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Index
STRATEGY.......................................................................................................................................................................... 2
***Shells............................................................................................................................................................................... 2
1NC Shell..............................................................................................................................................................................3
***Top SHELF.................................................................................................................................................................... 7
2NC O/V............................................................................................................................................................................... 8
Intellectual Indict.................................................................................................................................................................. 9
War Good............................................................................................................................................................................10
***LINKS.......................................................................................................................................................................... 10
LinkCriticism/Multiculturalism.......................................................................................................................................11
LinkRejection of Western Power.....................................................................................................................................12
LinkCollateral Damage...................................................................................................................................................13
IL/National Pride K2 Solve War..........................................................................................................................................14
IL/A2: Global Movements Solve........................................................................................................................................15
***Imperialism GOOD..................................................................................................................................................... 15
Imperialism GoodGeneric...............................................................................................................................................16
Imperialism GoodSeparatism..........................................................................................................................................18
Imperialism GoodTerrorism............................................................................................................................................20
Imperialism GoodSpace..................................................................................................................................................21
***Threats DEBATE......................................................................................................................................................... 21
2NC Threats Real................................................................................................................................................................22
2NC Threats Offense...........................................................................................................................................................24
***A2S.............................................................................................................................................................................. 24
A2: Ks of Heg..................................................................................................................................................................... 25
A2: derp thats the link.....................................................................................................................................................26
A2: Link Turn We solve violence....................................................................................................................................27
A2: Social Construction......................................................................................................................................................29
A2: Realism Bad.................................................................................................................................................................30
A2: Were Patriotic..............................................................................................................................................................31
Iraq = Not that bad.............................................................................................................................................................. 32

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STRATEGY
This argument basically states that whining about America collapses our willingness to preserve hegemony and address
existential threats. And that aligning ourselves with heg and being proud Americans solves. Id suggest that you read the
1NC/2NC Blocks to get a better grasp.
Almost everything you need to win in order to win this argument boils down to this:
A world without hegemony would be net worse than the squo.
You really need to stress this argument. K affs are generally going to be harms-centric, meaning they like to talk a lot
about the dangers of the status quo but dont really articulate well what the plan mechanism does/what the world looks
like post-plan. You need to play off of this vagueness, seeing as they probably wont be prepared to do impact calc this
abstract. You need to be winning that threats are real in order to do this calculus, obviously. Given that this entire file is
cut from guys who piss and bleed military history, it shouldnt be hard to find some empirical examples of threats.
And remember, these are pre-fiat impacts.
If theyre defending the instrumental adoption of a plan, you need to faceroll them on this point. Dont grant them any sort
of weight to Ks of heg if they dont have some sort of pre-fiat mechanism to solve those Ks.
If they arent defending instrumental adoption, you just need to prove that extinction outweighs.
Also, this file is not meant to be any sort of comprehensive answer to K shenanigans or a heg backfile. You should have
your respective evidence on those questions ready to be pulled from elsewhere.
HEG IS GOOD. MAKE US PROUD, GENTLEMEN.

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1NC Shell
The Affirmatives criticism of American policy is dangerous it contributes to isolationism and the eventual
collapse of U.S. primacy
Robert Kagan, Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and PhD in American History from American University, The Benevolent
Empire, Foreign Policy. Summer, 1998. http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=275, Accessed Online: 09/11/2008. //wku-tjs

Those contributing to the growing chorus of antihegemony and multipolarity may know they are playing a
dangerous game, one that needs to be conducted with the utmost care, as French leaders did during the Cold War, lest the entire
international system come crashing down around them. What they may not have adequately calculated, however, is the possibility
that Americans will not respond as wisely as they generally did during the Cold War.Americans and their leaders should not take all this
sophisticated whining about U.S. hegemony too seriously. They certainly should not take it more seriously than the whiners
themselves do. But, of course, Americans are taking it seriously. In the United States these days, the lugubrious guilt trip of post-Vietnam liberalism is
echoed even by conservatives, with William Buckley, Samuel Huntington, and James Schlesinger all decrying American "hubris," "arrogance," and
"imperialism." Clinton administration officials, in between speeches exalting America as the "indispensable" nation, increasingly behave as if what is
truly indispensable is the prior approval of China, France, and Russia for every military action. Moreover, at another level, there is a stirring of

neo-isolationism in America today, a mood that nicely complements the view among many Europeans that America is meddling too much
in everyone else's business and taking too little time to mind its own. The existence of the Soviet Union disciplined Americans and made them see that
their enlightened self-interest lay in a relatively generous foreign policy. Today, that discipline is no longer present.In other words, foreign

grumbling about American hegemony would be merely amusing, were it not for the very real possibility that
too many Americans will forget - even if most of the rest of the world does not - just how important continued American
dominance is to the preservation of a reasonable level of international security and prosperity . World leaders may
want to keep this in mind when they pop the champagne corks in celebration of the next American humbling.

