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Juan Gabriel and Audience
Interpretation
Stacey K. Sowards PhD (cand.)
a
a
University of Kansas, USA
Published online: 12 Oct 2008.
To cite this article: Stacey K. Sowards PhD (cand.) (2000): Juan Gabriel and Audience
Interpretation, Journal of Homosexuality, 39:2, 133-158
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Juan Gabriel and Audience Interpretation:
Cultural Impressions of Effeminacy
and Sexuality in Mexico
Stacey K. Sowards, PhD (cand.)
University of Kansas
ABSTRACT. Juan Gabriels purported effeminacy and sexuality have
made him a controversial subject in Mexico, but still loved by fans. Juan
Gabriel, by trying to gain acceptance into Mexican society, has become
part of a hybrid culture, between the feminine/masculine and homosexu-
al/bisexual/heterosexual groups. This study focuses on interviews with
20 participants who discuss Juan Gabriels popularity and sexuality. The
findings of the study indicate that Juan Gabriel may be considered by his
fans to be effeminate, and consequently homosexual. Even though ho-
mophobia is widespread in Mexico, Juan Gabriels fans tend to ignore or
exoticize his sexuality, thus affording his success. It is also possible that
Juan Gabriel, consciously or not, uses his controversial sexuality as a
way to generate popular interest. [Article copies available for a fee from The
Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-342-9678. E-mail address:
<getinfo@haworthpressinc.com>Website: <http://www.haworthpressinc.com>]
KEYWORDS. Mexican homosexuality, effeminacy and performance,
homosexuality and performances, Juan Gabriel
Juan Gabriel is perhaps Mexicos most famous contemporary musi-
cian of popular and mariachi music. During the period from 1971 to
Stacey K. Sowards is a PhD candidate at the University of Kansas. The author
would like to thank Dr. Eduardo Barrera, University of Texas at El Paso, MA thesis
advisor, and Dr. Gerald Power, University of Texas at El Paso. Address correspon-
dence to: Stacey K. Sowards, Department of Communication Studies, 3090 Wescoe,
University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS 66045 (E-mail: sowards@eagle.cc.ukans.edu).
Journal of Homosexuality, Vol. 39(2) 2000
E2000 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. 133
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 134
present, Juan Gabriel has become a legend in Mexico and throughout
Latin America. He has maintained constant presence in music charts
in the United States, Mexico and Latin America, such as Billboard,
and has produced over 20 albums from 1971 to 1986, selling close to a
total of 20 million albums throughout his entire career (Lannert,
1995). The influence of his music and persona on the Mexican people
specifically has been phenomenal, as his popularity crosses class, age,
gender, and lifestyle. However, he is a controversial figure in the
Spanish-speaking world for several reasons, like most big stars under
heavy public scrutiny. Because of Juan Gabriels unique rise to fame
and the controversies that surround his success, the appeal of Juan
Gabriel warrants further investigation.
Several authors argue that Juan Gabriels songs, both music and
lyrics, have largely contributed to his success (Geirola, 1993; Magal-
lanes, 1995; Monsivis, 1988; Burr, 1992). Burr notes that Juan Gabri-
els use of the traditional, and very popular, mariachi is a key element
of the popularity of Juan Gabriels songs. Watrous (1994) indicates
that universal themes, such as betrayal, loss, infidelity, machismo,
love, and sometimes joy appeal to every listener. Magallanes and
Monsivis focus more on Juan Gabriels songs that use nationalistic
themes, stories about working in the fields, poverty, and family rela-
tionships as important factors in his songs popularity. Juan Gabriels
music, in both components of lyrics and song, has so much appeal that
Juan Gabriel has been able to achieve success in spite of his non-affili-
ation with Televisa or a major recording label to support him. During
the years that he did not record at all, he was able to maintain his
image and popularity through his legendary live performances (Lan-
nert, 1995).
Juan Gabriel furthermore displays a formidable amount of charisma
through his songs and performances. Several authors (Magallanes,
1995; Monsivis, 1988; Lannert, 1995) also contend that Juan Gabriel
is very effective at captivating audiences, thus exerting influence and
power over them, as is a common characteristic among big stars. Some
of his qualities that his audiences especially identify with are: his
generosity with the poor, and especially the establishment of a boys
school of music; his love for his mother even though she was unable to
care for him for most of his life; the music and lyrics of his songs; and
his poor background that is similar to that of a significant number of
Mexicans (Magallanes, 1995). These factors all contribute to Juan
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Stacey K. Sowards 135
Gabriels popularity. Juan Gabriel also especially appeals to adoles-
cents and women. Monsivis (1988) notes that Juan Gabriels first
audiences were female adolescents who listened to his music so much
that their families, boyfriends, and/or husbands subsequently became
fans as well. Juan Gabriel, through his music and charismatic image,
has been able to become and remain one of the most popular stars in
Latin America.
Despite the overwhelming success Juan Gabriel has attained, he is
also enshrouded in controversy concerning his sexuality. Several au-
thors (Geirola, 1993; Lumsden, 1991; Monsivis, 1988) have made
the argument that Juan Gabriel is definitively not heterosexual, and
that he hides his sexuality for various reasons. While Juan Gabriel has
never made a formal statement concerning his sexuality, almost any-
one familiar with the work of Juan Gabriel has an opinion on his
sexuality, whether fans believe he is effeminate, heterosexual, bisexu-
al, homosexual, or transsexual. Thus, Juan Gabriel provides a contra-
dictory example of the effeminate or gay male in Mexico, as tradition-
ally, this image is not one that is embraced in the Mexican context
(Murray, 1995; Taylor, 1995). Juan Gabriel has somehow overcome
these barriers and even possibly used them to work in his favor.
Therefore, he has been able to remain a popular figure and musician.
