Acta Hyperborea 12 2009-Libre

FROM ARTEMIS
TO DIANA
THE GODDESS OF MAN AND BEAST
12
A C TA H Y P E R B O R E A
2009
Museum Tusculanum Press - University of Copenhagen - www.mtp.dk - info@mtp.dk
From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast

Collegium Hyperboreum and Museum Tusculanum Press, 2009
Layout and typesetting: Erling Lynder
Cover design: Thora Fisker
Set with Adobe Garamond
Printed in Denmark by Special-Trykkeriet Viborg a-s
ISBN 978 87 635 0788 2
ISSN 0904 2067
Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology. Acta Hyperborea, vol. 12
c/o The Saxo Institute
Section of Classical Archaeology
Njalsgade 80, DK-2300 Copenhagen S
Collegium Hyperboreum:
Tobias Fischer-Hansen, Helle Horsns, Marjatta Nielsen,
Birte Poulsen and Annette Rathje
Cover illustration: A wall tapestry from Egypt depicting Artemis.
Dated to the 5th or beginning of the 6th century AD.
Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Photo: Hans Kobi)
This book has been published with financial support from

E. Lerager Larsens Fond
The Danish Research Council for the Humanities
Konsul George Jorck og hustru Emma Jorcks Fond
Lillian og Dan Finks Fond
The Aarhus University Research Foundation
Published and distributed by

Museum Tusculanum Press
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Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology
ACTA HYPERBOREA
12
From Artemis to Diana

The Goddess of Man and Beast
Edited by
Tobias Fischer-Hansen and Birte Poulsen
Museum Tusculanum Press

University of Copenhagen
2009
CONTENTS
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11
I
Artemis in the Near East and in Greece
marie louise nosch: Approaches to Artemis
in Bronze Age Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
21
bodil hjerrild: Near Eastern Equivalents to Artemis . . . . . . . . .
41
minna skafte jensen: Artemis in Homer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
51
jrgen mejer: Artemis in Athens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
61
jrgen mejer: A Note on a Dedication to Artemis in Kalydon . . .
79
inge nielsen: The Sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia. Can Architecture and Iconography Help to Locate the Settings of the Rituals? . .
83
birte lundgreen: Boys at Brauron . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

ditte zink kaasgaard falb: Das Artemis Orthia-Heiligtum
in Sparta im 7. und 6. Jh.v.Chr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
synnve des bouvrie: Artemis Ortheia a Goddess of Nature
or a Goddess of Culture? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153

ISBN 978 87 635 0788 2, ISSN 0904 2067, http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=202842
II
Artemis Regional Aspects
lone wriedt srensen: Artemis in Cyprus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
tobias fischer-hansen: Artemis in Sicily and South Italy:
A Picture of Diversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
marjatta nielsen and annette rathje: Artumes in Etruria
the Borrowed Goddess . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261
pia guldager bilde: Quantifying Black Sea Artemis:
Some Methodological Reflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
luis ballesteros-pastor: Bears and Bees in Themiscyra:
A Sanctuary for Artemis in the Land of the Amazons? . . . . . . . . . . 333
III
Artemis / Diana during the Late Republic,
Imperial Period and Late Antiquity
mette moltesen: Diana and her Followers in a Late Republican
Temple Pediment from Nemi. A Preliminary Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
jesper carlsen: Sanctuaries of Artemis and
the Domitii Ahenobarbi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369
rubina raja: The Sanctuary of Artemis in Gerasa . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383
birte poulsen: The Sanctuaries of the Goddess of the Hunt . . . . 401
niels hannestad: The Last Diana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427

IV
The Post-Antique Artemis
marjatta nielsen: Diana Efesia Multimammia: The Metamorphoses
of a Pagan Goddess from the Renaissance to the Age of Neo-Classicism
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455
Forum
alexandra-fani alexandridou: Offering Trenches and Funerary
Ceremonies in the Attic Countryside . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 497
Current Danish Archaeological Fieldwork
A gazetteer of Danish Classical Archaeological Fieldwork 2002-2006
with contributions by S. Dietz; B. Loven, D. Davis, M. Mller Nielsen &
M. Schaldemose; P. Pedersen; P. Guldager Bilde; S. Handberg, J. Kindberg Jacobsen & G.P. Mittica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523
Book Reviews
kim b. jessen: Rev. of Peter Attema (ed), Centralization, Early Urbanization and Colonization in First Millenium BC Italy and Greece. Part 1: Italy
(BABesch Suppl. 9). Leuven-Paris-Dudley 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 559
stine schierup: Rev. of S.L. Solovyov, Ancient Berezan. The Architecture,
History and Culture of the First Greek Colony in the Northern Black Sea.
Brill 1999 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 567
Indices
Index of sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 573
Index of names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 578
Index of sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 582

FORUM
OFFERING TRENCHES AND FUNERARY
CEREMONIES IN THE ATTIC COUNTRYSIDE
alexandra-fani alexandridou
THE EVIDENCE FROM THE NORTH NECROPOLIS OF VARI