This intellectual arrogance will get us killed the debating and whining needs to end so we can face realistic
threats
Victor Davis Hanson, Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and Professor Emeritus at California University, Fresno, Ph.D. from Stanford, We Could Still Lose.
National Review Online. August 11, 2003. http://www.hoover.org/publications/digest/3050721.html, Accessed Online: 09/11/2008. //wku-tjs
If one were to collate the news reports about the Mosul shootout, the lessons would be as follows: read two mass killers their Miranda rights; dodge their
bullets when they shoot first; capture them alive; let Europeans cross-examine them in the Hague; lose no friendlies in the operation; do not disturb the
residents next door; protect the Husseins victims from such oppressors (but without cracking their plaster); and in general remember that the entire
scene will be filmed and then broadcast as Cops rather than as Hell Is for Heroes. I am not suggesting that we ignore the real dangers involved in ethnic
profiling or discount the moral issues that arise from killing our enemy leaders and disseminating gross pictures of their corpses. And, of course, we
should seek to distinguish Baathist culprits from ordinary Iraqis. My point is rather that, because we are products of an affluent and

leisured West, we have a special burden to remember how tenuous and fragile civilization remains outside our
suburbs. Most of us dont fear much from the fatwa of a murderous mullah, and few have had our sisters shredded before our eyes in one of
Udays brush chippersmuch less ever seen chemical warfare trucks hosing down our block, in the same way that crop dusters fogged our
backyards. Instead, we have the leisure to engage in utopian musing , assured that our economy, our unseen soldiers,
or our system working on autopilot will always ensure us such prerogatives. And in the la-la land of Washington and New York, it is
especially easy to forget that we are not even like our own soldiers in Iraq, now sleeping outside without toilets and air conditioners, eating dehydrated
food, and trying to distinguish killers from innocents. What does all this mean? Western societies from ancient Athens to imperial Rome to the French
republic rarely collapsed because of a shortage of resources or because foreign enemies proved too numerous or formidable in armseven when those
enemies were grim Macedonians or Germans. Rather, in times of peace and prosperity there arose an unreal view of

the world beyond their borders, one that was the product of insularity brought about by success , and an
intellectual arrogance that for some can be the unfortunate by-product of an enlightened society. I think we are
indulging in this unreal hypercriticismeven apart from the election season antics of our politiciansbecause we
are not being gassed or shot or even left hot or hungry. September 11 no longer evokes an image of incinerated
firefighters, innocents leaping out of skyscrapers, or the stench of flesh and melted plastic but rather squabbles over architectural
designs, lawsuits, snarling over John Ashcrofts new statutes, or concerns about being too rude to the Arab street. Such smug dispensationas
profoundly amoral as it isprovides us, on the cheap and at a safe distance, with a sense of moral worth. Or perhaps censuring from the bleachers
enables us to feel superior to those less fortunate who are still captive to their primordial appetites. We prefer to cringe at the thought that others like to
see proof of their killers deaths, prefer to shoot rather than die capturing a mass murderer, and welcome a generic profile of those who wish to kill them
en masse. We should take stock of this dangerous and growing mind-setand remember that wealthy, sophisticated societies

***Shells
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like our own are rarely overrun. They simply implodewhining and debating to the end, even as they pass
away.

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Ceding to the affirmatives antics is suicide the only risk of international violence is a world in
which the U.S. succumbs to internal criticism
Thomas Sowell, Senior Fellow at Stanford Universitys Hoover Institution, November 16, 2006. Where is the West?
http://jewishworldreview.com/cols/sowell110906.php3, Accessed Online: 09/11/2008. //wku-tjs
European nations protesting Saddam Hussein's death sentence, as they protested against forcing secrets out of captured
terrorists, should tell us all we need to know about the internal degeneration of western society, where so many confuse
squeamishness with morality. Two generations of being insulated from the reality of the international jungle, of
not having to defend their own survival because they have been living under the protection of the American
nuclear umbrella, have allowed too many Europeans to grow soft and indulge themselves in illusions about brutal
realities and dangers. The very means of their salvation have been demonized for decades in anti-nuclear movements
and protesters calling themselves "anti-war." But there is a huge difference between being anti-war in words and
being anti-war in deeds. How many times, in its thousands of years of history, has Europe gone 60 years without a
major war, as it has since World War II? That peace has been due to American nuclear weapons, which was all that could
deter the Soviet Union's armies from marching right across Europe to the Atlantic Ocean. Having overwhelming