The current study focuses on Juan Gabriels success as a singer, and
how he has overcome or taken advantage of the controversy concern-
ing his sexuality in Mexican society. In this study, Juan Gabriels
image is examined to determine how he has managed to remain popu-
lar despite the nonacceptance of effeminacy and homosexuality in the
Latin American context, and more specifically, how Juan Gabriel
frames his sexuality in contrast to how others frame his sexual identi-
ty. While Juan Gabriel has enjoyed immense popularity with the Latin
American community, relatively little analysis of his success has been
conducted. Many articles and a biography have been written about
Juan Gabriel, but these publications tend to focus on more superficial
issues, such as performance reviews that describe the nature of his
shows. Of the literature examined, only Monsivis (1988) and Geirola
(1993) offer any in-depth analysis of Juan Gabriels stardom. There-
fore, this study becomes especially important for two primary reasons:
first, Juan Gabriel has achieved success under cultural conditions not
fully explained by literature on stardom and celebrities, and second,
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 136
the literature that does analyze the Juan Gabriel phenomenon is ex-
tremely limited.
This study will seek to determine the following: first, how Mexi-
cans or Mexican-Americans define effeminate and homosexual be-
havior; second, what their opinions are concerning effeminacy and
homosexuality in general; third, how these definitions apply to Juan
Gabriel; fourth, why Juan Gabriel fans, from a personal standpoint,
find him so appealing, even though he is effeminate; and finally, what
fans think has contributed to his success in general. This approach
should allow for an interpretative perspective on issues of homosexu-
ality and effeminacy in Mexico, as well as a cultural explanation of
Juan Gabriels success.
METHODOLOGY
In order to examine the projected nature of Juan Gabriels sexuality
and relation to effeminacy and the perception his audiences have of
that image, several components of Juan Gabriels mass media identity
are examined through interviews with his audience members. These
interviews with individuals familiar with Juan Gabriel aid in determin-
ing the image of Juan Gabriel that his audience constructs, as well as
how his audience interprets and reacts to that image. Because Juan
Gabriel is so popular even though effeminacy and homosexuality are
issues that are not addressed in Mexican society, this research focused
on the effeminacy and sexuality of Juan Gabriel, and how his audience
perceived these issues.
The participants of this study were 20 Mexicans or Mexican-Ameri-
cans from the El Paso/Juarez area who were familiar with Juan Gabri-
els music and performances. In order to be selected for the interview
process, the participants had to have at least seen two or more per-
formances of Juan Gabriel, either live or on television. Additionally,
the participants had to be familiar with his music, either from televi-
sion, radio, or personal ownership. The participants familiarity with
Juan Gabriel was determined by the participants. In other words, the
informants were asked if they were familiar with the music of Juan
Gabriel, and if they responded affirmatively, then they qualified to
participate in the study.
Six of the participants were ages nineteen to twenty-one and were
university students. One of these individuals identified himself as a
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Stacey K. Sowards 137
gay male, with bisexual tendencies. Two of these individuals attended
the November 2, 1996 Juan Gabriel concert in El Paso, Texas. These
participants were interviewed individually and were tape recorded.
The other 14 participants were over the age of 30, and were members
of an English as a Second Language conversation group. These inter-
views were conducted in a group setting, and were not tape recorded
in order to provide a more comfortable conversational setting. All
interviews were conducted in English, with some intermingling of
Spanish.
At the beginning of each interview session, the participants were
informed that the nature of this study was to discover why people find
Juan Gabriel appealing and why people believe he has been success-
ful. They were also told that answers to questions had no right or
wrong answers, and they should answer the questions in light of their
own opinions, disregarding other peoples views on the issues. Ques-
tions were asked concerning eight different areas. The following is a
list of themes in the questions. However, because of the conversational
nature of the interviews, the questions were not always asked in the
same manner, same number, or same order. The first two sets of
questions dealt with each participants (1) interest and (2) exposure to
Juan Gabriel. Respondents were then asked (3) to explain the reasons
they believed Juan Gabriel was so popular, (4) their opinion about
Juan Gabriels sexuality, and (5) why he was popular in light of the
controversy revolving around his sexuality. Finally, the interviewees
were asked (6) to define effeminate behavior, (7) about their opinion
about machismo and homosexuality in both El Paso and in Mexico,
and (8) about different reactions to Juan Gabriel between men and
women, between Mexicans and Mexican-Americans, and between
older and younger generations. Other questions were also asked, de-
pending on the nature of the responses.
The analysis of Juan Gabriels live performance and interviews with
Juan Gabriel aficionados is constructed using an ethnographic ap-
proach in order to achieve a greater understanding of the social context
and what Juan Gabriel represents for his audience members. Lindlof
(1995) contends that qualitative and interpretative approaches in com-
munication research have been increasingly accepted in the field, es-
pecially for purposes of examining culture and interpretation. Addi-
tionally, research concerning the nature of media audiences are further
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 138
warranted because of the limitations of the more traditional textual and
political economy approaches. Lindlof argues that:
the rapid development of audience ethnography has produced
insights into the social uses and rules of media, the interpretation
of meanings in mainstream media texts, and how specialized or
subcultural forms of mediated communication develop. Similar-
ly, in the area of development communication, ethnography is
seen as an approach that can study local realities and needs
without imposing the value assumptions of traditional media
effects research. (p. 11, Anderson & Meyer, 1988; Lindlof, 1991;
Morley, 1992; Bourgault, 1992)
Thus, the interpretative nature of this study is justified, as attempts to
more fully understand the audience reaction to Juan Gabriel will fur-
ther explain the success of Juan Gabriel. It is also beneficial to ex-
amine the social context of Juan Gabriels success, as other literature
does not explain his success in relation to the social setting in the
Mexican-American and Mexican communities.
RESULTS
The interviews will be examined and divided into the following
categories: Juan Gabriels popularity, his sexuality, and opinions about
sexuality, effeminacy and Mexican and Mexican-American culture in
general.