Abstract
Offering trenches are the main feature of the seventh-century Attic burial
practices, with those from the Kerameikos being the most well preserved
and studied. Trenches are also attested in the Attic countryside, as in the
case of the North necropolis of Vari, which has been largely neglected, due
to the lack of a detailed publication. In this article, I present the ceramic
material from the cemetery, dating mainly to the late seventh and early sixth
century BC. Based on the vases shapes, state of preservation and finding
spot, as indicated by the brief excavation reports, I discuss their role in the
trenches and compare them with their counterparts from the Kerameikos,
as well as the Vourva and Marathon tumuli in Attika. The Vari evidence
offers new important insights into the character of the trench-ceremonies,
which seems to have been more cultic than sympotic, finding parallels with
the Attic tomb cults centred on Bronze Age tombs, as well as into their
importance for the local nobility.
Introduction
Vari lies in the southern part of Attika, in the southwestern area of the
Mesogeia plain and the southeast shoulder of Mount Hymettos, where the
classical demos of Anagyrous was situated. The Geometric and Archaic
sherds found at the site imply the existence of an early settlement.1 This is
as also indicated by two large necropoleis, the North and the South-East,
in use from the eighth to the fifth century BC. Although not joined,2
they probably served the same community, which was exploiting the fertile
plain,3 where a number of Classical farms were discovered.4 The cemetery
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Attic Sites
referred to
in the text
Marathon
Menidi
Athens
Vourva
Vari
finds suggest that Vari was an important sub-centre with urban features.5
Another settlement was established during the eighth century on the hill
of Lathouriza, bordering the Vari plain. The site offered easy access to the
rich plain, whose cultivation might have been one of the main activities
of the settlers.6 Seventh-century graves associated with the settlement of
Lathouriza were explored at the foot of the hill.7
A systematic excavation of the North necropolis of Vari was carried out
from 1935 to 1938 under the directorship of G. Oikonomos and Ph. Stavropoulos, after the evaluation of illegally excavated ceramic material from
the site. Some of the finds and parts of the plan of the necropolis were
briefly published in archaeological reports.8 Due to the importance of the
discovered vases for the study of the Attic early black-figure, the publication by Semni Karouzou in 1963, including only part of the finds, focused
on the stylistic development, shapes and iconography of the vessels.9 Their
role in the mortuary practices was only assumed, since the details from the
excavations diaries were not known.10 The lack of a detailed publication
of the excavation still prevents scholars from studying the necropolis extensively. Therefore, the research on trench-ceremonies has largely been based
on the evidence from the well-published Kerameikos and the excavated
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tumuli in the Attic hinterland.11 However, a combination of the excavation

reports with the published and unpublished vases from the cemetery of
Vari, a large part of which are on display in the National Museum of Athens, can throw more light on the Attic seventh-and sixth-century funerary
practices.
The North Necropolis. Tumulus I
A series of reports from 1936 to 1940 present the results of the excavation,
but the information provided is brief and often unclear. The references
to the graves do not follow the numbers appearing on the published plan
of the necropolis and are not accompanied by pictures. According to the
reports, five tumuli and two walled enclosures were examined (Fig. 1).
The large tumulus I contained a single burial, interpreted as that of a local
genarches.12 A considerable number of vessels came to light. Although their
exact finding spot cannot clearly be deduced from the reports,13 a long
trench, east of the tumulus, which runs parallel to the wall of the necropolis
and is marked as (sacrifices) on the plan, is a possible candidate.14
Tumulus III covered seven late sixth-century graves, while the burials in
tumulus V date from the middle of the sixth to the middle of the fifth century BC. Tumuli II and IV are not discussed. The tumuli are surrounded
on two sides by a wall, running 37 meters in northern direction and more
than 50 in western.15
North of the tumuli area, a small enclosure contained fifth-century burials of children and adults. Twenty-five tombs were excavated in a second
enclosure, directly attached to the small one (Fig. 2). Primary cremations
dominate, but inhumations are also reported, as well as an urn-burial.16
The earliest five stone tumuli date to the seventh and sixth centuries. Some
contained cremation remains and offerings. The largest, indicated on the
map as 24B, is situated in the middle of the enclosure, while 22A was probably a cenotaph.17 West of the stone tumulus 24B, a childs pithos-burial
was found.18
A stone tumulus, probably the one indicated on the map as , is referred
to as the most important burial of the enclosure.19 It contained an inhumation accompanied by a number of rich offerings, such as a large Attic relief
vessel, imitation of Boiotian relief ware, miniature vases, a Corinthian aryballos, a Protoattic support and a louterion. An early sixth-century fragmentary marble sphinx may have been its marker.20 East of tumulus 22A
499
Fig. 1 Plan of the North necropolis of Vari (after Karouzou 1963, 47, Fig. 40).
and under its south wall, two parallel trenches were discovered.21 Another
long trench, parallel to the east wall of the enclosure revealed a layer of
ashes.22 A large number of burnt vessels and offerings, dating from the late
seventh to the fifth century were found. Although it is not completely clear
whether they should be related to the trench parallel to the wall or those of
the built tomb, the former case seems more probable.23
Most of the early black-figured vases, found in association with the large
500
forum
Fig. 2 Plan of the enclosure of the North necropolis of Varid (after

Lemerle 1937, 450, fig.13).
tumulus I, have been published.24 The earliest, many of which have been
assigned to the Nessos Painter, date to the last quarter of the seventh century.25 The latest reach the second quarter of the sixth, as implied by an
unpublished lekane by the Polos Painter.26 A wide variety of shapes was
recovered: a column-krater (Fig. 3), standed and lidded skyphos-kraters
(Fig. 4), almost forty lekanai, large louteria (Fig. 5), neck-amphorae, some
of very large dimensions and two horsehead amphorae.27 The majority
501
Fig. 3 Athens, National Museum, 16388. Column-krater. Courtesy National

Museum of Athens.
dates to the last quarter of the seventh century and is probably contemporary with the burial. The vases are of exceptional quality, decorated in
many cases with rich mythological and generic scenes. Herakles freeing
Prometheus (Fig. 4), Herakles pursuing the Centaurs (Fig. 6), Bellerophon and the Chimaira (Fig. 7), running Gorgons, as well as a procession
of women flanked by Doric columns and a female protome are characteristic examples.28 The two episodes with Herakles, both attributed to the
Nessos Painter, are the earliest known in the Attic repertory.
The vessels are supposed to come from the offering trench next to the
tumulus.29 Offering trenches are a late eighth-century Attic funerary innovation, which ceased around 560 BC. These long, shallow ditches were dug
into the ground and were mainly filled with ashes, bones of small animals
502
forum
Fig. 4
Athens, National
Museum, 16384.
Standed skyphoskrater. Courtesy
National Museum
of Athens.
or birds, burnt and broken vases. The best preserved examples were found
at the Kerameikos and revealed a large part of the seventh-century Protoattic pottery known from Attika. The vessels were probably placed on a
wooden table-like structure before being set on fire. Stratigraphic observations indicate that the ritual took place, while the grave was still open. The
mixing, pouring, eating and drinking shapes point to a funerary ceremony
503
Fig. 5 Athens, National Museum, 16386. Louterion. Courtesy National Museum of

