 371;
Ogilby, 535b; Dapper (1671), 558; Teruel, 185; Cavazzi IV, 225.
43. Anguiano, 73; Teruel, 103 (reference to Wandu in 1650). The mani
Nkusu's 'substitute' at Mbanza Kongo was entitled manienzu. Teruel,
132; Anguiano, 393.
44. e.g. to Sonyo in the early l640s, Santiago Ll1; to the Ndembu chiefs in
the early l660s, Public Testirnony of Alferes Andr Lopes Teixera, 25
July 1664, in Sousa Dias, 133.
45. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier andJadin, 20i;
Teruel, 97, 133, 134; Anguiano, 268,396.
46. Public Testimony of Antnio Fernandes Mufulama a Kanga, 25 July,
1664, in Sousa Dias, 134; Public Testimony of Antnio Taveira de
Sousa, 25 July, 1664, ibid. 120.
47. e.g. Report ofFerno de Sousa, 2 Feb. !631, in Brsio, VIII, 123; ibid.,
in Brsio, VIII, 133 (reference to the mani So'!J10); Letter of lvaro lU,
Kongo, 20Jan. 1616, in Brsio, VI, 252 (reference to the
48. Teruel, 52; Anguiano, 144. See the structure ofthe Kongo army at the
battle ofMbwila in 1665. Antnio de Sousa in Diogo C"ao, IV, 4 (1936),
168 and Chap. 7.
49. Joo III sent letters to all the principal provincial and central title-
holders including 'Joam Alvarez, chief captain ofGongo'. Joo III to
Afonso I, 1529, in Brsio, I, 535. The fact that neither this letter nor
Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brsio, I, 461, mentions a
mani lvlpemba suggests that the titles may have been combined.
50. Joo de Barros, in Brsio, I, 485.
51. Joo de Barros, in Brsio, I, 145.
52. Joo III to Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 530.
53. History ofKongo (late-si.xteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 133.
54. Pigafetta, 26; Pieter van den Broecke, Korte lsi!Jreal ende joumaelsdre
aenteyckeninghe ... (Haalem, 1614) in K. Ratelband, Reizm naar West
NOTES TO PP. 42-46 243
ilflica van Pieterz1arl den Broecke 1605-1614 (The Hague, 1950), 161; Report
of Pie ter Zegers Ouman, 1643, in Jadin ( 1961 ), 241; History of Kongo
(late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier andJadin, 134.
55. Anguiano, 76-9; Romano, 117; Cavazzi, I, 14-9, 150; P. Giacinto
Brugiotti (da Vetralla), 'Epstola P. Hyacinthi a Foro Casii Misionarii
Cap. in Regno Congi anno 1652', Analecta Ordinis ivfinonan Captmccilwmm, 13
(Rome, 1897), 89; Hist01y ofKongo compilation),
in Cuvelier andJadin, 365; Report ofthe Barefoot Carmelites, _1584, in
Brsio, IV, 411; Monari, 490-3; Montesarchio, 173; Public Testimony
of Antnio Taveira de Sousa, assistant clerk to the Ndembu Kalwnbo
Kangnga, 25July 1664, in Sousa Dias, 120.
56. e.g. they intercepted the letters of the sixteenth century Portuguese:
Gonalo Nunes Coelho to Joo III, Kongo, in Brsio, II, 76-7; ofthe
seventeenth century Dutch: The XIX to the Directors of the Coast, 6
Oct. 1645, A.H., O.W.LC., 9; ofthe seventeenth century Portuguese:
Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brsio,
VIII, 135; ofthe Capucins: Teruel, 141; Monari, 505; Garcia II to Joo
da Costa, Kongo, 15 Nov. 1654, in Cavazzi, doe. 43,329-30.
57. Instructions of Pedro II to Vives, So Salvador, 23 June, 1622, in
Cuvelier andJadin, 426 (collectors oftaxes); Cavazzi, II, 225. There is
passing information on this in ali the Capucin reports.
58. e.g. in Mpangu in 1584. Report on the Carmelite Mission, 1584, in
Brsi, IV, 407.
59. For exarnples in Nsundi, Cavazzi, IV, 424; Montesarchio, 150-6.
60. ln one village there was a 'chief of the village' as well as a 'governor,
placed by the marquis' ofMpangu. Ivfontesarchio, 164.
61. See37.
62. Teruel, 199; Histria, 459-64.
63. See Ghap. 4.
64. For the foilowing, e.g. Pigafetta, 74-6; Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25
Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier andJadin, 194; History ofKongo (late si.xteenth
century), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 136-7; Santiago, !28; Romano, 40;
Gavazzi, H, 227; Ogilby, 525.
65. 'vVhen they have food they eat it and fast afterwards. For example, a
chief who had to pay tribute took the king 20 or 30 cattle ( there are no
great cattle at So Salvador but there are in other regions), 15 sheep and
other food in abundance. Ali were eaten in little time'. History ofKongo
(late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier andJadin, 121. 'Twice a year the
princes subrnit tribute-goats, pigs, chickens'. Teruel, 185.
66. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in Cuvelier and Jadin, 121;
Cavazzi, IV, 355; Montesarchio, 82, !36; Chaps. 7 and 8.
67. Histria, 459-460; Cavazzi, II, 230; Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo,
Rorne, 17 Dec. inJadin 468--9.
68. Compare accounts in Pigafetta, and Chap. 3 with Report of P.
Bernardino da GaHo, Rorne, I 7 Dec. l
Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (l
69. Letter of P. Jacome Dias, Kongo, ! Aug. !548, in Brsio, II, l8I;
Gavazzi, I, ll4, ll9; Dapper (1671 583;
244 NOTES TO PP. 46-49
70. Raffaelo Maffei da Volterra, Commentarionmz Urbanonmz, XXXVIII
(Rome, 1506), 138v; Dapper (1671), 563; Ogilby, 540 and Chaps. 3 and 4.
71. Cavazzi, I, 164; II, 231; Report on Kongo (late seventeenth century)
A.P.F., S.R.C., Congo, I, p. 199; Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro)
June, 1622, injadin, (1968), 379; c/fP. Francisco Maria Gioia, 136 that
the founder ofNgola a Kiluanje was mbumba mbula, mani masure (smith).
72. Montesarchio, 97. See the explidt association offirebrands with chiefs
of the land and fertility amongst the closely related Pende.]. Maes, 'Le
Camp de Mashita Mbanza etles Migration des Bapende', Congo ( 1935),
717 and Chap. L
73. Cavazzi, I, 92.
74. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on lndigenous Kongo Religion
(mid-seventeenth century), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 337, 337v;
Memorial ofP. Bonaventura da Aiessano to the Propaganda Fide, Aug
1649, in Brsio, X, 396.
75. Cavazzi, I, 9 I; Zuchelli, 185.
76. The local title-holders built a new house for the new incumbent. Terue!,
180. Note the ritual associated with building a new sleeping house for
the mani SoTl)'O in the !ater seventeenth and early eighteenth century.
Laurent de Lucques, 120.
77. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 200;
Histria, 434; P. Serafino da Cartona to P. Procuratore, Angola, 12 May
1653, A.C.F.
78. Laurent de Lucques, 123.
79. Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct.
1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68. ln Loango, the delegates ofthe king to the
shrine of Bunzi could not see the sea during the voyage. Hagenburger-
Sacripanti, 72.
80. Rui de Pina, LVIII, in Brsio, I, 61.
81. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on lndegenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 204v; Cavazzi, I, 103, lll.
82. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 34lv.
83. Montesarchio, 99.
CHAPTER3:
I. Cavazzi, V, 246; Montesarchio, I 16. In early seventeenth century
Loango the newly arrived white men had to be buried about two miles
off-shore in the sea. Battell, 51.
2. Rui de Pina, L VIII, in Brsio, I, 65-6.
3. See Chap. 4.
4. Rui de Pina, L VII, in Brsio, I, 32-5; Garcia de Resende, CLIII, in
Brsio, I, 36-8;Joo de Barros, III, III, in Brsio, I, 39-43.
5. P. Francisco de Santa 1viaria, O Ceo aberto na terra, Lisbon, I597, in Brsio,
I, 91.
6. Rui de Pina, L VIII, LIX, LX, in Brsio, I, 61, 115; Garcia de Resende, in
Brsio, I, 72, l I9.
7. Rui de Pina, L VIII, in Brsio, I, 61,65-6.
8. Joo de Barros, III, IX, in Brsio, I, 84; Garcia de Resende, CLVI,
CLVII, in Brsio, I, I18; ibid., CLIX, in Brsio, I, 129; Rui de Pina,
LIX, LX, in Brsio, I, 114; ibid., LXI, in Brsio, I, 130; ibid., LXII, in
Brsio, I, l2l-3.
9. Joo II to Rui Gil, Lisbon, lO Dec. 1493, in Brsio, I, 154; Damio de
Gois, I, LXXVI, n Brsio, I, !94.
lO. Joo de Barros, I, III, X, in Brsio, 14!; Garcia de Resende, CLX in
Brsio, I, 137-9; Rui de Pina, LXIII, in Brsio, 133-136.
H. Joo de Barros, I, III, X, in Brsio, 14-l-7.
12. That h e was the son of the principal wife, ibid. For the position of the
Nsaku Lau, see Chap. 2.
13. Rui de Pina, IX III, in Brsio, I, 136 and below.
14. Joo de Barros, I, II, X, in Brsio, 141-7.
15. AH republished in Brsio, I.
16. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 297-9.
17. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. !514 in Brsio, I, 297; Pacheco
Pereira, Esmeralda de Situ Orbis (Lisbon, I 954 ), 144.
18. See Chap. 6. For purchase ofEuropean copper: Report ofF. Capelle to
Countj. M. de Nassau and tothe Directors oftheCompany, Mar. 1642,
injadin (1966), 229. Ali the late nineteenth century European attempts
to explit t ~ Mbembe copper fai!ed. F. Mouta 'As Minas de Cobre do
Congo', Acti<Idade Ewm5m:o., 3 9-l5.
19. Ogilby,542; Dapper 565.
20. CaptainofSoTomtojooiii,SoTom, l3Feb.l549.inBrsio, IL237.
246 EUROPEAN CONTACT
21. Broecke, 70; Samuel Braun's Sclziffarten, ed. L'Honor Naber (The Hague,
1913), 12-13.
22. Joo de Barros, III, X, in Brsio, I, !43; Pereira, 144.
23. Cuvelier, L'Anen Royaume, 227, note 33. ln the mid-seventeenth century
l\1azinga incorporated the Dondo south of the Niari River. Montesarchio,
55-B, 66-7, 102; P. Girolamo da la Sorrento, 22 Mar. 1650, Nsevo,
Nsundi, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 81-2v. (Masinga Metonda =
Mazinga ma Don do). References to the copper region suggest that it was
disputed between Nsanga and Mazinga (in Nsundi) on the one hand and
Makoko on the other. ln the !ater sixteenth century Pigafetta, 32,
noted that 'the country f the Anziques (Tio) contains many copper
mines'. ln !612 the Dutch trader Broecke reiterated this. Broeke, 70. ln
the mid-seventeenth century Dapper learnt from Dutch traders that
Nsundi he1d the region. Dapper (1696), 158.
24 . .Joo de Barros, III, III, in Brsio, I, 43.
25. i'\Jonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. !514, in Brsio, I, 294-323.
26. Privileges to the Residents ofSo Tom, Lisbon, 26 Mar. !500, in Brsio,
I. IB3; Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 31 May 1515, in Brsio, I, 333-8;
i\fonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 294-323.
27. Damio de Gos, IV, XXX, in Brsio, I, 207.
28. List of objects to send to Kongo (1512), in Brsio, I, 247-53. Regimento of
VIanuel I to Simo da Silva (1512), in Brsio, I, 228-46.
29. No slaves in 14B5,Joo de Barros, III, III, in Brsio, I, 43. A 'few slaves'
in the first years ofthe sixteenth century, Pereira, 144.
30. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 308-17; Afonso I
to Manuel I, Kongo, 4 Mar. 1516, in Brsio, I, 357. The sources refer to
raids on the 'Mbundu'. ln addition to their extension south and east,
these dwelt on the 1ower Dande, controlled access to the Island ofLuanda
and had been conquored by Kongo in the late fifteenth century. See
Chap. 2. Whilst the mani Kongo may have raided some of these groups-
pcrhaps in order to keep the nzimbu route open- it is more likely that he
raided the Ndembu groups who dwelt higher up the Dande and who were
not then incorporated in the kingdom. These carne to be termed Mbundu
too, e.g. Garcia II to P. Antnio do Couto, 28 J uly !649, in Brs i o, X, 3 72.
31. See Chap. L
32. ;\fonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 3!7.
33. Cf. the Portuguese presents of !526 with those of 1512. The King of
Kongo to Manuel Vaz, Kongo, 18Jan. 1526, in Brsio, I, 457-8.
34. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 26 May 1517, in Brsio, I, 404-5. Orderof
Manuel I, 28June 1514, in Brsio, IV, 70-l; Decree on the Guinea
Trade, 12 Mar. 1518, in Brsio, IV, 113; Decree for the Authorities of
rvtina and So Tom, Evora, 18 Nov. 1519, in Brsio, I, 429; Afonso I to
Joo III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brsio, I, 434. Carta Regia ofPri-v-ileges
to the People ofSo Tom, Simtra, 24 Sep. 1485, in Brsio, I, 50-L
35. Pereira, 50-l. Portugal began to establish plantations in So Tom in
1+85.
36. See discussion in Chap. L Cavazzi, I, 153-4; IV, 376-7; Garcia II to P.
Antnio do Couto, So Salvador, 28July 1649, in Brsio, X, 372.
NOTES TO PP. 50--64
247
37. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 294-323. Order of
the King of Kongo, 27 Apr. 1517, in Brsio, I, 398-9. The Portuguese
anticipated a rapid loading of slaves when the mani Kongo went to war.
Bernardo Segura to KingofPortugal, So Tom, 15 Mar. 1517, in Brsio,
I, 381.
38. Joo III to Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 526.
39. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 6July 1526, in Brsio, I, 470-1.
40. Joo III to Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 526.
41. Joo III to Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 529. Afonso I to Joo III,
Kongo, 18 Oct. 1526, in Brsio, I, 490. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 6
July 1526, in Brsio, I, 470-1.
42. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 296 and above.
43. J Vansina, The Tio Kingdom qfthe Middle Congo 1880-1892 (London, 1973)
9,445, Chap. 4, Part III; Willy Bal, 'Portugais Pombeiro, Commerant
Ambulant du 'Serto", Annali dell'1nstituto Universitario Orientale, VII, 2
(1965), 123-61.
44. History of KongJ (late-sixteenth-century compilation), Cuvelier and
Jadin, 152.
45. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 4 Dec., in Brsio, II, 102.
46. ln 1505-3 Pereira knew ofno profit at the PooL Pereira, 171. ln 1529 the
King of Portugal knew that slaves could be bought there. Joo III to
Afonso I (1529), in Brsio, I, 525-7. See alsoAfonso I to Joo III, Kongo,
4 Dec. 1540, in Brsio, II, lO!; Captain ofSo Tom to Joo III, So
Tom, 18 Feb. 1549, in Brsio, II, 237; Matters ofP. Sebastio de Souto,
1561, in Brsio, II, 477; lvaro II to P. Garcia Simoes, So Salvador, 27
Aug. 1575 in Brsio III, 127; Pigafetta, 36.
47. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 4 Dec. 1540, in Brsio, II, lO L
48. Regimmto ofManuel I to Manuel Pacheco anel Balthasar de Castro, 16
Feb. 1520, in Brsio, I, 432; Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 23Jan. 1530, in
Brsio, II, 70.
49. Fr. Antnio l\'fendes to the Father General, Lisbon, 9 May 1563 in
Brsio, II, 503.
50. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 305; Act of
Enquiry ofKing ofKongo, 22 Apr. 15!7, in Brsio, I, 393-9.
51. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 296; Afonso I to
Joo III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brsio, I, 479-80.
52. LetterofP. Cristavo Ribeiro, Aug. 1548, in Brsio, II, 187.
53. Afonso I to l\{anuel I, Kongo, 13 June 1517, in Brsio, I, 506; Afonso I to
Joo III, 8June 1517, in Brsio, I, 408-9.
54. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brsio, I, 535.
55. Afonso I to Joo III, Aug. 1526, in Brsio, I, 479-80.
56. Cedula Consistorial of Don Henrique, Bishop of Utica, 5 May 1518, in
Brsio, I, 416. BriefofLeao X to Bishop ofUtica, Rome, 8 May 1518, in
Brsio, I, 417-!3; ibid., 22 Mar. 1526, in Brsio, I, 461; Afonso I to Joo
III, Kongo, 25 Mar. 1539, in Brsio, II, 73; Joo III to Pope, 20 May
1532, in Brsio, II, 6.
57. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct.
Gois,
248 EUROPEAN CONTACT
Oct. 1526, in Brsio, I, 485.
58. Damio de Gois, IV, III, in Brsio, I, 362.
59. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brsio, I, 459.
60. J'viatters Raised by P. Sebastio de Souto, 1561 in Brsio, II, 47. ln the
late sixteenth century a nephew of lvaro II resided in Mbumba in
Mbamba as deacon with licence to baptize. Letter of Frei Diogo do
Santssimo Sacramento, Kongo, 2 Dec. 1584, in Brsio, III, 296.
6l. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 32.
62. See Afonso's complaints about the priests' own laxity, e.g. Afonso I to
l\1anuel I, 5 Oct. 1614, in Brsio, I, 300-1.
63. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brsio, I, 461.
64. See Diagram I and Kinglist in Appendix 2. The reign dates are
approximate for some kings. The principal sources used to establish the
succession and relationships are: Pigafetta, 102; Cavazzi, II, 98-123,
238-52; Teruel, Introduction; Anguiano, I0-25; Report on Kongo (P.
Andr Cordeiro), inJ adin ( 1968), 383-4; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622,
in Jadin (1968), 36; P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May
1622-June 1624, inJadin (1968), 389; ReportofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14
Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 426.
65. History ofKongo (later-sixteenth century compilation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 135; Report on Kongo (compilation c. 1657}, A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
250, p. 192.
66. P. Cornelio Gomes to a Priest in Portugal, 29 Oct. 1553, in Brsio, II, 306.
67. lbid. 295-307;Joo Afonso Polanco, S.J. RmanSocietatisjesu Histria, in
Brsio II, 209-17; 277-8; 311-20; 356-66; 379-83.
68. Joo III to Afonso I (Lisbon, 1529), in Brsio, I, 528-9.
69. Official Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, 1 O Apr. 1550, in Brsio, II, 248-62.
CHAPTER4:
1. l'vost recently byJ C. Miller, 'Requiem for thejaga', in Calziers d'tudes
Ajricaines, XIII, 1 (1973), 121-49;]. Thornton, 'A Resurrection for the
Jaga', ibid, XVIII, 1-2 (1978), 223-7;Joseph C. Miller, 'Thanatopsis',
ibid., XVIII, 1-2 (1978), 229-3l.The following argument foltows that
developed by A. Hilton, 'The Jaga Reconsidered,' Joumal of Ajrican
History, 22 (1981), 191-202.
2. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brsio, V. 385; Ferno de Sousa to the King,
Kongo, 28 Sep. 1624, in Brsio, VI I, 254; Order ofPaulo Dias de Novais,
20 Sep, 1585, in Brsio, IV, 455.
3. e.g. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 419.
4. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brsio, V, 37, 285.
5. Regimento of the Governo r of Angola, 26 Mar. 1607, in Brsio, V, 276.
6. Report of Antnio Bezerra Fajardo, 24 Feb. 1624, in Brsio, VII, 210.
7. History ofKongo (late-si..xteenth-centnry compilation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 137.
8. Pigafetta, 70; lvaro II to Pope Clement VIII, So Salvador, 12 July
1604, in Cuvelier andjadin, 269-70; Arme Hilton, Thejaga Reconsidered'.
9. J. C. Miller, 'A Note on Kazanze and the Portuguese', Calziers d'tudes
Ajricanes, XIII, l (1973), 121-149.
10. Paulo Dias de Novais to the King ofPortugal, Luanda, 3 Jan. 1578, in
Brsio, I, 294-5.
ll. Provisions of lvaro II, So Salvador, 7 July 1587, in Brsio, III, 344.
12. P. Garcia Simoes to Father Provincial, So Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, in
Brsio, III, 129-42; 1i1ani 1Hbamba, Antnio da Silva to Dominician
Vicar, !vi bamba, 20 Aug. 161 O, in Brsio, V, 603.
13. P. i\ntnio Mendes to Father General, Lisbon, 9 May 1563, in Brsio,
H, 51.
14. D. Birmingham, 'Early African Trade in Angola and its Hinterland', in
Pre-Colonia.l Ajrican Trade, eds. R. Gray and D. Birmingham (Oxford,
1970). 164-6.
15. Pigafetta, 147; History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century), in Cuveler
andjadin, !58.
16. Carta Regia to Paulo Dias de Novais, Lisbon, 20 rvtay 1585, in Brsio, IV,
453.
17. Abreu e Brito, Description of the r-...mgaom
IV, 538; Ferno de Sousa to the King,
25!J CENTRALIZATION
VIII, 93.
18. Officia1 Report on the Currency ofSo Paulo, 26Jan 1649, in Brsio, X,
391; Joo IV to Salvador Correia, !8 F eb !650, in Brsio, X, 4 76.
19. Suggestions ofPedroSardinha (c. 1611 ), in Brsio, VI, 52-5 and Chap. 5.
20. e.g. Pie ter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct
1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
21. Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Chamber of Zeeland on 29 June
1643, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct 1642, A.H., O.vV.I.C., 68; Cadornega,
III, 195.
22. Ibid. 195-6.
23. That the painted cloth carne from Mbata, Report on Kongo (P. Andr
Cordeiro),June 1622, injadin (1968), 371.
24. That the songa carne from Okango, Histria, 431. Cavazzi, I, 19
mentions Songo as a 'region' apart from Okango, and subject to Mbata.
25. Suggestions ofPedro Sardinha (c. 1611 ), in Brsio, VI, 52-5.
26. Memorial ofPedro Sardinha to the Counci1 ofState (c. 1612), in Brsio,
VI, 104-5; Cadornega, III, 273-4; Report of Antnio Dinis, 1622, in
Brsio, VII, 67-74.
27. Cadornega, III, 52.
28. Reportou the Kingdom ofKongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov 1595, inCuvelierand
Jadin, 509; Diogo Lopes de Faria to the King, Lisbon, 20 May 1636, in
Brsio, VIII, 365; Histria, 431; F. Capelle to Countj. M. de Nassau
and to the Directors oftheCompany, Mar 1642, injadin (1966), 246;
Dapper (1671), 572-3. For Makoko opposition, Cavazzi, IL 245
(reference toearly 1620's).