Juan Gabriels Popularity
Five main reasons for Juan Gabriels popularity emerged from the
people interviewed: the quality of his music, his charismatic performance
style, his background and charity work, being surrounded by the music
because of family, and finally, the themes of the music, including the
Mexican style and emotions behind it. Each person interviewed provided
several explanations for Juan Gabriels popularity. For example, in describ-
ing Juan Gabriels appeal, one interviewee said:
I think hes a good performer, hes a good entertainer, like the
way he moves and dances and he really captures his audience and
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Stacey K. Sowards 139
as far as his music, his music kind of relates to a lot of people and
he has a lot of different kinds, like he sings rancheras, or like El
Noa Noa which is more contemporary, so he has a wide range
of talent. I think thats really appealing . . . I guess basically
because I grew up with it.
In this persons view, Juan Gabriel is popular because of his perfor-
mance style, the style of the music, and because she had listened to his
music while growing up. Another respondent indicated similar mo-
tivations of performance style and music quality by describing the
Juan Gabriel appeal as: basically his music and the way he performs
his music in front of the audience, or just the way he projects himself
. . . would say that he is [charismatic]. Yet another participant said
that her brothers had worked with Juan Gabriel before he reached
stardom, and that her family and she had always listened to Juan
Gabriel. She said that her family loves Juan Gabriel and that she likes
to go to concerts with her family. Several of the women interviewed
stated that they liked Juan Gabriel because he is a hard worker and is
intelligent, as well as gives to charities and the needy. One woman
stated, he is not codo while patting her elbow with her other hand to
indicate that he is not cheap or stingy. The couple that was interviewed
also replied that they thought Juan Gabriels charity work and back-
ground made him popular, or at least they respected Juan Gabriel
because of that. Additionally, they said that the themes in his songs,
especially his songs about Juarez added to his popularity:
M: I think, well, he was a person that didnt have anything . . .
R: He wasnt rich, he was poor. And hes gotten this far.
M: He sings for all the people, not just for him.
R: And he gets the audience into it.
M: Into the rhythm . . .
R: [The songs] relate to the people.
M: Yeah, the song that he made about Juarez, have you heard it?
Thats a good song, and he related it to the city. So he makes
good songs and he expresses his words in his songs.
R: We watched a show together and . . . if you have any other
interviews, see if they know all the charity he does. Because he
does a lot, Im telling you. If you would see that show that we
saw, we were really touched by that, because he helps so many
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 140
people. That helped me like him even better . . . Hes so popular
even though some think hes homosexual and stuff.
M: He expresses himself very [well]. When he sings . . . he is
really good with the audience.
Two other participants said that Juan Gabriels music was so well liked
because his music is so Mexican, so emotional, and just good mu-
sic. Several people also indicated that Juan Gabriel has been around
for so long that everyone listens to his music, mostly because the
music permeates everywhere, through the radio, the television, live
performances, and at home, so that Juan Gabriel has become a socially
accepted phenomenon.
Through these interviews, it was found that, in describing Juan
Gabriels appeal, the quality of his music was the most common ex-
planation; all participants stated that his music was the primary reason
for his popularity. His charismatic performance style was one common
explanation, offered by 7 of the 20 interviewees. Ten respondents
thought that his popularity was largely explained by his charity work
and his background. Three others stated that they started listening to
Juan Gabriel because their family always listened to him. Finally, the
last explanation offered was the themes of his music. Nine people
indicated that certain themes in Juan Gabriels music were appealing.
Among the themes stated were: nationalism or support of the Mexican
cultural identity, love or romance, mariachi or ranchera music, pover-
ty, and norteo or Juarense identity.
Sexuality and Juan Gabriel
Individual opinions varied on Juan Gabriels sexuality, but there
was consensus that his sexuality is controversial. Five of the partici-
pants stated that they did not think Juan Gabriel was gay or bisexual,
but they acknowledged that many others think he is gay or bisexual.
For example, two womens husbands refused to listen to Juan Gabriel
because they were offended by Juan Gabriels sexuality. However, this
did not alter one womans belief that Juan Gabriel was not gay. In fact,
this woman wanted to attend the Juan Gabriel concert, but not only did
her husband refuse to attend but he also did not allow her to attend.
The other woman apologized profusely for her husbands homopho-
bia. The other women that were interviewed stated that their husbands
also liked Juan Gabriel, although the women felt that they liked him
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Stacey K. Sowards 141
more than their husbands. This was a similar trend amongst the mar-
ried participants. If they personally did not believe Juan Gabriel was a
gay male, they knew others who did. In every case, Juan Gabriels
sexuality was recognized as a hotly contested issue that related to the
phenomenon of Juan Gabriel. Several participants even addressed the
controversy of Juan Gabriels sexuality before being questioned about
it. Probably the most colorful description of Juan Gabriels sexuality
was explained by a 19-year-old woman (C):
C: I think that everybody, I mean, we cant say that we know
because hes never admitted it, hes very feminine, and in public
you never see that he has a relationship with a woman, or a man
for that matter, so I dont know if its because hes really into his
career or . . . theres another song he sings that Yo no naci para
amar [I wasnt born to love], and think that has a lot to do with
him because I dont really think its accepted, especially in Latin
culture, of him being, you know, gay, so thats why he hasnt
brought it out I think. He still has appeal to a lot of people, but I
would say more women than men, and maybe because they are
more understanding.
Question: What characteristics about Juan Gabriel do you think
make him effeminate?
C: Well, I guess it would be like the way he dances, the way he
moves on stage, when he is interviewed, his voice--hes kind of
flamboyant. And a typical Hispanic male wouldnt act the way he
does. They would act more macho, and even other entertainers;
the way they dress. Hes more flamboyant I think, and his ap-
pearance also. I remember always seeing him in a white suit
when I was little, and he would always have this white suit on,
and I mean, I know Julio Iglesias wears a white suit, but on him it
just looked totally . . . I dont know, maybe it was just because of
the time, it wasnt right, in the fashion, for him to be wearing
something like that . . . I remember him wearing a white suit, and
he flips his hand and his hair, I dont know, its really the behav-
iors that are considered effeminate.
Question: How do you perceive his sexuality? Whats your take
on him?
