Introduction to Vodou

In this section of the course we begin our look at the Afro-Caribbean religion of Vodou.
One of the first things to mention with regards to Vodou is that the religion is just as diverse and
varied as the Neo-pagan traditions we covered earlier in our course. In the case of Vodou, there
are a large number of variations in terms of ritual practice and theological emphasis, based upon
regional differences and individual divine inspiration. Regional differences play a large role in
Vodou especially in Haiti. In Haiti, where Vodou has only recently (2003) been made legal
(although it has always been widely practiced), different houngans (Vodou spiritual leaders) and
Oumphors (Vodou temples) have their own rituals, which are passed down in secret to initiates.
Because of the requirement for secrecy, a great deal of variety in Haitian Vodou practice has
emerged. Secrecy is still an important part of Vodou in the United States and Canada, as you
might guess, and so you should keep in mind that everything I say here is generally true, but as
with Neo-Paganism, might not be specifically true to any one group or person within Vodou.
Because we have explored the historical precursors and worldview of both Santeria and
Vodou in the Afro-Caribbean section of our course, we are going to begin our look at the
religion of Vodou with a survey of theology, ethics, organization and ritual. We will come back
to historical elements briefly, when we look at Voodoo in New Orleans.
Theology
The theology of Vodou is either monotheistic or polytheistic, depending upon how you
define god. Within the religion of Vodou there is belief in a single creator god, named
Bondye. Bondye is responsible for the creation of the universe and for maintaining the cosmic
balance that allows for the continuation of the world. Bondye is not actively involved in human
affairs, yet is understood as fair and just. Bondye is therefore very similar to the Dahomean god

named Nana-Buluku, for as you recall Nana-Buluku was seen as very distant from human affairs.
Many Vodou practitioners argue that Bondye is the only God - essentially the same God of
Christianity. This argument may reveal an element of the syncretic process that took place
between Christianity and African spirituality, for in the religion of Dahomey, no such
monotheistic claim was made. In Vodou, however, God is understood somewhat differently than
in mainstream Christianity, for he is considered to be too distant to relate well to the concerns of
humans. God does not interact with this world directly, instead he sends intermediaries - the loas
(which in the old Dahomean religion were called Vodou) - whom he subsequently meets
somewhere between heaven and earth, and responds to the requests that the loas bring from
humanity. God either grants the petition or rejects it. The question of whether the loas are gods
themselves is debated, but many Vodouisants would argue that they are not gods, they are simply
powerful spiritual forces. This is why they are sometimes refered to as les invisibles or les
mysteres, rather than as gods. Others, however, do refer to them as gods - with a small g - for
they are clearly supernatural powers, and are directly involved in human life.
The loas are considered to be manifestations of Bondye and are sometimes conceived of
as archetypal symbols of natural or moral principles. There are several different pantheons or
nanchons (nations) of loas within Haitian Vodou, named after the different regions of Africa
from which the original slaves had been taken: within the North American context, only the
Rada nanchon (drawn from the Dahomean peoples) and the Petro nanchon (the New World
Haitian influence) loas tend to hold dominance. The Rada loas are those with clear links back to
Dahomean deities: they are considered cool - peaceful, calm, slow-moving. The Petro loas are
those who emerged within the context of Haiti - they are considered hot - angry, fierce, fast.