military force on your side, and letting your enemies know that you have the guts to use it, is being genuinely
anti-war. Chamberlain's appeasement brought on World War II and Reagan's military buildup ended the Cold War. The
famous Roman peace of ancient times did not come from negotiations, cease-fires, or pretty talk . It came from
the Roman Empire's crushing defeat and annihilation of Carthage, which served as a warning to anyone else who might
have had any bright ideas about messing with Rome. Only after the Roman Empire began to lose its own internal
cohesion, patriotism and fighting spirit over the centuries did it begin to succumb to its external enemies and
finally collapse. That seems to be where western civilization is heading today. Internal cohesion? Not only does much of
today's generation in western societies have a "do your own thing" attitude, defying rules and flouting authority are
glorified and Balkanization through "multiculturalism" has become dogma. Patriotism? Not only is patriotism disdained,
the very basis for pride in one's country and culture is systematically undermined in our educational institutions at all
levels. The achievements of western civilization are buried in histories that portray every human sin found here as if they
were peculiarities of the west. The classic example is slavery, which existed all over the world for thousands of years and
yet is incessantly depicted as if it was a peculiarity of Europeans enslaving Africans. Barbary pirates alone brought twice
as many enslaved Europeans to North Africa as there were Africans brought in bondage to the United States and the
American colonies from which it was formed. How many schools and colleges are going to teach that, going against
political correctness and undermining white guilt? How many people have any inkling that it was precisely western
civilization which eventually turned against slavery and began stamping it out when non-western societies still saw
nothing wrong with it? How can a generation be expected to fight for the survival of a culture or a civilization

that has been trashed in its own institutions, taught to tolerate even the intolerance of other cultures brought
into its own midst, and conditioned to regard any instinct to fight for its own survival as being a "cowboy"?
Western nations that show any signs of standing up for self-preservation are rare exceptions. The United States and Israel
are the only western nations which have no choice but to rely on self-defense and both are demonized, not only by our
enemies but also by many in other western nations. Australia recently told its Muslim population that, if they want to live
under Islamic law, then they should leave Australia. That makes three western nations that have not yet completely
succumbed to the corrosive and suicidal trends of our times. If and when we all succumb, will the epitaph of western

civilization say that we had the power to annihilate our enemies but were so paralyzed by confusion that we
ended up being annihilated ourselves?

The failure to embrace violent solutions guarantees foreign aggression from Iran and other violent
regimes their criticism is an open invitation to a new generation of Hitlers
Thomas Sowell, Senior Fellow at Stanford Universitys Hoover Institution, July 24, 2007. Morally Paralyzed,
http://jewishworldreview.com/cols/sowell072407.php3, Accessed Online: 09/11/2008. //wku-tjs
"Moral paralysis" is a term that has been used to describe the inaction of France, England and other European
democracies in the 1930s, as they watched Hitler build up the military forces that he later used to attack them . It is a
term that may be painfully relevant to our own times. Back in the 1930s, the governments of the democratic countries knew what Hitler was doing
and they knew that they had enough military superiority at that point to stop his military buildup in its tracks. But they did nothing to stop him. Instead,
they turned to what is still the magic mantra today "negotiations." No leader of a democratic nation was ever more popular than British Prime

