Professional Documents
Culture Documents
racism in South Africa and colonial rule in India. With those he initiated the
modern human rights revolution and the movement for national selfdetermination that transformed the world in the second half of the 20th
Century.
A Grand Strategy for India now must take up where Gandhi left off but our
latter-day claimants to the role of rishis seem oblivious of the need for that
continuity. For instance, the Introduction to Grand Strategy for India: 2020
and Beyond, a book published in 2012 by the New Delhi based Institute for
Defence Studies and Analysis, makes no mention of Gandhi as it notes that
India after independence had a role in world affairs disproportionate to its
power. In fact, none of the 25 essayists in the book gives any indication of
being aware of the traditional Grand Strategy that forged Indian civilization.
The book reviewed in The Hindu does consider Gandhi, but weirdly. To quote
the reviewer (Suranjan Das): Siddharth Mallavarapu uncovers the Gandhian
notion of grand strategy that proposes substitution of Western values with
principles of truth, nonviolence and a decentralized polity that should
convince other societies that India does not pose a threat.
The broader background of Indian civilization is missing entirely from the
IDSA book and makes a hunchbacked limping appearance in the other one
(published by Rutledge). If the reviewer accurately reflects the views of the
essayist (Swarna Rajagopalan), on the history of Indian Grand Strategy she
relates our contemporary lack of a coherent world view to the ancient Indian
maxim that rulers were required to be driven by principles which were
context dependent and not absolute in application.
Another essayist who looks to the past (Jayashree Vivekanandan) is equally
whacky: she believes the Indian States accommodative strategies in
meeting external and internal threats traces back to the Mughal Emperor
Akbars policy as he expanded his domain.
The gaping omission in the IDSA book and the ludicrous theories in the other
volume indicate a failure to make even the skimpiest historical connections,
and it is scary that this disconnect extends to contemporary affairs.
The IDSA book is, in fact, actively and massively misleading. In
its Introduction, the editors (Krishnaappa Venkatshamy and Princy George)
write that Europes role in our strategic thinking has diminished in recent
years despite Indias strong relations with individual European countries
such as Britain, France and Germany.
The essayist on that matter (Dhruva Jaishankar) is described as urging
Indias strategic planners to recognise Europes potential as a political
partner with shared values, and leverage for building Indias relations with
other countries, particularly China, Russia and the United States. Europe can
also be a significant target for Indias multi-polar engagement strategy - one
that does not bring with it the complications associated with Indias other
bilateral relations, such as with the United States and China.
It is mind-boggling that anyone can think Indian relations with Europe are
uncomplicated when we can look back on several nasty colonial encounters,
more than a century of oppressive British rule, two European world wars, the
cynical British manipulations that brought on Partition, decades of Britishproxy Pakistans terrorist war on India and the European Unions arrogant
critiques of Indian policies on a whole range of issues!
None of the other writers in the book achieves quite that level of idiocy, but
some come close, among them Manu Bhagavan who is noted in the
Introduction as suggesting that the reform of the United Nations could lie in a
return to Jawaharlal Nehrus plan for a global government to which all the
worlds States would cede some of their sovereignty.
Many essays, especially those on Left Wing extremism and terrorism, civilmilitary affairs, and relations with neighboring countries, are not about
strategy at all but tactics. Even the late lamented K. Subramanyan makes that
confusion in noting that India in the first phase of independence had a Grand
Strategy in Nonalignment and centrally planned development!
These are not abstruse academic criticisms. If the best thinkers in the country
on a whole range of critically important issues cannot tell the difference
between strategy and tactics, it is small wonder that India is in such a
discombobulated mess.
So, what should an Indian Grand Strategy involve? The groundwork has been
laid in the Indian constitution; it is left to bring the directive principles to life
and envisage a new role for India in world affairs. There must be four
essential elements to that effort.
The first is to clear the cobwebs from our minds about industrialization. It is
not progress. It is a deadly combination of false values, destructive policies
and wasteful practices that is killing the planets life systems. Those eager to
have India follow China as workshop to the world need to consider the
pollution it will bring to land, air and water, and the consequent spiking of all
degenerative diseases, especially cancer.
Secondly, we need to be clear about the nature of international relations
today. The world order has been intensely criminalized over the last seven
decades because imperial European Powers have not given up their
exploitative and oppressive policies but have merely taken to pretending that
they no longer exist. Britain, primarily, has been responsible for building a
global money laundering system and promoting every form of organized
crime, including drug trafficking, terrorism and the illicit trade in arms.
Thirdly, we have to be prepared for a wave of change over the next generation
that will transform the world more radically than it was by the industrial