We are going to take a brief look at some of the most commonly reverenced loas from the Rada
and Petro pantheons.
One of the most central loas within Vodou is Legba, who is variously associated with
Christ or Saint Peter. Legba has various manifestations within vodou. Referred to as Papa Legba
he is, like many of the loas, depicted as Haitian. He is often pictured in jeans and work shirt,
carrying a crutch or a cane, and smoking a pipe. Legba is an intermediary and keeper of the
gate and the crossroads. In this capacity, Legba is responsible for relying messages between the
lwas and between the lwas and humans. Legba is a name carried over directly from Dahomean
religion, and the characteristics of the Vodou Legba remain the same as that of his Dahomean
counterpart. Legba is essential: without his assistance the "gate" between the human realm and
the spiritual realm remains closed, and communication with the cosmic powers is impossible. In
order to assure his cooperation, he must be approached first in any ritual with thanks, praise, and
gifts.
Erzulie is also of great importance. She is associated with the Virgin Mary. She is also
associated with love, beauty, and sexuality. Within the realm of nature, Erzulie is associated with
the waters, but she can also be found in the woods. She is often depicted as a young and beautiful
woman, but can also appear as an old woman. Erzulie is known to be very jealous and requires
devotion. For example, men who are selected by her must set a room or space aside for her in
their home, a space for loving her.
Another major loa figure is Damballah, the loa associated with the rainbow and often
manifest as a snake. Damballah is the central figure in New Orleans Vodou, as we will discuss
below, and is referred to there as le Grande Zombi. In contemporary North American and
Haitian Vodou, he is often referred to as the "Father" (the first member of the Christian Trinity).

He is also seen as Saint Patrick (because of Saint Patrick's connection with the snakes of
Ireland). Because Damballah dwells in water, each temple (oum'phor) recognizing him builds a
shallow pool or basin for his use. Due to his age, strength, and power, Damballah lends a sense
of stability and harmony to Vodou temples and rituals. Unlike other loas, who communicate
verbally with devotees, Damballah's only sound is the hissing of a snake. His communication is
based solely upon dreams and psychic"knowing."
Ogou, associated with St. James on a white horse battling unbelievers, is Vodou's loa of
iron and battle, protecting devotees as they fight forces opposed to their survival. He is depicted
holding a machete, and the machete is sometimes seen as symbolic of Damballah in the form of a
serpent. Ogou is also linked with alchemy and herbal work. This association with alchemy and
herbs is important, because many hold that the iron worker, Ogou, is responsible for providing
humans with the secrets of vodou.
Gede (one of many guede loas, loas of death) is the lord of the cemetery, and is the loa of
death. He is associated with Saint Gerard because both are concerned with family. Whereas
Legba is often related to destiny and therefore life, the Gede loas are associated with death, the
underworld, and the dead. Those who seek the counsel of the ancestors must first address Gede,
Lord of the Dead. Interestingly enough, both Legba and Gede are associated with fertility. This
becomes obvious in the sexual gestures and word-play many Guedes engage in with devotees.
Because of their strong connection with sexuality, women look to the Guedes for sexual prowess
and fertility. The main "American" gede persona is Baron Samedi. Sensual gestures and rude
comments are common from those possessed by Baron Samedi. He is also often associated with
control over death and reanimation of humans as zombies. Those who are possessed by a Guede
seek out the traditional clothing of these loas--black clothing, black hat, and sunglasses.

Whereas rituals begin with respect paid to Legba, they end with acknowledgment of the Guede;
hence, the intimate link between life and death is acknowledged. Also of interest is the fact that
their rituals take place between Rada and Petro ceremonies, which we will discuss below, and as
a result they are not ultimately connected with either.
Another important loa, or loas, are the Marassa, the divine twins. Within the
cosmological story, the Marassa are twins who died early in life and now appear during ritual
activities requesting goods, a request that must be met to ensure ritual success. The twins are
said to be God's first children and are often, in this respect, related to the Christ figure--half God
and half human--divine offspring. They are related, as you recall, to the Dahomean figure of
Mawu-Lisa, the twin children of Nana-Buluku. In the context of Vodou, the Marassa are also
connected to Guede as the first dead.
In addition to the above loas (and many more not mentioned here,) Vodou also contains a
set of loas, the Petro loas, who are much more aggressive. According to one scholar,
These new"American" loas had a more aggressive approach to problem solving
and allowed Haitians to match the violent and aggressive nature of a social order
bent toward domination. Whereas Rada rituals and loas are "cool," providing
balance, Petro rituals and loas are aggressive and angry. The distinctions are
symbolized by the use of ritual water with Rada loas and ritual rum with Petro
loas--coolness and heat. This is not meant to imply that Petro loas are dangerous
for devotees and are limited to aggression, or that Rada loas are restricted to
generosity and coolness; nothing could be further from the truth. The
manifestations of the loas in daily life depend in great part upon the devotees.
That is to say, the direction and intent of cosmic energy is guided by priests,

