Professional Documents
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Politicisation of Folklore
Folklore is a rich source for any cultural movement of contemporary times. Folklore is effectively used by religious groups, feudal
lords, nationalists, capitalists and communists to meet their
political ends. It is the collective wisdom of the people and has
historical continuity. Mostly, it is carried through an oral tradition by invoking the social memory of the people. In the Indian
context, the social groups involved in labour belong mostly to the
lower castes. In this sense, folklore is marked by an identity of the
lower castes. Folklore had undergone significant changes with
changing contexts. The social groups involved in this process
played a decisive role in giving it an ideological direction. The
popular modern art form like cinema emerged out of modern
drama. It is argued that the roots of modern drama are in folklore, Veedhinatakalu (street play).7 In all the living folk art forms
of today, the song lives in the undercurrent. The song is a powerful popular medium not only for revolutionary politics, but also
for feudal lords and capitalists.
The folk song was born out of labour, whereas the popular
revolutionary song was born out of social movements. It lived
along with the movements/struggles of society. It brings the
change in tunes along with changes in its content. It is progressive and has a clear vision of the future. It makes the people
aware of the exploitative system and makes them politically conscious. The revolutionary song makes a conscious effort to enliven peoples culture by destroying its anti-democratic elements.
The revolutionary song is not only entertaining, but it also makes
songs more meaningful for the people. The JNM has identified
that it should carry its cultural performance or songs through
groups. For the JNM, the song is the medium to propagate revolutionary ideas. It changes the song in many ways in tune, dialect,
content and conclusion. The JNM has a powerful imprint on the
minds of people with the growing importance of Gaddar as its
cultural leader. The source for Gaddars songs is folklore and
Gaddar has revolutionised this folklore.
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criticism. Till then, the Naxalite party was not serious about
issues of caste and gender. The dalit movement has forced all
the alternative movements to understand Indian social reality
from the point of caste, in addition to the class point of view.
Womens movements put forth the issue of patriarchy. These
movements had different strategies for emancipation of dalits
and women. In the literary-cultural realm of Telugu society,
emerged the feminist and dalit literature. This kind of environment even pushed the Naxalite movement into a crisis. This kind
of political atmosphere facilitated Gaddar to bring his songs in
line with the more concrete social reality of Indian society.
Being a dalit, he is an internal critic of the Maoists on the issue
of caste. Being nurtured in Maoist political struggle, he is critical about the ongoing dalit movements and their strategies to
reach out to the powers. Gaddar emerged as a link between the
Naxalites and dalit movement, not only as a singer, but also as a
theoretician with commitment. Against the backdrop of the dalit
movement, he too changed his language from identifying
people earlier with coolie and labourer to Malas and Madigas (dalit subcastes). The significant transformation can be seen
from his earlier songs referring to Coolanna (coolie brotherhood) to his songs of the 1980s with Dalita Pululamma (dalit
tigers). It is true that his early songs centred around coolies,
peasants. He sings for Coolie Rajyam. But even prior to the
dalit movement, he came out with a song Yelaro ee Madiga
Batukulu. In the song Rajyadhikaraniki Malanna, he categorically explains there will be no change in the lives of dalits unless
and until you get political power. Even if you change your caste
or religion, there will be no change in your life. For this armed
struggles is the only way.15
In Telugu society, the Karamchedu massacre is a landmark in
dalit politics. Six dalits were killed by upper caste Kamma landlords in 1985. In response to this, dalits of Andhra mobilised in
large scale in support of the victims of Karamchedu. Gaddar
invoked the struggle led by dalits in Karamchedu in the form of a
song in order to campaign and sensitise dalits. The song Dalit
Pululamma praises the dalits of Karamchedu of having fought
against the feudal lords like lions.16 The Karamchedu massacre
was followed by Chunduru massacre in which eight dalits were
killed by the upper caste Reddy landlord community in the year
1991. Gaddar sang a song this time to finish the hegemony of
Chunduru landlords in Chunduru Dalitanna. Gaddar believes
that the liberation of dalits is linked with a land struggle. He
emphasises the need of united struggle of caste with the struggles
of class. In the post-Mandal context, he focused exclusively
on the issue of untouchability. The condemned lifestyles of the
dalits transformed into a symbol of protest. He had songs on
chappals (Kirru Kirru Seppuloyamma!), garbage bins (Yenta
Chakkagunnadee Na Chettakundi), Payakhana (lavatory)
(Sundarangi Paikana).17 Through these songs, he has made an
effort to bring dignity and respect to the untouchables.
Gaddar has written many songs under the influence of the
womens movement in Telugu society since the 1980s. Till the
1980s, there was no focus on the specific issues of women.
Womens oppression was considered a part of the class struggle.
The songs Gaddar sang until then had seen women only from the
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chorus for his songs. In the first instance itself, he will evolve an
effective communication with his audience and will maintain
direct interaction till the end. He creates an environment of the
song on the stage. For instance, for the audience to switch over
from one situation to the environment of the jungle,31 he will
start with the sound of Rela Rela.32 He repeats this with a
different twist of Rela Rela till he psychologically involves them
in the song that he is going to perform. The song will be followed
with Rela Rela. He dances rhythmically along with the song.