Athens.
Fig. 6 Athens, National Museum, 16400. Skyphos-krater. Courtesy National

Museum of Athens.
504
forum
Fig. 7
Athens, National
Museum, 16389.
Neck-amphora.
Courtesy National
Museum of
Athens.
with a sympotic character. The combination of shapes and their number

do not allow the reconstruction of an actual service, but rather constitute
its symbol, which reflected the lifestyle of a male deceased, member of an
upper social class, as indicated by the vessels exceptional quality.30
In the Kerameikos, the richest ceramic evidence comes from the late
eighth- and early seventh-century trenches, which yielded a combination
of mixing, drinking, pouring and eating vessels. Standed dinoi or skyphoskraters were very common, followed by skyphoi, oinochoai and plates.
Although the number of the excavated late seventh-, early sixth-century
505
trenches is high, the amount of the vases found is very limited.31 In many
cases, they only contained Corinthian drinking and oil vessels,32 while in
others a restricted number primarily of Attic drinking and eating shapes.33
The pottery evidence suggests that trench-ceremonies in the cemetery were
already declining from the last quarter of the seventh century.
The finds from the trench of the Vari tumulus create a completely different impression. The number of the vases recovered is remarkable, while the
shapes differ significantly from their contemporaries in the Kerameikos
(Table 1). Skyphos-kraters of exceptional quality are largely represented
in the Vari trench, but they are absent from the late seventh, early sixthcentury Kerameikos trenches. There, they are only used as grave-markers,
while standed or lidded examples are not known.34 Although an important number of neck-amphorae and louteria were found in the trench of
tumulus I, they are rare in the Kerameikos, where they served as markers.35 Moreover, the Vari lekanai are the earliest known Attic black-figured
examples. The shape appears in the Kerameikos by the first quarter of the
sixth century and only two examples were found.36 The Vari column-krater
is unique, not attested elsewhere in late seventh-century Attika. The shape
reappears in the Attic repertory by the first quarter of the sixth century. On
the other hand, drinking, pouring and eating vessels, like skyphoi, olpai or
plates, all common shapes in the Kerameikos trenches, are missing from
the Vari trench.
Some of the Vari shapes are represented in the wells of the Athenian Agora and can be related to domestic contexts (Table 2). Louteria are present
at the site already from the end of the eighth century, but the known examples are few.37 According to the publication of the black-figured pottery,
only three date to the late seventh and early sixth century, indicating that
the shape was mainly destined for funerary purposes.38 Many skyphoskraters were found in the late seventh-century Agora wells, suggesting that
if they are not secondary fills, the shape was not confined to funerary, but
also to domestic purposes. Some might have been standed, like the Vari
examples, as indicated by the discovered fragmentary supports. Unlike the
large concentration of neck-amphorae at Vari, all being contemporary, the
published Agora examples, not more numerous, cover the third and last
quarter of the seventh century. The one-piece amphora seems to have been
more common.39 The shape of the lekane is only attested in the Vari trench
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shapes/sites
mixing
Vari Trench
Tumulus I
Sk.kr.(5)
Col.kr. (1)
oil
storage
N.-Amph.(11)
HH Amph.(2)
Lekane (46)
Louterion (3)
Vari Trench
Enclosure
Lekane (5)
Plate (5)
Skyphos (3)
Kantharos(1)
Olpe (6)
Exaleiptron (1)
Hydria (2)
Louterion (1?)
Loutr.amph. (1)
Sk.kr. (1)
Lekane (4)
Skyphos (1)
Loutr.
amph. (1)
Marathon
Trench
Lekane (1)
Cup (1)
Pyxis (1)
N.-Amph.(1)
Hydria(1)
Trench
Standed cup(2)
Corinthian:
kotyle (1)
Corinthian:
oinochoe (1)
Corinthian:
aryballos (5)
Trench
Corinthian:
kotyle (1)
Corinthian:
oinochoe (1)
Trench
Corinthian:
kotyle (1)
Trench
Corinthian:
kotyle (2)
skyphos (1)
Corinthian:
oinochoe (1)
Trench R
Olpe (1)
Loutr.
amph. (1)
Off.place.
Lekane (2)
Plate (1)
Skyphos (2)
Olpe (2)
Off.place.
Skyphos (1)
Pyxis (1)
Gaming
table, Dice
K ER A MEIKOS
Vourva
Trench I
eating
List of abbreviations
Col.Kr: Column-krater
HH Amph.: Horsehead Amphora
drinking
pouring
Loutr.amph: Loutrophoros-amphora
N.-Amph: Neck-amphora
ceremonial
Off. Place: Offering Place

Sk.Kr: Skyphos-krater
Table 1 Shapes from the offering trenches and places excavated in the Kerameikos
and the Attic countryside (ca. 630 to 570 BC.)
during the late seventh century.40 The earliest lekane from the Agora dates
to the early sixth century.41
Although most of the seventh-century vases from the Kerameikos
trenches cannot have been used during an actual banquet, due to their
special features, such as the application of mourning figures or the lack of
good glaze in their interior, the quality of the firing and glaze of the Vari
shapes may imply an actual use.42 The louteria could have been used for
water libations to the dead in the form of the chthonia loutra.43 Since the
lower part of the body of the skyphos-kraters has not been preserved, libations cannot be concluded, but should not be excluded. The decoration of
the standed examples on one side follows the seventh-century tendency to
507
shapes/sites
skyphos-krater
louterion
neck-amphora
lekane
Vari Trench
Tumulus I
11
11
Athenian
Agora
18
10
Table 2 Shapes from Tumulus I at Vari and the Athenian Agora (ca. 630-600 BC.)
The number of the vases from the Athenian Agora is based on Moore, Philippides
1986.
frontal accentuation of the marker-vases, implying that they could have