C: To say that . . . Ive never actually seen him with another man,
or another woman, so cant be quite sure, but I would say hes
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 142
homosexual. I would say he appeals, or his appeal is more to men
than women. But then again, when he performs his songs, the
way that they deal with love, you just automatically assume it has
to do with a woman because hes a man. But, I would say hes
homosexual, that he [likes] men in my opinion.
This woman, while not entirely sure that Juan Gabriel, is gay, bisexual,
or heterosexual, believed that he is a gay male, and attempted to define
the behaviors or what it is about his appearance that made her believe
so. She also continued on to describe reactions of other people whom
she knows:
Question: How do you think the macho men in Mexican culture
perceive Juan Gabriel?
C: I think they like his music, because I mean theres obviously a
lot of ballads and songs and stuff, that I know people that dedi-
cate to their girlfriends. They do like his music, but I think as a
person they just think hes gay, but I dont think that has a big
impact on the music. They still like his music, but when they
think of Juan Gabriel, they think oh, hes a little . . . other words
that Ive heard them use.
Question: What kind of words?
C: Like hes a little faggot is what Ive heard a lot of people say
about Juan Gabriel. And they can sing a song to you that they
know is his, but then theyre like, oh yeah, but hes gay and hes
this and hes that, but they still like his music.
Question: Why do you think hes so successful in this culture?
Do you think his music is so appealing that it doesnt really
matter about his sexuality or effeminacy?
C: I think hes been around a long time and hes been consistent
in his work, hes done a lot, he has a lot of experience, and he
does have a lot of appeal to a lot of people, and his music is, not
really universal, but it does apply to a lot of people, so a lot of
people like it. And so they just kind of dont consider the fact that
hes feminine because they like the music and hes a very tal-
ented person, whether hes gay or not, hes very talented. The fact
that he plays good music and hes really experienced at what he
does so I dont think it really has an impact on it I guess . . .
[Men] know him and hes been successful and so hes well
known. But I think that if they had a choice between him or other
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Stacey K. Sowards 143
performers, I think they would choose other performers, prob-
ably because hes feminine, but they cant deny the fact that hes
successful. I mean, they still accept it, but I think they would
prefer to watch another performer rather than go see Juan Gabri-
el. At least my boyfriend anyways. When Im like Do you want
to go see Juan Gabriel? Hes like nah, take your mom. Hes not
really interested in what he says watching a homo walking
around the stage. But thats his machismo coming out, I guess,
but he does listen to some music.
Apparently, Juan Gabriels sexuality was an issue in choosing not to
attend his performances for some people, but according to this
woman, the quality of his music and his years of success afforded Juan
Gabriel continued popularity with Mexicans and Mexican-Americans.
Another woman, in her 30s, believed that Juan Gabriel was bisexual
because he is effeminate, and also believed that everyone has a similar
belief. She said that just because Juan Gabriel was involved with
Laura Salas Campo and had four children did not mean he was hetero-
sexual, as several other participants believed, but that this simply
made him bisexual. She explained that men are capable of cheating on
their wives with other women, so they could most certainly cheat on
their wives with another man. She also said that the characteristics that
made him effeminate were his face, gestures, especially a hand flip,
and his body movements. Juan Gabriel, she thought, was able to
maintain his overwhelming success because of the themes in his mu-
sic, the quality of his music, and also because there is a greater aware-
ness of sexuality in Mexico, and consequently less discrimination.
Another respondent, also in her 30s, agreed with this womans depic-
tion of Juan Gabriel. This woman described Juan Gabriel as definite-
ly homosexual because of his effeminate movements.
Another participant stated that while he was not sure if Juan Gabriel
was a gay male, he cited a memory in which his father implied that
Juan Gabriel might have an alternative sexual orientation:
S: I guess a lot of his music Ive heard before makes me kind of
wonder if hes straight or not. I think it was Juan Gabriel that
owned some houses over by where I used to live. My dad would
say hes not living with his wife, he doesnt have a wife. And I
would ask, well he has such a huge house, why doesnt he have a
wife, and my dad would say thats something we dont talk
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about. And now that I think about it, I wonder if someone else or
my dad kind of told me or hinted that he was gay or something.
The mystery of Juan Gabriels sexuality was also illustrated through
descriptions of fan behavior. One 19 year-old man described his moth-
ers friends behaviors. He said that these two women were obsessed
with discovering Juan Gabriels true sexual identity. They lived in
Santa Fe, where Juan Gabriel owns a house, and the two women
would apparently follow Juan Gabriel whenever they had a chance.
Their motivations for this behavior were to find out if Juan Gabriel has
an alternative sexual orientation or not, according to this participant.
This story serves to further explain the controversy surrounding Juan
Gabriel.
The other respondents who were interviewed were either unsure of
Juan Gabriels sexuality or believed that he is definitively heterosexu-
al. One 21 year-old woman describes him in the following manner:
E: I dont think hes gay or anything like that. I mean, I guess
people might project him like that because of the way he sings or
the way he just projects to the audience or to the public. So they
might have these really wrong impressions or ideas about him. I
wouldnt really want to characterize him because I dont really
know. But I would think that he is heterosexual.
Question: Why do you think there is so much controversy about
Juan Gabriels sexuality?
E: I dont know, because maybe in his music or the way he sings
his music, thats what think. Or maybe like interviews, he doesnt
make his point clear, so they might get these really wrong im-
pressions about him.
This woman delicately defined Juan Gabriels sexuality by stating that
she did not know positively, but believed that he is probably hetero-
sexual. She also indicated that she was aware of the controversy of his
sexuality and that others have differing opinions. The couple also had
similar views on Juan Gabriels sexuality:
R: I dont think hes . . .
M: He talks and all that, but I dont think he is.
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Question: Would you describe Juan Gabriel as effeminate?
R: Maybe a little.
M: When he was younger.
R: I think hes heterosexual . . . Hes never really said it, but just
because hes never said, doesnt mean he cant be, right? That
just makes me think hes not. I just personally think its the way
he expresses himself to the audience, and thats not . . .
