Professional Documents
Culture Documents
RONALD INGLEHART
Building on the Weberian tradition, Francis Fukuyama ( 1995), Lawrence
Harrison ( 1985, 1992, 1997), Samuel Huntington ( 1996), and Robert Putnam
( 1993) argue that cultural traditions are remarkably enduring and shape the
political and economic behavior of their societies today. But modernization
theorists from Karl Marx to Daniel Bell ( 1973, 1976) and the author of this
chapter ( 1977, 1990, 1997) have argued that the rise of industrial society is
linked with coherent cultural shifts away from traditional value systems. This
article presents evidence that both claims are true:
Distinctive cultural zones exist and they have major social and political
consequences, helping shape important phenomena from fertility rates to
economic behavior and--as this chapter will demonstrate--democratic
institutions. One major dimension of cross-cultural variation is especially
important to democracy. As we will see, societies vary tremendously in the
extent
-80to which they emphasize "survival values" or "self-expression values." Societies
that emphasize the latter are far likelier to be democracies than societies that
emphasize survival values.
Economic development seems to bring a gradual shift from survival values to
self-expression values, which helps explain why richer societies are more likely
to be democracies. As we will see below, the correlation between survival/selfexpression values and democracy is remarkably strong. Do they go together
because self-expression values (which include interpersonal trust, tolerance, and
participation in decisionmaking) are conducive to democracy? Or do
*
Culture Matters: How Values Shape Human Progress, Lawrence E. Harrison, Samuel P.
Huntington - editors, Basic Books, New York, 2000
in
Values Surveys, at both the individual level and the national level. This enables
us to examine changes over time along these dimensions. The earlier analysis
( Inglehart 1997) used factor scores based on twenty-two variables in the
1990-1991 surveys. We selected a subset of ten variables that not only had high
loadings on these dimensions but had been utilized in the same format in all
three waves of the World Values Surveys. This subset was used to minimize
problems of missing data (when one variable is missing, an entire nation is lost
from the analysis).
The factor scores generated by this reduced pool of items are highly correlated
with the factor scores generated by the twenty-two items used earlier ( Inglehart
1997, 334-335, 388). The traditional/secular-rational dimension used here is
almost perfectly correlated with the factor scores from the comparable
dimension based on eleven variables; the same is true of the survival/selfexpression dimension. We are tapping a robust aspect of crosscultural
variation.
Each of these two dimensions taps a major axis of cross-cultural variation
involving dozens of basic values and orientations. The traditional/secularrational dimension reflects, first of all, the contrast between societies in which
religion is very important and those in which it is not, but it also taps a rich
variety of other concerns. Emphasis on the importance of family ties and
deference to authority (including a relative acceptance of military rule) are
major themes, together with avoidance of political conflict and an emphasis on
consensus over confrontation. Societies at the traditional pole emphasize
religion, absolute standards, and traditional family values; favor large families;
reject divorce; and take a pro-life stance on abortion, euthanasia, and suicide.
They emphasize social conformity rather than individualistic achievement,
favor consensus rather than open political conflict, support deference to
authority, and have high levels of national pride and a nationalistic outlook.
Societies with secular-rational values have the opposite preferences on all these
topics.
These orientations have a strong tendency to go together across the more than
sixty societies examined here. This holds true despite the fact that we
deliberately selected items covering a wide range of topics: we could have
selected five items referring to religion and obtained an even more tightly
correlated cluster, but our goal was to measure broad dimensions of
crosscultural variation.
-83-
-91have political cultures that were relatively conducive to democracy? Some critics
alleged that this approach was "elitist" in finding that some cultures were more
conducive to democracy than others. Any right-minded theory should hold that
all societies are equally likely to be democratic. The problem is that tailoring a
theory to fit a given ideology may produce a theory that does not fit reality, and
consequently predictions will eventually go wrong; the theory will provide
misleading guidance to those who are trying to cope with democratization in
the real world. By the 1990s, observers from Latin America to Eastern Europe
to East Asia were concluding that cultural factors played an important role in
the problems they were encountering with democratization. Simply adopting a
democratic constitution was not enough. Cultural factors have been omitted
from most empirical analyses of democracy partly because, until now, we have
not had reliable measures of them from more than a handful of countries.