priestesses, and devotees who petition for certain effects. In this way both
nanchons (groupings of gods) are capable of help and harm. Energy is amoral.i
The Petro loas are not separate from the Rada loas discussed above. Rather, they are simple
different manifestations of the Rada loas. The Petro loas are hotter, fiercer, angrier, since they
grew out of the slavery and revolution experience in Haiti. The Petro Legba is called Kafou
Legba: he is a magical trickster figure who aggressively protects and monitors the crossroads. He
can cause tremendous misfortune to those who are not respectful, but can also lend tremendous
strength to those who are. The Petro Erzulie is also more aggressive than her Rada counterpart.
In the Petro Nanchon, Erzulie is called Ezili Je-Rouge (red eye) or Ezili Danto. Within this Petro
"mode," Ezili is a woman of anger who can cause destruction for those who fail her in some way,
but she can also provide protection and guidance for those whose survival is threatened. Ezili
Danto is representative of abused women and mothers in defense of their children. The Petro
version of Ogou is called Ogou Ferary. Ogou Ferary is a military genius who can protect his
followers from harm, but can also cause tremendous harm to those who are not careful.
Great care must be shown in approaching any of the Petro loas - this is especially true of
the Guedes. The Petro manifestation of Gede is called Baron la Koa. He and the other Guedes
(loas of death) viciously guard the cemetery and the access to Ginen it symbolizes. They act to
harm enemies and punish the disobedient. They are also very hungry - they seek food
constantly and turn on devotees who fail to satisfy this urge. They are known to manifest during
possession rituals when they have not been invited, and in doing so emphasize the inevitability of
death.
Dan Petro is a loa that has no Rada counterpart. It has been argued that Don Pedro was
an escaped slave who created the Petro rites back in the slave days of Haiti. He is conceived of

as a human who became a loa through great military actions. He is called the father of the Petro
loa. Dan Petro is usually present at any ceremony where the Petro loa are invoked. He is best
known for helping devotees pay back mistreatment - the loa of revenge.
Other Supernatural Beings
In addition to the Petro and Rada loas there are other spiritual beings acknowledged
within Vodou. These include the Baka spirits, the ancestors, and folkloric creatures such as
mermaids, loup garou (werewolves), and zombies. Baka do the bidding of the loas, and are also
at the service of humans (referred to as bocor or evil magicians) who "buy" them for certain
tasks. The baka are thought to be neither good nor evil in themselves, but can be either
depending on who has purchased their services. The loas, as a general rule, draw upon them to
help build a healthy Vodou community, but bocor are thought to use them for malevolent ends.
The ancestors are a very important part of contemporary Vodou. Within Vodou it is
thought that humans have two souls, plus a master of the head (a loa who guards and protects a
person) called a Met tete). When a person dies, their ti bon ange (little good angel) soul, and
their met tete (guardian spirit or loa) go to Ginen, the underworld, and their gros bon ange (big
good angel) goes up to heaven. This means that the ti bon ange becomes an ancestor. It can
also become a loa, if the person had accomplished great things (for good or ill) in life. Or, if not
properly cared for after death, the ti bon ange can stay with the dead body and feed off it,
becoming a baka. Or, according to some practitioners of Vodou, it can be reincarnated within
the extended family to which it belongs. Communication with and veneration of ancestors
within Vodou often takes place within the context of a Spiritist Misa service.
Haiti is a nation with a rich folklore regarding other supernatural creatures, and this
folklore is often inextricably linked to Vodou. As a result, Vodou can be said to include a belief