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Minister Neville Chamberlain wildly cheered in the House of Commons by opposition parties as well as his own when he returned from
negotiations in Munich in 1938, waving an agreement and declaring that it meant "peace in our time." We know now how short that time was. Less than
a year later, World War II began in Europe and spread across the planet, killing tens of millions of people and reducing many cities to rubble in Europe
and Asia. Looking back after that war, Winston Churchill said, "There was never a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action." The earlier it
was done, the less it would have cost. At one point, Hitler could have been stopped in his tracks "without the firing of a single shot," Churchill said. That
point came in 1936 three years before World War II began when Hitler sent troops into the Rhineland, in violation of two international treaties. At
that point, France alone was so much more powerful than Germany that the German generals had secret orders to retreat immediately at the first sign of
French intervention. As Hitler himself confided, the Germans would have had to retreat "with our tail between our legs," because they did not yet have
enough military force to put up even a token resistance. Why did the French not act and spare themselves and the world the years of horror that Hitler's
aggressions would bring? The French had the means but not the will. "Moral paralysis" came from many things. The death of a million French soldiers
in the First World War and disillusionment with the peace that followed cast a pall over a whole generation. Pacifism became vogue among the
intelligentsia and spread into educational institutions. As early as 1932, Winston Churchill said: "France, though armed to the teeth, is pacifist to the
core." It was morally paralyzed. History may be interesting but it is the present and the future that pose the crucial question: Is America today the France
of yesterday? We know that Iran is moving swiftly toward nuclear weapons while the United Nations is moving slowly or not
at all toward doing anything to stop them. It is a sign of our irresponsible Utopianism that anyone would even expect the UN to do
anything that would make any real difference. Not only the history of the UN, but the history of the League of Nations before it, demonstrates again and
again that going to such places is a way for weak-kneed leaders of democracies to look like they are doing something when in fact they are doing
nothing. The Iranian leaders are not going to stop unless they get stopped. And, like Hitler, they don't think we

have the guts to stop them. Incidentally, Hitler made some of the best anti-war statements of the 1930s. He knew
that this was what the Western democracies wanted to hear and that it would keep them morally paralyzed
while he continued building up his military machine to attack them. Iranian leaders today make only the most token and
transparent claims that they are building "peaceful" nuclear facilities in one of the biggest oil-producing countries in the world, which has no need for
nuclear power to generate electricity. Nuclear weapons in the hands of Iran and its international terrorist allies will be a

worst threat than Hitler ever was. But, before that happens, the big question is: Are we France? Are we morally
paralyzed, perhaps fatally?
The result is wars around globe
Stephen Peter Rosen, Kaneb Professor of National Security and Military Affairs at Harvard University and director of its Olin Institute for Strategic Studies, The
National Interest. An Empire, if You Can Keep It. March 22, 2003. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2751/ is_2003_Spring/ai_99377575 Accessed Online:
09/11/2008. //wku-tjs
As for imperial rule over other peoples, the United States has always preferred indirect rule: the installation of local governments compatible with
American policies. Direct rule will be seen as a temporary measure to prepare conditions for a transfer of power to local inhabitants. But effective
transfer could be a long time coming in places like Afghanistan and Iraq, or in other places where the United States establishes military garrisons
intended to be temporary. The United States is fully capable of enlarging its army to maintain such garrisons over long

The real constraint will be


political: Will the elites and general population of the United States regard it as just to rule other peoples , some of
whom hate Americans enough to engage in suicidal attacks, and many of whom may exploit American power for their own malign
purposes? Rather than wrestle with such difficult and unpleasant problems, the United States could give up the
imperial mission, or pretensions to it, now. This would essentially mean the withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the
periods of time; in living memory, after all, the peacetime U.S. military has had over three million men and women.

Middle East, Europe and mainland Asia. It may be that all other peoples, without significant exception, will then turn to
their own affairs and leave the United States alone. But those who are hostile to us might remain hostile, and be
much less afraid of the United States after such a withdrawal. Current friends would feel less secure and, in the
most probable post-imperial world, would revert to the logic of self-help in which all states do what they must to
protect themselves. This would imply the relatively rapid acquisition of weapons of mass destruction by Japan,

South Korea, Taiwan, Iran, Iraq and perhaps Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Indonesia and others.
Constraints on the acquisition of biological weapons would be even weaker than they are today. Major
regional arms races would also b e very likely throughout Asia and the Middle East. This would not be a
pleasant world for Americans, or anyone else. It is difficult to guess what the costs of such a world would be to
the United States. They would probably not put the end of the United States in prospect, but they would not be small. If
the logic of American empire is unappealing, it is not at all clear that the alternatives are that much more attractive.

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The alternative is to vote negative to align yourself with American hegemony.