29. See Chap. 5.
30. See Chap. 3.
3 L Official Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, lO Apr 1550, in Brsio, II, 248-62.
32. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov !595, in Brsio, III, 505-10;
Pigafetta, 120; History ofKongo (late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier
andjadin, 117-21; Report on the Kongo Slave Trade (c. 1650) A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 26-9.
33. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century}, in Cuvelier andjadin, 135;
Note 'the plantations of the mani Bengo' in Report of Gaspar Croesen to
the Council of Recife on the Events on the Bengo, End of 1645, A.H.,
O.W.I.C., 59 No. 30 and Chap. 5.
34. List ofObjects sent to Kongo, !5!2, in Brsio, I, 250.
35. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth century compilation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 118; e.g. Ravenstein, Tlle Stmnge Ad<;entures iif A11drew Battell
Leigh (London, 1901) (for Ngombe in Mbamba}; F. Capelle to
l\1. de Nassau and to the DirectorsoftheCompany, Mar 1942,
(1966), 221 (Sonyo); ReportofManuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sep 1619, in
Brsio, VI, 378 (Mbanza Kongo); Teruel, 164 (cu1tvated figs in
Sonyo).
36. Pigafetta, 76.
37. See many references in Jadin (!966) and (1967), passim. For the
economic effects of Portuguese Luanda on the Komro hinterland. see
Chap.5.
NOTES TO PP. 69-80
251
38. Battell, 7, 40; Report of P. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sep 1625, in Jadin
(1968), 418; Report ofManuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sep 1619, in Brsio,
VI, 378; Cavazzi, I, 37; Brugiotti-Infelicita, 116.
39. Histria, 457; Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the
Mauritius, 14 Oct 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
40. P. Serafino da Cartona to Father Superior, Mar 1648, in Brsio, X, 97;
Brugotti-Infelicita, 116; It was the Capucins' principal food in 1645-6,
Cavazzi, III, 293.
41. M. P. Miracle, ivfaize in TrojJcal 1lf7ica (Wisconsin, 1966), Chap. II; A.
E. Hopkins, An Eco1wmic History of West Africa (Lonclon, 1973), 31;
Cavazzi, I, 37; Anguiano, 68.
42. Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 25 Aug 1526, in Brsio, I, 533. Some
Kongo were taken to Portugal involuntarily in the reign of Joo I
(-1506), baptized and returned.Joo de Barros, III, III, in Brsio, I,
43; Rui de Pina, LVIII, in Brsio, I, 56.
43. e.g. reign of Afonso I: Joo III to King of Kongo (1529), in Brsio, I,
533; Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct 1514, in Brsio, I 322; reign of
Diogo I (1545-61 ), theJesuit mssion: P. Cornlia Gomes to a priest of
Portugal, in Brsio, II, 305; reign of Alvaro I (1568-87), the Carmelite
mission: History of Kongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in
Cuvelier andjadin, 108; reign ofPedro II (1622-4) and his successors
to Garcia II (1641-61), second Jesuit mission: Report of P. Mateus
Cardoso, 14 Sep 1625, in Jadin (1968), 417; reign of Garcia II, the
Capucin mission: see Chap. 7.
44. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 377; Teruel, 21, 30.
45. Pieter to Council ofBrazil, On the Maumw'
A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
46. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 377.
!4 Oct 1642,
47. Cartilha de Doutrina Christa em lengaa da Congo (Evora, 1536). l'v!.entioned
injoo III to Diogo I, Lisbon, 12 Oct 1556, in Brsio, II, 393; Doutrina
Chlista composta jJe{o P. AJacos Jorge da Companhia a Jesu ... traduizada na
linguado Re_yno do Congo por ordem do P. AJattlzeus Cardoso . .. (Lisbon, 1624,
1661 ) ; Doctrina Clzristina ad jmfeclum missionis to luis regrzi Congi in quatu r
lnguas per correlatJas columnas distinctas (Rome, 1650). (Giacinto da
Vetralla added a Latin and I talian translation to Cardoso's text.)
48. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 377.
49. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-centUI)' compilation), in Cuvelier anel
Jadin, 133.
50. lvaro II I Instructions for Vives, So Salvador, 25 Oct 1617, in
Cuvelierandjadin, 352; Pigafetta, 66; Ogilby, 536; Dapper (]671 L 558.
51. Report on Kongo, in Brsio, V, 385.
52. Report on the Carmelite Mission
536b; Dapper (1671), 558; Teruel, 185.
in Brsio, IV, 414; Ogilby,
53. Instructions of Pedro II to Vives, So Salvador, 23 June 1622, in
Cuvelier andjadin, 426.
54. Report on Kongo (P.
55. Instructions of Pedro II
Cuvelier andJadin, 426.
ln
252
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
CENTRALIZA TION
Chiefs of the villages- possibly around Mbanza Kongo.
lnstructions of Pedro II to Vives, So Salvador, 23 June 1622, in
Cuvelier andjadin, 426.
Extracts ofletters ofthe King ofKongo, 20Jan 1616-23 May 1619, in
Brsio, VI, 252-4; Manifesto ofWar of Antnio I, 13 J uly I 665, in Paiva
Manso, 244-5; Cavazzi, doe, 66, pp. 349-50.
Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct 1514, in Brsio, I, 294-323;
Cavazzi, doe, 66, pp. 349-50; Publie Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, lO Apr
1550, in Brsio, II, 261.
Cavazzi, IV, 228.
Act ofEnquiry of Afonso I, Kongo, 22 Apr. 1517, in Brsio, I, 393-7;
/\ct ofEnquiry of Afonso I, Kongo, 27 Apr. 1517, in Brsio, I, 398-403;
Public Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, lO Apr. 1550, in Brsio, II, 261.
Monari, 486, 489.
Caltanisetta, 90.
e.g. Ietters between the supporters ofthe rebellion ofPedro Canguano
Bemba in the mid-sixteenth century. Public Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo,
10 Apr. 1550, in Brsio, II, 261. There are many examples in the
Capucin reports of the mid-seventeenth century.
Teruel, 21, 77.
Garcia II to the V assais, So Salvador, 19 Sept. 1648, B.N.M. MS6751,
S-1 06, p. 83; Monari, 437; Teruel, 79. Garcia II to the V assais, So
Salvador, 20 Aug. 1652 in Monari, 453-4; Brugiotti-Epistola, 94-6. Garcia
II to the Vassals, So Salvador, 2 Mar. 1653 in Cvazzi, doe. 41, pp.
326-7.
Bras Correia to Vives, 20 Oct 1619, in Brsio, VI, 408, and Chap. 3.
Report on the Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro),June 1622, injadin (!963),
364.
Teruel, 27.
The early sixteenth century archives, however, were lost during the
'.Jaga' invasion. Alvaro II to Pope Paul V, SoSalvador,27Feb 1613, in
Cuvelierandjadin, 332.
Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb 1632, in Brsio,
VIII,I47.
VI to the Pope, Kongo, 12 Dee 1639, in Brsio, VIII, 434.
Garcia II to Pope Innocent X, So Salvador (c. 12 Dec 1649), in Brsio,
X,2!3.
P. Antnio do Couto to Joo IV, 23July 1649, in Brsio, X, 367.
e.g. Certificares of P. Antnio do Couto and of the Vicar General and
Chapter of the Cathedral, So Salvador, !4 Oct !651, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 3. Antnio I to Afonso VI, Kongo, 12 Sept 1662, in Cavazzi,
doe. 58, pp. 344-5.
Sce Chaps. 3 and 5; the complaints of Alvaro III to Vives, So Salvador,
19 Oct 1619, in Cuvelier andjadin, 371; ofPedro II to Felipe IV, 17
1623, in Brsio, VII, !16 anel Garcia II's prolonged attempt to
sccure the transport of ambassadors inl\4onari, III, VIL
Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct 1514, in Brsio, I, 296; Afonso I to
.Joo I I I, Kongo, 26 May 1517, in Brsio, I, 404; Teruel, 31.
NOTES TO PP. 8!-87 253
78. e.g. Monari, 524.
79. Bras Correia to Vives, So Salvador, 23 July 1622, in Cuvelier anel
Jadin, 441-2.
80. See Chaps. 6 anel 7.
81. Ibid.
82. e.g. in the mid-seventeenth century the journey from Mbanza Kongo to
Mbanza Sonyo, which was about I 25 miles in a direct line, usually took
I O days, that is about I2.5 miles a day. Montesarchio, 27. The journey
from Mbanza Kongo to Luanda, about 190 miles, took I6 days, that is
about 12 miles a day. Cavazzi, III, 3! I. Travelling times were conven-
tionally reckoned at 6 !cagues - about 24 miles - a day on the ground.
History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, !16; Montesarchio, I28; Cavazzi, III, 344.
83. Montesarchio, 27; Carli, 635. See also Teruel, I IS.
84. Montesarchio, I 50, 197; Cavazzi, I, 148; Teruel, 28.
85. In 1491 NzingaNkuwu,Joo I, wenton foot tofight rebels. Rui de Pina,
LXIII, in Brsio, I, 135.
86. Cavazzi, I, !49.
87. Report of P. Mateus Cardoso, I4 Sept I625, in Jadin (1968), 417.
Laurent de Lucques, 2 I 7.
88. Histria, 43I-3.
89. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century compi1ation), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 122; F. Capelle to Countj. M. de Nassa\.1 anel to the Directors of
theCompany, injadin (1966), 222.
90. Alvaro II to Vives, So Salvador, I 7 Oct 1619, in Cuvelier and.Jadin,
364.
91. Pigafetta, 87.
92. Teruel, 67. Note estimate of30-40 miles a day formessages anel travei in
Letter ofP.Jcome Dias, Kongo, i Aug. 1548, in Brsio II, 179.
93. Letter from Nzinga to P. Crisostomo da Genova carried by 4 slave
couriers. P. Crisostomo da Genova to Propaganda Fide, Rome, lOJan.
1665, in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 480.
94. e.g. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, l4 Sept. 1625, inJadin (1963), 424;
Teruel, 22; Anguiano, 358.
95. History ofKongo (late sixteenth eentury), in Cuvelier andjadin, I3l;
Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), 24 Jan. !622, in Jadin (1968),
361-70.
97. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso; 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1963), 427.
98. Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. I 632, in Brsio
VIII, 133; Temei, 181; Chap. 3.
99. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier and Jadin, 201;
Ogilby, 536; Dapper (167i),558; ManifestoofWarofAntnio I, !3Juiy
1665, in Cavazzi, Doe. 66,349-50.
100. e.g. Cavazzi, I, !59; IV, 373.
101. MaeGaffey, Custom and Gouemmml, 232-64 discusses the
amongst the Kongo. A new
a new expressior1 anel source of OO'wer with its ovm modalities
could benefit its clients .
25'1 CENTRALIZA TION
102. Three daughter established !ines of kings - Nznga, Lukeni, and
Ntumba, P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June
!624, in Jadin (!968), 389. Afonso certainly had more than three
da ugh ters since in 1529 h e was said to have o ver 300 grandsons. Joo I II
to Afonso I (1529), in Brsio I 533.
103. Pigafetta, 1 10; The Religious and Politicai State of Angola, 1588, in
Brsio, III, 378; A priest to the Father Provincial ofPortugal, Luanda,
15 Dec. 1587, in Brsio III, 350; Summary oflnstructions to Antnio
.'VI anue!, So Salvador, 29 June 1604, in Cuvelier andjadin 266; lvaro
III to Paulo V, So Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, in Brsio VI, 289; Instruc-
tions of lvaro I II to Monsenhor Vives, So Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, in
Brsio VI, 294; Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), June 1622, in
Jadin (1968),386; Reporton Kongo, !4Jan. l622,injadin (1968),36!.
104. The King List, Appendix 2; P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda
Fide, So Salvador, 14 Jan. 1647, in Brsio, X, 7; Report of P.
Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec.
1710, injadin (1961), 480; Chap. l.
105. P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, in
Jadin (1968), 390.
106. Teruel, 199; ln the laterseventeenth century Pedro, the pretender to the
throne of Mbu1a, left 350 widows. Many of them did not want to remarry.
ll1ey preferred to retain their status as '!adies ofthe court'. Caltanisetta, 75.
The sons of the mani Kongo are always described as beng resdent in the
court unless appointed to provincial governorships.
107. Cal tanisetta, 75, I 02; Examination of the Report ofP. Andrea da Pavia,
Rome, 6 Apr. 1693, in Jadin (1970), 554. ln certain circumstances a
modem Mayombe husband can make an unusually large payment to the
girl's lineage head and thereby gain complete control over her and her
children. P. P. van Reeth, De rol van den moederiiken com irz die inlarzdische
famlie (Brussels, 1935), 27. See alsoAnne Hilton, 'Family and Kinship'.
108. Anon. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. !595, in Cuvelier and.Jadin,
201; Report ofthe Bishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, 7 Sept. 1619, in
Brsio, VI, 375; Cavazzi, I, 159.
109. See accession ofAfonso I and revolt against Diogo I, Chap. 3.
110. c.g . .Joo III to Afonso I (!529}, in Brsio, I, 529; Cavazzi, I, !58.
111. Histria, 496.
112. See Chap. I.
113. P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, Iviay 1622-.June 1624, in
.Jadin (1968), 389; Chap. !.
114. M. G. Smith, 'A Structural Approach'.
115. \'\'ilson 'The Kingdom of Kongo', 284; Laman, III, 58-60; Bentiey,
Dictionary, 406.
116. Wilson, 'The Kingdom ofKongo', 284-5; De Geei, 202.
117. Rui de Pina, 157; Chap. 3.
118. Batte!l, 46.
119. Letter ofP. Cristvo Ribeiro, Aug. 1548, in Brsio, II, 187.
120. See Chap. 1.
121. Ogilby, 511; Dapper (167!), 529. The sarne point was made in !ater
NOTES TO PP. 87-96 255
eenturies. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano (1798), inJ adin ( 195 7),
318; Bentley, Pioneerng, 248-9; Laman, The Kongo, III, 55; Van Wing,
Religion, Chap. II.
122. Cavazzi, I, 88.
123. De Geei, 258; Bologne, 117; Histria, 436-9; Dapper, 176-7; Report of
P. Raimondo da Dicomano (1791-8), injadin (1957), 335.
124. Teruel, 74.
125. De Geel, 217; Cavazzi, I, 88.
126. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo; Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, in.Jadin (1961),
517, and Chaps, 2 and 8.
127. See Chap. L
128. Cavazzi, I, 132.
129. F. Capelle to Count .J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the
Company, March 1642, in.Jadin (1966), 200, 246. Barbot, 'A Description
.. .', 477.
130. See Chap. !.
131. Wilson, 'The Kingdom ofKongo', 234; Cavazzi, I, l 00-1; De Geei, 312.
132. Laman, The Kongo, III, 3, 15.
133. De Geei, 128; Bentley, Dictmary, 296.
134. Van Wing, Religion, 17.
135. De Geei, W.
136. See Chap. l. See also Bentley, Pioneerng, I, 252; Laman, The Kongo,
15.
137. Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion by P. Bonaventura da Corella,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, 342. Similar comments were made in the late
seventeenth centry. Caltanisetta, III.
138. De Geei, 210, 327; Teruel, 2!, !17; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father
Provincial, Massangano, 1 O Apr. 165 7, A. C. Florence.
139. De Geei, 173,319.
140. Ibid. 282; Caltanisetta, III; Bentley, Pioneerng, 236-7.
141. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), June 1622, in .Jadin
374-5.
142. Teruel, !79; Tovar PeHicer, 60v; Cavazzi, I, 124.
143. LeHerofP. Cristvo Ribeiro,Aug. 1548, in Brsio, II, 187.
144. ReDOrt ofFrancisco de Soveral, Bishop ofSo Salvador, On a visit ad
I A.pr. 1631, in.Jadin 436.
145. Questions Answered by the Ambassador of the King ofKongo, Lisbon,
!595, in Brsio, H I, 500-4; Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625,
427; Cavazzi, I, l24. See Chap. 6 for activities ofGarcia
146. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), june 1622, in .Jadin
374-5; ReportofP.lVIateusCardoso, l4Sept. 1625,in Brsio VIII,342.
Report of Francisco de Soveral, Bishop of Kongo, Luanda, 22 Sept.
1639, in Brsio, VIII, 443; 1\iionari, 507-8.
147. Teruel, 179; Tovar Pellicer, 60v; Report ofFrancisco de Soveral, Bshop
ofSo Salvador, On a visit l Apr. !631, (1968}; 432;
ofFrancisco de Soveral, Luanda, 22 SepL 1640, in
and Cuvelier and .Jadin,
25f) CENTRALIZA TION
148. The most vivid description is in Report of Andrea da Pavia (I 702), in
Jadin (I970), 443, but see also Cavazzi, I, 124.
149. Romano, 46.
150. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968)
373-283.
i51. Cavazzi, IV, 229; Teruel, II, 18I; Tovar Pellicer, 69.
152. Report of the Bishop ofSo Salvador, Francisco de Soverai on a visit ad
limina, l Apr. I63I, in.Jadin (I968), 433, and ali the Capucin reports.
153. T cruel, 78.
154. I n ali Capucin reports.
155. Questions Answered by the Ambassador of the King ofKongo, Lisbon,
1695, in Brsio, III, 500-4 and Cuvelier and.Jadin, I84.
156. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), June I622, in Jadin (I968),
375-5; P. Miguel Afonso to the General of the Company of jesus, in
Brsio, VIII, 342; Chap. 7.
157. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 204.
158. See n. I42, 150.
159. Report ofthe Bishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619,
in Brsio, VI, 283.
160. See Chap. 6.
161. See Chaps. 5 and 6.
162. Ogilby, 513; Dapper (I671), 533; Barbot, 'A Description ... ', 477;
Teruel, 8I; Anguiano, 2I8; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, 200.
163. De Geei, 25, 302; Teruel, 81.
164. De Geei, 48, 296; Bentley, Dictimzary, 288-9 (kandka); Laman, 17ze
Kongo, III, 79.
165. De Geei, I I8; Van Wing, Religion, Chap. IV; Bentley, Dictionary, 324
translates loka, 'to bewitch, kill, harm by witchcraft'; loka a nkisi, 'to
curse by means of a charm'. De Geei, I I8, translates it, 'to excommunicate,
to strike with a curse', 'to curse, to excommunicate, to bewitch'. See
discussion of loka, Chap. l.
166. ivlontesarchio, !Ol-2; Teruel, 97; Anguiano, 269.
167. Anguiano, 266; Teruel, 96.
168. Laurent de Luques, 143; Caltanisetta, 45, 77.
169. The most detai1ed account of an investiture is in Report on Kongo (P.
Andr Cordeiro),June 1622, in.Jadin (1968), 373-82. Other accounts
are in Ogilby, 541 and Dapper {1671), 564-5 (probably the I636 or 1641
investiture) and Cavazzi, I, 222-4 (probably the 166I investiture}. See also
Chap. 2.
170. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the
Company, Mar. 1642, injadin (1966}, 224; Teruel, 179.
171. Report ofP. Andrea da Pavia (1702}, injadin (!970). 44L
172. Anguiano, 278.
173. See Chap. 7.
174. Ibid.
175. Teruel, 22.
176. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the
NOTES TO PP. 96-102
257
Company, Mar. I642, in Jadin (1966), 224; Merolla, 743; Teruel, 92,
Cavazzi, I, 99, I24; IV, 269,274.
177. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the
Company, Mar. I642, in.Jadin (1966), 224; Pieter Moortamer to the Council
ofBrazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. I 642, AH., O.W.LC., I 8; P. Bona ventura
da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, So Salvador, 4 Aug. I649, in Brsio,
X, 379-90; For a description of some of the locally manufactured
objects, see Wannyn.
178. e.g. Cavazzi, IV, 374; Report ofPieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, injadin
(I966), 241; Caltanisetta, 150.
CHAPTER5:
1. Sce Birmingham, Trade and Conjlict and Miller, Kings and Kinsmen for
these developments.
2. Alvara ofDiogo I to Joo III, 1553, in Brsio, II, 323.
3. Diogo I to P. Diogo Gomes, Kongo, 15 Aug. 1546, ibid. II, 147-8.
4. Sce Chap. 4.
5. Report of Abreu e Brito, 1591, n Brso, IV, 538; Summary of the
lnstructions of Antnio Manuel, Kongo ambassador to Pope Clement
VI II, So Salvador, 29June 1604, in Cuvelierandjadin, 208; Memorial
of Pedro Sardinha to the Council of State (1613), in Brsio, VI, 108;
Report ofGarcia Mendes Castelo, 1620, ibid, VI, 471; Anon. Reporton
Kongo, 24Jan. 1622, injadin (1968), 365.
6 .. \f(mso I to Joo I, So Salvador, 4 Dec. 1540, in Brsio, II, !02; P.
Garcia Simoes to the Father Provincial, So Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, ibid.
I I I, 132 (I O n;;:mbu = l real at Luanda and there were I 00,000 nzimbu to
the cofo). F. Capelle to CountJ . .tvL de Nassau and to the Directorsofthe
C:ompany, injadin (1966), 233); Alvaro III to Felipe II, 23 Oct. 1615, in
Brsio, VI, 233.
7. Report ofBishop Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. !619, ibid. VI, 383.
8. Rcoort ofFerno de Sousa, Kongo, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1633; ibid. VIII,
Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 42!;
Romano, 44.
9. P. Garcia Simoes to Father Provincial, So Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, in
Brsio, III, 129-42; Report on Kongo, 1607, ibid. v, 385; Report of
Antnio Dinis, 1622, ibid. VII, 67-74; Reports of P. Pero Tavares,
!1)29-35, injadin (1967), 294-306; ReportofFemo de Sousa, Lisbon,
7 Dec. 1631, in Brsio, VIII, 93; Report ofPieter Zegers Ouman, 1643,
in Jadin (I 966), 238; Report ofGaspar Croesen to the Council ofRecife
on the Events ofthe Bengo, (early 1645), A.H., O.W.I.C., 59.
10. Report of Ferno de Sousa, 21 Feb. 1632, in Brsio, VIII, !23;
( :adornega, III, 32; Description of Angola and Kongo, Report of the
ChamberofZeeland, p. 161, A.H., O.W.I.C.,57.
11. Pigaletta, 58; Battell, 52; Report by Ferno de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, in
Brsio, VIII, 124.
12. (:ar! i, 635.
13. Pigaletta, 55.
14. lbicl. 62!.
NOTESTOPP. 104-!14
259
15. Report ofGaspar Croesen to the Council ofRecife, Early 164-5, A.H.,
O.W.I.C., 59, No. 30.
16. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 418.
17. Battell, 64-5.
18. Pigafetta, 55.
19. P. Mateus Ca1doso to P. Nuno Mascarenhas, july 1623, in jadin
(1968), 4!0.
20. Ogilby, 528; Dapper (1671) 548; Treaty ofPeace Between the King of
Portugal and the King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola3.
21. Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 7 Dec. 1631, in Brsio,
VIII, 93; Cadornega, III, 200, 202, 206; Pieter Moortamer to the
Council ofBrazil, On the Mawitius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
22. P. Mateus Cardoso to P. Nuno Mascarenhas, July 1628, in Jadin
(1968), 410.