in a host of other supernatural entities, including mermaids, loup garou (werewolves), and
zombies. Mermaids are water spirits who serve Erzulie in her guise as LaSirena, the water
goddess. Loup Garou are half human and half wolf demon figures who haunt the wilds of Haiti.
Zombies are the walking dead from Haitian folklore. Historically it was believed they were
caused by a Bocor (evil Vodou priest) stealing the ti bon ange on a person, and thereby turning
them into a mindless, soulless being. However, after Wade Davis wrote his famous
ethnobiology book the Serpent and the Rainbow, it is generally conceded that Zombies are
people who have been poisoned with toxins drawn in part from the Puffer fish, so that they
appear dead, get buried, and are dug up and given an antidote by the Bocor, who then uses the
traumatized person as slave labour. Bocor are NOT representative of mainstream Vodou priests!
Ethics
The ethical system of contemporary Vodou is very complex, in that it is a situational and
relational system of ethics. What this means is that there is no single set of ethical precepts
which govern human behaviour in Vodou. Unlike Wicca, for example, which has the Wiccan
Rede and the law of three, and unlike Druidry with its Triads and the Universal Druid Prayer,
and unlike Asatru with its nine noble virtues, Vodou ethics are entirely dependent upon the
context within which Vodouissants are living. Ethical behaviour is defined as behaviour which
is in accord with popular understandings of what constitutes reasonable and socially acceptable
behaviour. According to one practitioner,
Vodou is [a] moral and ethically aligned religious tradition. However, the way in
which morality is defined in Vodou culture is different than that commonly found
in western civilization. In order to understand the Vodou, one must necessarily
understand the culture within which it operates.... In Vodou, a moral person is

defined as someone who "does what they can, at the appropriate time, to the
degree with which they are able, and in according to their position in their own
community."ii
This kind of ethical system is situational, in that the right thing to do may differ depending on
the circumstances within which one finds oneself. For example, on the issue of abortion,
abortion would generally be considered wrong in that life is a gift from God, and should not be
squandered. However, in circumstances of extreme poverty or threat, giving birth could be seen
as wrong, and so abortion would be warranted. This kind of ethical system is relational, in that
the right thing to do is dependent upon ones relationships to others, both those within an
individuals own family, within the Vodou community, and within the larger community.
Within these relationships, good is determined by ones responsibilities to others. Failure to
meet your responsibilities, however defined within your family, friends, religious community or
wider community, is to fail as an ethical person.
Organization
Vodou is organized along the lines of a family or community. Each Vodou temple,
called an oumphor or hounfor, has three levels of affiliation. These levels of affiliation are
based upon the attainment of what Vodouissants call konesans - spiritual knowledge. At the
most basic level are members who are the ordinary parishioners, so to speak: those who draw
upon the services of the temple and temple leaders, and who participate in temple rituals, but
who may not be dedicated to a specific loa, and whose level of attainment of konesans is the
lowest. The ordinary members of the community can be related either by blood or by
geographical location to the initiated members of the temple. If they are related by blood, they
probably draw upon the services of the temple for the veneration of ancestors, and the reverence

of the loa who are understood to have an influence on their own and their family members lives.
If they are not related by blood (as is often the case in urban environments like New York or
Montreal), they nonetheless consider themselves part of an extended family of like minded
believers: at least at present, many North American vodou practitioners are Haitian born, and so
are often separated from their birth families. The Vodou oumphor provides a surrogate family
environment.
At the next level are the ounsi or spouses of the loa; these are the people who have
undergone initiation rituals, and have been wedded to particular divine beings, and who
subsequently participate in spirit possession ceremonies. These individuals are understood to be
further advanced in konesans than the everyday parishioners. Often, they began their affiliation
with the ounfo as ordinary members, and then became spirit-possessed themselves during a spirit
possession ceremony. When this happens, it is considered to be a call from the loa to admit that
person into its service. This initial call is often wild: because the person has not been trained in
spirit possession, they are generally ill equipped to deal with this experience, and have to be
guided by more experienced members. Once this wild call is received, the person undergoes
specific initiation rituals in which they learn how to be a better spouse (or horse) for their loa,
and learn further spiritual teachings to allow progress on the path of konesans. Often, this
training process takes years. Once completed, the ounsi undergoes what is called the Kanzo
ritual (which we will discuss later), and are admitted as full members of the spiritual hierarchy of
the temple.
At the highest level of authority and spiritual attainment are the leaders of the Vodou
temple: called houngans (male) and manbos (female), they are the only ones who have the power
to make new ounsi. They are the spiritual parents of everyone else in the oumphor, and as such