been placed near the tumulus, as the most monumental offerings. Despite
the lack of relevant evidence, the lekanai and the richly decorated large
amphorae might have contained food or liquid offerings.
Although large mixing vessels, like the column-krater and the skyphoskraters were found, the lack of pouring, drinking and eating vessels points
to a funerary ceremony with less clear sympotic connotations over the
trench of tumulus I. Moreover, in contrast to the Kerameikos evidence, the
discovered shapes do not preserve any signs of secondary burning, implying
that they could not have been part of a ceremony including fire. Whether
they were broken intentionally, or placed as offerings, only to break later,
cannot be concluded.44 Thus, the vases should be better regarded as offerings to the deceased rather than a symbolic manifestation of a symposion.
The discovery of a number of shapes in the Vari trench, like neck-amphorae, louteria, lekanai and a column-krater, which are limited or absent in
the contemporary Kerameikos or elsewhere, as well as their quality of decoration, underline the unique character of the finds, the importance of the
deceased and the wealth of his family or wider social circle.
The North Necropolis. The offering trench of the enclosure
The shapes found in the trench of the north enclosure of the necropolis
date from the late seventh to the fifth century BC.45 A unique clay ekphora
chariot, a miniature support, a miniature standed lebes with mourners
and an askos in the shape of a beast of burden with amphorae belong to
the earliest finds.46 They are all made of local clay. Their surface is covered with white paint and the ornamental decoration is applied with red.
The miniature vessels are reminiscent of seventh-century shapes from the
Kerameikos. Although contemporary with those associated with tumulus
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I, their shapes and state of preservation differ considerably. They are secondarily burnt, pointing to a trench-ceremony comparable to those taking
place in the Kerameikos.
A large number of the vases from the enclosure-trench date to the first
quarter of the sixth century. They all preserve signs of fire. Eating and
drinking shapes dominate, but pouring, oil and storage vessels were also
found. Large mixing vases, comparable to those from Tumulus I, are
absent.47 The early sixth-century shapes find close parallels among their
sympotic contemporaries from the Kerameikos.48 The reports refer also
to clay figurines of horses and birds, black and red-figured lekythoi and a
large number of white lekythoi with palmette ornaments.49 These finds are
still unpublished, but a few sixth-century black-figured lekythoi, on display in the National Museum of Athens, do not preserve signs of fire and
might have been placed in the trench as offerings to the dead. 50
EVIDENCE OF OFFERING TRENCHES IN THE ATTIC

COUNTRYSIDE
The Vourva and Marathon tumuli
The tumulus at Vourva contained seven graves, none of which was accompanied by offerings. Trench , next to grave A, yielded an early sixthcentury lekane and a contemporary black-glazed olpe in a layer of ashes
and bird bones (Fig. 8). An exceptionally long trench, marked as I, was
excavated at the edge of the tumulus, but unlike , was not covered by
it.51 The earliest find from this trench is a skyphos-krater, dating to the last
quarter of the seventh century, while the latest date some 30-40 years later,
around 580 BC. The skyphos-krater does not have any signs of secondary
burning and might have been used for a libation, before being placed in the
trench. On the other hand, the early sixth-century lekanai, loutrophorosamphora, chalice and skyphos were burnt and according to the excavator
intentionally broken.52 Only one lekane remained intact.53 A marble base
of a mid sixth-century kore by the sculptor Phaidimos was discovered next
to the trench.54
Two trenches (, ) were found in association with the so-called tumulus of the Athenians, identified as the burial site of the 192 Athenians, who
fell at the battle of Marathon (Fig. 9).55 Part of the tumulus was excavated
509
Fig. 8 Plan of the Vourva tumulus (after Stais 1890, Pl. XIII, 3).
during 1890 and 1891 and a layer of ashes, burnt bones and early fifth-century black-figured lekythoi have been connected with the cremated warriors bodies. A long brick trench, containing a layer of ashes, bones of small
animals or birds and egg shells, as well as burnt fragments of vessels, was
explored near the centre of the tumulus. The second trench, not covered
by the tumulus, yielded animal bones and vessels fragments, but the bad
state of preservation of the trench and its finds did not allow for a more
detailed description.56 An early sixth-century neck-amphora and a large
lekane are the earliest finds from the first trench.57 A pyxis and a hydria
date to the middle and late sixth century,58 while the latest find is a red-figured cup, attributed to Onesimos.59 The early sixth-century vessels, as well
as the pyxis, preserve signs of fire. This trench is an undeniable proof of
a funerary ceremony dating back to the early sixth-century and questions
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Fig. 9 Plan of the Marathon tumulus (after Stais 1893, 49).
the association of the tumulus with the battle of Marathon.60 A number