When cultural factors are taken into account, as in the work of the author of
this chapter ( Inglehart 1990, 1997) and Putnam ( 1993), they seem to play an
important role. Economic development leads to two types of changes that are
conducive to democracy:
It tends to transform a society's social structure, bringing urbanization,
mass education, occupational specialization, growing organizational
networks, greater income equality, and a variety of associated developments
that mobilize mass participation in politics. Rising occupational
specialization and rising education lead to a workforce that is independent
minded and has specialized skills that enhance its bargaining power against
elites.
Economic development is also conducive to cultural changes that help
stabilize democracy. It tends to develop interpersonal trust and tolerance,
and it leads to the spread of post-materialist values that place high priority
on self-expression and participation in decisionmaking. Insofar as it brings
higher levels of well-being, it endows the regime with legitimacy, which can
help sustain democratic institutions through difficult times. Legitimacy is an
asset to any regime, but it is crucial to democracies. Repressive
authoritarian regimes can hold on to power even when they lack mass
support, but democracies must have mass support or they can be voted out
of existence.
Positive outputs from a political system can generate mass support for political
incumbents. In the short term, this support is calculated on the basis of "what
have you done for me lately?" But if a regime's outputs are seen as
-926
positive over a long time, the regime may develop "diffuse support" ( Easton
1963)--the generalized perception that the political system is inherently good,
quite apart from its current outputs. This type of support can endure even
through difficult times.
-93The World Values Survey data make it possible to test this thesis on a
worldwide scale. As Figure 7.4 demonstrates, a society's position on the
survival/self-expression index is strongly correlated with its level of democracy,
as indicated by its scores on the Freedom House ratings of political rights and
civil liberties from 1972 through 1998. This relationship is powerful. It is clearly
not a methodological artifact or merely a correlation because the two variables
are measured at different levels and come from completely different sources.
Virtually all of the societies that rank high on survival/selfexpression values are
stable democracies; virtually all the societies that rank low have authoritarian
governments. We will not attempt to unravel the complex causal linkages in this
chapter. For the moment, let us simply note that the powerful linkage shown in
Figure 7.4 persists when we control for GNP/capita and spell out the main
possible interpretations.
One interpretation would be that democratic institutions give rise to the selfexpression values that are so closely linked with them. In other words,
democracy makes people healthy, happy, tolerant, and trusting, and it instills
post-materialist values (at least in the younger generation). This interpretation is
extremely appealing. It provides a powerful argument for democracy and
implies that we have a quick fix for most of the world's problems: Adopt
democratic institutions and live happily ever after.
Unfortunately, the experience of the people of the former Soviet Union does
not support this interpretation. Since their dramatic move toward democracy in
1991, they have not become healthier, happier, more trusting, more tolerant, or
more post-materialist. For the most part, they have gone in exactly the opposite
direction. Latin America's history of constitutional instability is another
example.
An alternative interpretation is that economic development gradually leads to
social and cultural changes that make democratic institutions increasingly likely
to survive and flourish. This would help explain why mass democracy did not
emerge until relatively recently in history and why, even now, it is most likely to
be found in economically more developed countries--in particular, those that
emphasize self-expression values rather than survival values.
automatic. Determined elites who control the army and police can resist
pressures for democratization. But development tends to make mass publics
more trusting and tolerant and leads them to place an increasingly high priority
on autonomy and self-expression in all spheres of life, including politics, and it
becomes difficult and costly to repress demands for political liberalization.
With rising levels of economic development, cultural patterns emerge that are
increasingly supportive of democracy, making mass publics more likely to want
democracy and more skillful at getting it.
Although rich societies are much likelier to be democratic than poor ones,
wealth alone does not automatically bring democracy. If that were true, Kuwait
and Libya would be model democracies. But the process of modern-95ization tends to bring cultural changes conducive to democracy. In the long
run, the only way to avoid the growth of mass demands for democratization
would be to reject industrialization. Few ruling elites are willing to do so. Those
societies that do move onto the trajectory of industrial society are likely to face
growing pressures for democratization.The evidence suggests that culture plays
a much more crucial role in democracy than the literature of the past two
decades would indicate. The syndrome of trust, tolerance, well-being, and
participatory values tapped by the survival/self-expression dimension seems
particularly crucial. In the long run, democracy is not attained simply by
making institutional changes or through elite-level maneuvering. Its survival
also depends on the values and beliefs of ordinary citizens.
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