23. Cadornega, II, 195,206, 219; III, 186, 277; Ogilby, 523; Dapper (1671 ),
543; Caltanisetta, 164 and Chap. 7.
24. Cavazzi, I, 21-2; History ofthe Residence ofthe PP. ofthe Company of
Jesus, Brsio, IV, 574-6; Report of Abreu e Brito, (1591), ibid. IV,
533-6; Letter to Gaspar Dias de Beja, March 1591, ibid. II, 351.
25. Pieter Moortamer to the CounciJ of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct.
1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68; Cavazzi I, 21 and V, 79; Cadornega I, 93-5;
Miller, Kings and Kzsmen, Chap. VIL
26. Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazi!, On the Mauritus, 14 Oct.
1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
27. L. Gruebal, 'Le Sjour de Samuel Braun Soyo en 1612', Bulletin des
Seances del'A.R.S.C., I, 3 (1955), 443.
28. G. Brandt, Historie der Vermaerde Zee-m KoopstadtEnkhuisen (Enkhuizen,
1666), 195.
29. Broecke, 43--4, 46, 5!; Andr Fonesca to the King, Luanda, 28 Feb.
1612, in "1rquizros de Angola, III, 19-2! (1937), 85; Report ofBalthazar
RebeiJo de Arago (!618), in Brsio, VI, 339.
30. ReportofFerno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 7 Dec. 1631, ibid. VIII,
93; Report by Ferno de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, ibid. VIII, 124; Pieter
Moortamer of the Council of Brazil, On the A1auritius, 14 Oct. 1642,
A.H., 0.\'V'.I.C., 68; Report on the Coast of Angola and Kongo by
Ferno de Sousa, 2 Feb. !631, inBrsio, VIII, 124; ReportofF. Capelle,
inJadin (1966), 215.
31. Tovar Pellicer, 23v; Report ofF. Capelle, 1641, injadin (1966), 220;
Battell, 52; Report ofF erno de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, in Brsio, VIII,
Report ofFerno de Sousa, 23 Feb. 1632, ibid. VIII, 133.
32. Dapper 21 L
33. BatteH, 42.
34. Report of Pieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, in
Capelle to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the LIH<A.''-''"
Mar. !642, ibid. 224; Ogilby, 52!; Dapper
35. Pigafetta, 32. See also Broecke, 70.
36. Dapper !58, 565; Qgjlbv, 542; Femo de Sousa to the Kinf'". 1.5
260 DECENTRALIZATION
Nov. 1627, in Brsio, VII, 520; Report ofPieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, in
Jadin (1966), 242.
37. A canon ofthe See ofKongo to P. Manuel Rodrigues, 1624, in Brsio,
VII, 295; 'The mines ofthe King ofBungo' in Ferno de Sousa to the
King, 15 Nov. 1627, ibid. VII, 250 and F. Capelle toCountJ. M. de
Nassau and totheDirectorsoftheCompany, Mar. 1642injadin (1966),
226; Ferno de Sousa to Manuel Barbosa, 9 Mar. 1627, in Brsio, VII,
503; Ferno de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, ibid. VIII, 135; Report
ofFerno de Sousa, 1624-30, ibid. VII, 652.
38. C. R. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil, 1624-1654 (Oxford, 1957);J. Postma,
'Dutch S1ave Trade from Western Africa', Joumal tif African Hiswry
XIII, 2 (1972), 239.
39. Dapper (1676), 158; Santiago 162; Teruel, 42, 68; Remedies and Aids
Proposed by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento (c. 1650). A S. Modena,
e Carteggi di Stati e Citta: Italia, Busta Roma 105, Papeis de Cardinale d'Este,
'Congo'; ReportofF. Capelle, 1641, injadin (1966), 217,220.
40. Cornelius Nieulant to His Excellency and to the High Council ofBrazi1,
Luanda, 17 Dec. 1642,A.H., O.W.LC.,58; Ogilby, 521; Dapper(1671),
541.
41. See n. 30.
42. e.g. Ferno de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brsio, VIII, 133-5;
Dapper (1676), 211; Cadornega, III, 182; Merolla, 717.
43. e.g. Report ofBishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619,
in Brsio, VI, 379.
44. Pedro Sardinha to the Councl ofState (c. 1612), in Brsio, VI, 104-5;
Chap. 7.
45. Teruel, 169; Ogilby, 542; Dapper (1671), 565, and below.
46. R. L Wannyn, op. cit.; ReportofF. Capelle, l642,inJadin (1966), 229
andabove.
47. Manuel Pacheco to Joo III, Kongo, 28 Mar. 1536, in Brso, II, 60;
Antnio Vieira toDonaCaterina, So Tom, 18Apr. 1566, ibid. II,547;
Antnio Vieira to King (c. 1566), ibid. H, 547; Pigafetta, 110;
I nforrnation ofF erno de Sousa to King, Lisbon, 7 Dec. !631, in Brsio,
VIII, 93; and be1ow.
48. Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brsio,
VIII, 147. .
49. Prov:isions of lvaro II, So Salvador, 7 July 1587, ibid. III, 344;
Memorial ofPedro Sardinha to the Council ofState (c. 1612), ibid. VI,
Report ofBishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619,
ibid. VI, 283; Cadornega, III, 274; Treaty ofPeace Benveen the Kingof
Portugal and the King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. !649, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola,3.
50. Cadornega, III, 236-43.
51. Ogilby, 528; Dapper (1671), 548; Treaty ofPeace Between the Kingof
Portugal and the King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 3, and above.
52. Histria, 463-5.
53. Ogilby, 540; Dapper (1671), 562-3.
NOTES TO PP. 114-126
261
54. Some Notable Points Concerning the Mission ofKongo by Giacinto da
Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 199.
55. Cavazzi, II, 221-2.
56. Ogilby, 536b; Dapper (1671 ), 558.
57. Pigafetta, 70; History ofKongo (late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 137.
58. Teruel, 186; Report of Luis de Meneses, 1669, in Paiva Manso, 254;
Merolla, 702; Cadornega, III, 280; Report of Antnio Bezarra Fajardo,
24 Feb. 1624, in Brsio, VII, 210.
59. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), in Jadin (1968), 372;
:tv1ontesarchio, !02, 140; Monari, 557; Teruel, 25; Anguiano, 58.
60. Monari, 557.
61. Cadornega, III, 200; Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the
A1auritus, 14 Oct. 1642, AH., O.W.LC., 68; Report ofLuis de Meneses,
1669, in Paiva Manso, 254; Merolla, 702.
62. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 322, 3 71; Brugiotti-Epistola, 89-96; Tovar Pellicer,
691; Temei, 182. 100 musketeers and 29 Portuguese fought "\\-'th the Kongo
arrny at the battle of Mbwi1a in 1665. Mercurio Portuguese in Diogo Co,
IV, 6 (1936), 168; Brugiotti-Infelicita, 322.
63. Antnio do Couto, S. J. to Joo IV, 28 July 1649, in Brsio, X, 368;
Teruel, 86; Dapper (!67l) 565; Cadornega, II, !33.
64. See Chaps. I and 3.
65. Montesarchio, 126.
66. Report ofP. Giacinto da VetraUa, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. !99.
67. Mentioned in most ofthe Capuc:in reports in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250.
68. Terud, P. Hildebrand, Le Martp Georges de Geel et les Dbuis de la
Mission du Congo (1645-1652) (Anvers, !940); Chap. 6.
69. Montesarchio, 91-2.
70. Ibid., 158-9.
71. Teruel, 119; Anguiano, 353:
72. Report on Kongo (c. 1657) A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 76; Cavazzi, I,
Report ofP. Giac:into da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, o. 199.
73. e.gTeruel49, 79; Monar:i, 461-2; Cavazzi, IV, 419; V, l
74. Cavazzi, I, 160-L
75. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 370.
76. e.g. l'v1ontesarch:io, 25; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, injadin (!968),
364, 367; Reporton Kongo (P.AndrCordeiro)June 1622, ibid. 371-2.
77. Wilson, 158-9.
78. J. Cuvelier, 'L'Ancien Congo d'aprs Pierre van den Bro,ecke (!608-
1612)', in Bulietn desSances de l'A.R.S.C., I, 2 (1955) 181; Alvaro III to
Felpe H, So Salvador, 24 Oct. l6t5, in Brsio, Vt 234.
'19. Terul, 199 and Chap. 2.
80. Ferno de Sousa to King ofPortugal, Luanda, 15 Aug. I 624, in Brsio,
248; Report ofBishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7
16!9, ibid. VI, 379;Alvaro III toFelipe III, SoSalvador,240ct
ibid. Vl, 234.
81. Joo III to Afonso I, in Brsio, I, 535.
General is mentioned bv name, but a mani
fact iliat the Captain
is not, suggests the
262 DECENTRALIZA TION
titles were combined.) Afonso I to Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, ibid.
I, 461; Report ofFerno de Sousa, !624-30, ibid. VII, 648; Letter of
.\!varo III, 16 May 1616, ibid. VI, 252; Teruel, !!9; Cadomega, III,
191.
82. Alvaro III to Vives, So Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, ibid. VI, 294; Reportof
the Bishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619, ibid. VI,
379; Letter of Alvaro III, So Salvador, 20 Jan. 1616, ibid. VI, 252;
Report on the Kong-o (P. Andr Cordeiro),June 1622, in.Jadin (1968),
:)7!, 386; LetterofAivaro III, So Salvador, 2 Mar. 1619, in Brsio, VI,
253; t\lvaro III to Mons. Vives, So Salvador, 24 August 1620, ibid, VI,
Alvaro II and Bras Correia to 1\ifons. Vives, So Salvador, Jan.
!621, ibid. VI, 555; Letter ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 16 "Mar. 1621, ibid.
VI, 568. -
83. Letter of P. Mateus Cardoso, 16 Mar. 1621, ibid. VI, 568; P. Andr
Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, injadin (1968),
394; Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro),June 1622, ibid. 372--6;
Report ofFerno de Sousa, 1624-1630, in Brsio, VII, 648; Cavazzi, II,
2tlf)-7.
84. Ogilby, 543; Dapper (1671), 566.
85. See Chaps. 6, 7 and 8.
86. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the A1auritius,
14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68.
87. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in Brsio, X,
124; Ogilby, 542; Dapper (1671), 565; Teruel, 123-4; Anguiano, 263;
Cavazzi, II, 247; above and Chap. 8.
88. e.g. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brsio, I, 298; Afonso
[to .Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, ibid. I, 461; Pigafetta, 66; Reporton
Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), 1.June 1622, in.Jadin (1968) 383.
89. e t t ~ r of Alvaro III, 20.Jan. 1616, in Brsio, VI, 252; Letter of Alvaro
II, 2 Mar. 1619, in Brsio, VI, 253; Report on the Kongo (P. Andr
Cordeiro), .June 1622, in .Jadin (1968), 37!-88; Report on Kongo, 24
.Jan. 1622, ibid. 361-70.
90. e.g. P. Miguel Afonso to Father General, Nsundi, 6 Mar. 1631, in
Brsio, VIII, 6; Teruel, 99-100; Anguiano, 279; Montesarchio, 36.
91. See Chaps. I, 2 and 3.
92. Pigafetta, 69; Teruel, 158; Report on Kongo (c. !657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
250, p. 80.
93. Pigafetta, 69.
94. P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, l\hy 1622-June !624, in
.Jadin (1968), 390; Cavazzi, I, 19; Cadomega, III, !94; Temei, 158.
95. Report on Kongo (P. Andr Cordeiro), inJadin 371,380.
96. Cavazzi, IV, 224,423.
97. Afonso I to .Joo III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brsio, I, 46L
98. Teruel, l03a, l03b.
99. P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-4, in .Jadin
(1968), 390; Alvaro III to Vives, So Salvador, 19 Oct. 1619, in Cuvelier
andJadin, 36; Alvaro III to Vives, So Salvador, 24 Aug. 1620, in Brsio,
505.
NOTES TO PP. l26-l36
263
100. Report on Kongo,.June 1622, in.Jadin (1968), 376; P. Andr Cordeiro to
P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, ibid. 390; Report of P.
Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, ibid. 426; Report ofFerno de Sousa,
1624-30, in Brsio, VIII, 648.
101. See Wilson, 299; Anne Hilton, 'Fami1y and Kinship'; Diagram 2.
102. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,
Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, in.Jadin (1961 ), 474.
103. Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brsio,
VIII, 147; Report of Abreu e Brito (1591), ibid. IV 540; Memorial of
Pedro Sardinha to the Council ofState, 1612, ibid. VI, 108; Report of
Antnio Dinis, 1622, ibid. VII, 7L
104. Manuel Pacheco to .Joo III, Kongo, 28 Mar. 1536, ibid. II, 60; Antnio
Vieira to Dona Caterina, So Tom, 18 Apr. 1566, ibid. I I, 543; Antnio
Vieira to the King (c. 1566), ibid. II, 547; Documents in Sousa Dias, A
Batalha de Ambuila; Pigafetta, 11 O; Birmingham, Trade and Coriflict, Chap.
III; Information ofFerno de Sousa to King ofPortugal, Lisbon, 7 Dec.
1631, in Brsio, VIII, 93.
105. Miller, 'A Note on Kazanze', 43-56.
106. Monari, 513; Teruel, 149; Minutes ofthe Ambassador ofthe King of
Kongo, 3 Mar. 1607, in Brsio, V, 285; Carta Regia to the Council of
India, li Dec. 1607; ibid. V, 364; Monari, 505.
107. Report of the Barefoot Carmelites (1584), in Brsio, IV, 395; Report of
Ferno de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, ibid. VIII 147; Temei, 3!,
115.
108. i\'Ionari, 459,460, 485--6; Teruel, 82, 85, l03b; Anguiano, 202.
109. Summary of the Instructions of Antnio Manuel, Kongo Ambassador
to Pope Clement VI II, So Salvador, 29 .June 1604, in Cuvelier and .J adin,
208.
li O. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brsio, V, 385.
111. Donation of Alvaro I to the Pope, So Sahrador, 20 Jan. 1583, in
Cuveler and Jadin, !61; Duarte Lopes to the Sixty Five, Madrid, 24
Feb. !588, ibid. 166, and Brsio, III, 358-6!; Minutes of the
Ambassadorofthe KingofKongo, 31 :Mar. 11507, ibid. V, 290; Reportof
the Bishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. l6l9, ibid. VI,
379; Alvaro II to Pope Paul V, So Salvador, 27 Feb. 1613, in Cuvelier
and.Jadin, 330.
ll2. Alvaro III to Pope Paulo V. 250ct. 1617, ibid. 348-52.
113. Birmngham, Trade and Coriflict, Chap. 5.
ll4. Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brsio, VIII,
133; .Joo Correia de Sousa to Marques F reciiha, 3 .J une ! 622, ibid. VII,
22; Report ofFemo de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, ibid. VIII, 12l-2,Jesuit
Reports in.Jadin (I 968); Cadornega, I, 178-9, 190; Report ofF rancisco
de Soveral, Bishop of Kongo and Angola, Luanda, 22 Sept. 1640, in
Cuvelier and.Jadin, 509.
II5. Report ofFerno de Sousa to the
VIII, 147; Garcia H to P. l\ntnio
1649, ibid. X, 371; Garcia H to .Joo IV, So
ibid. X, Diogo Lopes de Faria to the King, Luanda, 16
26+ DECENTRALIZATION
ibid. VIII, 392; Chap. 6.
116. Brief of Alexander VI to King Manuel, Rome, 23 Aug. 1499, in Brsio,
I, 179.
117. There is a full account of these developments in Cuvelier and Jadin,
I ntroduction.
ll8. Diogo I to Joo III, 25 Feb. 1547, in Brsio, II, 155-6; Sentence of
Cardinal Don Henrique, Lisbon, 14 Mar. 1571, ibid. III, 7-35; Report
ofthe Bishop ofSo Tom to the Pope, Lisbon, 24 Oct. 1597, ibid. III,
577. Report ofa visit ad limina ofBishop ofSo Tom, Lisbon, 24 Oct.
1597, in Cuvelier andJadin, 240.
119. Clement VIII to lvaro II, ibid, 213.
120. Resum of complaints of lvaro II against Bishop Manuel Baptista,
So Salvador, 20 Mar. 1613, ibid. 337, 341; and below.
121. Summary ofthe instructions that Antnio Manuel submitted to Pope
Clement VIII, So Salvador, 29June 1604, in Cuvelier andjadin, 261;
Resum of the complaints of lvaro II against Manuel Baptista, So
Salvador, 20 Mar. 1613, ibid. 337-4!; Visit ad limina ofBishop Manuel
Baptista Soares, Lisbon, 16 Nov. 1619, ibid. 399.
122. e.g. Requests of lvaro II, So Salvador, !6July 1615, ibid. 345. lvaro
II to Patriarch ofJerusalem, So Salvador, 15 Oct. 1602, ibid. 249-51.
123. lvaro II to Pope Paul V, So Salvador, 27 Feb. 1613, ibid. 329-33;
Resum of the complaints of lvaro I I against Bishop Manuel Baptista,
So Salvador, 20 Mar. 1613, ibid. 337-84; lvaro III toJ. B. Vives, So
Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, ibid. 352-5. lvaro II to Felipe II, So
Salvador, 23 Oct. 1615, in Brsio, VI, 231.
124. e.g. Instructions of Pedro II for Vives, So Salvador, 23 June 1622 in
Cuvelier and Jadin, 426; Summary of Instructions that Antnio
Manuel submitted to Pope Clement VIII, So Salvador, 29 June 1604,
ibid. 261; lvaro II toKingofSpain, 23 Oct. 1615, in Brsio, VI, 231-3.
Instructions of lvaro III for J. B. Vives, So Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, in
Cuvelier andJadin, 352-5.
125. lvaro II to Pope Paul V, So Salvador, 27 Feb. 1613, ibid. 329-31.
126. There is a detailed account of the Jesuit mission in Kongo iri Francisco
Rodrigues, Hist!Jria da Companhia de Jesus na Assistncia de Portugal, Porto,
1938. See also lvaro III toJ. B. Vives, So Salvador, 19 Oct. 1619, in
Cuvelier andJadin, 371, 375; P. Mateus Cardoso to P. Nuno Mascarenhas,
June 1623, in Jadin (1968), 413-14; P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel
Rodrigues, May !622-June 1624, ibid. 392; Antnio Albergati to the
Prefect and Cardinais of the Propaganda Fide, Lisbon, 4 Mar. 1623, in
Cuvelier andjadin, 552; lvaro IV to General of the Company ofjesus,
Kongo, 25 Oct. 1632, in Brsio, VIII, 199.
127. Consulta, 6 Dec. 1623, 5June 1624, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, L
128. Report on the Kongo (compilation c. 1657) A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
64v. Ibid., note to p. 99 says 5,000 slaves. Manuel de Matto to P. Diogo
d'Aifaya, Luanda, 15 Feb. 1655, A.G.SJ., Lus., 85, pp. 416-l9v.
129. e.g. Report of Ferno de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in
Brsio, VIII, 150.
130. Ibid; Governor and Council ofBrazil to Director Nieulant ofLuanda,
NOTESTOPP. 136-14!
2:65
13 Feb. 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58.
131. Report on the Mission ofthe Dominicans 1610, Frei Luis de Sousa, in
Brsio, V, 610; Report by the Bishop of So Salvador, Francisco de
Soveral, 1 Apr. 1631, injadin, (1968), 434; Report presented to Urban
VIII by Francisco de Soveral, Luanda, 22 Sept. 1640, in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 505-16.
132. lvaro VI to the Pope, Congo, 12 Dec. 1639, in Brsio, VIII, 433-4;
Acta ofPropaganda Fide, 4Jan. 1641, in Brsio, VIII, 474-5.
133. Cadornega I, 329-30; III, 13; Antnio de Abreu de Miranda, Lisbon,
23July 1644, in Brsio, X, 323.
CHAPTER6:
1. S. P. H. Naber (ed.), Toortse de Zee Vaert door Dierick Ruiters (1963) (The
Hague, 1913), 89.
2. e.g. L. Guebel, 'Le Sjour de Samuel Braun', 438, 443; Report ofFerno
ele Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, in Brsio, VIII, 124-5; Joo Mendes de
Vasconcellos to King, Lisbon, 7 May 1636, ibid. VIII, 362.
3. Report ofF. Capelle, 1641, inJadin (1966), 215 and below.
4. Report ofFerno de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brsio, VIII,
133; J ohannes de Laet, laerfyck Verhael van de Verrichtinghen de Geoctroyeerd
West Indische Compagnie in derthien Boeken, eds. S. P. L'Honore Naber and
.J. C. H. Warsinck (The Hague, 1931-7), I, 10-14, 51-69; Piet Heyn, De
West Ajrikansche Re van Piei Heyn, 1624-5, ed. K. Ratelband (The
Haguc, 1959) 4-10.
5. Garcia II to P. Antnio do Couto, So Salvador, 28July 1649, in Brsio,
X, 377; Diogo Lopes de Faria, Factor of Angola to the King, Luanda, 16
Mar. 1638, ibid. VIII, 392.
6. Cadornega, I, 217.
7. High Council ofBrazil to the LuandaAuthorities, Recife, 3 Dec. 1641,
A. H., O.W.LC., 56; Dossiercompiled for the States General taken from
the Minutes of the Council ofLuanda 1641, 20 Jan. 1649, A. H., Staaten
Generaal, 5 776; Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofLuanda, I
Sept. 1641-20 Mar. 1642, A.H., Staaten Generaal, 5776; Report of
Pieter Moortamer to the Counci1 of Brazil, On the Mauritius. 14 Oct.
1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
8. Garcia II to Count.J. M. de Nassau, So Salvador, 12 May 1642, A.H.,
O.W.LC., 58.
9. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the lvfaurilius,
l4 Oct. 1642 (version remitted to the Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June
1643) A.H., O.W.LC., 68.
10. fl.1inutes of the Council of Luanda, 12 Oct. 1641, A.H., Staaten
Generaal, 5776; Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil,
On the lviauritiur, 14 Oct. 1642; ibid., version remiued to the Chamberof
Zecland, 29June 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C.,68.
11. Teruel, 31; Antnio do Couto to King ofPortugal, So Salvador, 28 July
1649, in Brsio, X, 368; Minutes ofCouncil ofLuanda, 12 Oct. H3<H,
A.H., Staaten Generaal, 576; Garcia II to Rector of the College of
Luanda, So Salvador, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brsio, IX, 17. The Dutch
NOTES TO PP. 142-148
267
considered Garcia responsible for the massacres. Report of Pieter
Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. 1642,
A.H., O.W.LC., 68.
12. Garcia II to Rector ofthe College ofLuanda, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brsio,
IX, 17; Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the
Mauritius, 140ct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; Pedro Csar de Meneses to
King ofPortugal, Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, in Brsio, IX, 28.
13. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the Mauritus,
14 Oct. 1642; ibid., version remitted to the Chamber ofZeeland, 29 June
1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
14. Cadornega, I, 290-3; Pedro Csar de Meneses to King of Portugal,
Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, in Brsio, IX, 33; Report ofGasparCroesan to the
Council of Recife, A.H., O.W.I.C., 59, No. 30; Report of Pieter
Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritus, I 4 Oct. I 642,
A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.
15. Pedro Csar de Meneses to King ofPortugal, Bengo, 9 Mar, 1643, in
Brsio, IX, 33; Cadornega, I, 290-3.
16. Garcia II to Count.J. M. de Nassau, So Salvador, 12 May 1642, . H.,
O.W.I.C., 58.
17. Cornelius Nieulant to the Council of Brazil, Luanda, 3I Oct. I642,
A. H., O.W.I.C., 58; .Joo Salgado de Arattio, Sucessos Mlt.ares das Armas
Portugueses, V, 3 (Lisbon, 1644 ), 233-6 in Brsio, IX, 6; Pedro Csar de
Meneses to King ofPortugal, Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, ibid. IX, 38.
18. Joo Salgado de Araujo, Succ.essos lviilitares das Annas Portugueses, V, III
(Lisbon, 1644 ), 233--6 in Brsio, IX, 6; Presentation of a request of the
King ofKongo to the States General, The Hague, 1647, A.H., O.W:I.C.,
Staaten Generaal, 4775.
19. Joo Salgado de Araujo, Successos i\1iltares das Amzas Portugueses, V, III
(Lisbon, 1644), 233-6 in Brsio, IX, 6; Anon. Jesuit Report, 17 May
1643, ibid. IX, 46; Governor and Council of Brazil to Cornelius
Nieulant, Luanda, 13 Feb. 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58; Report ofGaspar
Croesen to the Council ofRecife (early 1645), A.H., O.vV.I.C., 59, no.
Report of Gonalo Joo, S.J. and Antnio do Porto, S.J., 17 May
!643, n Brsio, IX, 42.
20. Articles and conditions ofpeace between Dutch and Portuguese, I July
1643, in Brsio, IX, 57.
21. Pedro Csar de Meneses to King ofPortugual, Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, in
Brsio, IX, 28; Report ofGaspar Croesen to the Council ofRecife on the
Events on the Bengo (1645), A.H., 0.\V.I.C., 59.
23. High Council ofBrazil to the Authorities of Angola, Recife, 3 De c. 164!,
A.H., 0_\N.I.C., 56.
24. The Commissioner Moet to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the Council
ofRecife, Luanda, 11 Sept. l64I, A.H., 0.\'\i.J.C., 56; CountJ. M. de
Nassau and the Councii of Brazil to the XIX, Recife, 31 May 164 I,
A. H., O. W.I.C., 56; CountJ. M_ de Nassau and the Council ofBrazil to
the XIX, Recife, 31 ?vlay 1641, A.H., O_v\f.I.C., 56.
25. Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the 1Haun.tius, !4 cL
A.H., nw.r.c., 68.
268
DUTCH OCCUPATION
26. See Chap. 5.
27. Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct.
164-1, and version remitted to the Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June 1645,
A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; C. Nieulant and P. Moortamer to the Counci1 of
Brazil, Luanda (end of May 1642), A.H., O.W.I.C., 57. Ogilby, 535,
and Dapper (1671), 556, notes that the best slaves carne from Mbwila,
N zinga, 'J aga', 'Kaseudas', 'Kilax', Lem bo and other territories above
Massangano.
28. Diogo Lopes de Faria to the King, Lisbon, 20 May 1636, in Brsio,
VIII, 365 and Chap. 5.
29. See Chap. 5.
30. C:ornelius Nieulant to His Excellency and the High Council ofBrazil,
Luanda, I 7 Dec. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58.
31. Ibid.; C. Nieu1ant and P. Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, Luanda
(end ofMay 1642), AH., O.W.I.C., 57.
32. Cornelius Nieulant to H is Excellency and to the High Council ofBrazil,
Luanda, 7 Dec. 1642, AH., O.W.I.C., 58.
33. Garcia II to Count J. M. de Nassau, So Salvador, May 1642, A.H.,
O.W.I.C., 58; C. Nieulant and P. Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil,
Luanda (end May 1642), AH., O.W.I.C., 57; Report ofP. Moortamer
to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H.,
O.W.I.C., 68; version submitted to the ChamberofZeeland on 29June
10"t3, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; Cornelius Nieulant and Hans Mols to the
XIX, Luanda, 10 June 1643, AH., O.W.I.C., 58; Minutes of an
account given by Sr. Semeins to the XIX on the minerais of Angola, 31
Nov. 1644, A.H., O.W.I.C., 2.
34. I n the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century at least some of the
mines were controlled by Makoko. Pigafetta, 32; Broecke, 70. In the
mid-seventeenth century the Dutch understood that the mani Nswzdi
held the region. Dapper (1696), 158.
35. See Chap. 5.
36. Minutes of the Council ofLuanda, 7 Nov. 1641, A. H., Statten Generaal,
5776.
37. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the JV!auritius,
H Oct. 1642, AH., O.W.I.C., 68.
38. Francisco de Sousa Coutinho to Joo IV, The Hague, 4 Sept. 1643, in
Brsio, IX, 64; Cadornega, I, 293-4; 326-7.
39. Francisco de Sousa Coutinho to Joo IV, The Hague, 4 Sept. 1643, in
Brsio IX, 64.
40. The XIX to the Directors of the Coast ofSouthern Africa, The H ague, 6
Oct. 1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 9.
41. Cadornega, I, 349-55.
42. The XIX to the Directors ofthe Coast ofSouthern Africa, The Hague, l
Oct. I 645, AH., O.W.I.C., 9.
43. Report of the Relief Expediton ofTeixeira de Mendona and Lopes
Sequeira, Apr-June 1645, in Brsio, IX, 332-4; Francisco de Sotto
Maior to Joo IV, Kwanza, 4 Sept. 1645, ibid. IX, 398; Cadornega, I,
4CH-29.
NOTESTOPP. 143-153 269
44. J. V. Rasenberg, Commissioner at Recife to the XIX, Recife, lO Dec.
1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 61; The XIX to the Direetors ofthe Coast of
Southern Africa, The Hague, 6 Oct. 1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 9;
Cadornega, I, 520.
45. lbid. 490-528; Garcia II to P. Antnio do Couto, So Salvador, 28July
1649, in Brsio, X, 371.
46. Se e below.
47. Presentation of a Request of the King of Kongo to the States General,
The Hague, 11 Aug. 1649, AH., O.W.I.C., Staaten Generaal, 4775 and
Arquives Ministere Affaires trangeres, Paris, Correspondence Politique,
Portugal, II, p. 7; Francisco de Sousa Coutinho to King ofPortugual, 4
Sept. 1643, in Brsio, IX, 64 and below.
48. Garcia II to Felipe IV, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1646, in Brsio, IX, 450; Council
ofthejunta ofPortugal, Madrid, 17 Mar. 1649, ibid. X, 330-5.
49. Begun in the early seventeenth century. See Chap. 5.
50. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in Brsio, X,
124; Ogilby, 542; Dapper (1671 ), 565; Teruel, 123-4; Anguiano, 265;
Cavazzi, II, 247; Report ofFrancisco Leito, Madrid, 4 Dec. 1643, in
Brsio, IX, 85.
51. Report ofF. Capelle, 1641, inJadin (1966), 220.
52. Minutes ofthe Council ofLuanda, 12 Oct. 1641, A.H., Staaten Generaal,
5776.
53. Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius,
14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68; ibid., version remitted to the
Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June 1643; Cornelius Nieulant and Pieter
Moortamer to the Count ofNassau and to the Council ofBrazil, Luanda
19 Apr. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 57.
54. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in Brsio, X,
124; Cavazzi, III, 317; Alvaro Vl's principal wife was probably a cousin
of Daniel da Silva and a sister of the Miguel da Silva who governed
Sonyo in the early 1650s. Teruel, 98; Anguiano, 271 (sister ofDaniel da
Silva); Montesarchio, 24 (cousin).
55. Ogilby, 543; Dapper (1671 ), 566; Anguiano, 83; Santiago, 80-3.
56. Councii of Brazil to the Count of Sonyo, Recife, 13 Feb. 1643, A.H.,
O.W.I.C., 58.
57. Ogilby, 523; Dapper (1671), 643.
58. R. H. Rodrigues, Brasilie e Africa: Outre Horizonte (Rio de Janeiro, !961 ),
XIX to Directors ofLuanda, 9 Aug. !643, A.H., O.Vv'.I.C., 9;
Cornelius Nieulant to H is Excellency and the High Council of Brazil,
Luanda, 17 Dec. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 58; Council of Brazil to the
Count ofSonyo, Recife, 13 Feb. 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58.
59. Teme!, 52; Cavazzi, III, 317, Romano, 54-6; Santiago, 80-3, III.
60. See below.
61. Temei, 53-5; Anguiano, !45-7; Santiago, 135-40; Romano, 61-3.
62. Ogilby, 543; Dapper (167!), 566; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla
1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. l9R
63. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Kongo, 25 r-lar. !643, in Br.isio, X,
Count of Sonyo to Propaganda Fide, 25 ?vfar. 1648, ibid. X,
270 DUTC.f:I OCCUPA TION
120-1; Count ofSonyo to Felipe IV, ibid. X. 118-9.
64. Anguiano, VI, 50; Teruel, VII, 25; Laurent de Lucques, 117; Monari,
186; The Church they were invested in was built by Rui d' Aguiar, Vicar
of Mbanza Kongo in 1516. Damio de Gois, Chronica, IV, III, 1612 in
Brsio, I, 374.
65. Santiago, 147.
66. See Chap. 8.
67. Cavazzi, VII, 267-3; Teruel, 121-5; 'Notas para uma cronolgio
ecclesistico missionrio do Congo e Angola (1491-1944)', Arquivos de
/lngola, 2, II (1945), 47; Santiago, 89.
68. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
173.
69. fviiguel is specifically mentioned in 'Notas para uma cronolgio
ecclesistico missionaria do Congo e Angola (1491-1944)', Arquivos de
Angola. 2, II (1945), 47. This probably app1ied to Simo too.
70. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
173; Cadornega, III, 304; Montesarchio, 190; Teruel, 123--4; Anguiano,
363; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250,
p. 173; Note on the Kingdom ofKongo (P. Bonaventura da Sorrento (c.
1650), S. A. Modena, Documenti e Carteggi di Stati e Citta, lta{y, Busta Roma
105, Papeis de Cardinal d'Este.
71. Santiago, !52; Francisco Resende to King of Portugal, So Paulo, 10
May !653, A.H.U., Angola, 4; Garcia II to Rector of the College of
Luanda, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brsio, IX, 17.
72. Garcia II to Rector ofthe College ofLuanda, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, ibid.
IX, 17.
73. Garcia to Dutch Governar in Brazil, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brsio, IX,
13; Garcia II to P. Antnio do Couto, So Salvador, 28july 1648, ibid.
X, 373; Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the
/viauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., 0.\'\T.I.C., 68; Report ofthe Council of
Pernambuco to the XIX, Recife, l2june 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58.
74. Garcia II to Dutch Governar in Brazil, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brsio,
IX, 14.
75. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazi1, On the itfauritius,
I+ Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; ibid., version remitted to the
Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June 1643; Dossier compiled by the States
General from the Minutes of the Council ofLuanda, 1641, 20 Jan. 1649,
i\. H., Staatan Generaal, 5776; There is no e.xtant copy of the Kongo-
Dutch treaty. Some of its provisions are mentioned in Garcia II to
CountJ. M. de Nassau, So Salvador, May 1642, A. H., O.W.I.C., 58.
76. Slightly different accounts in Romano, 112; Santiago, 92; P. Serafino da
Cartona to Father Pronvicial, Sonyo, 20 Mar. 1648, A. C. Florence; P.
.I o se de rvlilo to F ather General of the Capucins, Lyons, 30 Oct. 16+ 7 in
Brsio, X, 52.
77. Garcia II to CountJ. M. de Nassau, So Salvador, May 1642, A.H.,
O.Vl.I.C., 53.
78. Garcia II to Rector ofLuanda (Bunte), 23 Feb.
79. Giacinto da Vetralla !ater suggested that the supplementarv canons
NOTES TO PP. !53-159
27!
were appointed by the Chapter. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c.
1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, I 78.
80. Ibid., and Report on the Kongo (compilation c. 1657), A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, 97.
81. P. Bonaventura da Sorrento to Propaganda Fide, Rome (c. 1650),
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 160; Teruel, 32; Anguiano, 94.
82. Cadornega, I, 329-30.
83. Manuel Frecurado, Dean of Angola, to the King ofPortugal, Lisbon, 29
july 1665, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6.
84. e.g., Report of Joo and Antnio do Porto (n.d.), in Brsio, IX, 42;
Certifica te of the Vicar General of Angola, P. Francisco Pinheiro, So
Paulo, I O Mar. 1649, in Brsio, X, 329.
85. P. Juan de Santiago to the Capucins ofCastile, Mpinda, I I June 1645,
in Brsio, IX, 286.
86. e.g., Teruel, 23; Santiago, 87. For the negotiations preceding the
establishment of the mission see the many documents in Cuvelier and
Jadin and the accounts in Hildebrand; Cuvelier and Jadin,
Introduction; Romano, Introduction.
87. Decree ofthe Sacred Congregation, 25 June !640, in Brsio, VIII, 436.
88. lndi Divers del 1635-1700, IV, II, 64996, Custodio del Congo, pp. 39-40,
S.A., Milan.
89. Teruel, 31; Santiago, 93.
90. Anguiano, 95, 97; Teruel, 32; Santiago 93; Cavazzi, 290;Joo IV to P.
Antnio do Couto, 18 Dec. 1643, in Brsio, X, 287.
91. Anguiano, 96; Teruel, 33; Santiago, 97-9.
92. Pedro II (1622--4), who had similarly sought to elevate the position of
the nev.r jesuit mission, had done so during a procession of the Holy
Mercy on Maundy Thursday. P. Andr Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues,
May 1622-June 1624, injadin (1968}, 392.
93. ReportofP. Mateus Cardoso,
94. Teruel, 24, 28-3!, 3+, 49, 50; Anguiano, 97,103--4, 135-7; Santiago, 90,
130-l, 136; Romano, 42, 43, 61.
95. Report ofFrancisco de Soveral, Luanda, 22 Sept. 1640, in Cuvelier and
Jadin, 105.
96. Teruel, 56; Santiago, 143, 145, 200; Alvaro VI to the Pope, Kongo, 12
Dec. 1639, in Brsio, 433--4; Acta, 4Jan. 1641, ibid. VIII, 474-5.
97. Reportou Kongo byP. Giacintoda Vetralla (c. 1657),A.P.F.,S.R.C.G.,
250, p. 203v; Santiago, 144; Teruel, 56, 179.
98. Letter Credential of the King of Kongo to the Capucin Ambassadors,
Kongo, 5 Oct. 1646, in Brsio, IX, 453.
99. Garcia II to Pope Innocent X, So Salvador, 5 Oct. 1646, in Brsio, IX,
Romano, 79; Requests ofGarcia II to Pope, 9 May 1648, in Brsio,
Matters Raised by the Ambassador of the King ofKongo, 9 May
ibid. X, 137.
100. He insisted, not always successfully, that he name the missionaries. P.
Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, Livomo, 4 Jan. ! 641, in
Brsio, VIII, 476-7; P. Bonaventura da Alessano to
Propaganda Fide, Convent, 24 Nov. 1640, AP.F., !vlemoriale,
272 DUTCHOCCUPATION
101. e.g. Teruel, 28, 114, 128; Anguiano, 331; P. BonaventuradaAlessanoto
Secretary Propaganda Fide, Livomo, 8 Feb. 1641, in Brsio, VIII,
+86-7; P. Serafino daCortona to Father Agent, Angola, 4Sept. 1653,A.
C. Florence; P. Serafino da Cortona to Propaganda Fide, Angola, 10
June 1653, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 228; Memorial ofP.Januarius da
Nola, Luanda, 5 May 1667, A.G.C., No. 1134.
102. e.g. Montesarchio, 79,84-6, 101-3; Monari, 429.
103. Teruel, 35,37-8, 145-6; Anguiano, 104, 237; Monari, 429.
104. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, So Salvador, 4 Aug.
1649, in Brsio, X, 385; Monari, 486; Teruel, 35-40; Anguiano, 104-6;
Report ofP. Giovanni Francisco Romano, Convent ofthe Immaculate
Conception, 1 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, 189; Report of P.
Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 203; Santiago,
105-9.
CHAPTER 7:
I. Cadornega, II, 1-7; II, 36; P. Antnio do Couto to King ofPortuga1,
Luanda, in Brsio, X, 228-42; P. Gonalo Joo to King of Portugal,
Alcantara, 25 June 1646, ibid. IX, 424;Joo IV to P. Antnio do Couto
(18 Dec. 1648), ibid. X, 287.
2. Joo IV to Salvador Correia, Lisbon, 26 Apr. 1649, ibid. X, 344.
3. l'vlinutes of the Overseas Council, Lisbon, 8 July !649, ibid. X, 357;
Garcia II to Joo IV, So Salvador, 28July 1649, ibid. X, 377.
4. The Conditions ofPeace with the King ofKongo, So Salvador, 19 Feb.
1649, ibid. X, 326; The Peace Pro posais ofSalvador Correia, Luanda (c.
15 Mar.) 1649, A.H.U. P.A., Angola, 3; The Treaty of Peace with the
King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3; Authenti-
cated Copy of the Treaty ofPeace with the King of Kongo, Luanda, 13
Apr. 1649 in Sousa Dias, 90; Authenticated Copy of the Oaths Sworn at
the Signing of the Peace, Luanda, !5 Apr. 1649, ibid. 92-4;
Prodamation ofSalvador Correia, Luanda, 15 Apr. !649 ibid. 92-4.
5. Cadornega, II, 34.
6. Cavazzi, II, 324-5; Anguiano, 410; Teruel, 139.
7. Consulta, Lisbon, 18 Aug. 1649, in Brsio, X, 391.
8. This is clear from the fact that the currency was called libongos rather
than panos limpos, the term used for Kongo doth. See, e.g., Andr Vidal
de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 21 June 166!, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5;
ibid., !! Feb. 1662, A.H.U., P.A.,Angola, 5.
9. For Portuguese exploitation of the nzimbu shell fishers see report of a
former chief magistrate and agent of the royal possessions, Consulta,
Lisbon, 23 Aug. 1664, A.H.U., P.A., An!!ola, 6.
10. See below.
II. Cadornega, III, !95.
12. See below.
13. Cadornega, II, 53, 66-7.
14. For these wars see Bimngham, Trade and Co1iflict, Chap. VI.
15. The moratorium operated for five years initially. Consulta, 15 F eb. 1651,
A. H. U ., P.A., Angola 3. I t was renewed for 1:\vo years. Decree ofJoo IV,
3 Apr. 1654, T.T., Clwncel!aria D. jaa IV, 23fg.e.; Consulta, 14 Apr.
1654, A.H.U., P.A.,Ank'ola4.
16. Camera to theKing, Luanda, 3 Feb. l665in <Afusu:ua,.l
P.A., Arl!!ola, 4.
1655, A.H.U.,
27+ PORTUGUESE RESTORATION
17. Comulta, 12 Aug. 1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6.
18. ln 1649 therewere 1,200-1,300 troops. Consult,30Mar. I649,A.H.U.,
P.A., Angola, 3. ln I 655 there were I ,000. Sousa Chicharro to King, I 7
Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.
19. The authorities were expected to maintain the fortress, pay the clergy
and officials, and buy slaves on the account of the King of PortugaL
Consulta, 30 Mar. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3. After the restoration
they were also ob1iged to supply the boats which passed round the Cape
to ln dia. Sousa Chicharro to King, 17 Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola,
4.
20. francisco de Resende to King, Luanda, lO May 1653, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 4; Andr Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 21 June 1661,
A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5; Andr Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda,
21 Nov. 1662, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5.
21. e.g. the King to Rodrigo de Miranda, 19 Aug. 1651, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 3; Camera to King, 3 Feb. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Queen
to Joo Fernandez Vieira, Lisbon, 9 Nov. 1660, A.H.U., Cd. 275, p.
308v; Queen to Agent ofthe Royal Possessions, Lisbon, 9 Nov. 1660,
A.H.U., Cd, 275, p. 308v.
22. Consulta, 7 Dec. 1652, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Consulta, 12 Aug. 1664,
A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6.
23. Andr Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 11 Feb. 1662, A.H.U.,
P.A., Angola, 5.
24. 1\ndr Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 21 June, 1661, A.H.U.,
P.A., Angola, 5; Pantaleo Rebello to King, Luanda, 3 Aug. I668,
A.H.U., P.A.,Angola, 7; FranciscodeResendetoKing,Luanda, !OMay
1653, A. H. U., P.A., Angola, 4.
25. Sousa Chicharro to King, Luanda, 17 Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A.,Angola,
'l; Certificate of Domingos Roz, Luanda, 5 Jan. 1657, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola,5.
26. The texts refers to 'Kongo', not 'Luanda'. However, Giacinto da
V ctralia as then living in Luanda and was currently arguing that
Luanda was part of the Kongo rather than the Nzinga prefecture. See
hclow. The tcrm dearly refers to the number of slavcs leaving Luanda.
27. e.g:. Minutes of the Overseas Counci1, 27 Nov. 1648; 21 Apr. 1649; 2
1649; 8 .July 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3; Livro 2 das Mixtas, pp.
50, 60, 166, 173, 224v; Li<1rol de Cartas, p. !69 and below.
28. Cadornega, H, 155; Co11Sldta, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4;
Camua, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4and below.
29. Joo IV to Salvador Correia, Lisbon, 23 Apr. 1649, in Brsio, X, 343;
l\.Iinutes oftheOverseasCouncil, Lisbon,8July 1649, ibid. X,35i;.Joo
IV to Antnio do Couto, Lisbon, 18 Feb. 1648, ibid. X, 287.
30. On the Coinage of Money, Luanda, 26 Jan. 1649, ibid. X, 311-13;
Conszdta, Lisbon, 18 Aug. 1649, ibid. X, 391-4.
31. l\iinutes of the Overseas Council, 27 Nov. !648, 21
lG4-9, 8July 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3; LimTI 2dos
160, 73, 224v; Livro I de Carlos, p. 169.
32. Garcia II to P. Antnio do Couto, So Salvador, 28.July 1649, in Brsio,
NOTES TO PP. l 62-!71 275
X, 371; Garcia II to Joo IV, So Salvador, 28july 1649, ibid. X, 377.
33. Letter credential of the King ofKongo to P. Bona ventura da Sorrento,
So Salvador, 12 Dec. 1649, ibid. X, 453; Garcia II to Pope InnocentX,
So Salvador, 12 Dec. 1649, ibid. X, 453-5; Garcia II to Pope Innocent
X, So Salvador (n.d.), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 213.