demand obedience from their subordinates. It is their individual konesans, spiritual knowledge,
that guides everyone else in the community. They must be familiar with all the details of the
reverence of all the loas; they must be conversant with all the drum beats, songs and prayers;
they must have a good working knowledge of herbal lore and magic. Most importantly, they
must have the spiritual insight to see the underlying causes of things, so as to direct the spiritual
path of their religious community, and to help guide people away from misfortune and towards
spiritual progress. Houngans and mambos perform a wide range of duties, including teaching,
healing, performing religious ceremonies to call or pacify the spirits, holding initiations for new
priests(tesses) (kanzo services and taking the ason), telling the future and reading dreams,
casting spells and creating protections, and creating potions for various purposes.
Varieties
Because of the family structure of Vodou organization, there is a tremendous variety to
be found within Vodou when it comes to ritual structure. Generally speaking in the North
American context, however, there are three main varieties that can be identified. The first is
New Orleans Voodoo, which is very much its own unique variety of Vodou. Vodou in New
Orleans is not quite the same as Vodou in Haiti, or Vodou as it is currently practiced elsewhere
in the U.S. and Canada. Whereas worship in Haiti was directed at a large number of gods, called
lwas, in Louisiana the religious worship portion of the practice of Vodou was focused primarily
on Damballah (a variant of Da, the rainbow serpent of Dahomey religion), who was referred to in
New Orleans Vodou as Li Grand Zombi. This worship was mistaken by outsiders for a kind of
serpent-worship or snake cult. Other lwas were also worshiped in New Orleans Vodou,
including a variant of Haitis Legba, known as Papa Limba. Again, because Legba, or Papa
Limba, is a trickster god, he was mistaken by outsiders as the Christian devil. This obviously

meant that Vodou got a very bad reputation in New Orleans. Despite this, however, and despite
attempts to stamp out Vodou, it survived and flourished.
There are two key figures in the history of New Orleans Vodou - Doctor John, and Marie
Laveau. Both have been elevated to the status of lwas themselves in the contemporary context.
Doctor John is said to have been a prince from Senegal, born in 1803, abducted as a child and
sold into slavery in Cuba. He was apparently a very large man, with ritual scars on his face from
his early childhood initiation as a member of the royal family. He was freed by his master once
he reached adulthood, and worked on ships and dockyards until settling in New Orleans. How
and where he came into contact with Haitian Vodou is unclear, but it could have been through
contact with slaves who were brought from Haiti to Cuba after the Haitian revolution, and then
with freed slaves from Haiti after the revolution. Once he settled in New Orleans, he became
known as a powerful root doctor or hoodoo doctor - someone who could heal, lift curses,
and make gris-gris - talismans for various purposes. He made a great deal of money at this,
and actually owned a large house with slaves of his own. Stories about Doctor John include
things like making gris-gris to stop poltergeist activity, making love potions, curing illnesses, and
reading secret thoughts. Doctor John rarely participated in the worship aspects of New Orleans
Vodou, but emphasized instead what has been called hoodoo - the magical side of the religion.
His reputation for powerful magic was so great that many feared him. He died in 1885.
Marie Laveau also had a powerful reputation. She became known as the Queen of
Vodou in New Orleans. She was born in 1794, the daughter of a white man and a black/indian
mother, and married a quadroon man from Haiti (three-quarters white, one black) named
Jacques Paris in 1819, who subsequently disappeared a year later. A few years later she moved
in with another man from Haiti, (named Louis Christophe Duminy de Glapion), and had 15