of interpretations, attempting to explain the discovery of the sixth-century
vases, in association with the layer of ashes and the dead warriors, are not
convincing.61
Tomb cult over offering trenches?
The ceramic evidence from the trenches of the North necropolis of Vari
leads to an interesting observation: the finds cover several decades or, as
in the case of the enclosure-trench, centuries. This continuity is of special significance, since it is not attested in the contemporary Kerameikos,
where the vessels from each trench are contemporary. It seems to have
been a feature of the Attic countryside, as also indicated by the Vourva
and Marathon evidence. The chronological range of the vessels, associated
511
with tumulus I, has been noted and assigned to the importance of the
deceased, interpreted as a local genarches.62 Stais suggested that trench I
of the Vourva tumulus received annual offerings, while he also attempted
to interpret the chronological distance of the vases from Marathon.63 Due
to the duration of the offerings, the Vourva and Marathon trenches have
recently been seen as bothroi of cult.64
Can the offering trenches of the Attic countryside be associated with
some kind of tomb cult? The North necropolis of Vari, preserving the richest and chronological wider evidence, can contribute importantly to the
study of this practice, when placed in the broader Attic seventh-century
frame.
During this century, a number of changes in the funerary practices
took place: the number of the burials declined, adult and children were
buried in separate areas, inhumation was replaced by primary cremation
and goods were not placed in the grave, but in the offering trenches and
places.65 Unlike the evidence from other contemporary poleis, like Corinth,
offerings from the major Attic sanctuaries are poor. The Acropolis preserved only a few seventh-century vases, while the peak sanctuaries around
Attika, which flourished during the seventh century, attracted only Subgeometric drinking vessels of poor quality, in many cases bearing dedicatory inscriptions.66 An important amount of the seventh-century Protoattic pottery comes from the necropoleis, mainly the Kerameikos, while a
number is associated with the tomb cults centred on Bronze and Iron Age
graves.67 The archaeological context of the Protoattic pottery led to the
conclusion that it was specially produced for the Attic nobles, mainly destined to serve their ritual needs, either associated with mortuary practices
or with tomb cults.68 The distribution of the earliest black-figured vases
during the last quarter of the seventh century points in the same direction. Except for the sanctuary of the Nymphe on the south slope of the
Acropolis, which received a large number of black-figured loutrophoroi, 69
probably due to the special nature of the honoured deity associated with
marriage,70 the ceramic evidence from the Acropolis and other sanctuaries
remains poor. On the other hand, funerary contexts continue to attract
most of the late seventh-century vessels, many of which are monumental
and elaborately decorated. However, it is now the Attic countryside that
takes the lead, since the majority was found in the Vari and not the Kerameikos trenches.
512
forum
The seventh-century trench practices have been paralleled by a number of scholars with the cults addressed to Bronze and Iron Age deceased,
attested in a number of Attic sites, mainly in the countryside.71 The Mycenaean tholos tombs at Menidi, Thorikos and Aliki Glyphada are characteristic examples.72 Unlike most of the known tomb cults, the evidence from
Menidi and Thorikos is exceptional in its duration and contents, with the
quality of the offerings pointing to wealthy groups and not to worshippers
of all social backgrounds.73 The duration of the cult, as indicated by the
finds, is the main common feature between the trenches in the countryside
and the tomb cults. In some cases, similarities between the offerings have
also been noted.74
The excavation of the Mycenaean tholos tomb at Menidi led to the discovery of a number of vessels and horse figurines placed in its dromos, dating from the Late Geometric period to the early fifth century. The offerings cannot be assigned a heroic character, but are rather comparable to
those from funerary or even domestic contexts.75 The deposit at the dromos
of the tholos tomb is reminiscent of a trench, while a number of comparisons have been drawn between the discovered shapes and those from the
Vari tumulus-trench.76 Standed louteria were common offerings to the tholos tomb. Although they have been connected with a heroic bath of funerary character for the deceased,77 the absence of the shape from sanctuaries
and other sites of hero-cult prompts for a different explanation. They were
probably used for libations, before being offered to this unidentified hero.78
Large louteria, though without a stand, were also favoured by the visitors of
the tumulus I at Vari, while the standed skyphoi-kraters can be compared
with the Menidi louteria. More importantly, in both cases the vessels do
not preserve any signs of secondary burning.
Although comparisons have been drawn between tomb cults and the
practices taking place over trenches in general,79 it is only those in the
countryside that present clearer comparative elements, on account of their
duration. The ritual burning of the vessels attested in the Kerameikos and
early sixth-century Vourva, Vari and Marathon is not found in tomb cults,
which have a votive and not a sympotic character. The trench of the Vari
tumulus I and the late seventh-century evidence from Vourva are the only
cases where the vases are not burnt, but rather presented as offerings to the
dead.
Tomb cult is a kind of ancestor cult and the Attic Bronze- or Iron-Age
513
deceased were probably adopted by the locals as ancestors.80 The continuation of the offerings over the trenches in the Attic countryside suggests a
comparable cult. The difference lies in the chronological distance separating the dedicators from the deceased; the cults over trenches address the
dead of the recent past that, although anonymous to us, were remembered
by the dedicators, at least during the first decades. The offerings to tumulus
I seem to have been connected with a member of the local elite, who might
also have played a prominent role in the life of the community. Luxurious
vessels dedicated by his family or wider social circle aimed at underlining
their connection with the deceased, as well as the wealth of their class. His
recognition as an ancestor might have defined the cultic character of the
ceremony, closer to the cults at the Bronze Age tumuli in Attika, which is
not found in the case of the enclosure-trench of the necropolis. The importance of the tumulus and the deceased is further underlined by its direct
association with later tombs. The stone tombs E and , as well as the
small enclosure are attached to it.
On the other hand, the trench of the enclosure does not seem to be
connected with a particular burial, since it runs along the enclosure wall,
like trench I from Vourva.81 Are then these finds offered to a particular
deceased or address to the entire group of the graves? Did the tumuli, or
maybe the enclosure, contain family groups, with the trench dedicated
to the entire family? Family burial groups are identified with difficulty
before the fourth century BC. Only three cases from the seventh and
sixth-century Kerameikos have been securely associated with true family
plots.82 It seems that Archaic burial customs did not express genealogies,
but rather social status, with the Kerameikos tumuli and those from Vourva and Velanideza probably containing members of the same or different
families, connected by social relations and not family ties.83 The lack of a
detailed publication of the North necropolis of Vari prevents from testing
the expressed theory on the excavated tumuli or the graves of the enclosure. However, since memory and burial customs, associated with the dead
kin, extend only a few generations back,84 the duration of the cult over the
enclosure-trench for almost two centuries does not point to a family, but
rather to visitors of the same social group, members of the elite.
The lack of trenches from a necropolis, excavated in Vari, 800 meters
south-east of the North, suggests that they may have been considered a
special feature destined for deceased of particular importance.85 Although
514
forum
not very numerous, Protoattic and late seventh-century vases, some of large
dimensions, are not absent from the South-East necropolis. Nevertheless,
they were burnt inside the grave together with the body. The North necropolis probably was the burying place of the wealthiest and most important
members of the local community, who were also conceived and honoured
as ancestors.
In Attika, long-lasting trench-ceremonies as well as the cults centred on
Bronze Age tombs are mainly found in the countryside and seem to have
been closely connected with the wealthy local residents.86 Tomb cults have
been linked to claims on land,87 and since in most cases they are attested
in the older communities of Attika, they have been seen as a reaction of
the old and rich settled communities against the foundation of small settlements around them.88 Although the use of tomb cult as a declaration
of the Attic autochthony has been questioned,89 the continuous use of the
trenches suggests that a connection with the land surrounding the tumuli
or the tombs should not be excluded. Even if they do not constitute evidence of conflicts over land, funerary ceremonies and tomb cults are clear
indications of the wealth and power of the local nobles and could have
served as means of their self-definition.90
Conclusions
The ceramic evidence from the Vari trenches, combined with that from
Vourva and Marathon, contributes significantly to the study of the trenchphenomenon in the late seventh- and sixth-century Attika and highlights
the differences between the Kerameikos and the Attic countryside. In contrast to the evidence from the Kerameikos, the trench-ceremonies in the
hinterland, expressions of the local aristocracy, present a number of comparative elements with tomb cults. The deceased of the distant and recent
past seem to have been conceived as ancestors and were honoured through
dedications, which in contemporary poleis would have been appropriate
for the gods in the sanctuaries.91 That is the example of the dead, buried
in tumulus I at Vari. The finds do not only imply that mortuary practices
were considered ideal contexts for status display, but were also a medium
of underlining the special connection of the participants with the deceased
and the area surrounding the cemetery.
By the early sixth century, trenches in the Kerameikos decline, before
being abandoned during the second quarter of the century. By that time,
515
oil-vessels are placed inside the graves. However, the evidence from Vari,
Vourva and Marathon indicates that the peripheral communities insisted
on trench-ceremonies for a longer period, even reaching the fifth century
BC. Although the sixth- and fifth-century trench-offerings have lost their
earlier splendour and monumentality, they are suggestive of continuous
funerary cults that emphasize the ties of the local elite with their ancestors
and the land of the area. The case of the North necropolis of Vari is the
most characteristic, due to the exceptional quality of the ceramic finds and
the duration of the cult.
Therefore the long-awaited, final publication of the cemetery, including
all the excavation details, is crucial and should soon see the light.
acknowledgments
I am grateful to Mrs Elisavet Stasinopoulou,
Mr Giorgos Kavvadias, Mrs Eleni Zosi and the
National Museum of Athens for allowing me to
study a large part of the Vari ceramic material
in detail. I would like to thank Dr. Irene Lemos
warmly for her encouragement and for offering