The only tangible threat to US primacy is isolationism rhetoric of support is critical to preserving
international stability
William Kristol, Visiting Professor in Government at Harvard University, and Robert Kagan, Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace and PhD in American History, Toward a Neo-Reganite Foreign Policy, Foreign Affairs. July/August 19 96.
http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=276, Accessed Online: 09/11/2008. //wku-tjs

BENEVOLENT HEGEMONYTWENTY YEARS later, it is time once again to challenge an indifferent America
and a confused American conservatism. Today's lukewarm consensus about America's reduced role in a post-Cold War
world is wrong. Conservatives should not accede to it; it is bad for the country and, incidentally, bad for conservatism.
Conservatives will not be able to govern America over the long term if they fail to offer a more elevated vision of
America's international role. What should that role be? Benevolent global hegemony. Having defeated the "evil empire,"
the United States enjoys strategic and ideological predominance. The first objective of U.S. foreign policy should be to
preserve and enhance that predominance by strengthening America's security, supporting its friends, advancing its
interests, and standing up for its principles around the world. The aspiration to benevolent hegemony might strike some as
either hubristic or morally suspect. But a hegemon is nothing more or less than a leader with preponderant influence
and authority over all others in its domain. That is America's position in the world today . The leaders of Russia
and China understand this. At their April summit meeting, Boris Yeltsin and Jiang Zemin joined in denouncing
"hegemonism" in the post-Cold War world. They meant this as a complaint about the United States. It should be taken as
a compliment and a guide to action. Consider the events of just the past six months, a period that few observers would consider remarkable
for its drama on the world stage. In East Asia, the carrier task forces of the U.S. Seventh Fleet helped deter Chinese aggression against democratic
Taiwan, and the 35,000 American troops stationed in South Korea helped deter a possible invasion by the rulers in Pyongyang. In Europe, the United
States sent 20,000 ground troops to implement a peace agreement in the former Yugoslavia, maintained 100,000 in Western Europe as a symbolic
commitment to European stability and security, and intervened diplomatically to prevent the escalation of a conflict between Greece and Turkey. In the
Middle East, the United States maintained the deployment of thousands of soldiers and a strong naval presence in the Persian Gulf region to deter
possible aggression by Saddam Hussein's Iraq or the Islamic fundamentalist regime in Iran, and it mediated in the conflict between Israel and Syria in
Lebanon. In the Western Hemisphere, the United States completed the withdrawal of 15,000 soldiers after restoring a semblance of democratic
government in Haiti and, almost without public notice, prevented a military coup in Paraguay. In Africa, a U.S. expeditionary force rescued Americans
and others trapped in the Liberian civil conflict. These were just the most visible American actions of the past six months, and just those of a military or
diplomatic nature. During the same period, the United States made a thousand decisions in international economic forums, both as a government and as
an amalgam of large corporations and individual entrepreneurs, that shaped the lives and fortunes of billions around the globe. America influenced both
the external and internal behavior of other countries through the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Through the United Nations, it
maintained sanctions on rogue states such as Libya, Iran, and Iraq. Through aid programs, the United States tried to shore up friendly democratic
regimes in developing nations. The enormous web of the global economic system, with the United States at the center, combined with the pervasive
influence of American ideas and culture, allowed Americans to wield influence in many other ways of which they were entirely unconscious. The simple
truth of this era was stated last year by a Serb leader trying to explain Slobodan Milosevic's decision to finally seek rapprochement with Washington.
"As a pragmatist," the Serbian politician said, "Milosevic knows that all satellites of the United States are in a better position than those that are not
satellites." And America's allies are in a better position than those who are not its allies. Most of the world's major powers welcome U.S. global
involvement and prefer America's benevolent hegemony to the alternatives. Instead of having to compete for dominant global influence with many other
powers, therefore, the United States finds both the Europeans and the Japanese -- after the United States, the two most powerful forces in the world -supportive of its world leadership role. Those who anticipated the dissolution of these alliances once the common threat of the Soviet

Union disappeared have been proved wrong. The principal concern of America's allies these days is not that it will be too
dominant but that it will withdraw. Somehow most Americans have failed to notice that they have never had it so good.
They have never lived in a world more conducive to their fundamental interests in a liberal international order,

the spread of freedom and democratic governance, an international economic system of free-market capitalism
and free trade, and the security of Americans not only to live within their own borders but to travel and do business
safely and without encumbrance almost anywhere in the world. Americans have taken these remarkable benefits of the
post-Cold War era for granted, partly because it has all seemed so easy. Despite misguided warnings of imperial
overstretch, the United States has so far exercised its hegemony without any noticeable strain, and it has done so despite
the fact that Americans appear to be in a more insular mood than at any time since before the Second World War. The
events of the last six months have excited no particular interest among Americans and, indeed, seem to have been
regarded with the same routine indifference as breathing and eating. And that is the problem. The most difficult thing to
preserve is that which does not appear to need preserving. The dominant strategic and ideological position the United
States now enjoys is the product of foreign policies and defense strategies that are no longer being pursued. Americans
have come to take the fruits of their hegemonic power for granted. During the Cold War, the strategies of deterrence and
containment worked so well in checking the ambitions of America's adversaries that many American liberals denied that
our adversaries had ambitions or even, for that matter, that America had adversaries. Today the lack of a visible threat

to U.S. vital interests or to world peace has tempted Americans to absentmindedly dismantle the material and
spiritual foundations on which their national well-being has been based . They do not notice that potential
challengers are deterred before even contemplating confrontation by their overwhelming power and influence. The