children with him before his death in 1835. Some time between her marriage to Paris in 1819,
and the death of De Glapion in 1835, she became the dominant figure on the New Orleans
Vodou scene. She emphasized the worship of Le Grande Zombi (Damballah), but also
emphasized the reverence for Christian saints, insisting that the practice of Vodou was Christian.
According to one writer, under the influence of Marie Laveau, Vodou in New Orleans
became an interesting mixture of Catholicism and Afrian-West Indian voodoo
worship. This mixture clearly illustrates the Africans survival abilities. Prayers,
incense, candles, holy water, and a host of Catholic saints were added to voodoo
paraphernalia. St. John the Baptist became the patron saint of voodoo in New
Orleans. St. Michael became Daniel Blanc, St. Anthony You Sue [Ogu?], St.
Paul On xa tier, and St. Peter Legba. Some saints not recognized by the
Catholic Church were invented for the specific experiences of blacks. For
example, St. Marron, or Maroon, became the black patron saint of runaway
slaves.... Other Catholic saints were accorded new powers - for instance, St.
Raymond for favors and St. Rita for children. iii
Marie Laveau reportedly died in 1881, but sightings of her continued into the twentieth century,
because she apparently had a daughter who looked identical to her. This daughter, Marie the
Younger, continued to influence the Vodou scene in New Orleans after her mothers death, and
may have contributed to the elevation of her mother to the status of lwa. Today, the tomb of
Marie Laveau continues to be a site of worhip for the New Orleans community, and it is said that
requests made of her at the tomb, if met with favour, will be granted by Marie Laveau.
The next variety of Vodou as practiced in North America is Haitian Vodou: Haitian
Vodou is the dominant form of Vodou, and can be defined as any Vodou temple that has direct

initiatory links back to a temple in Haiti. Usually, the Houngan or Mambo are direct immigrants
from Haiti, and their own and their ounsis initiations took place in Haiti. Often, special trips to
Haiti solely for the purpose of holding initiation ceremonies are arranged. Because of the wide
variation of practice in Haiti itself, Haitian Vodou in North America is equally varied, but
follows the general description we have given of the religion to date.
A third variety of Vodou as practiced in North America might be termed eclectic
Vodou. Although to the best of my knowledge no such label is currently in use among those
who study Vodou, there is a definite variety of Vodou that is neither Haitian nor New Orleans
style. This variety of Vodou draws more or less heavily on Haitian Vodou, but also adds
elements drawn from other traditions, including other varieties of African spirituality, other types
of Afro-Caribbean spiritualities such as Santeria, and from other elements of the occult/esoteric
traditions, including things like Jewish Kabbalah and Tarot cards. Eclectic Vodou, like eclectic
Wicca, is pretty much an anything goes kind of spirituality, with broad adherence to the theology
and ritual structure discussed here, but with room for a wide degree of variation based on
personal preference. The Voodoo Spiritual Temple in New Orleans is a good example of an
eclectic Vodou temple.
Rituals
The most significant rituals within Vodou involve spirit possession. Possession is the
mechanism whereby the loas can communicate with their followers. These rituals take place
within the confines of the Vodou temple, called the oumphor or hounfor. The oumphor is
divided into different areas. The outer area of the temple is called the Peristyle, and is the place
where most of the public portions of rituals take place. In wealthy Vodou temples, there may be
separate peristyles for Rada and Petro rites, but in North America generally only a single

peristyle is possible. The inner area of the oumphor contains the poteau-mitan ("solar support"),
a sacred pole which is symbolic of the connection between Ginen and earth. Around the pole
will be drawn the veves, the symbolic drawings, of the loa who are reverenced in the temple.
Other sacred symbols and objects may also be found there, including a continuously burning fire
with a metal rod in it (representing Ogou),a mound and cross associated with Guede and a pool
of water used by Damballah.
Off the central area of the temple several smaller rooms will be found: one, called the djevo,
is the room used for initiation rituals. . Because initiation in Vodou represents death and rebirth,
the djevo is symbolic of the tomb in which the old self gives way as knowledge and spiritual
insight are gained. Another room is dedicated to the pe or altar--the altar room. This room is of
limited access because, unlike the oum'phor's outer areas, non-ritual activities are never
conducted in the altar room. The altar holds the symbols of certain loa, as well as ceramic jars
called pots-de-tete, which hold the spiritual essence of those initiated in the temple.
Ritual Tools
Drums are a major part of any Vodou ritual. Vodou drums are thought to be the voice of
the loa, and are used during every Vodou ceremony. There are different drums for different
types of rituals. They hold a status in Vodou almost equal to the loa themselves, and are ritually
fed and put to bed every day. Each nanchon has its own set of drums. The Rada nanchon
has three drums; the Petro nanchon has two drums; another drum, called an Assato drum, is also
used by both nanchons.
Other ritual tools include the distinguishing marks of the mambo or houngan, called the
asson (rattle) and clochette (bell). Together, the clochette and asson represent the cosmic powers
of Africa and are used to summon these powers. Inside the asson, made from a calabash and