valuable suggestions, after reading earlier versions
of the present article, as well as Dr. David Saunders for his corrections.
notes
1 Eliot 1962, 35-39; Osborne 1985, 26-28;
Lauter 1991, 85; Mersch 1997, 53-58.
2 Morris 1987, 68-69. The opposite view is held
by Osborne: Osborne 1985, 26.
3 Mersch suggests a single community. Mersch
1997, 53. Lauter and Morris are in favour of
several settlements. In particular, the SouthEast cemetery has been associated with the
traces of a settlement between Vari and Varkiza, dating to 700 BC. Morris 1987, 68; Lauter
1991, 66.
4 Lauter 1985b, 63-68; Osborne 1985, 26-28;
Onasoglou 1987, 92-96; Mazarakis-Ainian
1994, 70-71.
5 Mersch 1997, 53-58.
6 Mazarakis-Ainian 1994, 65-73; MazarakisAinian 1995, 143-155; Mazarakis-Ainian
1997, 106, 116.
7 Lauter 1995b, 64.
8 Karo 1936, 123-125; Lemerle 1936, 460;
Lemerle 1937, 451; Riemann 1937, 121-124;
Walter 1940, 175-178.
9 Karouzou 1963. According to Karouzou, this
was the first volume of the publication. The
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
rest of the finds were to be published in a second, which is yet to appear.

The archaeologist Mrs. Eleni Lazaridou has
access to the excavators diaries and is responsible for the publication of the rest of the vessels from the necropolis.
Stais 1890, 318-329; Stais 1893, 46-63; Kbler 1959; Kbler 1970.
Walter 1940, 176.
According to the locals, a grave next to the
trench contained fragments of the vases
found in the trench. However the excavations
did not verify this information and revealed
only a childs burial. Karo 1936, 124. Walter also refers to a second trench parallel to
the first one with early sixth-century finds. If
the report is correct, the vessels probably are
unpublished. Walter 1940, 176.
Walter 1940, 176; Karouzou 1963, 47-48.
Walter 1940, 175-176.
Karo 1936 123; Walter 1940, 176.
Karo 1936, 123. According to Riemann,
the tomb contained an insignificant burial.
Riemann 1937, 121. In contrast to Karo,
516
forum
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
Humphreys mentions 24B, probably falsely,