34. Minutes ofthe Overseas Council, 2Ju1y 1651, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3,
in Paiva Manso, 230; Note of the King on the Minutes of Overseas
Council, Lisbon, 8July, 1649, A.H.U., Cd. 14, p. 173 and P.A., Angola,
3.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
5-0.
Letters ofRatification anel Confirmation ofthe Treaty ofPeace, A.H.U.,
P.A., Angola, 3. This refers to dauses in the Propositions of Peace of
Salvador Correia to the King ofKongo, Luanda (c. 15 March) 1649,
A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3 and not, as might be expected, to the clauses in
the Treaty ofPeace, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3.
Cardornega, II, 72. Joo IV to Rodrigo de Miranda, Lisbon, 22 Sept.
1651, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3.
Teruel, 89.
Queen Nzinga to Govemor Sousa Chicharro, Matamba, 13 Dec. 1655
in Minutes ofOverseas Counci1, 31 Oct. 1656, A.H. U., P.A., Angola, 4.
Monari, 504.
Queen Nzinga to Governar Sousa Chicharro, Matamba, 13 Dec. 1655
in Minutes ofOverseas Counci1, 31 Oct. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4;
Cadornega, II, 82.
There is a detailed account of this and subsequent developments in
Monari, 482-516.
l'vfinutes ofOverseas Council, 15 Dec. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4;
ibid., 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Garcia II to Religious
Authoritics ofLuanda, So Salvador, 8 May 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.
Garcia II to Camera ofLuanda, Kongo, 14 Nov. 1654 in Monari, 517;
Garcia II tojoodaCosta, Kongo, 15 Nov. !654; Cavazzi, doe. 43, pp.
329-36; Teruel, 142, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. l84-184v. Thcre is a
large corrcspondence conceming tl1ese developments in A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
249. The principal corrcspondents were P. Antonio Romano, P. Serafino da
Cortona, and P. Giacinto da Vetralla.
Sousa Chicharro to King, Luanda, 14 Oct. 1656, A.H.U., P.A.,
4; ibid., 8 Dec. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; ibid., 9 Dcc ..
A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Certificate of Bento Baptista de Parada,
Luanda, lO Apr. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4. For the C a m e r a ~ r
opposition, Minutes ofthe Overseas Council, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U.,
P.A., Angola, 4.
Garcia II to Camera ofLuanda, So Salvador, 15 Jan. 1655 in rvionari,
527;Teruel, 144.
Garcia II to King ofPortuga1, Kongo, 5 Jan. !656, A.H. U ., P.A., Angola,
4.
Montesarchio, 36; Anguiano, 280; Teruel, 99-100.
.rvfontesarchio, 34.
Terud,
Terue!, YY-lOO; Anguiano, 280; Cavazzi, IV. 4! 7.
276 PORTUGUESE RESTORATION
51. Teruel, 13; Monari, 557.
52. Tcruel, 125.
53. Se e Chap. 6.
54. Monari, 347-8; Teruel, 125-6.
55. Tcruel, 119; Anguiano, 437-8.
56. On Garcia's orders h e permitted the execution ofthe nephew ofthe mani
.Hbwila against his own indinations. Teruel, 136-7; Anguiano, 404-5.
H e did his best to obey Garcia's instructions to prevent the movement of
Capucins in 1654. Teruel, 149; Anguiano, 430.
57. Teruel, 119, 150-2; Anguiano, 353,437-8.
58. See below.
59. Teruel, 119; Anguiano, 353.
60. Montesarchio, 101.
61. Teruel, 79. It is not dear from Montesarchio, 123 when the next mani
Afbata, Garcia, succeeded.
62. Monari, 551.
63. Teruel, 150-2; Anguiano, 437-8.
64. There are slightly divergent accounts in Monari, 555-7; Teruel, 151-5;
Anguiano, 437-9.
65. Monari, 552-5; Camera and Luanda Residents to Joo IV, Luanda, lO
Dec. !654, in Monari, 548.
66. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Convent of the
Immaculate Conception, 1 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 359.
67. SousaChichorro to King, Luanda, 17 Sept.l655,A.H.U., P.A.,Angola,
"I; King to Luis Mendes de Sousa Chicharro, Lisbon, 27 Sept. 1656,
A.H.U., Cd. 275, pp. 279v-280 referring to a letter ofChichorro dated
26 Feb. 1656; Queen to Joo Fernandez Vieira, Lisbon, 29 Nov. 1657,
A.I-I.U., Cd. 275, p. 297v.
68. Monari, 554-5, 558; Cadomega, II, 131; Sousa Chicharro to King, So
Paulo, 25 Feb. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Sousa Chicharro to King,
Luanda, 17 Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.
69. Cadornega, II, 133-4.
70. Montesarchio, 126; Cavazzi, II, 248-7.
71. Pro posa! ofGovemor Fernandes Vieira to the Officers ofthe Camera, ll
Mar. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5; The Queen had tightened the
conditions concerning the Council's approval of aggressive war. Queen
to Joo Fernandes Vieira, Lisbon, 29 Nov. !657, A.H.U., Cd. 275, p.
297v.
72. Consulta, 12 Feb. !66!, Liuro4 das Mixtas, p. 4v., quotinga letterofVieira
dated 8 July 1660; Cadornega, H, 150-4; Joo Fernandes Vieira to
King, Luanda, 6 Oct. 1660, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5.
73. Cadornega, II, 191-5; Report of Bartholomeu Paes Bulho, 16 May
1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6; Andr Vida! to King, Luanda, 30 Apr.
1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6; Consulta, 5 May 1665, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 6.
74. Thc ambassadors were to take another letter to Rome. This and an
accompanying letter of Antnio do Couto are not extant in the Lisbon
archives. Antnio I to Afonso VI, Kongo, 12 Sept. 1662; Cavazzi, doe.
NOTES TO PP. !71-180 '177
58, pp. 244-5.
75. Bento Teixera de Saldanha to King (1664), A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6, in
Cavazzi, doe. 62, pp. 346-7; Consulta, 21 July 1664, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 6; ibid., nota, Lisbon, 22 Sept. 1664.
76. Consulta, Lisbon, 1 Oct. 1663, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5 no. 46; Andr
Vida! de Negreiros to Antnio L Luanda, 15 Mar. 1665, in Sousa Dias,
118-36.
77. See the many testimonials collected by the Portuguese in 1664, ibid.
118-36.
78. Andr Vida! de Negreiros to Antnio I, Luanda, 15 Mar. 1664, ibid. 75.
79. Cadornega, II, !55; Consulta, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.
80. Afonso VI to Andr Vida! de Negreiros, 4Sept. 1664, A.H.U., Cd. 275,
p. 351.
81. On the Coinage ofMoney, Luanda, 26Jan. 1649, in Brsio, X, 311-13;
Consulta, Lisbon, 18 Aug. 1644, ibid. 391-4.
82. Afonso VI to Andr Vida! de Negreiros, Lisbon, 22 Dec. 1663, in Sousa
Dias, 71-2; Afonso VI to Andr Vida! de Negreiros, 5 Nov. 1664, ibid.
71-2; Proposal of Andr Vida! de Negreiros to the Lords ofSo Paulo,
27 Sept. 1664, ibid. 72-4; Negreiros informed the kingon 20 Nov. 1664,
Consulta, 7 Sept. 1665, Livro 4 das Mixtas, p. 174.
83. Teruel, 136; Anguiano, 402.
84. Cavazzi, IV, 366.
85. \<Vitness Antnio Taveira de Sousa, assistant clerk to the Ndembu
Kalumbo Kanginga, in Sousa Dias, 120; Consulta, 7 Sept. 1665 in A.H.U.,
Liuro 4 das Mxtas, p. 174; Manuel Frecurado, Dean of Angola, Lisbon,
29July 1665, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6.
86. Andr Vida! de Negreiros to Antnio I, Luanda, 151\IIar. !664, in Sousa
Dias, 75; Antnio I to Andr Vida de Negreiros, Kongo, 13 Apr. 1664,
ibid. 75-6.
87. Letters in ibid. 76-83.
88. Manifesto ofWar of Antnio I, 13 July 1665 in Antnio de Sousa de
:Macedo, },fercurio Portuguese com as Novas de Mez de jzdho do Amw Passado de
1666, (Lisbon 1666) in Paiva Manso, 244-5; Cavazzi, doe. 66, pp.
349-50.
89. Cadomega, II, 208. Antnio de Sousa de Macedo, Mercztrio Portuguese
com as Nol!as de Mez de jzdho do Anno de 1666 (Lisbon, 1666) in Diogo Co,
III, 6 (1936) 164-72; C. R. Boxer, 'Uma Relao Indita eContempotnea
da Batalha de Arnbula en 1665' in Boletim Cultural do iHuseu de Angola, 2
(1960), 65-73; Cavazzi, II, 248-52.
90. Francisco de Resende to the King ofPortuga!, So Paulo, i O l'v1ay 1653,
A.H. U ., P.A., Angola, 4.
91. e.g. LettersofPresentation in T.T., Gizas. Antigas da Ordem de Cluto, 3!,
p.251;38,pp.l7, 106,274.
92. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent General, Angola, 4 Sept. 1653,
A. C. Florence; Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 197, 202; Report on Kongo fcomoilation c.
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 64,
93. e.g., Francisco de Resende to King ofPortugal, So Paulo, lO May 1653,
278 PORTUGUESE RESTORATION
A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide,
Luanda (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 196; ReportofP. Giacintoda
Vetralla (c. 1657), 250, 178, 180-I.
94. King to Andr Vida!, Lisbon, 20July 1662, A.H.U., Cd. 275, p. 322.
95. Request made by the Camera in a Ietter of 3 Feb. 1655 and by the
Governor Sousa Chicharro in a letterofl7 Feb. 1655, Consulta, 21 June
1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Camera to King, Luanda, 19 Feb. 1656,
A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.
96. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent General, Angola, 4 Sept. 1653,
A. C. Florence.
97. Monari, 495.
98. Rcport ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 180.
99. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
199v.
100. Chapter of So Salvador to Joo IV, Kongo, 13 Oct. 1651, A.H.U.,
P.A., Angola, 3; Consulta, 22 Aug. 1676, in Paiva Manso, 254; Monari,
I 3'1.
101. Chapter, See Vacant, to King of Portugal, Kongo, 13 Oct. 1651,
A. H. U., P.A., Angola, 3.
102. Monari, 429; P. Antnio de Teruel to Propaganda Fide, Mbamba, 31
Mar. I 652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 210, 2 !Ov, 221; Teruel, 82; Anguiano,
223; Report on Kongo (compilation c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
I O I v. Projected Letter of the Propaganda Fide to the Vicar of the
Chapter ofKongo drafted by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento,June 1650, in
Brsio, X, 550.
103. Dccision of the Propaganda Fide on the Mission ofKongo, Rome, 12
Nov. 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 2!0; Teruel, 83; Anguiano, 225;
Cavazzi, IV, 358; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 181, 18lv.
104. P. Antnio do Couto to Joo IV, Kongo, 28July 164:9, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 3, in Brsio, X, 336.
105. Monari, 431; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent General, Angola,
4 Sept. 1653, A. C. Florence.
106. Monari, 43!; A.G.S.J., Lus., 4:5 (1646-76), 164:9, p. 26v., no. 6lb; Heis
not mentioned in the Angolan Catalogues of 1633 and 1636 and may
have spent this period in Portugal, ibid. 4:4: (1614-48), 1633, pp. 509,
509v.; 1636, pp. 552v., 553. He was in Luanda in the !ater l630s. Ibid.
!636,p.592,no.622.
107. P. Antnio do Couto, Gmtio de An!'ola Suf!icientemente lnstaido nos
/vlinisterios de nossa Santa F (Lisbon,
108. P. Antnio do Couto to P. Jernimo Vogado, Luanda, 5 Sept.
A.G.S.J., Lus. 55, p. 189; Missionary Letter ofP. 1\<fanuel Ribeiro and
Fr. Francesco Correia sent bv P. Antnio de Sousa, then Rector ofthe
College of Angola, 1672-3, Luanda, 15Jan. 1614, A.G.S.J., Lus., 56, p.
215.
109. Cadomega, II, 52.
llO. P. Manuel de Matta to P. Diogo d'Aifaya, Luanda, 15 Feb. 1655,
o\.G.SJ., Lus., 85, pp. 4:17, 4!7v.; Missionary Letter of P. Manuel
NOTES TO PP. 180-!83 279
Ribeiro and Fr. Francisco Correia, sent by P. Antnio de Sousa then
Rector ofthe College ofLuanda, 1672-3, Luanda, 1674:, A.G.S.J, Lus.,
56, p. 215.
1ll. P. Antnio de Couto to Joo IV, Kongo, 28July 1649, in Brsio, X, 366;
Monari, 477; P. Manuel de Matto to P. Diogo d'Aifaya, Luanda, 15
Feb. 1655, A.G.S.J., Lus., 85, pp. 417, 4:17v.
ll2. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Angola, 2 May 1654:, A. C.
Florence; Ali the Capucin accounts detail the physical miseries oftheir
existence, e.g., Montesarchio, 74 (footpaths), 51, 197 (rivers), 197 (rain
and dew), 197 (nyanga grass), 97 (uninhabited regions without food),
127 (distances).
ll3. e.g. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250,
p. 189.
ll4. P. Serafino da Cortona to Propaganda Fide, Angola, lO June 1652,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 233v.
ll5. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
203v.
116. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, So Salvador, 4 Aug.
1649, in Brsio, X, 379-90.
ll7. Teruel, 91-3; Anguiano, 263; Cadornega, II, 4:9.
ll8. P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Luanda, 2 Apr.
1652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 215-16; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to
Propaganda Fide, Luanda, 5 May 1652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 223,
223v.
l19. Monari, 4:4:7.
120. Letter from the Camera of 1653 referred to in A.H.U., Consulta, 3 Sept.
1654, P.A., Angola, 4; Luis Chicharro to Queen, So Paulo, 10 Apr.
1657, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Cousulta, 25 Jan. 1659, A.H.U., P.A.,
Angola, 5, no. 23; Signors o[ Luanda to Propaganda Fide, So Paulo, 15
June 1663, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 4:17, 417v.
121. P. Bonaventura da Alessano to Joo IV, Kongo, 25 Nov. !649, in
Brsio, X, 4:38-4:0; P. Giacinto da Vetralla and P. Bonaventura da
Sorrento to King of Portugal, 1650, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3 in Paiva
Manso, 226; Provisions ofJoo IV, Lisbon, 20 Sept. 1651, A.H.U., in
Paiva Manso, 231; King to Officers of the Camera, Angola, Lisbon, 22
May 1655,A.H.U., Cd. 275 p. 251.
122. Act of Obedience of the King of Kongo to Pope Innocent X, 9 May
164-8, in Brsio, X, 126-7; 2July 1648, A.P.F., Acta, lllv in Brsio, X,
; Secretary ofPropaganda Fide to Garcia II, Rome, 30 Oct. !64:8,
ibid. X, 250; Memorial on the demands of the King ofKongo, Rome, 25
May 164:8, A.P.F., Ii1emoriaie, 4:17, II, p. 48; Instructions ofMgr. Ingoli
to Fr. Staibano (R orne, c. 15 Oct. 164:8), A.P.F.,lntmoni diversedall'amw
1632 all arma 1648, pp. l30-l.
123. i\'lany documents in Brso, IX and X concem this controversy, e.g.,
IX, 234; X, !49, I 53, I 59, !96, 260.
124. Instructions of M!lr. In!!oli to F. Sta.ibano (Rome. c. !5 Oct. !648}
l30-l; Teruel,
Pmoa.._o-::mda Fide c.
230 PORTUGUESE RESTORA TION
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 62; State of Religion in tv'iission of Congo
( compilation ofPropaganda Fide c. 1657-8), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp.
87, 37v.
125. c.g. The Needs of the Kongo Mission by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento,
June 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 273, 278v., 281. Note on the
Mission ofKongo (by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento for Cardinal d'Este),
S.A., Modena, Lettere di Principie SigJWriefuori d'ltalia, Busta !55 58/41
Congo; Decree ofPropaganda Fide, 7 May 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249,
p. B9 in Brsio, X, 199.
126. P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
250, p. 195; Monari, 448; State of Religion in the Kongo Mission
(compilation, c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 90v.
127. Report ofP. Giovanni Francisco Romano (c. 1655), A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
249, pp. 434, 434v.
128. P. Serafino da Cartona to Propaganda Fide, Angola, 10 Feb. 1655,
A .. P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 168, 168v., 376, 376v.; Report ofP. Giovanni
Francisco Romano, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 421. See below.
129. fhe voluminous correspondence concerning the dispatch of this
mission is located in AP.F., S.R.C.G., 249 and published in Brsio, X;
Principal sources for the events following Romano's arrival in Kongo
are: P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, So Salvador,
!- Dec. 1651, AP.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 192, 192v.; Report of P.
Giovanni Francisco Romano (Europe, c. 1656), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249,
pp. 431, 43lv., 434-5v.; Monari, 435-6,440,444-5.
130. There is a voluminous correspondence concerning the departure ofP.
Ronaventure da Sorrento and his arrival in Luanda in A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
24-9. See also Monari, 468.
13 I. Observations made by the Father Agent General ofthe Capucins Upon
the Decree sent by the Sacred Congregation to the Kongo Missionaries,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 24, 24v.
132. Report on the Kongo by P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250,
p. 200v.
133. Teruel, 152; Anguiano, 437; Montesarchio, 97.
134. Rcport on Kongo ( compilation c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 61 v.,
lOiv.; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
250, p. 202; P. Bonaventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, So
Salvador, 4 Aug. 1649, in Brsio, X, 380; Teruel, 82, 121.
135.
136.
137.
below.
102-3, 131; Montesarchio, 51.
91, 121; Anguiano, 257,359,437.
121-2; Anguiano, 357; Montesarchio, 51; Teruel, 131; and
138. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, So Salvador, 4 Aug.
1649, in Brsio, 385; P. Bonaventura da A!essano to Propaganda Fide,
So Salvador, 11 Dec. 1649, in Brsio, X, 448.
139. P. Bonaventura da A!essano to Propaganda Fide, So Salvador, 4 Aug.
1649, in Brsio, X, 379.
140. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Angola, 15 May 1652, A.
C. Florence.
NOTES TO PP. !83-190
28!
141. P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Massangano, 5
May 1653, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 255; ibid. (second letter of that
date), p. 256; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Angola, 12
May 1653, A. C. Florence.
142. Ragguagli del Congo, p. 71, A. C. Florence; P. Giovanni Francisco
Romano to Propaganda Fide, Mpinda, 4 July 1651, A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,
249, pp. 165, 165v., I 78.
143. e.g. P. Bonaventura da Sorrento to Secretary of Propaganda Fide,
Geneva, 12 Apr. 1651, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 157, 157v.; P.
Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Massangano, 5 May
1653, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 247, p. 255; P. Antonio Romano Gaetano to
Propaganda Fide, Angola, 2 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 361;
ibid. (second letter of that date), p. 363; P. Bernardino Ungaro to
Propaganda Fide, Mbamba, 2 Apr. 1657, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp.
238-24lv.; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent, Angola, 4 Sept.
1653, A. C. Florence.
144. P. Antnio do Couto to KingofPortugal, Kongo, 140ct. 1651, A.H.U.,
P.A., Angola, 3.
145. Amongst the copious documentation for this period: Teruel, 131;
l\1onari, 439, 461-2; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial,
Angola, 15 May 1652, A. C. Florence; P. Giovanni Francisco Romano
to Propaganda Fide, So Salvador, 4 Dec. 1651, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249,
pp. 192, 192v.; Januarius da Nola to Propaganda Fi de, 5 Dec. 165 I,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 196.
146. Monari, 344. There are many documents in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250
concerning Giacinto's appointment and journey to Luanda.
147. Monari, 451-3; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, So
Salvador, 4 Sept. I 652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 260, 260v.; Brugiotti-
Epistola, 89-96.
148. See above and Innocent X to Garcia II, Rome, 16 Jan. 1651, A.P.F.,
S.RC.G., 250, p. 170.
149. Monari, 453; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, So
Salvador, 4 Sept. 1652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 260, 260v.; Brugiotti-
Infelicita, 39-96.
150. Matters to Raise in the Reply of the Pope to the King ofKongo (c. 1650),
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 42.
151. Teruei, 151.
152. There are slightly different versions in Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla
(c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, 180v.-182; 461-5; Teruel,
124-5. The account in Cavazzi, V, pp. 20-1 is telescoped and
unreliable. See also above.
153. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
!85; Monari, 475; P. Serafino da Cortona to Propaganda Fide, Angola,
lO Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 367, 367v, 368, 368v., 376,
376v., 377, 377v.; ibid. (second letter of that date}, pp. 368. 36Sv.: P.
Antonio Romano to Propaganda
S.R.C.G., 249, p. 358.
154. Monari, 439 and above.
282
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
PORTUGUESE RESTORATION
See, especially, P. Giacintoda Vetralla to PropagandaFide, Luanda, 22
Feb. 1656, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 401, 401v., 413.
There is a detailed account in Monari, 482-516, and see above.
There are many letters in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249 concerning this matter.
The principal correspondents were Giacinto da Vetralla, the vice-
prcfect Serafino da Cortona, and Antonio Romano Caetano who had
led the mission.
Monari, 525; Anguiano, 418.
There was considerable infighting, occasioned by Giacinto da
Vetralla's wish to remain in Luanda. See the correspondence in A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 249, e.g. P. Antnio Romano Caetano to Propaganda Fide,
Angola, 2 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 361; ibid. (second letter
of that date), p. 363 and Monari, 523-5.
Teruel, 145; Anguiano, 419; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to P. Bernardino
Ungaro, lO Oct. 1656, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 239, 239v.; Copy of
the Reply ofBernardino U ngaro to the P. Prefect, lO Oct ( 1656), A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 207, 207v.; Letters in Monari, 559-564; Garcia II to
P. Giacinto da Vetralla, So Salvador, 3 Oct. 1656; P. Giacinto da
Vctralla to Garcia II, Luanda, 4 Nov. 1656; Garcia II to P. Giacintoda
Vetralla, So Salvador, 25 Apr. 1657.
Teruel, 145. Letters in Monari, 559-564.
P. Bernardino Ungaro to Propaganda Fide, Mbamba, 2 Apr. 1657,
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 245, 245v. The missionaries of Kongo to
Propaganda Fide, Kongo, 25 Oct. 1656, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
238-41v.
H e excused his action in Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c.
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 178, 139.
H e used the excuse ofhaving togo as Nzinga's ambassador to Europe.
There is a considerable correspondence on this matter in A. C. Florence,
e.g. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Massangano, 21 Nov.
1656, A. C. Florence.
Marginal note to Report on Kongo (cornpilation, c. 1657), A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, p. 69. See also Comment by P. Serafino da Cortona on
the Proposa1s ofthe Propaganda Fide (c. 1653), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250,
p. 115.