M: A lot of people say that he is . . . People have different
opinions, and actually we dont know. We think, but . . .
Here, they pointed out the ambiguous nature of Juan Gabriels sexual-
ity. While they personally believe that he is heterosexual, they also
indicate that they were not positive and recognized that others believe
that he may not be heterosexual. Other participants responded similar-
ly, stating that they believed Juan Gabriel was not gay, or they simply
did not know. One woman thought that he had a strange personality,
but his behavior was just part of the show. She said that his gestures,
dancing, and his normal speaking voice that is high pitched were
reasons she thought he had a strange personality. One man, in his 40s,
believed that Juan Gabriel was not gay because Juan Gabriel has been
involved with Laura Salas Campo and has four children.
From the above descriptions, it is apparent that none of the inter-
viewees really had decisive knowledge about Juan Gabriels sexuality,
but that his sexuality was certainly an issue in their respective cultures.
Whether people believed him to be homosexual, bisexual, or hetero-
sexual, it is obvious that Juan Gabriel has not made a definitive state-
ment concerning this matter, but this controversy, according to the
people interviewed, has actually done little to affect his popularity.
Effeminacy and Sexuality
In order to get a better understanding of the culture that surrounds
Juan Gabriel, participants were asked general questions about sexual-
ity and effeminacy in the Mexican and Mexican-American context.
Because the literature concerning sexuality and effeminacy lacks spe-
cific definitions of what typifies feminine behavior, the interviews
serve to clarify how people in the Mexican or Mexican-American
context perceive effeminacy and sexuality in their culture. When
asked to describe feminine behaviors, most of the respondents had
difficulty in giving concrete descriptions. The following responses
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 146
should not be generalized, but they do indicate, to some extent, how
these issues are perceived by the participants in this study.
All of the interviewees were asked for their personal definitions or
descriptions of effeminate behavior in a general context, not necessari-
ly related to Juan Gabriel. Those who thought that Juan Gabriel was
effeminate were asked to describe his nuances that made him appear
as such, some of which are described above. Consequently, the follow-
ing responses are of those who did not believe Juan Gabriel was
effeminate. E. described effeminate behavior in men as crossing legs,
a flirtatious attitude, their eyes, the way they dress, and the way they
carry themselves. R. and M. jointly defined effeminate behavior as the
way people talk, express themselves, walk, act, or a tendency to en-
gage in primping (the participants themselves, whose native language
is Spanish, called this taking a lot of care of their person in En-
glish). Other descriptions of effeminate behavior as defined by other
participants included hairstyles, high pitched voice, gestures, and
dancing style. These descriptions were offered without explanation, as
though one would know exactly what type of speech, walk, hairstyle,
voice, or appearance would make someone effeminate. When asked to
clarify these behaviors, all of the participants had difficulty in stating
exactly what about each of these characteristics are feminine. In fact, it
proved difficult to get any responses more specific than the above
descriptions. When several of the participants were asked to specify
what type of walk, speech, dancing, dress, or appearance exhibited
effeminacy, the participants were unable to elaborate or even proffer
examples unless they were specifically speaking of Juan Gabriel.
However, when participants were asked to explain their views on
the acceptance of alternative sexual orientations from the perspective
of their culture, they spoke with more authority. One woman (referred
to as C. above) described alternative sexual orientations in the context
of her grandmothers pueblo in Chihuahua:
C: My exposure to homosexuals in Mexico as compared to here
in the United States, a lot of the homosexuals in Mexico are a lot
more effeminate. Theyre effeminate like [Juan Gabriel] is. A lot
of the homosexuals here you wouldnt necessarily be able to tell
that theyre homosexual. But over there, its like small towns and
everybody knows each other, they literally are more feminine.
They try to dress like women . . . when they are homosexual, they
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Stacey K. Sowards 147
carry a purse, sometimes they dress like women, and since its
known that they are homosexual, they really dont have to hide
because everyone knows that theyre gay anyway. If they feel
like putting on a dress and being feminine, theyll do it.
Question: Do you think people are accepting of that?
C: Well, people dont necessarily . . . if they see them out in the
street, I would say that theyve gotten used to it, the fact these
people . . . but behind closed doors, theyre saying their little
remarks and smirks about how . . . My grandma for instance,
thought the world was coming to an end because her little town
had homosexuals. She was like God said the world is going to
end, and it is because this little town has how many gay men
and it really bothered her, but in front of these people she was not
rude. She knew it was a societal norm and accepted it in front of
their faces, however it really bothered her because theyre a real
Catholic society and their religion totally denies or doesnt even
acknowledge homosexuals. So I think it really does bother
them. . . . It depends on where you go. Because if you go to the
big cities, like Jurez and Chihuahua, L.A. In bigger cities of
course theyre going to be more accepting and theyre changing
with the times but if you go to the smaller towns, theyre still
really old-fashioned in their ideas and there is still a lot of ma-
chismo and some of these homosexuals do get harassed.
The couple (referred to as R. and M. above) interviewed also offered
individual explanations of sexuality and machismo in Mexico:
R: To be honest, I dont think [homophobia] is as big as it used to
be . . . [Mexicans] are worried about other stuff, not that, but, I
dont think its such a big deal. Of course, if youre like that and
youre male youre going to see some rejection because its not at
all accepted. Im sure you know thats the way it is everywhere.
But with Juan Gabriel, its not just that, maybe theres some envy
from some people, the way hes done so good and hes done so
many things. I guess thats one way of rejecting him and not
admitting . . . the people are focusing more on the music instead
of . . . Im pretty sure you know that was the main emphasis a few
years back. Was he or was he not? But I dont think its as strong
as it used to be, that people think like that about him. Its strange
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 148
that he would be so famous even though people think like that. I
guess his music is a lot better than . . .