as the cenotaph. Humphreys 1980, 108. A
louterion, listed by Callipolitis-Feytmans as
coming from Tumulus B, may be associated
with the stone-tumulus 24B. CallipolitisFeytmans 1965, 28, fig. 7 bis, 1.
Riemann 1937, 125.
Karo 1936, 125.
Richter 1961, no. 4, figs. 16-20.
Riemann 1937, 122. The report says east of
the north built tomb, meaning probably the
22A.
Lemerle 1937, 451, Riemann 1937, 123.
The French report and the dates given by
Lemerle probably imply that the finds come
from the trench running parallel to the enclosure wall. Lemerle 1937, 451.
Karouzou 1963.
The three standed skyphos-kraters and a
number of lekanai, published by Karouzou.
Karouzou 1963, 5-34. To these add: Athens,
National Museum, 16400, ABV 4, Fig. 6,
Athens, National Museum, 16399, ABV 7,
Beazley Archive Pottery Database 300048.
The unpublished: Athens, National Museum,
16380, 16386, 16404 and 16398.
Athens, National Museum, 16332.
Athens, National Museum, 16401, Picozzi
1971, Pl.16, Athens, National Museum,
16402, Picozzi 1971, Pl.17. Although not
referred to by the reports, their inventory
numbers suggest that they were probably
found in this trench.
Athens, National Museum, 16384, ABV 6,
Karouzou 1963, Pl.21-28, Athens, National
Museum, 16400, ABV 4, Fig. 6, Athens,
National Museum, 16389, ABV 2, 1, Fig. 7,
Athens, National Museum, 16391, ABV 2, 2,
Karouzou 1982, figs. 3-4, Athens, National
Museum, 16399, ABV 7, Beazley Archive
Pottery Database 300048, Athens, National
Museum, 16398, Athens, National Museum,
16380.
Walter 1940, 176; Karouzou 1963, 47-48.
For the trenches: Kbler 1950, 87-88; Kbler
1970, 87-92; Boardman & Kurtz 1971, 145;
Houby-Nielsen 1992, 343-374; DOnofrio
1993, 148-153; Houby-Nielsen 1995, 129192; Houby-Nielsen 1996, 44-47; Kistler
1998, 31-77, 147-171. The trench-finds have
been approached differently from scholars.
Kbler saw them as grave offerings, DOnofrio
as remains of a meal. The detailed analysis of
the finds underlines a close connection with
the symposion, as shown by Houby-Nielsen
and Kistler.
Kbler 1959, 33-80; Kistler 1998, 31-38.
32 Offering trenches: k, , , , . Kbler 1959,

33-49.
33 Offering trenches: , , Offering places: , .
Kbler 1959, 51-53, 66-68, 79-80; Vierneisel
1964a.
34 Earlier in the seventh century, large open vessels, comparable to the skyphos-kraters, like
the lidded kotylai were used in the trench ceremonies in the Kerameikos. Trench , 670660 BC.: Kbler 1959, 18-21, Kbler 1970,
427-447, trench , mid seventh century:
Kbler 1959, 22-24, Kbler 1970, 453-470,
trench , 640-625 BC.: Kbler 1959, 27-30,
Kbler 1970, 474-481.
35 Louteria: Kerameikos Museum, 1295, Kbler
1970, Pl.76, 90. Marker of the grave construction f. A louterion was found in the
offering place G, but dates to 640-625 BC.
Vierneisel 1964b, 453. Amphorae: Kerameikos Museum, 658, ABV 3, Kbler 1970, Pl.
89-91. Grave marker of the grave 58/LVIII.
A number of amphorae fragments from the
Kerameikos date to the late seventh century,
but they are not associated with a particular
context. An amphora was found in the late
eighth-century offering trench 2. Kbler
1954, 250-252.
36 Athens, Kerameikos Museum, 39, ABV 19, 6,
Kbler 1970, Pl.93, 97, Athens, Kerameikos
Museum, 41, ABV 19, 5, Kbler 1970, Pl.9496.
37 Brann 1962, 43.
38 Moore, Philippides 1986, 32-33.
39 Moore, Philippides 1986, 7-8.
40 Lioutas 1987, Table 2.
41 Athens Agora Museum, P5354, Moore,
Philippides 1986, Pl. 91, 1297.
42 Kistler 1998, 36-38.
43 Ginouvs 1962, 244; Callipolitis-Feytmans
1965, 42-43; Danforth & Tsiaras 1982, 13;
Parker 1983, 35; Garland 1985, 72-74.
44 Stais suggested that the vessels from the
Marathon and Vourva trenches were broken
intentionally. Stais 1890, 322, Stais 1893, 5556. The lack of a detailed publication of the
excavation of the Vari tumulus and its trench
does not allow any similar suggestion.
45 The reference to red-figured loutrophoroi
and white lekythoi that were never published
points to the fifth century BC.
46 Athens, National Museum, 26747, Athens,
National Museum, 19159 , Athens, National
Museum, 19157, Athens, National Museum,
19165. Riemann reports a large number of
supports, Riemann 1937, 123.
47 An unpublished louterion has signs of fire
and its inventory number suggests that it
517
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
might have been found in this trench. Athens,