Comment by P. Serafino da Cortona on the Remedies and Provisions to
be Made, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 115; P. Serafino da Cortona to
Propaganda Fide, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 176; Report ofP. Giacinto
da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 202v.-206; Report on Kongo
P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. i37-9l; P. Giacinto
da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, Luanda, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp.
i 78-8!.
167. Seeabove.
168. Brugiotti-Infelicita, pp. 39-96.
169. Report by P. Giacinto da vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
203v.; Report ofP. Serafinoda Cortona (c. A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250,
p. 152.
170. Summary of the Reports of P. Chrisostomo da Genova, 2 Mar. !663,
NOTES TO PP. !90-!95 283
A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 413, 413v.
171. Montesarchio, 123-6.
172. Cavazzi, II, 249.
173. Ibid. VII, 182.
174. Antnio I to Afonso VI, Kongo, 12 Sept. 1662 in Cavazzi, doe. 60, pp.
344-5; Summary ofthe Reports ofP. Chrisostomo da Geneva, A.P.F.,
S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 413, 413v; Cavazzi, VII, 264-5.
175. Cavazzi, Teruel and Anguiano give detailed accounts ofthese missions.
176. Garcia II to his Vassa1s, So Salvador, 19 Sept. 1648, in Brsio, X, 245;
Teruel, 75; Cavazzi, doe. 20, p. 304. The vicar-general approved the
interpreters, Cavazzi, III, 347.
177. Teruel, 118, 131; Anguiano, 349, 401; Cavazzi, IV, 375.
178. P. Girolamo da Montesarchio to P. Bonaventura da Sorrento, Nsevo,
Nsundi, 3 Mar. 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 81-2 in Brsio, X,
483-7; Montesarchio, 54,83-4.
179. Teruel, 122-3.
180. Garcia began to withdraw the school pupi1s partly for this purpose in
about 1652. Teruel, 122-3. He a1so wished to prevent them from
revealing the 'secrets ofthe kingdom'. Montesarchio, 97.
181. The Capucins specifically refer to the devoted behaviour of: Raphael de
V alie de Lagrimas, mani Nsundi, Montesarchio, 97-102, 119; Cavazzi,
VII, 187; of the mani ji1pangu of 1655, Montesarchio, 95-6; of Antnio,
mani Mpangu in the !ater 1650s, ibid. 123--6; of Bernardino Pimento
Raposso, mani Mpangu in the early 1660's, ibid. 155, Cavazzi, VII, 137;
of Garcia, mani Mbata, Ivfontesarchio, 156-65, Cavazzi, VII, 187; of
Gregrio who continued to govern Nsevo in Nsundi into the !ater
ivlontesarchio, !19-22. Henriques, mani Mbamba obeyed their
strictures, Teruel, 119, Anguiano, 353.
182. Teruel, 118; Anguiano, 349.
183. Santiago, 163-5; Teruel, 26, 41; Romano, 45; Anguiano, 56-3; P.
Serafino da Cortona to Father Superior, Sonyo, 20 Mar. 1648, in Brsio,
X,99.
184. See Chap. 3.
185. Codicil ofthe mani Mbata, Mbanza Mbata, 16 Nov. 1643, in Brsio, X,
274; Cavazzi, II, 356, IV, 362.
186. Ibid. IV, 362.
187. Teruel, 130, 148; Anguiano, 386-7; Cavazzi, IV, 377.
188. Montesarchio, 54, 32-4; Teruel, 99; Cavazzi, IV, 415; Anguiano, 273-9.
189. Montesarchio, 97-102; Cavazzi, VII, 187.
190. Garcia H to his Vassals, So Salvador, !9 Sept. 1643, in Brsio, X, 245;
Teruel, 75; Cavazzi, doe. 20, p. 304.
191. e.g. Teruel, l03b; Anguiano, 292; P. Girolamo da l\fontesarchio to P.
Bona ventura da Sorrento, Nsevo, Nsundi, 22 Mar. 1650, in Brsio, X,
436; Montesarchio, 86.
192. e.g. Teruel, 92, 93; Anguiano, 257; Montesarchio, 40, 42.
193. Hildebrand, op.cit., rontains a detailed study of the incident. It
includes rnost of the extant documents. A notahle ornission is that of
Teruel, 127 "lvhich concludes that De Geei did not die a martvr's death.
284
PORTUGUESE RESTORA TION
194. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.
J 81; P. Serafino da Corto na to Father Agent of the Capucins, Angola, 12
May 1653, A. C. Florence; Teruel, 217; Proclamation ofGarcia II, So
Salvador, 2 Mar. 1653, in Cavazzi, doe. 41, p. 326.
195. Teruel, 121-2; Anguiano, 357,359.
196. Romano, 85.
197. Cavazzi, IV, 362; Teruel, 89-90, 103a, 103b; Anguiano, 243,290-2.
198. Teruel, 116; Anguiano, 346.
199. Montesarchio, 7!, 103, 126-34.
200. Cavazzi, II, 243; IV, 364, 409; V, 14; Montesarchio, 34, 86; Teruel,
149-50; Anguiano, 431; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent ofthe
Capucins, Angola, 12 May 1653; ibid., 4 Sept. 1653.
201. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 198;
Montesarchio, 119-22, 168; Cavazzi, I, !17.
202. Memorial of P. Bonaventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, So
Salvador, Aug. 1649, in Brsio, X, 395-403.
203. Montesarchio, 156; Cavazzi, I, 99.
204. Cavazzi, I, 100; VII,260,and below.
205. Ibid., VII, 259-60.
206. lbid., VII, 260.
207. Montesarchio, 158-64.
208. Cadornega, II, 204.
209. Manifesto ofWar of Antnio I, So Salvador, 13 July 1665 in Antnio
do Sousa de Macedo, Mercurio Portuguese com as TWvas do mez de jullw do mw
de 1666 in Cavazzi, doe. 66, pp. 349-50.
210. lbid.
CHAPTER8:
I. Agreement with the Duke ofWandu, 11 Jan. 1666, in Sousa Dias, 141.
They opened the mines in 1856. Fernando Mouta, 'As Minas de Cobre do
Congo', Actividade EcoTWmica, 2 (1936), 9-15; Francisco Travasses Valdez,
Six Years iif a Travellers Life in Jf'estem Africa (London, 1861 ), II, 82, III.
They abandoned them soon after. A. Gaivo, 'Relatrio da Minha Viagem
ao Congo', Boletim da Sociedade de Geogrifz de Lisboa, 36,4-6 (1918), 140.
2. Many of the documents concerning these developments, together with
secondary accounts, have been pub1ished in Jadin, (1961) and (1970).
See also Caltanisetta, Zuchelli, Monari. For a secondary account of
late-seventeenth-century Kongo seeJohn Thomton, The Kingdom rif Kongo.
3. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,
Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, inJadin (1961 ), 77.
4. Pedro IV remained on the mountain ofChibangu for many years, fearing
to descend to take Mbanza Kongo. Ibid. 98. Dona Beatrice (St. Antony-
see below) turned 'towards the region of Kimpanzu, from ;vhich issued
the dan ofChibenga' (Mpanzu).
5.. Caltanisetta, 23.
6. See n.4.
7. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,
Rome, 12 Dec. !710, inJadin (1961), 66, 70.
8. Ibid. 7L
9. As, e.g., Pedro Constantino da Silva. The ma11i Soll)YJ of 1674 was Pedro da
Silva de Castro. His (Kongo) chaplain was P. Francisco Fernandez de
Sousa. Treaty between Count ofSonyo and the Capucins, 10 Mar. !674,
injadin (1966), 287.
10. See n. 5. The followers of the rebel Chbango were principally his slaves,
his relatives, his sisters. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec.
!710, in Jadin (196l), 83. His arrny was composed of followers of St
Antony (see below), Mubumbi (from the Poo!) and Vili. Ibid. 130.
II. For a detailed analysis ofthe economic base oflate seventeenth century
Kongo seeJohn Thornton, The Kingdom iif Konga.
12. The principal sources for late seventeenth century Sonyo are Jadin
(1966} and (1970), Caltanisetta, Zuchelli, Monari, Laurent de Lucques.
13. Note e.xpropriation of the !vibamba salt
produce generaUy, below. This viev.- contradc!S,
Thornton,
2B6 LA TER SEVENTEENTH ...
14 . .Jadin (1961) and (1970); Cadornega, II, 266-84; Monari, 126.
15. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961),
510.
16. See accounts in Caltanisetta, Laurent de Lucques, Pavia injadin (1970),
and Da Gallo injadin, (1961).
17. Laurent de Lucques, 52.
18. e.g. Caltanisetta, 44.
19. See Chap. 5.
20. e.g. Caltanisetta, 71. See Chap. 5.
21. Jadin ( 1964) has published the relevant documents anda narra tive account.
22. See Chap. 4.
23. Caltanisetta, 54.
24. Rcport of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,
Romc, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1970), 432; Laurentde Lucques, 216.
25. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,
Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1970).
26. Merolla, 730.
27. See controversies between Merolla and Antnio Baretta da Silva, mani
Sonyo, in 1685 and 1687, Merolla, 704, 705-8; between Caltanisetta and
Joio II of Mbula in 1695, Caltanisetta, 53. The Capucins also clashed
with iesser chiefs who claimed the sarne privileges, e.g. ibid. 33.
28. Rcport ofP. Andrea da Pavia, 1702, injadin (1970), 432,445-7.
29. Ibid. 439-440.
30. For incidents in 1672--4: Paulo da Silva to Prefect ofLuanda, Sonyo, 29
May 1674, inJadin ( 1966), 294-5; P. Giovanni Antoro da Montecucculo to
Propaganda Fide, 8 Dec. 1674, in Jadin (!966), 317-18; Report ofP.
Giuseppe Maria da Busetto, Rome, 1677, A.P.F., S.R.C., 594 (1774), pp.
441-8.
31. Bologne, 54.
32. Laurent de Lucques, 109-12; Examinationofthe ReportofP. Andreada
Pavia, Rome, 3 Aug. 1693, injadin (!970), 560 and Appendix L
33. Examination ofP. Andrea da Pavia, Rome, 3 Aug. 1693, injadin
Laurent de Lucques, 122; Report oflndigenous Kongo Religion
P. Bonaventura da Corella, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 340, 340v;
Cavazzi, I, 103. Nkasa is frequently mentioned in connection with the
poison ordeals. See e.g., Matters to Raise in the Reply that the Pope
makes to the King of Kongo, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 42; Cavazzi, I,
Caltanisetta, 1!7, !34.
34. See Chaps. l and 5.
35. Laurent de Lucques, 126.
36. Bo!ogne, 54.
37. Ibid. 140-2.
38. Bo!ogne tried to secure the profits for the masters. The governors clearly
dominated the situation but the masters probab1y colluded. Ibd.
39. Janzen, Lemba, 49-51.
40. Teruel, V, 16; Romano, 28-9; F. Capelle
thc Directors oftheCompany, Mar. 1642, injadn (1966), 22.
41. Laurent de Lucques, 48; P. Gerard Corluy in P. Coudenhave,Regi>tmmde
NOTES TO PP. 199-2!6 287
Rebus Notabilibus, 1668-93, in Jadin (1966), 199-200. Pavia in Jadin
(1970), 4-56, 458; Report ofP. Giuseppe Maria da Bussetto, Rome, 1677,
injadin (1966), 334; Bologne, 140-2.
42. Note that the Antonines associated the Madonna with a slave ofthe mani
n;:;imbu mpungu, the mani Kongo's female chief. See below and Chap. 4.
43. See Chap. 7.
44. Ali the relevant documents have been pub1ished by Jadin (1961).
45. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961),
497,501,505,507, 528; Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3Jan. 1707, injadin
( 1961), 546. For mbumba dimension, se e Chap. 1.
46. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961 ),
501, 519, 528, 529; Report of Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3 J an. 1 707, in
Jadin (1961), 548. For nkadi mpemba dimension, see Chap. L
47. Ibid. 516.
48. Lorenzo da Lucca, Bengo, 30 Dec. 1705, injadin (1961), 534,54 I, 542;
Report ofP. Bernardina da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961),
510.
49. Encountered in Sonyo, various parts of Mbamba, Nsundi, Mpangu,
Pompa {Mpumbu?), Nkusu. Lorenzo da Lucca, 30 Dec. 1705 and 3 Jan.
1707, injadin (1961), 534-5,537,542, 546; Report ofP. Bernardino da
Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 17!0, injadin (1961), 510,534.
50. P. Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3Jan. 1707, injadin (1961); Report ofP.
Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 171 O, in J adin ( !961 ), 51 I, 5 I 8.
51. The discussions of economic developments on the Kongo coast in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is based upon Susan Broadhead,
'Trade and Politics on the Congo Coast, l770-I870', Ph.D. Thesis
(U niversity of Boston, 1971). The discussions on internal developments
are partially based upon Susan Herlin Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline: The
Kingdom of Kongo in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries', /nter-
l!f AfricanHistmicalStudies, 12,4 (!979), 615-50.
52. Joseph C. 'The Slave Trade in Congo and Angola', in l\1artin
and Robert Rotberg, eds., The lVnc.zn Diaspora (Boston 1976),
96-7.
53. This refusa1 continued in Sonyo and Central Kongo into the late
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Report of P. Rosario dei Parco,
1738-80, injadin ( 1963), 375; Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (1775),
ibid. 370;J.J. Monteiro, Angolaand t!ze Riuer Congo (London, 1875), I, 89.
54. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona injadin (I 964). 379-89.
55. Ibid.
56. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano ( 1
11.1,329.
57. See below.
58. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano
319 n. l. Powerful chiefs such as
injadin 322,322
injadin ( 1953), 327 n. l,
Kina and Nabua Ngongo were
estimated to have
Histria de
houses, Elias Alexandre da Silva
1937) n, i50-223.
59. Broadhead, 637.
60. Report of P. lll
288 LA TER SEVENTEENTH ...
ReportofP. RaimondodaDicomano (1791-5), injadin (1957), 327n. I.
61. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (I 775), injadin (1963), 381-2.
62. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano (I 791-5), injadin (1957), 323-4;
Report of P. Castello da Vide (1788), in Marcellino da Civezza, 'O
Congo' in Storia Universale dello Missioni Francescane, 7, 4 (1894), 349.
63. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savqna (1775), injadin (1963), 382,387.
64. Georg Tomas, Visit to the Portuguese Possessions in South-Westem Ajrica
(London, 1845), I, 190.
65. ReportofP. Raimondo.daDicomano (I 791-5) injadin (!957), 323; Elias
Alexandra da Silva Correia, Histria de Angola, II, 206, 208-9, 212. See
also Andr l'Hoist, L'Ordre du Christ au Congo', Revue de l'Aucum, VII
(I 932), 258-66.
66. Rcport of P. Raimondo da Dicomano (1791-5), in Jadin (1957), 322;
Report of P. Cherubino da Savona (I 775), in Jadin (1963), 382, 387;
Janzen,Lemba.
67. e.g. Sonyo paid a nominal tribute in the early nineteenth century. Pietro
Paolo da Bene, 'Relazione deli o stato inche attualmente si trova il Regno
de! Congo' (1820), in Boletim Official de Angola, 642 (16Jan. 1858), 370.
68. Civezza, 323, 353; Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona, injadin (1963),
382.
69. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (1775), injadin (1963).
70. Ibid. 378; ReportofP. RaimondodaDicomano (1791-5),injadin (1957)
328.
71. For the following, ibid, 326-31.
72. For trading patterns, Broadhead, 'Trade and Politics'. For an account of
internal developments, Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline'.
73. Bene, 248.
74. 'Relatrio do Conego Antnio Jos de Sousa Barrosa .. .' (1881), in
Arquivos de Angola, Ser. 2;xi,44,45 Uuly-Oct.l954), 313; Weeks, Bakongo,
41; Broadhead, 'Trade and Policies'.
75. Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline', 639-41; 645-50.
76. Adolf Bastian, Ein Besuch in San Salvador de Haupstadt des konigreichs Congo
(Breman, 1859), 50-l;John Weeks,Among thePrimitive Bakongo (London,
176-7; W. Holman Bentley, Pioneering on the Congo (London,
I, 282, 451; Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline', 646.
77. Joseph Troesch, 'Le Royaume de Soyo', Aequatoria, 25, 3 ( 1962), 95-I 00.
78. Laman, Kongo, I, 138-42.
79. Van \Ving, tudes Bakongo; Mertens; MacGaffey, 'Oral Tradition', 424;
:rvlacGaffey, Custam and Govemmeni, 235-6.
80. For examples of these traditions see e.g. Van Wing, t:udes Bakongo. The
interpretation above is based on l\1acGaffey, Custom and Govemment,
17-35.
Appendix 1
Fertiliry Rites rif the Mani Sonyo in the Late Seventeenth Century
The mani Sonyo and his wife and principal nobles prepared a dish of
mushrooms and other ingredients. On the Tuesday before Christmas week
the mani Sonyo sat on his copper throne surrounded by his helpers who were
seated in a circle on the earth. The mani Sonyo's wife, with two older women
and two principal nobles advanced with the dish. They emptied it into a vessel
held by the mani which was only used for this ceremony. The people then
invoked the devil offering him the dish in sacrifice for rain and an abundant
harvest. The mani Soll)'O then gave each of them a portion of the dish and
everyone perforrned the usual ritual war dance. The following Tuesday the
mani Son;yo and the nobles went to a certain field called U ri. They believed that
a devi! called Uri lived in the field in the forrn of a snake and they left an
uncultivated thicket in the middle of the field where it could rest. The man
Sonyo received the homage of the people and then wen t to a tree where h e spoke
some words 'accompanied by diverse ceremonies.' He beat the tree with his
knife and then threw it in the field. The knife was returned to him. Then the
people struck the tree with their knives. The next Tuesday the mani and the
people returned to the field. They worked it and then went round the thicket
saying to the snake, 'Uri, Uri, we have offered you sacrifices, we have
honoured you by our ceremonies. Have care to accord us much rain and
abundance in ali things.' They would not cultivate before these ceremonies
had been fulfilled. The next day they began to cultiva te the other fields.
Sources: Laurent de Lucques, 109-! 1; Examination of the Report of
P. Andrea da Pavia, Rome, 3 Aug-. 1693, in Jadin (l970L 560.
Appendix2
The Kings of Kongo to the Mid-Seventeenth Century
Nzinga Nkuwu
Mbemba Nzinga
Nkanga Mbembe
Mpudi Nzinga
Nimi Lukeni
Mpanzu Nimi
Nanza Mbemba
Nimi Mpanzu
Nkanga Mbemba
Mbem ba Nkanga
Nimi Nkanga Canyancala
Nzinga (Nimi?) Nkuwu
Mpangu Nimi Finguiz
Nimi Lukeni
Nkanga Lukeni
Vita Nkanga
Joo I
Afonso I
Pedro I
Francisco I
Diogo I
Bernardo I
Henrique I
lvaro I
lvaro II
Bernardo II
lvaro III
Pedro II
Garcia I
Ambrosio I
lvaro IV
lvaro V
lvaro VI
Garcia II
Antnio I
?-1506
1506-43
1543-4
1544
1545-61
1561-7
1567-8
1568-87
1587-1614
1614-15
1615-22
1622-4
1624-6
1626-31
1631-6
1636
1636-41
1641-61
1661-5
Appendix 3
Kinship Terms Amongst the Seventeenth-Century 1Hwissikongo
x-66
NKAKA oc NKAI CUYA (m)
+ NKENTU (I) I
NKAI NKAI oc NKAKA NKAKA (m)
or NKAI or NKAKA ETA TU (m)
+ NKENTU (!) I
NKAKA or NKAI A NEWA (mi
oc NKAKA oc NKAI AZOLE (m)
+ NKENTU (fi


MPANGI ;_h MPANGI A
NKENTU A

.,_ or
1
NKAKA oc NKAI
1
NKENTU

<4------SE-------+ +--- NGUDI ----+-
NKENTU or NKAZI oc
MPANG! MBUTA MPANGI A
NGURI
n
EGO +----
,l
NKENTU ZAKIMUVU ANA ANA ANA
r ANA KIMOSI NKAZI +NGURI-+

+----MWANA------""
A ANA +-AME----+
NKENTU NKAZI
I
NTEKULU (m)
+NKENTU lfl
I
NTEKULU AZOLE or
VtNUULULUHlA {m}
NTEKULU
CUNZANUU or CUNZANUUTUL4RlA !m!
+NKENTU (fl
I
NTEKULU AYA (m)
+NKENTU(!j
Souu:es: De Geei, 23, 198, 254,
l03-l2 c/f
36-45.
Appendix4
Clan Reckoning and Individual Reckoning Amongst the
Seventeenth-Cenlm]! 1\tJwissikongo
Ctan reckoning
Ali members of father's father's I .......... u-"
and mother's father's clan.
Ali members of father's clan
Ali members of an clans for
which the ma!e members of
ego's clan have produced
children
Ali members of ali clans in
which the mafe members of
the mwana have produced
children
Individuei reckoning etc.
NKAKA NKAKA,orNKAI NKAt orNKAKA orNKAI ETA TU
NKAKA, or NKAI NGWA. or NKAKA or NKA AZOLE
NKAKA or NKAI
(EGO) MPANGI
MWANA
NTEKULU
NTEKULU NTEKULU or NTEKULU A TATU
Ali members of ali
clans related to
ego's dan by
marriage etc.
Sources: De Geei, 23, !98, 230,240,254, 256; Giacintoda Vetralla, Grammar,
l08-l2. c/fWyatt MacGalfey, Cu.rtom a.nd Gouemment, Chaps 4, 5, andjanzen,
Lemba, 36-4-5.
Archives Cited and Archival Abbreviations U sed
France
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris
Holland
Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague
Oude W est Indische Compagnie
Italy
Archivio Generale della Compagnia di Gesu, Rome
Lusitania Catalogi Triennal
Archivio della Sacra Congrega tio de Propaganda Fide, Rome
Scritture Ricevute nelle Congregazioni Generali
Scritture Riferite ni Congressi
Archivio Provinciale dei Capucinni, F!orence
Archivio di Stato, Milan
Archivio di Stato, Modena
Archivio di Vaticano, Rome
Biblioteca Casanatence, Rome
Biblioteca D'Este, Modena
Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuelle, Rome
Instituti Storico dei Cappucini, Rome
Portugal
Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, Lisbon
Papeis Avulsos
Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon
Biblioteca da Acadamia des Ciocias, Lisbon
Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon
Biblioteca National, Lisbon
Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geograffia de Lisboa
Spain
Bibliotheca Nacional de :Madrid
Bibliotheca dei Palacio NacionaL Madrid
B.N.P.
A.H.
O.W.I.C.
A.G.S.J.
Lus
A.P.F.
S.R.C.G.
S.R.C.
A.C., Florence
A.S., lV[ilan
A.S., Modena
A. V.
B.C.
B.D.E.
B.N.C.V.E.
A.G.C.
A.H.U.
P.A.
A.T.T.
B.A.C.L.
B.A.L.
B.N.L.