In response to humming (aalapana), the raga will be added and
followed by the song. The song is performed through a dance.
Gaddar plays all these processes spontaneously. This kind of
dance form is very much present in all the folk art forms. Ata
(dance), pata (song) and mata (speech) are proportionately
internalised in his cultural activity. It is difficult to differentiate
him as a singer, performer or a political ideologue.
While singing the song, Gaddar moves his hands and legs
rhythmically. Through the body movements, he activates the
eyes of the audience and their ears instantaneously. It is difficult
for any artist to perform continuously for a long time on stage.
Gaddar manages well on stage involving the audience for hours
together. In the JNM programmes, usually he takes the lead and
the other members of the cultural team continue with the songs.
In this way, he maintains the collective folk spirit of the song. It is
not easy to stay on stage without being exhausted, for an artist
involving in singing, dancing and keeping an eye on audience
consciously. Gaddar is very economical in using his energies,
both in singing and dancing. He jumps, shouts, sings, dances, and
talks with audience. In taking his audience to the peak along with
his song, he suddenly appears as a still photograph by freezing
the song and movement of the body, by ending with a focused
expression Haa.33 This simple word Haa is loaded with many
feelings and expressions depending on the context. This Haa
not only gives breathing time for the artist, but also breaks the
continuity. This kind of discontinuity may provide his audience
to think rather than carry on emotionally with his song.
Apart from his songs, language and politics, Gaddar has made
a distinctive mark on the people as a visual image and as an individual. People remember the image of Gaddar with a black blanket on his shoulder and wearing a ghochi (lion cloth). He remains
half naked. He ties gajjelu (ankle bells) to his legs and holds a red
kerchief in one hand. This attire is an effort to identify with the
masses. This is the regular dress of a poor shepherd in a Telangana village. (Of course, this visual image is most demanded on
media at present.) As a person, he has erased all the distinctions
in everyday human relationships. At the most, people call him as
Gaddaranna. For the people from middle class and ruling class, it
is an embarrassing situation as to how to call him.
The red kerchief in his hand plays many roles in his performances. As he dramatises every song/situation, he creates many
scenarios with his handkerchief. He symbolically uses it as a
mother, revolution, martyr, and a weapon. He plays with holding
the kerchief meaningfully to provoke the feelings of both veera
and karuna rasa. As has been observed, Gaddar is the top most
in performance. He will play diverse roles on stage. He will be a
mother who has lost her son. He will be a rytu coolie who does
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not get anything for his labour. He will be an activist who is motivating people for revolution. He will be a government official
who shows his power and arrogance. He will be a courageous
fighter who has sacrificed his life. The kercheif he ties to the hand
and the blanket on his shoulder becomes a vodi (lap), cheera
chengu (saree fall), a red flag. He will mesmerise his audiences by
performing all these diverse roles with distinctiveness.34 It
seems this is appropriated from the cultural form of Burrakatha
in which one could see all these elements. As Gaddar in an interview explains, Earlier Nazar brought the cultural form Burrakatha close to the people by politicising it. I have changed this
form significantly. This happens because of my close association
with people living in villages.35
The form of cultural performance of Gaddar and his programmes of the JNM have evolved from practice and have been
standardised over a period. The performance of songs has been
imbibed from many other literary and cultural forms.36 The JNM
has succeeded in having a new form of cultural performance:
Dialogue + satire + song + poetry + action + expression of
ideas/ideology.37
Gaddar has established the organic link between oral and wri
tten cultures. The cultural traditions of the people are enlivened
through him even in modern times. The folk culture has been
dialectically transformed and has got revolutionised through
him in contemporary times. This phenomenon imbibed many
genres like song, dance, drama, music, prose and poetry in a
unique revolutionary plane. Gaddar stands as a culmination
point of culture, literature, politics, life and struggles of oppressed people. The way Gaddar and his image transcend the
caste and class identities in the era of identity politics and reaches
the upper caste and middle class is very significant. His
(Gaddar) cassettes adorn the decks of rich, upper middle class,
middle class families. Ideology, class or caste is no bar to listen to
his songs. The sincerity in his voice makes his bitter critics guilty,
moves and melts their hearts.38 Gaddar symbolises the powerful
cultural leader of the hegemonic subaltern culture in countering
the hegemony of elite and capitalist ruling castes/classes. He
represents a rare phenomenon that has evolved over a period in
third world societies.
Conclusions
As it is observed, there are many reasons for celebration of
Gaddar as an icon, a legendary figure or an institution in revolutionary cultural politics of Indian society. The issue to be debated
is whether Gaddar is an extraordinary artist or his strength lies
in the politics that he is representing. Gaddar himself never
claims to project his importance isolated from the politics he represents. He humbly accepts that without Naxalbari politics, one
could not imagine Gaddar. He is the product of the Maoist politics.
But at the same time, it is puzzling to see why only Gaddar has had
an appeal among the people than any top most Maoist political
leader. The political leader, however articulate, with a grasp on
Indian social reality and commitment to revolutionary politics,
has had a limited reach. The political language, especially
Marxist terminology, is full of rhetoric and it is not so easy to
reach out to the people in convincing terms. Added to this, people
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