National Museum, 19186.
The similarities with trench Rare obvious,
Vierneisel 1964a, 38-42. Two olpai by the
KX Painter from the Vari and Kerameikos
trenches even share the same iconographic
theme: Hermes flanked by sphinxes and
sirens. Athens, National Museum, 19159,
ABV 14, 11, ABV 28, 4; Scheibler 1961,
fig.36; Kerameikos Museum, 2870, Para 15,
Vierneisel 1964a, pl. 38, a.
Riemann 1937, 123.
Athens, National Museum,19167, ABV
476, 1; Schnapp 1997, 237, no.158, Athens,
National Museum, 19163, ABV 714.61bis,
Beazley Archive Pottery Database 306984. In
Beazleys catalogues, there is a large number
of black and red -figured vessels that come
from Vari. Some have inventory numbers
starting from 19 implying that they may have
been found in the same trench. Most of the
finds are lekythoi.
Stais 1890, 318-329.
Athens, National Museum, 997, ABV 41, 29;
Bakir 1981, fig. 107-110, Athens, National
Museum, 998, ABV 41, 28; Bakir 1981, fig.
105, Athens, National Museum, 999, ABV
41, 30; Bakir 1981, fig. 106, Athens, National
Museum, 1000, Stais 1890, fig. A, Athens,
National Museum, 991, ABV 38, 1; Bakir
1981, pl.49-54. Athens, National Museum,
995, Bakir 1981, pl. 55-57, Athens, National
Museum, 996, CVA Athens 4, pl.6, 1-5; Stais
1890, 322.
Athens, National Museum, 296, ABV 24, 7;
Lioutas 1987, pl. 13, 1-2.
Richter 1961, no 91, DOnofrio 1988, 85.
Stais 1893, 46-63; Petrakos 1995, 24; Whitley 1994a, 213-230.
Stais 1893, 46-63.
Athens, Marathon Museum, 1036, ABV 38,
2; Bakir 1981, pl.30-33, Athens, National
Museum, 1043, Lioutas 1987, 24, 2.
Athens, Marathon Museum, 764a, Petrakos
1995, fig.78; Athens, Marathon Museum,
762a, ABV 393, 18; Petrakos 1995, fig. 80.
Athens, Marathon Museum, 848, Beazley
Archive Pottery Database 14270.
Due to these early pottery finds, the association of the tumulus with the battle of Marathon has been questioned: Mingazzini 19741975, 9-13; Mersch 1995, 55-64.
Stais suggested that early sixth-century vases
continued to be produced until the early fi fth
century. Stais 1893, 56. According to Whitley, the trench is an indication of tomb and
hero cult, addressed to the dead warriors:
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
Whitley 1994a, 213-230. Petrakos interpreted the vases as relics: Petrakos 1995, 24.
Walter 1940, 176.
Stais 1890, 322; Stais 1893, 56.
Kistler 1998, 41-42.
Houby-Nielsen 1992, 343-374; Morris 1987,
61-9; DOnofrio 1993, 143-169; Morris 1995,
45-74.
Langdon 1976; Lauter 1985; Polignac 1995b,
75-101; DOnofrio 1997, 77-78; Christiansen
2000; Polignac 2002, 119-122.
Antonaccio 1995, 102-126; Boehringer 2001,
47-103. The term tomb rather than hero cult
with be used here, so that it can be distinguished by the later Attic practice addressed
to named local heroes. For the use of this
term: Antonaccio 1995, 6.
Whitley 1994b, 61. However, Whitley has
been criticized for selective use of the statistics from the wells of the Athenian Agora and
of not explaining adequately the presence of
these vessels in domestic contexts. Rotroff
1995, 123-124.
Papadopoulou-Kanelopoulou 1997.
Kyrkou 1997, 902; Msch-Klingele 2006, 1119.
Whitley 1994a, 223-224; Houby-Nielsen
1996, 53-54; Polignac 1996, 37; Boehringer
2001, 111.
For Menidi: Wolters 1899, 103-135. For
Thorikos: Mussche et al. 1968, 9-15. For
Aliki Glyphada: Papadimitriou 1955, 78-99.
For the evidence from Athens and Attika:
Antonaccio 1995, 102-126; Boehringer 2001,
47-103.
Antonaccio 1993, 64; Antonaccio 1995, 104109, 262; Boehringer, 2001, 97-102.
Whitley 1994a, 224-225; Antonaccio 1995,
249-250; Polignac 1996; 38.
Hgg 1987, 94-99; Antonaccio 1995, 107,
247-249.
Antonaccio 1995, 109; Boehringer 2001,
118.
Ginouvs 1962, 249.
Hgg 1987, 96; Pimpl 1997, 148; Boehringer
2001, 96-97.
Whitley explains the general practice of placing offerings in the trenches as expression
of tomb cult, without making a distinction
between the Kerameikos and the countryside.
Whitley 1994a, 218.
Antonaccio 1993, 65; Antonaccio 1995, 245246.
The trench covered by the Marathon tumulus
was not found in connection with any graves.
It may be possible to associate it with the urnvessel found in the middle of the tumulus:
518
forum
82
83
84
85
Athens, Marathon Museum 762b, Petrakos

1995, fig.81-82.
Houby-Nielsen 1995, 143.
Humphreys 1980, 96-126; Morris 1987, 8793; Houby-Nielsen 1995, 144, 146, 152-163.
Humphreys 1980, 96-126.
Kallipolitis 1963, 115-132.
86
87
88
89
90
91
Whitley 1988, 177.

Snodgrass 1982, 89-105.
Whitley 1988, 177-178.
Antonaccio 1993, 61-62.
Polignac 1995a, 140.
Morris 1997, 18-25.
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FROM ARTEMIS

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From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast

This book has been published with financial support from

Published and distributed by

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Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology

From Artemis to Diana

Museum Tusculanum Press

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bodil hjerrild: Near Eastern Equivalents to Artemis . . . . . . . . .

minna skafte jensen: Artemis in Homer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

jrgen mejer: Artemis in Athens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

jrgen mejer: A Note on a Dedication to Artemis in Kalydon . . .

birte lundgreen: Boys at Brauron . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast

Museum Tusculanum Press - University of Copenhagen - www.mtp.dk - info@mtp.dk

From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast

Museum Tusculanum Press - University of Copenhagen - www.mtp.dk - info@mtp.dk

From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast

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THE EVIDENCE FROM THE NORTH NECROPOLIS OF VARI

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tumuli in the Attic hinterland.11 However, a combination of the excavation

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Fig. 2 Plan of the enclosure of the North necropolis of Varid (after

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Fig. 3 Athens, National Museum, 16388. Column-krater. Courtesy National

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Fig. 5 Athens, National Museum, 16386. Louterion. Courtesy National Museum of

Fig. 6 Athens, National Museum, 16400. Skyphos-krater. Courtesy National

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with a sympotic character. The combination of shapes and their number

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Off. Place: Offering Place

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frontal accentuation of the marker-vases, implying that they could have

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EVIDENCE OF OFFERING TRENCHES IN THE ATTIC

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Fig. 9 Plan of the Marathon tumulus (after Stais 1893, 49).

the association of the tumulus with the battle of Marathon.60 A number

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warmly for her encouragement and for offering

rest of the finds were to be published in a second, which is yet to appear.

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Humphreys mentions 24B, probably falsely,

32 Offering trenches: k, , , , . Kbler 1959,

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might have been found in this trench. Athens,

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Athens, Marathon Museum 762b, Petrakos

Whitley 1988, 177.

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Museum Tusculanum Press - University of Copenhagen - www.mtp.dk - info@mtp.dk