B.S.G.L.
B.N.M.
B.P.N.
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Index
Notes
l. Kongo Kings are listed by their European names.
2. Capucin missionaries are lsted by their town of origin.
3. Other individuais are listed by their first name.
4. Kongo ttles and titles of Kikongo speakers are listed under location e.g. Kongo,
mam.
5. Kongo towns are listed by location, e.g. Kongo, Mbanza.
Afonso I,45, 53-65,78,81,83, 87,89, 90,
95, 96, 99, 100, 1!4, !20, 12!, 131,
131-3,136,216
Afonso II, 68
Afonso, brotherofAlvaro III, 82
Afonso, son ofGarcia II, 152-3, !58,
!70-3, 179 .
Afonso VI, KingofPortugal, 177
Afonso, patrilineal category, 87-8,96-7,
126-8, 130-3; Nkanga MubicaAfonso
(Nlaza}, 126-7, 131-3, 171-5, 189,
l99-20!,212-l6;220;wfpanzu
Afonso,88, 127-8, !30-3, 17!, 188-9,
199-202,212-!6
25, 67; useofslaves
(indigenous) 78-9, !00, (European)
Uesuit) 107, 139; cash crops,
78-9; at l\1banza
5, !09; as
34, 35,215 (seealsokitome;
mani Vimda}; seealsa Luanda colony
{victualling); tribute; animal hus-
bandry; arboriculture
Rosada, descent group, 2!2
!5,26
ll.lessano, Bona ventura da Capucin, !59
AI! Souls Day, 95,96
2!0, 2!!, 212,223
1,69, 71, 74,87, !05, !!7, !30,
- 133, 134-5
Alvaro H, 71,85,87,96, ll7, 120, 12!,
!25, 135, 137, !33, !78
Alvaro III, 82, 87, 95, 96, 106, I 17, 1!9,
125,126, 130, 13!, 135,138-9
Alvaro IV, 82, 127
Alvaro V, 151, 17l
Alvaro VI, 96, 127, 131, 136, 139, 140,
143, 15!, !55, 158, !70, 199
brotherofGarcia I, 171-5
Ambrosio I, 127
Andr Vida! de Negreiros, governar
Luanda, 176-9
ancestors, see dead
animais, husbandry, 5, 6; produce, 5;
tribute of, 34-5
Anna (Queen),ofNkondo, 203
Antonine movement, 26, 28, 208-10
Antnio I, 175-9, 191-2, 197, 199,200
AntniodoCouto,Jesuit, 181-2,184,190
Antnio da Silva, man Mbamba, 89, !26,
131
Antnio de Sousa, mani So;ry"O, !25
arboriculture, 5, 6
archers, ll9
arrny, Kongo, 42-3,57, 70-l, 78 (s1aves),
85 s!aves) see also M wissikongo; rules
o war; firearrns; archers
at.ombola, cult, ll, 93, !96-8
ofMakamba,
!69
beads, Venetan g!ass, 75
310 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
Bengo Riverand Valley, I, 107, 134, 135,
140, l!:l-6passim, 167,197
Benguela, 71
Bernardo I, 63
Bernardo II, 87, 123
Beatrice, (St. Antony), 26, 92, 208-!0
bishop, see So Salvador
Boko Snngo, 7, 32, 33, 114; see also copper
bolungo, poison ordeal, 25
Brandonc, descent group, 213
Bras Correa, canon, 32, 83, 85, 100, 138
Brazil, 106, 114,135,143, 145-9passim,
169, l'l() '
Bula (statc) see Lemba
bulungi, u;;ed for 'hei!', 94
'Cabata c:hiefs', 81
Cabinda, 21 O, 212, 224
Calvinism, 155-6
Cambarnbe, 133
canons, see So Salvador
Captain General of the Kongo Kingdom,
42-3, 126; see also warfare; army;
archns
Capucins, 19, 81, 83, 94, 97-9, 122, 134,
153-L IS7-6!, 163,171-2, 175-6,
182-')il, 202-5, 207, 224; as Kongo
am bassadors, !51, 159, 169, 184; si aves
of, 221
Castello Bianco, descent group, 213
Castro patrilineal category, 89
chapei, royal, 65, 80, 95; see also churches
Chile!, dassfcatory, 214, 224; ofthe
kanda nf the mmu' Kongo, 36
Christian priests, see priests;
missionaries; Capucins,Jcsuits;
Francscans
chiefdoms, extra kanda, 28-3!, 32, 34; see
also kitmne; Nkisi Valley; states by
nam<,,
to early sixteenth
5!-3, i)0-5, 87, 89, 90-!03; to
seventcenth century 136-41; mid-
sevent<'enth century, 154-6!, !79-98;
late sewnteenth century, 202-3,203-8
cighteenth century, 216-20;
and the mbumba dimcnsion, 50, 90,
99-lfn, 185, 192,203-lO;andtheJLtadi
dimension, 62-5, 92, 98-9,
159-61,184-5, !92,203-4;and
the non-l\1wissikongo !01-2, !86, !92;
anel cult ofthe roya! graves, 62-5,92,
94-8, ! 84-5, 192; mani Kom!o anel
diocesan authorities, 137-41, 179-81;
patronage ofChurch, 136-41; see aLro
congregations; Mwissikongo, ideo-
!ogicallegitimacy, Propaganda Fiel e;
Calvinism; So Salvador, Cathedral of; ,
churches; chapei royal; Ali Souls Day;
StJames Day; Holy Thursday; Holy
Saturday; Saturday; eucharist; mass;
baptism; excommunication; marriage;
erosses; crucifixes; Pope;Jesuits,
Franciscans; Capucins; entries under
individuais provinces, Makoko,
Nzinga Matamba
Churches, 51,63-5,69,95-6, 100; of
lmmaculate Conception, 158; ofur
ladyofthe Victory, 95, 96, 99, 158; ofSt
Antony, 95, 209; ofSt Ignacius, 96; of
StJames, 138, !40;seealsochape!royal
clients,2l, 108-9, l21-4;andgrowthof
chiefdoms, 29; anel war!ords, 20!; see
also titleholders, clients of
cloth, indigenous, 6, 7, 22, 34, 35, 39, 44,
52, 55, 75-8, 106, 112, 113, 116-1
!64-5, 167, 179;seealso trade
communications, 8!-5, 139, 155, 168,
!70, 176, l88-90seealsoliteracy
congregations, confraternities, and
orders, 95, 97, lOl, 160-1, 193; ofSo
Salvador, 97; ofCapucins, 97,204
(Sonyo); ofjesuts, 97; ofSt Antony,
97, 209; ofHoly Mercy, 95; ofHoly
95; OrderofChrist, 2!7-19,
223, in provinces, lO!
6, 7, 143;
6,7,29,32-4,40,53-5,57-60,
!49, l5l;ofiv1bembe,6, 7,40, 117,
222; Luanda/Europeans and Mbembe
mines,82, !l7, 133-6, !40, 143,148-9,
151,167-8,176-9,199,223
Cortes, patrilineal categorv, 89
v<tpuuu, 19{), 191
crosses,
crucifxes, 94, 102
cultivation, see agriculture
52, 93, 192, 208, 223-4; see also
lanha; aiombola;
Antonine movement
Curao, l !4
curers, see disease
7, 75-7, !13, l63-5;seealsa,
doth
INDEX 31!
Damba, province, 33, 4{)
Dande River anel Valley, I, 77, 107, 109,
118, !33, 134-6, 140, 144, 163-4, 166,
168,200,222
Daniel da Silva, 127, 152-+
Daughter, classificatory, ofthe mani
Kongo, see nzimbu mpungu, mani
dead, category of, 10-12; cult of(kanda),
12, 20, 98; (chiefs), 29; (Mwissikongo)
see Mwissikongo; individual titles;
Christianity; graves; governors, pro-
vincial; Saturday; see also, mona
death, rituais of, lO-! l, 216-17
demography, 7-8,44-5,188, 196,2!4-15
dcscent, 8, 19-23,87,88-90,200, 212-14;
see also M wissikongo, patrilineal
categories; kanda
Diogo, brother offifteenth century mmli
Vunda, 51
Diogoi,65-8, 71,81,87, 100,105
Diogo Co, 50
disease, 145, 168, 196; issues and curers,
12, 15, 16, 18-l9seealsomedicines
Dom bala, chiefdom/province of
Mbamba, 212;seealso Mbala
Dutch, see traders, Dutch; Luanda,
Dutch; Kongo-Dutch relations
earth spirits, see mbwnba
drought, 5, 52
ecological zones, l-2, 6-7,28-9,33-5,
52,66, 79,84, 107, ll2, 165,216
Eleanor, wife ofJoo I, 89
election, of mani 1\fbata, 39, 4!; of mani
mani; of mani So"w,
elephants tails, see trade, elenhants tails
Estevo Castanho, canon,
motherofManuel Roboredo, !54
'll
eucharist, l 00; see alsa mass
European goods, see trade, European
excommunication, 99
Ferno de Sousa, governar ofLuanda,
!36
Fire, ritual, 13, 25
firearms,53,55,57,62,69-74, !!!, 117,
]9-20, !53, !74, !78-9, 189,211
fish, dried, see trade, dried
fooo, see fish, dried; Luanda
n<-cu"'"'"' \cvarfare;justice
Franciscans, Portuguese, 173, 187, 190,
191; Third Order, 174, 176, 184;seealso
Capucins
Francisco de So Salvador, Capucin, see
Manuel Roboredo
Franciso Soveral, bishop ofSo Salvador,
140-1, 154-6
Funta, mani, (in Sonyo), 170
Garcia I, 89-90,96, 127, 143, 171
Garciaii,8!,82,83,96, 117,120,122,
127, 130, 131, 134, 136, 142-198, 199
Garcia IV, 217
Garcia V, 222
Gaspar Co, bishop ofSo Tom, 137
Georges de Geei, Capucin, 195
God, see nzambi mpungu
governors, provincial, and Christanity,
100-l; 186; l92-7;andgravecults,46,
l 00-l; investiture, 39-41, 46-8; anel
kanda,+3, 124-30, !70-l, l94;and
kitome, 46-8; anel mbumba dmension,
47-9; and nkadi mpemba dimenson, 45,
lO I; wives of, 194; see also titleholders;
M wissikongo; individual govemors
Grandfather, classificatory, ofthe mani
Kongo, 54, l 00; see a!so A/bata, mani
graves, I!, !6, 29, 94-8; see also dead;
governors, provincial; Mwissikongo;
Kongo,
guns, see firearms
in town, see Ki-beio
hel!, see buhmg:'
Henrique, mani ;\!bamba, 172
Henrique, son ofAfonso I, bishop, 137
Saturday, 96; see also Saturday
96
honey, 55
houses, 6, 44
Hum, peoples, H
Hungu, people, 211
I mbangala, people, III, I !2, 135
inheritance, 85, 89, 214
67,81, 101,134,185, 188,
protective charmsr-
iron ore, 6
I sabe!,
trade, ivory
312 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
)aga' peoples, 59, 68,69-74, 112, 114,
133, 145, 160
Jesuits, 60, 66, 83, 135, 139--41, 154, 155,
157, 174, 176,181-2,184, 185;exempt
from Kongo taxation, 117 see also
Antnio do Couto; agriculture
.Joo da Costa, Luanda magistrate in
Mbanza Kongo, 189-90
Joo Baptista, bishop ofSo Tom, 137
Joo I, 51-3,89,90
.Joo IV, King ofPortuga1, 168, 169, 173,
174,177,178,181,182-3,190
Jordo Manuel, mani Nsundi, mani Wembo
etc., 128-9
judges, system established by lvaro II,
85; principa1judgeofKongo, 38,31 ;see
also slaves,judges of
justice, 38, 43; and Christianity, 64; and slave
trade, 58, 122-3; eighteenth century 220--1
Kainza, district in Sonyo, 23
Kakongo, state, 26, 60, 113-7
Kakongo, River, I I 3
Kakulu Kahenda (Ndembu title), I 10, 135,
145, 176
Kalunga, the water barrier through which
thedead pass, titleofthekitomepriestly
chief.s, 9, 23, 94
Kambole, chief captain ofMatamba, 110;
see also Matamba; muhongo Matambo
kanda, matrilineal descent groups, 8, 12,
19-23, 32-4,87, 90; ofthe central
region, 35,37-8,44, 46, 52, 66, 80, 90,
131-2,214, 224-5; provincial, 88, 90,
214, 224-5; effect of establishment of
Kingdom, 43--4; see also Kongo, mani
and the kanda; govemors, provincial,
and kanda; individuais provinces;
Nkusu; Nsaku Lau; Nsundi; Nlaza;
Kitirna; Nimi; Mpangu; Mbala; chief-
doms, extra-kanda
Kasanje, Imbangalastate, 77, lll, !50;
Christianity in, 19!
Kazanze, state, 74, !33-5
Kiandu, mani, throne-bearer, 95
Kibangu, town, state, 21 !, 212,215
Ki-belo, ham!et, 8
Kikongo, language, 1, 74, 93, 96, !34,
161,165,181, !35;booksin,80, 154
Kilombo, kJrrn o fim banga!a organization,
111
Kimbundu, language, I, 181
Kimpassi, cult, 26-8,50, 196-8,203,
223-}
Kina, district in Mbarnba, 212,215
Kindoki, witchcraft, see ndoki, witch
kingweno, Ndembu title, !64, 166
kinship, 8-9, 19-23,65, 200; breakingthe
bonds of, 32, 37; classificatory, see
Grandfather; Mother; Father;
Daughter; Child; mpemba nka:; see also
traders, Iineage seniors, labour, kin-
based; kanda; lineages; descent
Kiondo, district in Sonyo, 23
Kiova, district adjacent to Sonyo, 23-4,
I 15, 174-5,212;mani, I5I;Christianity
in, 193
Kisama salt mines, 75
Kiteke, language, I
Kiteshi kandambi (Ndembu ttle), 149
Kitima, kanda, 35
kitome, priestly chiefs, 23-5, 33-4, 52, 62,
91, 94, 99, 100, 153, !60, 135-6, !92,
194-6, 193,203-I0,214,224-5;wifeor
femalechiefof, 24,47; and Kongo
Kingship, 46-3, 52; and provincial
governors, 46-8; and maniSollJ'!l,
204-6; eighteenth century, 221; and
mbumba cults, 28, 48; see a1so mani
Vunda
Kitome and provincial governors, 46-8;
and mani Sonyo (late seventeenth
century), 204-6; eighteenth century,
221
Kitomo nineteenth century trading
system, 222
K ivela, pre-pu bertal virgin given by kitome
to governors, 4 7
Kongo, nuclear kingdom, I, 32--4;
'Greater' kingdom, 60, 34, !05;
Luanda Peace Treaty 1649,33, 163,
163; Dutch relatons, 135--6, 142-61;
Papal relations, see Pope; Portuguese
relations, see Portugual; Spanish
relations, 15!, !69, 187; Luanda
relations, see Luanda co!ony; mani
Kongo, administration, 35--44, 57 ,80-S,
!38-9, !78-9, 217-21 (eighteenth
century}, 222--4 (nineteenth century);
blessingof, 97; and central kanda, 35-9,
53-4,66-7,71,85, 13!-2, !70-l;and
Christianity, see Christianity; council
of, 37-8,85, 138, 164, 179, 220-l; and
cult of predecessors, 3 7, 46, 48; election
and investiture, 36-7,96,99-100, !88,
203, 220; evolution of title, 33; and
female co-chief, see
mani; funerais of, 95-6; household of,
INDEX
313
38-9, 67, 85, 179; inheritance of goods,
35, 85; insgnia, 36-7,96, !00 (see also
mpu); investiture ofprovincial
titleholders, 40, 127, 152; and the
mbumba dirnension, 36-3, 46-7, 5 I (see
also Christanity and the mbumba
dimension); monopoly on guns, 73,
I I 7, 119-20; on ivory, 109, I 17; and
the nkadi mpemba dimension, 37, 45, 48
see also Christianity and the nkadi
mpemba dimension); and provincial
governors, 41-3,52-63,79-85,97,
104-33; and provincial kanda, 36, 39,
41,53-4, 66-7, 71; and redstribution
of products, see tribute, of mani Kong o;
role within Mwissikongo group, 35-7;
and slaves, 35, 33,57-60,65-7, 78-9,
84-90, 120-4, 169; succession, 66-8,
81, 87, 89, 130-3, 170-3; and tribute,
see tribute; and taxation, see taxation;
daughters given in marriage, 172;
wives of, 35, 36, 39,52-3,65-7,87-8
(slaves), !00, I 18, 126 (slaves), 130,
152,155
Kongo, Mbanza (So Salvador), 33, 40,
44-5,58,59,64,66, 74-5, 77,79,80,
82-5,94-5,99,101,106-7,112,120,
127, 144, 173-4,190,197,200,203,
2I0-11,219;archivesof, I78;churches
of, 64, 94-7 (see also churches);
ideological significance, eighteenth
century 2!5-2I;.twentieth century
224-5
Kongo trading corporation, eighteenth
century, 215; ideology of, 215-221
Kongode Mbata, town in Mbata, 77,202
Kongo dia Nlaza, state, !09-!0
Kundi, state, 74; kundi cloth, 77, 165
KwangoRiver, !, 2, 70, 73, I !O, li!, !48,
!50
KwanzaRiver, 74, 105,133,135
Kwilu River, l; province, 45
labour, divisions of, 5-6, 7, 17; kin-
based, 8, 20-1, 107--8, 113; and slaves,
73, I 23 (see also slaves; titleholders and
slaves; Kongo, mani and slaves
law, see judge;justice
Lazaro, brotherofGarcia I, 171-5, 189
legitimacy, see Mwissikongo, ideological
legitimation
!emba cult, 27,206, 2!7-8
Lemba, state{later Mbula}, 148,200, 2!2
215
Leonor, nmbu mpungu, 171, I 88
libata, villages, 7, 20-I, 90,91, 214
libongo cloth ofLoango, 77, !64-5, 167
1ineages, 8-9, I 8, see also kanda;
matrilateral relationships; patrilateral
relationships; patrilineal categories;
descent; nkuluntu; traders, lineage
seniors; labour, kin-based
Literacy, 64-5,67,79-83, 143, 144,
I 85-6, 188, I 93, 203, 205, 217
Loango state, 26, 46, I 14-7, I 48, I 64-5;
mani,30,91, 114,176
locusts, 5, 98, 183, 196
Loje, River, 34, 84, !09, I 13, I 75,222
loka, curse, bewitch, 17; see also ndoki,
witch
Luanda, eco1ogy, 107; island of, 33, 77,
105 (see ais o nmbu shell money);
Kongo governors of, 41, 107-8, !63-9,
!67-8; mani, 4!, 30, 135, 144, !51, 163;
colony and victualling, 107, 1 !2-3,
!34, 145, !46, 151, I68;andtrade,see
trade, Luanda; and slave trade, see
slaves, trade, Luanda; and market, see
market, Luanda; Portuguese
occupation, 71, 74-7,83--4, 105-12;
economicproblems, 166-7, 176-7;and
Kongo, 71,73-7,82-3,105-6, !13,
134-6, 167-70, 174-9, 181-2, 184, 190,
!92, 223 (seealso Paulo Dias; Ferno de
Sousa; Salvador Correia; Sosa
Chichorro; Andr Vida! de Negreiros);
and Sonyo, 202; and guns, I 19; and
currency, 75-7,164-5, I67-8;and
l'v!bembe mines, see copper; economic
influence on Kongo, 73-8, 104-12,
126, 133--43; Dutch occupation, 77, 34,
!36, 142-61, 163-5; Dutch threat to,
166-7, 169-70, 176; Spanish threat to,
176-8, 184
Lw:hetta, man, 217
Lu fine, River and Val!ey, 107
Lukala, River, 110
Lukeni, 'first King ofKongo', 45
Lukunga, title, chiefdorn and province,
seeOlolo
Lula, state, 74; mani, I !8
Lumbo, mani, the mani Kongo :r major-domo,
38-9,67,85,219
87
lV!akoko, sta<e and makf:lko, tit!e, 37, 54,
314 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
60, 70. 73-5, 78, 107-9, 114-5, 120-1,
142,118, 165,211;andChrstianity,
190; .1ee also Malebo Poo1; mpumbu; Tio
manilla. copper arm-rngs from Mindouli-
Boko-Songo, 54
Malebo Pool, 58, 66, 70, 73, 85, 108, 114,
121; sce also market, Ma1ebo Poo1;
Makoko; mpumbu; Tio
mani (governor), see under locus of
governorshp
Manga ( cighteenth century province),
212
(Ndembu tit1e), 166
ManueL patrilinea1 category, 128-9
Manuel Baptista, bishopofSoSalvador,
137, 138
Manuel!, KingofPortugal, 100
Manuel, mani Sml)o, 124-5
Manuel Roboredo, (Francisco de So
Salvador, Capucin), 154, 161, 171,
185, 189, 191
Maquelo do Zombo, 2
markets, fourday, 7; Luanda, 107-8;
controlled by Luanda, 74; Ma1ebo
Poo1, 59, 70, 73, 85, 114, 120; Mbanza
Kongo, 44, 57, 106; Okango, see
Okango; Samba, see Mpumbu Samba;
see also mjmmbu; trade routes; trade
capital; entries under individual states;
slav's
marriagc, 21-2, 155; Christian,
eightecnth century, 217-8; nineteerith
century, 223; alliances, 22, 29, 33, 126,
131,217-8, 223; seealso wives
Mary, mother ofChrist, 92-3, l02, 205,
206-7
district in Sonyo, 23
see also eucharst mass,
l'vlassangano,
180, lfl2. !83, 190
l'viassou la, port, 2 !O
155,163,
Matamba, 60, 77, 93, !09-12, 121, 169,
21!; 1ee also Nzinga fvlatamba; Nzinga,
s!aves, trade, Nzinga Matamba;
.Hatamba; kambole
north-west ofMbanza
Kongo, 2!2; Christiani!y in, 93
matrilateral relationships, 8, see also
kamla: descent; kinship
l'vfazinga, d istrict ofNsundi, 55
Mbaka, near Ri ver Luka!a, 1!0, !50
i\1bala kanda, 23, 24, 67-8, 13; see also
Dom bala
Mbamba, province, 2, 33, 40, 77, 80,
107-9, 133, 145,202 (1ateseventeenth
cent]lry), 211-6 (eighteenth century),
221-3 (nineteenth century); Chris-
tianityin, 140,191,193, l97;mani,
33-4,65,80, 84, 88, 108-9, 118, 126,
135-6, 143, 152, 172-5, 178-9,217 (see