wooden handle, are snake vertebrae and other items that, when shaken, make a rattling sound.
This rattling is the sound of the ancestors and loa, it is understood to be cosmic speech. The
beads found on the outside of the asson represent the rainbow and its power. The possession of
the asson, obtained by means of an asson-taking ceremony, symbolizes the connection with the
eternal powers. Only houngans and mambos use the asson and clochette. Their skill in using
these things demonstrates their knowledge and power to their community: in demonstrating this
knowledge and power, other members of the community increase their konesans.
The Kanzo
People become initiates for a wide variety of reasons. Some become initiates in order to
improve their health or finances, others may wish to protect themselves from malevolent magical
attacks. Some are called to initiation by family tradition, by dreams, or by other life experiences.
Candidates sometimes have already undergone possession by a lwa, or spiritual entity, which
spoke through the person and required them to become an initiate. This may or may not be good
news to the candidate - becoming a devotee of the lwa is a major commitment of time and
energy, as well as money - not everyone is happy to be told the lwa have chosen them. The
initiation cycle in Haitian Vodou is referred to as the kanzo, and it takes nearly two weeks to
complete. It is divided into several parts
In the kanzo, the opening ceremonies of the cycle are the most public, and progress by
degrees into the most secret and the most sacred. In North America, and even in Haiti, most
initiates are of Haitian origin, and have had considerable exposure to Vodou, but increasingly
there are also non-Haitian initiates who participate in the religion. According to one Vodou
priestess online, some initiates are accepted as candidates even if they have never seen or
participated in a Vodou service prior to the beginning of their own initiation. She says that

ceremonies are performed in the same way for all initiates, Haitian or international, male or
female, heterosexual or homosexual, black or white.
Houngans and Mambos do not perform initiations free of charge. A fee is involved,
usually paid in cash. The fee differs depending on which level of initiation a person is
undergoing. The going rate is apparently between $750 US - $2500 US. Most initiates pay in
cash prior to the beginning of their ceremonies. People are usually initiated in groups, because
of the tremendous cost in terms of ritual paraphernalia and the tremendous investment of time
and energy the kanzo ritual requires. A single person could never hope to be initiated alone for
the same cost as when being initiated in a group.
The first ceremony of the initiation is the bat ge. The bat ge is held on three successive
nights, usually a Thursday, Friday, and Saturday. This is a Petro ceremony, which means it is
very exciting - the drum rhythms will be very fast, and the lwa who possess the candidates will
be Petro lwa - the hot, fierce lwa of the Vodou pantheon. The participants are dressed in red.
The initiation candidates wear white. The ritual begins with the singing of a prayer song called
the Priye Ginen, (Prayer of Africa), and then continues with the singing of Catholic prayers such
as the Our Father, the Hail Mary, and the Apostles' Creed, followed in turn by songs devoted to
African loa. The lwa are called in ceremonial order, and apparently a chalkboard is sometimes
used to keep count of the songs. It is said to be analogous to calling every number in a telephone
directory to see who answers. As the songs for each lwa are sung, participants begin to undergo
possession. Initiates are usually, though not always, possessed first by their met tet, their ruling
lwa or owner of their head, who has been determined by divination. The candidates are carefully
watched, and when they show signs of becoming possessed they are often guided before the
drums. The drummers respond by playing certain specific rhythms, with characteristic accents