M. said that he worked with someone that was gay, and he de-
scribed his behavior in the following way when asked to describe
how this man dressed and acted:
M: The way he dresses and all that . . . He tries to be sexy and be
attractive for boys and guys and the way he treats guys and how
he treats girls. You can tell, how he acts. In describing the nature
of machismo in Mexican and Mexican-American culture, R. and
M. stated that machismo was widely prevalent, but not nearly as
widespread as it used to be:
R: [Homosexuality] violates the way youre supposed to be a real
macho man.
M: They think because if youre a man, youre supposed to be a
macho man. I have friends that think like that.
R: We have plenty of friends that think theyre it. Just because
theyre one of the guys. So thats something I think is going to be
around forever.
Other people who were interviewed agreed that machismo and homo-
phobia were linked, but thought that these problems were on the
decline due to increased awareness, education, and exposure. One
woman stated that Mexican culture is a lot less macho now, so Juan
Gabriel has less problems with machismo. Another participant, a man
in his 40s, thought that shows like Cristina and other talk shows
that address such issues as machismo and alternative sexual orienta-
tions increase awareness and are part of the reason homophobia is on
the decline.
Perhaps more interestingly, one young man, who self-identified as
bisexual, but describing himself as mostly a gay male who sometimes
prefers relationships with women, related several stories on coming
out both for himself and in the general Mexican context:
S: Its very rare that you will find openly gay Hispanics or Mexi-
cans due to the culture they have, I mean this machismo. The
fathers supposed to supply for the family, hes supposed to
clothe and feed them, provide some kind of protection for them,
and its like hes the man of the house. Hes not supposed to let
his wife do anything. Shes supposed to stay at home and keep
control over the whole house. How can a person, seen as effemi-
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Stacey K. Sowards 149
nate, try to do that, and support his family? Its like not talked
about, its kind of shut out of the light. Youre not supposed to . . .
at all . . . Thats why you see a lot more Mexican culture, because
people get deep rooted into the culture.
Question: Do you think machismo plays a role in homophobia?
S: For Hispanics and Mexicans, yes. But its like if you were to
openly come out to your parents, and if they are still part of that
culture, deep rooted into it, you will no longer see them. Its like
they will all turn their backs on you . . . Its like all your family,
who you know will be totally cut off from you, you have no one
to turn to.
Question: What do you think would happen to someone famous
in Mexico if they were to come out of the closet?
S: [Laughing] That would be kind of bad. I mean hes [referring
to Juan Gabriel] Mexican, and you know, thats not supposed to
be seen in a Mexican culture. Heres a person, known around
Mexico a lot, and hes like a Mexican representative, I want to
say. If he was gay, it would be kind of a shock, well its like
Mexicans arent supposed to do this, its pretty deep rooted into
their culture, and it doesnt happen. Itd be a shock to the Mexi-
can culture. Like wake up! They cant smell reality, but you
know, they wouldnt accept it.
When asked to describe his own experience in telling his parents,
family, and friends that he is gay, S. related the following:
Question: How did your family react when you told them?
S: My parents dont know. If I were to tell them, it would, . . . I
would never hear from them again. My dad would basically kick
me out of the house. My mom would probably be a little more
accepting of it. My brothers do know . . . My grandparents, I
dont know. My dads mom, shes from [Mexico], she wouldnt
take it at all. My moms mom, shed just be like youre not, its
just a phase youre going through. Ill tell my parents when I
dont need them anymore . . . Ill be like the black sheep in the
family . . . My friends are accepting, but I didnt tell my best friend
because hes really into religion, machismo [for a long time].
These comments provide an interesting insight from the perspective
of someone trying to identify with his sexuality, and also with his
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 150
cultural and family identity. However, because they represent the
opinions of one person, they are not necessarily illustrative of the rest
of the gay Hispanic community.
The above interviews show a wide range of differing opinions on
effeminacy, sexuality, and machismo in the Mexican and Mexican-
American contexts. However, from the perspective of all participants,
these issues are controversial, and they apply to Juan Gabriel. Thus,
examining these issues and how they relate to Juan Gabriel is impor-
tant.
DISCUSSION
The following discussion of results focuses on the main findings of
the study that provide answers to the initial research questions. First,
the issues of effeminacy and homosexuality in Mexican and Mexican-
American culture are examined in relation to the interviewees and the
current literature on the subject. Second, the star status and popularity
of Juan Gabriel are analyzed, and finally, potential explanations of his
success in his cultural context are investigated with reference to litera-
ture on the hybridic nature of passing and exoticization of sexuality in
stars.
Effeminacy and Homosexuality
The responses from the participants of this study are consistent with
literature in the field of homosexuality in Mexico. While it is dangerous
to generalize the responses from these participants to the rest of the
Mexican and Mexican-American populations, a comparison of their
responses to current literature provides additional support of studies of
homosexuality in Mexico. With that said, an examination of the re-
sponses reveals two important characteristics: first, those who believe
Juan Gabriel is gay, also describe him as effeminate; and second, those
who believe he is heterosexual specifically state that Juan Gabriel is not
feminine. As mentioned above, because these results are from only 20
participants, generalizing is precarious. However, several authors con-
tend that effeminacy and homosexuality are interlinked concepts in
these cultural contexts as the results from the interviews seems to
support. Murray (1995) argues that in Latino cultures, there is a wide-
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Stacey K. Sowards 151
spread assumption that the nuance of effeminacy is a sign of homo-
sexuality. Carrier (1995) also contends that:
From early childhood on, Mexican males are made aware of the
labels used to denote homosexual males--pinto, joto, maricn-
with the clear understanding that these homosexual males are
guilty of unmanly, effeminate behavior. It is important to note
that homosexual and afeminado are synonymous with the more
often used colloquial terms pinto, joto, and maricn . . . One use
of [these] labels is to discipline young boys so that they will
conform to the cultural ideals of Mexican masculinity. For exam-
ple, a father may correct his small crying son by saying, Qu no
eres hombre? Pareces maricn! (Arent you a man? You seem
like a sissy!--i.e., a homosexual). (p. 17)
The participants also indicate that while male homosexuality has
probably become more accepted in these cultures, there is still wide-
spread homophobia because of machismo and religion, among other
reasons. These results are consistent with Taylors (1995) work that
claims the male homosexuals position has improved, but homophobia
is still prevalent in Mexico. Taylors work is also supported by the
studies and articles of others (Murray, 1995; Tori, 1989; Lara-Cant &
Navarro-Aria, 1986). While much of this literature describes the na-
ture of effeminacy and homosexuality in Mexico, these authors fail to
explain how men are perceived as effeminate, which the participants
of this study were asked to describe. Behaviors or mannerisms de-
scribed as effeminate by interviewees in this study included: excessive
care of person, manner of walking or dancing, gestures, hair style,
dress style, accessories, hand flips, facial features, and eyes.