also Antnio da Silva; Alvaro VI;
Garcia II; Pedro II; Garcia I); and the
kanda ofLuanda island, 41; and the se a,
48; and slaves, 108-9, 120-1; wives of
126, 172;l'v1banza,34
Mbarnba Nsala, mani, 152
rnban;:;a, towns, 8, 14-5, 90, 193, 215; see
also individual towns
Mbata, province, 2, 34, 40, 52,69-70,73,
77, 122-3,202 (late seventeenth
century), 212,215 (eighteenthcen-
tury); mani, 34, 36, 52-4, 62, 73, 82,
lOO, 127; and the Kongo title, 36-7,
39-41, 100, 118, 129-30, 172,178-9,
218; wives of, 173; see also Nsaku Lau
kanda; Mbanza, 34, 64, 74; Christianity
in, 64, 140, 193-5,197, (seealso
Christianity)
Mbembe, see copper
mbila, 'tomb', a Church in Mbanza
Kongo,64
i'vibrije,RiverandValley,34,84, !07, 175
mbumba dmension of'other' wor1dly
power, 10, 13-7, !9, 23-31,51,93-4,
205-l O; and the Kongo title, see Kongo;
and Christianity, see Christianity; and
provincial governors, see governors,
provincial; entries under individual
provinces
mbumba, disease, 14
mbumba mbula, mani pangala, 46; figure in
etiologicallegends ofNgola a Ki!uanje
and Kongo, !3
l'v[bumbe, district ofl'vfbamba, 77, !35,
175, 196
l\1bundu, peoples, l, 34, 57, 60, !05, !34,
!48, 150, !51, 163
mbuta, 'eldest', 20
title,200,215
tPfnrnvmce and mbwila, title,
164, 166, !78-9, 200,
211-13, 2!5; Christianity in, 140;
battle of, 165, l 78-9
medicines, 6; see also disease
Meneses, patrilineal category, 89,213
Mfinu Tio, peoples, 74
INDEX 315
mfumumpu, nineteenth century title, 224
Mfuningu, state, 70, 78
Miguel de Castro, canon, 154-6, 180-1
Miguel, mmzi Sonyo, 124-5, 151-2
Miguel Rangel, bishop ofSo Salvador,
137-B
milungu, protective statues and bracelets,
18
Mindouli, 7, 32, 33, !14see also copper
missionaries, 93; see also Capucins;
Jesuits; priests; Franciscans
Mother, dassificatory, ofthe mani Kongo,
see n;:;mbu mpungu
moyo, 'sou!', 9, 27, 91, 93,94
Mpangu, extra-kanda chiefdom, 29, 33;
province, 2, 4-0, 196, 202 (late seven-
teenth century), 212 (eighteenth
century); mani, 64-5, 122, 127, 173,
175, I 78, 219; Mbanza, 34, 64;
Christianity in 64; kanda, 29, 33
Mpanzu Afonso, descent group, see
Afonso
Mpanzu a Kitima, son ofjoo I, 53
mpemba, white, the colour of the dead and
the other world, 16
Mpemba, province, 34, 40, 67, I 19,178,
200,212,213,216;mani,8l, !19, 126,
135, 171-3, !73-9, 217, 218; wives of,
172, 217; Mbanza, 34; Christianity in,
140, 193-4, 197 (see also Christianity)
mpemba nka;:; (kanda and extra-kanda chiefs
who supplied mani Kongo with a wife),
39-40,65, !00,218
rvlpinda, port, Sonyo, 50, 59, 67, 7!'>, I 05,
1!3-5, 143, J 53, !63, 202
cap, insgnia ofauthority, 37, 40, 96,
18,138,157, 192,205,209,224
Mpumbu, s1ave markets on the Kongo
border,59,60,66, 148;seealsoMakoko;
Malebo Pool
l\fukato, province adjacent to Sonyo,
151-2
mulanos, 71, 73, !40, !4!, !56, !78,
180-2 see a!so Bras Correa; Manuel
Roboredo; Simo Medeiros;
Castro; Estevo Castanho,
chiefdom, 212
Mussul, 211,212,221,223
l\
1
!utemu, state and mutemu, Ndembu title,
145,164, !66;Christianityin, l+O
mutinu (ntnu), an honorific title, the 'first'
king ofKongo, 90
Mwissikongo, elite, definitions to early
sixteenth century, 35, 44, 65-9, 71,
81-2, 84-5; patrilineal categories,
88-9, 92, 125, 128-9, 159 (see also
Afonso; Brandone; Castro; Cortes;
Manuel; Menezes; Pereira; Silva;
Sousa; Vasconcellos; Castello Bianco;
Romano Leite; gua Rosada);
alliances with local descent groups,
124-30; late seventeenth century,
200-l; eighteenth century, 212-7; see
also, titleho1ders, governors,
provincial; Kongo, marzi,
administration; interpreters;
individual provinces, man; ideological
legitimacy, fifteenth century, 45-9;
Christian, 50-3,60-5,94-103, 144,
156, 192, 202-!0, 2!5-21 (see also
Christianity; Kongo, mani; Sonyo,
mani) rules of war, 122; slaves of, see
slaves
mui! a, eategory of descent, 23
nambu a kalombo, Ndembu title, 145
nambu ngongo, Ndembu title, 109, 135,
145, !64, 166, 176
names, significanee of, 8, B8-90
Nbele, mani, 217
Ndembu, peoples, 57, 60, 77, 108, 12!,
135-6, !45-50passim, 163-4,166-8,
I 76-7, 196, 212; title, 212; see also
nambu ngongo; kakulu Kahenda; Mbwila;
mutemu; mangombe; kingweno; kteslzi
kandambi: nambu a kalombo; ngombe a
mukama
Ndibu, Kikongo speaking group, ! 5
ndoki, witch; kindoki, witchcraft, ll,
17-!9,28,5!,52,62,93,94,98-9,
101-2, !59, !95, !96,209,2!7
!8, 92, 94, 98,

18;
316
THE KING DOM OF KONGO
ngoma, drum, insgnia ofKongo King-
ship, 9:1
ngombe a mukama, Ndembu title, !45
Ngoyo, state, 60, 1 !3-7
Niari Rin:r, I
'Nimeamay', neighbouring Makoko, 73
Nimi, kanda, 35
nkadi mpemba, a dimension of'other
worldly' power, lO, 16-19,26,30,90,
91, 9:1, 94, 204, 209; and Christianity,
see Christianity; and mani Kongo, see
Kongo
Nkanga iv! ubica, see N1aza, kanda; Afonso
nkasa, poison ordea1, 13, 205
nkz'mba, cult, 13, 26, 27, 43,223
Nkisi, Ri ver, I, 2, 6, 23, 34, I70;
chiekioms, 23-9, 32-3, 40
nkisi, 'fetish', !4, 15, I7, 13, 19,25,30,31,
51,62,G4,94,99, 195;mibiteke, 17;mi
mafilla, 17
nkita, earth spirit, 13, 16, 27, 50, 53, 93,
203
Nkoje, town, 211,222
Nkondo, town/state on River Mbrije, 34,
212, 21 t see also Anna (Queen) of
Nkondo
nkulunla, lineage head, 20, 91,94
Nkusu, province, 33, 40, 196;
Christianity in, 193; kanda, 35
nkwiya, evil spirit, 11
Nlaza, kanda, 35, 199-20!, 214seealso
Afonso, Nkanga Mubica
No la, Gennaro da, Capucin, !59
Nsaku Lau, kanda, 29, 33, 36, 39, 41, 52,
53, 5+, G2, 65, 67, 118, 129, !30, 202 see
aLw Mbata, mani
Nsaku nc Vunda,kanda, 51 seealso Vunda,
mam
nsamba, indigcnous cloth ofNgoyo, !13
1zsanda, tree, H, 15
Nsanga, district ofNsundi, 55
Nsele, River, 2
nmvmcce ofNsundi, 24;
in, !93-4
rzsona, first of the four-day week, !4, 93
Nsonso, state, IIOseealso Sosso
Nsundi, province, 2,33,40,53-5,58, !49,
196, 2m (late seventeenth century),
21 I-3, 215, (eighteenth
of, 93; Christianity in, 100, 140,
!96-7 (seealso
chiefs of, 30 (nineteenth
mani, 34,54-6,62, 65,67,
31' 126-9, 170-1' 173,
178-9, 224 (nincteenth century) (see
also Pedro, mani Nsundi; Afonso I;
Jordo Manuel); and kitome, 47; wives
of, 4 7, 49; Mbanza, 34, kanda, 35
N ta ri, district in Sonyo, 23
ntotela, title normally applied to great
chiefs, 94
n:::;ambi mpungu, 'God', 50, 5!, 91-2,94,
102
nzimba, a kiiome title, 23
n;:,imbu mpunga, mani the mani Kongo's
femaie co-chief, the 'Mother and
Daughter ofthe King, 33,92-3, 17!,
133
n:::;imbu shell money, 7, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40,
44,57,59,65-6, 74, 75, 77,30,105-3,
133, 139, 163, 165-6, 211
Nzinga, daughter of Afonso I, 65
Nzinga, rulerofMatamba, 1!0-12,
145-52, !57, 163,169,177-3,196
Nzinga Makamba, state, 113, 145, !43,
190; Christianity in, 190-1; see also
l\.fatamba; Nzinga
n:::;o a nkisi, 'house ofthe fetish', 'graves'
used to denote churches, 95
Okango, state, 70, 73, 74-5, 77-3, !07,
!03, !09, 112, 120, !29, 133, !43, 164;
Christianity in, 140 (seealso
Christianity)
O lo lo (Lukunga}, 33, 2!2; mani,
elationship to mani Kongo, 40, 218
orders and confratemities, see
congregations
pangala, smith, a kitome title, 24, 46, 205;
Pangala, forme r residence of kitome,
224
Pangu a Lungu, peoples, 60
panos, cloth, see cloth; limpos, cloth
currency in canquista, 77; merc.ados, doth
marked as currency in Luanda, 77
patri!ateral relationships, 8, 88-90
patrilinea! descent categories, see
Mwissikongo
pawns, 21
Pau! V,
Paulo Dias,
Paulo da Silva,
Pedro, mani Nsund, cousin ofAfonso I, 54,
5,5, 59,62
Pedro, 'legitimate' son ofAfonso I, 66
INDEX 317
Pedro, grandson of Afonso I, 67,31
Pedro, brother ofGarcia I, 171-5, 139
Pedro II, 80, 88, 90, 126-7, 130, 135, 133,
139, 143
Pedro, son of Alvaro VI, 170-l
Pedro de Lagrimas, mani l'lsundi (mid-
seventeenth century), 173
Pedro IVofKimbangu, 201,203
Pedro Constantino da Silva, 20 I
Pende, peop!es, 211
Pereira, patrilinea1 category, 39
pigmies, 15
pintelso, tax, 113
p1antations, see agriculture
pombeiros, traders,59,65-6, 70, 71, 74, 77,
107, 108-!0, 1!6, l 17-3, !20, l66;see
also traders, Portuguese
Pope, 63, 82, 94, 100, !3!, 134, 135, 141,
151, 153, 153, !59, 172, 133,133, 192
popu1ation, see demography
porters, see trade and porters
Portugal, Kingof, 50-2,55-3,60,69, 73,
73,82,33,91, 100,105, !35-41, 155,
157, 164, !68, l70, 173,174, !76-7,
130, 134, 187, 190; taxationof,see
ta.xation; see also Joo IV; Afonso VI
Portuguese, and l\1bembe copper mines,
see copper; and Kongo elections, 66, 68,
7!, 135-6, l43;functionariesinKongo,
31;gunmen,53,57,69-70, 71-3, 74;
Kongophile, 7!-3, 33, 35; plantations,
see agriculture; traders, s.ee traders; see
a!soLuanda
priests, European, 51-2,55,58,64-5,67,
69, 82, 33, 94, 96-!03, !34, !85 (seealso
Jesuits; Capucins; Franciscans; So
Salvador); Kongo and mulatto, 64, 67,
141, 154-5,130,185,202 (seealsoSo
Salvador; mulatto}; concubines of, J8l
Propaganda Fide, f, !53,
172, 181, 183, !36, 190, !91, !92
residence, rules of; 21, 44-5, 38
resurrection, 93
Rodrigo, grandson of Afonso I, 67
Roma, Giovanni Francesro da, Capucin,
151,169, !72, 184,187, !90
Romano Leite, descent group, 2!3, 216
sa!t, 6, 29, 33, 34, 35, 39, 44, 75, !07, 109,
112,153, l65,202;andbaptism,see
Salvador Correia, governar Luanda,
163-9, 182, 133-4
Samba, people, I I O; see also Mpumbu
Samba
So Salvador, Cathedra! of, 97, JOO,
136-J 41; bishop of, 32 (see also
Henrique, Manuel Baptista, Joo
Baptista, Gaspar Co, Miguel Rangel,
Francisco do Sovera1); Chapter of, 32,
95, 133,140-1,154-7,173-31, J84;see
also Kongo, Mbanza
So Tom, 55-7,62,63, 69, 71, 73, 33,
105, I36-7; bishopof, 136-7
Sardenia, Bona ventura da, Capucin, 160,
132
Saturday, day ofthe dead, 95, 93, J07; see
also Holy Saturday; llSOTza
Savona, district ofSonyo, 23
schoo1s, see literacy
Sebastio, King ofPortugal, 32
sembo ansure, a smith's whistle, insgnia of
the Kongo title, 37, 95
shells, 29, 33, 34, 77, I 09; see also n:::;mbu
andsongo
shells, foreign imported, !06
Silva, patrilineal category, 39, 115,
124-33; corporate group, 2!0-2;
eighteenth century, 212, 2 14; see also
Sonyo, mani
Simo de Medeiros. canon, 54-6, 130-l
simbi, water spirits, 13, 27
simboebuto, adrum, insigniaofthe Kongo
tit!e, 37, 96
skins, see trade, skins
sky spirits, see nkadi mpemba
slaves, fifteenth century, 21-3;
acquisition, criminal process, 103,
121-3, !95; fugitives, 103-9, 121, !35,
143,164,166, l74-5;inheritance,35;
kidnapping, 58, 103, 122; pawns, 113,
!21; purchase, 121; raiding, 57, 60, 70,
!67, 177;wars,59, !08, 121-2, l96;and
kanda, 43, !23; labour, 78, !08, 113,
123; propor!ion to free, 123; wives, 44,
78, 87, 126, 130-3;and Kongoadrnini-
stration, 78-9, 34,90 (see also Kongo,
titleholders, individual
of, 58, 85, 123;
!39; Mwissikongo,
44,57-8, 78-9,
35,38-90, !00, 120-4, !23 (seealsa
individuai titleholders); Pm:tuguese,
318 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO
\'ili.ll+;warlords,201;clergy,
!55; trade, Kakongo, 114-7; Kongo,
55, 57--i,fl, b.'i-fi, 67, 70,73-5,77, 8+,
H7, 89, 'lfl, !O'l, !06, !08-!2, 148-9,
210-2, l-2; (.ree also taxation);
Kongo dia Nlaza, !09-l O; Loango, see
Loango; traders, Vil i; Luanda colony,
74-7, ii'>-, !3+, 1+6-8 (Dutch
!66-7; victuallingof, 107;
see Makoko; Malebo Pool;
Matamha, 110-12; Mbamba, 108-9,
211-2; \lbwila, l09;Ndembu, !09-!0;
Ngola a Kiluanje, 74, !O.'i-7, 100-12;
Ngoyo. 111-7; Nsonso, I !O; Nzinga
Matamha, 1+8-9, 169; Samba, 110;
Sonyo. I I +-7, 2 10-2; Wandu, 1 !O;
factorics, 1 ll-7, 210 ( cightecnth
centuryl; value, 16+-67; late
seventccnth century states, 20 I;
cightccnth century, 210-12; trading
corporation, 2!5-21
smithing, fi; anel Kongo Kingship, 37, +6;
anel kitome, 23, 46; smith traders, 32;
Vili.lll
snake, 15
Songo,state, 71, 77;songo,clothofSongo,
77
songo shcils. 7
Sonyo, province, 2, 26, 33, 40, 66, 67, 9+,
1!2-17, 119, 121, 148, 165, 189, 196;
state, 103,201-2,210,
224; anel Dutch, !12-6, 151-4;
Christianitv in, 64, !00, !4-0, 143, 153,
157, 191. 1:1+, 203-3; Mbanza, 34-, 6+,
113, I 15, l25;mani,+5,82,
99, 115. 143,172-5,178, !94,
(ninneenth century) (seealso
Miguel da Silva, 1\hnuel da Silva,
Antnio da Silva, Daniel da Silva,
Paulo da Silva); wives ofalliances with
local de-scent groups, 124-3; electors
of, !52: and the mbumba dimension, +E,
51,22 !: and Christianity, !53, 203-3;
and the 11kimba cult, 43, 51; anel slaves,
i 15, 1 !52; administration late
century, 202; as an nkisi,
224; taxation of, see taxation; slaves of,
see slaves
Surrento, Bona ventura da, Capucin, 184,
138
Sosso, peoplc, 60; seealso Nsonso
Sousa, patrlineal category, !25
Sousa Chicharro, governar Luanda, 169,
!74
Spain, Kingof, 153, 163;seealsoKongo,
anel Spain
Stjames Day festival, 42, 97, 101
succession to titles, H9; see also Kongo,
mam, succession
Suku, people, 12, 60, 70
Sumpa, district between Sonyo anel
Lemba, 212
taboo, 8,83
landala, 'general of the black camp',
Luanda, !03
taxation, by Luanda, 74, 167; by mani
Kongo,85, 117-8,129, !53, l75;ofdoth
trade, 75-3, 129; of slave trade, 66,
74--5, !05, 112; by mani Kongo's
governors, I 09, ! 17-8; in eighteenth
century, 2 l 7; of mani Loango, 116; of
113, !15, 117;ofKingof
Portugal, 57, !05
Third Order ofSL Francis, see
Franciscans
Tio, 17,54-5, 70,85, l2l;seea!soMfinu
Tio; Makoko; Malebo Pool; markets,
MaleboPool
tithes, 118, 180
titleholders, clients of, 123-4; wives ot;
44--5, 8B-9, 90 (see also under
individual titles); si aves ot; see slaves;
ideologicallegitimacy, see
Mwissikongo; governors; individual
titles
tombs, 95, 96
towns, see mbam:_a
trade, local anel regional, fifteenth
6-7, 32-3; anel extra-kanda
29,32;and
Kongo Kingdom, 32;
Nlaza, 109-lO;ofLoango, l
Luanda, 74-8, !05-17, !21; of
lV!akoko, see Makoko; ofMatamba,
l Hl-l2;ofllifbamba, !08-9, 117-!8;of
l'vlbwi!a, 109; ofNdembu, 109-!0; of
74, 105--7, I HH2;of
!13-7; ofNsonso, !lO; of
see Okango; ofSamba, ! I O; of
1!2-3, !7, !42-3; ofVungu,
ofWandu, ! !O; oflate
seventeenth century, 199-200; of
ei2'hteenth century, 2 !0-!2; of
221-2; financial
3l;of
indigenous doth, 75-8, !05, 107, l
! !6-7, 133, !6t-5, (seeasadoth; trade,
INDEX 319
local anel regional; nsamba, panos,
Okango); European doth, 211; coppcr,
see copper; dried fish, 107; elephants
tails, 107, 109, 113-4; European goods,
50-2, 55-7' 59-60, 64--6, 74--5, 77'
108-10,113,116,211-2,116 (Dutchv_
Portuguese); European services, !08:
food, 107, !12-3, 115, ll7;gunssee
firearms; gunpowder, III, 120, 21 I;
ivory, 107-9, 1!3-4, !43 (seeao
ivory); n;mbu shells, se e n;dmbu; anel
porters, 78, 8L 101, 108. 112, 117;
redwood, 113; salt, see salt; services,
1!5; shells, see shells; n:mbu; songo;
slaves, see slaves; skins, 107, 1!3; wood,
!07, !12; routes, 29,32-3,58-9,65-6,
7!, 73-3, 104-17, 129, !64-5, 210-!2,
222; ofVili, !!4-5; ofDutch, 84,
113-6, !!9, 125, 142-6!, 142-53,
155-6, 201-2; ofEnglish, 113, 20!; of
lineage seniors, 108, .1!3; of
Mwissikongo, 78, 115-6, 120; of
pombeiros, see pombeiros; of Portuguese,
53, 55,57-60, 66-B, 71-1, 77-3, !09,
113, 115-9, 12!, 129, 134, 165 (seealso
13, 2ll; ofVili, !14-7, !!9, 121, !42,
143, 165, 200-!, 2! !-2; Zombo. 21 L
222; capital for, 113, 114; seea.ro
markets;
Teme!, Antonio de, Capucin. !51
traditions, sixteenth
32-4,46
25;
! !3 (see also nkulunla)
from nuclear Kingdom,
34-5, 4:), 52, 55, 58, 66. 71, 80-l, 85,
106-7, !09, j 12, !13-9, !29, i 53,
165-6; from neghbours, 60, 74; of
mafwko, 70; of provincial governors
34-5,43,45, 74, lO!, !07, ll8, 129; of
Luanda, l36;ofmaniSo'E)W.Il3
tsetse f!v, 5
twins,
uzinga, 'Life', 9
Va.lencia, Angelo de, !51
Vasconcelos, patrilineal category, 89, 213
Vetralla, Giacinto da. !5+, !B2, IB3, IB5,
186-9!
Vili, people of, see traders, Vil i
vil! age, see li/mia
Virgin Mary, see Mary, mother ofChrist
fimda, mani, kitome ofMbanza Kongo, 50,
51,52,67,81, 192,2!0;andtheKongo
ttle, 36-7,40, 46-7, 48, 219-21
(eighteenth century); rdationship to
other kitome, ,}8
Vungu, state/region, 32-3,60, 114
Wandu, extra-kanda chiefdom, 29;
province anel state, 2, 33, 40, 77, 94,
l !0, !30, 177-9, 196,200,212-6
passim; Christianity is. 140, !93. 194-.
!96; mani, anel the Kongo title, 36-7,
40, 46-7,48,219-21; wives oC J 77-8;
anel cult ofwater anel earth spirits, 49
warfare,42-3, 127,135,149,151.152-3,
174-, 173-9, 196, see also. Captain
General of the Kingdom; firearms;
archers
see mbumba; simbi:
see market; seven day, 98;
see also nsona: Saturdav
\Vembo, chiefdom, 29; 2, 33,
40,212, 2!.5; mmzi. 65, 88, I !9. 129
(Jordo Manuel), 2!7-3; relationship
to mani Kongo, 40
witch, witchcraft, see ndoki
women, co-chiefs. 38, 92; chiefs, 2H
mler ofl\Iatamba; Anna
roles, 5-6.
22; anel the Kongo title, 38, 92; see _
also nzimbu mpunJ;u, mani: Kongo, ma11i
anel nzimhu mpungu
wives, ofPortuguese traders, 66, 71, 77;
see ao marriage; Kongo; ttleholelers;
kitame; c!ergy; govemors. provincial;
\vomen
Yaa, Tio tributaries ofMakoko, 14-
Yaka. people and state,
L 6, 32. 35, 34,
196,2fJ6,2l ,213,222
Zembo, port, 2!0, 212
Zombo. province, 21!-2. 215: i\fbanza.