and variation in timing, in an effort to induce possession. When possession occurs, the possessed
individual becomes the focal point of the service.
Most candidates, indeed almost all, apparently have an episode of possession at some
point during the three days of the ceremony. On successive nights, the bat ge becomes faster and
more energetic, and possessions occur more and more frequently. On the third night of the bat ge
candidates make power objects called pakets, which are beautifully decorated objects filled with
secret ingredients. Each paket is made for a specific lwa, and is decorated in the ceremonial
colors of that lwa. When the pakets are finished, they are carried on a parade to the crossroads,
the cemetery, and other sacred locations before returning to the peristyle. When they return, the
bat ge is over, and the participants enter the next stage of the initiation cycle.
The next stage of the initiation cycle involves ritual baths. Once the baths begin, the
candidate is konsinye, consigned to the peristyle. They are treated much as if they were under
arrest - they are not allowed to leave the peristyle grounds for any reason, and they are escorted
even to the bathroom. The procedure for the baths apparently varies from house to house, but
often involves giving the candidates seven baths a day for a period of three days. The
candidates are bathed in a liquid made up of herbs sacred to the lwa (the actual ingredients are
secret). The initiates are bathed wearing sleeveless tee-shirts and shorts, and are never stripped
naked. During the baths, songs are sung which refer to the ceremonial death of the candidates.
These songs have mournful tunes, and often make reference to Guinea, that is to say ancient
Africa, or to the land under the water where the souls of the dead are believed to go.
After the ritual bathing, the next stage of the initiation cycle begins. This stage is called
the kouche kanzo, or "lying down kanzo." During this stage, the candidates are confined to a
sacred inner room of the temple, called the djevo. It is windowless and usually has heavy doors

with strong locks. The candidates are confined there for 4-5 days, and according to some
accounts, spend almost all of their time in the djevo lying motionless, except for short rest breaks
to stretch and eat. At the end of this confinement, the candidates come outside to the peristyle,
and participate in a public part of the ceremony. All initiated participants are dressed in white,
while the candidates are still dressed in ordinary street clothes. The Priye Ginen is recited, and
then a Rada dance begins. Songs for the loa are again sung in ceremonial order, and the loa
Ayizan is invited to attend the ritual. She is the patron loa of initiation. Her sacred tree is the
royal palm, and so at this point in the ceremony a royal palm crown is brought into the peristyle,
and presented to the four directions. It is then split into many fronds, until it resembles a giant
plume. Parts of it are used by the candidates to make bracelets, the rest is used as a ceremonial
whip during a dance called the kouri Ayizan. It is a apparently a very beautiful and exciting
dance done by an experienced member of the temple, who becomes possessed by Ayizan during
the dance. Once possessed, they are escorted away, and the candidates begin a series of ritual
dances. This continues until midnight, when the rest of the participants grab the candidates and
spin them around and around until they are completely disoriented. Participants start to wail
with grief, for this part of the ceremony is a symbolic death for the candidates. The candidates
are then escorted back into the djevo, where they undergo one of three levels of initiation.(hounsi
kanzo, sur point, or asgowe). This part of the ritual is secret: it is probably very similar to rituals
described in association with Santeria, which we will look at in the next section of our course.
When they emerge the next day, they will be initiated members of the temple. They will dress
completely in white, and will undergo a baptism ceremony to rename them with a Vodou name
(the baptism ceremony is identical to a Catholic baptism). They must abstain from sexual
relations and from certain food items for forty-one days, and a year or more following their

initiation, they must sponsor a ritual to honour their patron loa, including the element of animal
sacrifice. Once this is done the initiation cycle is fully complete.

Endnotes
i Anthony B. Pinn. Varieties of African American Religious Experience. Minneapolis: Fortris Press, 1998, p. 24.
ii Houngan Aboudja. The Cultural Setting: Morality in Haitian Vodou.

ww.vodouspirit.com/morality.htm. Accessed June 30, 2003. Citing Brown, Karen. Mama Lola:
A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.
iii Jesse Gaston Mulira, The Case of Voodoo in New Orleans. In Joseph E. Holloway, ed. Africanism in
American Culture. Bloomington: Indiana UniversityPress, 1990, p. 54.