Lopetegui (1993) reveals Juan Gabriels own views on his sexuality
and public expression of sexuality. In one question, Lopetegui asks
Juan Gabriel if he is very religious. Juan Gabriel responds that he does
not believe in anything but himself. The following passage reveals
Juan Gabriels perceptions of his fans and his sexuality. Lopetegui
asks him why the media have portrayed him as distant and tempera-
mental in his private life. Juan Gabriel says:
Ive heard that before. There are different Juan Gabriels in
peoples heads, and I cant answer for all of them. But lets set the
record straight: Im not a monster, but Im also not as good as
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 152
some people say I am. Im human and I make mistakes. Within
my own family, there were different opinions about me when I
was growing up--in all respects. One sister told me I was her
favorite. Another one said that . . . well, that I was not what I was
supposed to be. You know what Im talking about, dont you?
Q: Your sexual orientation? I was about to get into that . . .
A: I wouldnt like that.
Q: Why not? I couldnt care less about your private lifestyle, but
I find the Juan Gabriel phenomenon fascinating, considering the
still rampant homophobia in Latin America, and, especially,
Mexico. Youre loved by everyone, even the big machos. But
youve never talked about your sexuality.
A: I have four sons. Thats No. 1. Second, in show business, if
youre male and cute and gracious, people assume you are blah,
blah, blah. But people dont understand that art itself is female--it
is full of graciousness, cadence, color, rhythm. Its full of love
and grace. No. 3: Nowadays, the important thing is to be careful.
Thats what people have to worry about, not about whether one is
or isnt. Watch your bird and watch your butt. Especially in
the U.S., where there is, or there is supposed to be, so much
respect for all peoples.
This interview, especially segments where Juan Gabriel discusses his
sexuality, illustrate his vague stance. The interviewer also points out
that even machismo and homophobia do not affect Juan Gabriels
success, despite the apparent enigma of his sexuality. Finally, this
section of the interview depicts Juan Gabriels desire to avoid discuss-
ing his sexuality, while recognizing that it is a popular and controver-
sial subject with his fans.
Star Status of Juan Gabriel
The responses of the participants that concern the success and star-
dom of Juan Gabriel are categorized into five areas: music quality,
charisma and performances, his personal background, themes in the
music, and exposure of music through family members. Each of these
support the literature on stardom. Geirola (1993) and Burr (1992) both
indicate that part of Juan Gabriels success is the result of his music
quality and themes, as several participants of the study stated were
primary reasons for the success of Juan Gabriel. In a more general
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Stacey K. Sowards 153
analysis, both Fowles (1992) and Dyer (1979) conclude that the ability
to use music and themes that have popular appeal are key elements in
achieving star status.
Several respondents stated that Juan Gabriel has substantial charis-
ma and an appealing performance style. His ostentatious dress, flam-
boyant style, light show, and background musicians contribute large-
ly to the appeal of his performance. As Dyer (1979, 1991) and
Eisenstadt (1968) note, charisma is one of the single most important
personality traits a star can have. Thus, Juan Gabriels charisma is
most likely a crucial component in his success.
Tudors analysis of the relationship that stars establish with their
fans builds upon the element of charisma, as strong audience ties
affect the emotional affinity of his fans. At the live performance, it was
apparent that Juan Gabriel had built a strong relationship with the
audience based on the audience feedback and response. Audience
members that sang and danced with the music were obviously affected
by the performance and the music. Additionally, through the inter-
views, respondents indicated that they found the music appealing. The
couple that attended the live performance stated that they were emo-
tionally affected by a television show where Juan Gabriel was por-
trayed as benevolent toward the less fortunate and of a poverty-strick-
en background himself. In this manner, Juan Gabriel is able to build a
strong tie with his audience. Monsivis (1988) furthers this notion and
supports the findings of this study when he describes the fan appeal of
Juan Gabriel and how family members create larger Juan Gabriel
audiences by listening to the music frequently. One of the respondents
of the study, who described several friends of his mother as complete-
ly Juan Gabriel crazed, illustrates this as well.
Self-identification with a star is yet another manner in which Juan
Gabriel is able to fortify his audience relationships. While most indi-
viduals of less fortunate backgrounds were probably not in attendance
of the performance, Juan Gabriels air play through television and
radio allows sufficient exposure to all classes in Mexican and Mexi-
can-American cultures. As several respondents pointed out, everyone
in these cultures is aware of the Juan Gabriel phenomenon. Gandhy
and Thomas (1985) work illustrates how stars, especially in underde-
veloped nations where large segments of the population exist in ex-
treme poverty, provide the food of dreams in two ways: first, as a
model of an individual who escaped poverty, illustrating that success
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 154
is not impossible; and second, as an individual who flagrantly displays
wealth and consumerism, creating desire of consumer products for
others. Juan Gabriel serves as the food of dreams by displaying his
wealth through his ostentatious performances and lifestyle, by relating
his childhood story of poverty, and finally, by exhibiting pride in his
background. For example, Juan Gabriels first hit, No Tengo Dinero
(I Have No Money) in 1971, illustrates Juan Gabriels background
even though he is a star: No tengo dinero, ni nada que dar, lo unico
que tengo es amor para amar (I have no money and nothing to give,
the only thing I have is love for loving). While these characteristics are
not as readily identified with by the individuals interviewed, the im-
portance of self-identification with Juan Gabriel cannot be denied
(Monsivis, 1988).
These results explain Juan Gabriels popularity and success in many
ways. The responses obtained offer explanations from a small, select
group of Juan Gabriel aficionados, but the literature supports these
findings. However, the issue of Juan Gabriels sexuality leaves a ques-
tion mark. Much of the literature cited above contends that Juan Ga-
briels sexuality is an issue, and effeminacy and homosexuality are not
positively regarded in Mexican and Mexican-American culture. This
anomaly may be explained by the following concepts of exoticization
and hybridity.
Exoticization and Hybridity
Juan Gabriel fits into Naficys (1993) hybridity model and Hekmas
(1994) third gender/third sex model in two ways. First, if he is indeed
bisexual or homosexual, but feigns heterosexuality, then Juan Gabriel
may simply be passing (Goffman, 1963) as heterosexual to main-
tain his status as a pop icon and to be accepted by society. While his
behavior, dress, and appearance may suggest that he is not passing at
all, as he does not try to hide his effeminacy, Juan Gabriel could still
be considered as passing to the extent that he does not openly admit to
homosexuality. Additionally, he could also be using his controversial
sexuality as a way to create audience interest, passing as heterosexual
in instances when necessary, but also using his effeminacy to generate
the impression of a possible different sexuality. As Garfinkel (1967)
notes, passing may be a necessity in Mexican society in order to be
accepted by mainstream culture. The interviewees indicated that no
one knows about Juan Gabriels sexuality because he has not made
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Stacey K. Sowards 155
any public statement on this issue, so there is confusion from the
audiences standpoint. This is consistent with Herdts (1994) conten-
tion that passing usually involves secrecy and/or lying. In this case,
Juan Gabriel may protect his homosexual or bisexual identity by pass-
ing, but also use it to create intrigue. Consequently, he does not fit into
the traditional role of the Mexican heterosexual male, but does not fit
into the gay culture either. He is in between the two cultures, in his
own separate hybrid culture (Naficy, 1993). In order to be accepted by
the dominant, heterosexual culture, he has had to reconstruct his iden-
tity so that it is presentable to this culture.
The second way that Juan Gabriel fits into the hybridity model is
because he may be seen as effeminate but must be accepted by a
culture saturated in machismo. Carrier (1995) argues, as noted above,
that effeminacy in men is not widely accepted. While not all of the
respondents thought Juan Gabriel was effeminate, each participant did
acknowledge that others felt this way. He ultimately belongs to neither
a recognized effeminate male group, nor the accepted macho male
group. As effeminacy is difficult to define because of the various
social constructions people have, this hybrid group is even more nebu-
lously defined. As the hybridity identity occurs when the practitioner
hovers between several sets of subjectivities, (Naficy, 1993, p. 188)
this identity applies neatly to Juan Gabriel. While effeminate, he ig-
nores accusations about his sexuality. This indicates a degree of am-
bivalence about his effeminacy and masculinity, or a hybrid identity.
Thus, Juan Gabriel fits into this hybrid category whether or not he is
indeed homosexual because as Herdt (1994) argues, one need not be
homosexual to fall into the category of a third sex or gender. As long
as a person fails to fit into societys notion of accepted sexuality but
seeks acceptance from that culture, an individual may belong to a third
sex and/or gender community.
Naficys argument concerning dominant culture illustrates Juan Ga-
briels hybrid identity in relationship to his audience and their
construction of Juan Gabriels image. As heterosexual, macho males
are part of the dominant culture in Mexico, Juan Gabriels fans may
either ignore or exoticize his flamboyant style. Mexicans and other
fans of Juan Gabriel tend to ignore references to homosexuality and
effeminate behavior because of the attraction to his music, or fans
exoticize his behaviors by attributing them to being part of the quality
of his performance, or as personal characteristics that are part of his
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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 156
charisma, as noted by several of the participants in this study. Thus,
even if Juan Gabriels fans have socially constructed an image of him
as effeminate and/or gay, they may ignore or exoticize this message.
The implications of this are that while Juan Gabriel represents the
unusual, he is a success even though his image is seen as effeminate
and/or gay by Mexican society, the message that the audience
constructs may be that Juan Gabriel is an anomaly. Therefore, Juan
Gabriel is allowed his success, but Mexican culture does not become
any more accepting of effeminacy or homosexuality even though the
members of that culture may be Juan Gabriel fans and accept or ignore
his effeminacy or homosexuality. Fans attribute his unusual behaviors
to the charismatic, vivid performer that he is, and leave it at that.
CONCLUSION
This study has attempted to explain the social construction of Juan
Gabriels sexual identity from the perspective of several audience
members. Additionally, this study tries to address the issue of effemi-
nacy and homosexuality in Mexican and Mexican-American cultures
in order to explore the success of Juan Gabriel. However, even though
Juan Gabriel may be perceived as effeminate and therefore gay, these
traits may be ignored or exoticized, by a subsequent attribution to his
charismatic, ostentatious style of performance. Additionally, the popu-
larity of his music and live performances help Juan Gabriel to use
controversy concerning his sexuality to his advantage. Juan Gabriel
seems to know how far he can go in the cultural context of Mexico and
its homophobia and lack of acceptance of effeminacy. Because of his
perceived and admitted effeminacy, Juan Gabriel constitutes a hybrid
culture, between masculine and feminine groups, and possibly hetero-
sexual and homosexual groups, ultimately belonging to none of the
socially accepted groups.
Most of the findings are valuable in discussing Juan Gabriels sexu-
al identity, in both how he constructs his image and how his audience
interprets that image. How the audience interprets that image and how
this affects their cultural values is important in determining how mass
media in general influences and shapes cultural identity. Juan Gabriel,
as Mexicos most popular musician, plays a key role in the media, and
the Juan Gabriel phenomenon affects a large segment of the Spanish-
speaking world.
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Stacey K. Sowards 157
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