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ubiquitous post-Cold War question -- where is the threat? -- is thus misconceived. In a world in which peace and
American security depend on American power and the will to use it, the main threat the United States faces now and

in the future is its own weakness. American hegemony is the only reliable defense against a breakdown of
peace and international order. The appropriate goal of American foreign policy, therefore, is to preserve that
hegemony as far into the future as possible. To achieve this goal, the United States needs a neo-Reaganite foreign
policy of military supremacy and moral confidence.

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2NC O/V
The Affirmatives criticism of the resolution strays away from addressing realistic threats because it prevents the
debaters from coming to a resolve thats our Hanson evidence. We isolate three impacts that outweigh and turn
the case:
1. Holocaustthe affirmative ignorance of action is exactly what the U.S. did during the holocaust when we
ignored the mass murder of 6 million Jewsthats the Sowell evidence.
2. Hegemonythe rhetoric in the 1ac is used to criticize US primacy and destroys our international credibility
the impact is nuclear warthats Rosen 3
3. And, U.S. leadership precludes international hostility and violence, its the solution to all modern forms of
instability
Zalmay Khalilzad, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations,19 95. "Losing the Moment? The United States and the World After the Cold War" The Washington
Quarterly, RETHINKING GRAND STRATEGY; Vol. 18, No. 2; Pg. 84. //wku-tjs

Under the third option, the United States would seek to retain global leadership and to preclude the rise of a
global rival or a return to multipolarity for the indefinite future. On balance, this is the best long-term guiding
principle and vision. Such a vision is desirable not as an end in itself, but because a world in which the United States
exercises leadership would have tremendous advantages. First, the global environment would be more open
and more receptive to American values -- democracy, free markets, and the rule of law. Second, such a world would
have a better chance of dealing cooperatively with the world's major problems, such as nuclear proliferation,
threats of regional hegemony by renegade states, and low-level conflicts. Finally, U.S. leadership would help
preclude the rise of another hostile global rival, enabling the U nited States and the world to avoid another global cold or
hot war and all the attendant dangers, including a global nuclear exchange. U.S. leadership would therefore be more
conducive to global stability than a bipolar or a multipolar balance of power system.
And, were not defending that heg is good in every instance, just that its comparably better than a world without.
Any indicts of hegemony will only be magnified in a world without American primacytheres no logical reason to
assume foreign actors would be comparably more peaceful.
The alternative would solveour Kristol and Kagan evidence indicate that allying ourselves with American
hegemony is the only way to ensure its survival in the face of an indifferent public.

***Top SHELF
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Intellectual Indict
Be skeptical of their authorsthey have a vested interest in downplaying the need for military force.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 5443-58, kindle, IWren)

Intellectuals have every incentive to believe in the effectiveness of their own specialtyarticulated ideasand to
correspondingly undervalue competing factors, such as the experience of the masses and especially the use of force by the
police or the military. The unarticulated cultural distillations of mass experience over the generations are often summarily dismissed as mere prejudices. Force
or the threat of force is likewise deemed far inferior to articulated reason , whether in dealing with criminals, children or
hostile nations. Military service is the remedy of despairdespair of the power of intelligence,10 as John Dewey put it. Reason tends to be considered
preferable categorically, with little consideration of differing circumstances in which one of these approachesthat is, reason or forcemay be incrementally better
than the other in some cases but not in other cases. The intelligentsia seem especially to reject the idea of private individuals using force in defense of themselves and
their property or to have guns with which to do so. In international issues of war and peace, the intelligentsia often say that war should

be a last resort. But much depends crucially on the context and the specific meaning of that phrase. War should of course be a last
resortbut last in terms of preference, rather than last in the sense of hoping against hope while dangers and
provocations accumulate unanswered, while wishful thinking or illusory agreements substitute for serious military
preparednessor, if necessary, military action. As Franklin D. Roosevelt said in 1941, if you hold your fire until you see the whites of his eyes, you
will never know what hit you.11 The repeated irresolution of France during the 1930s, and on into the period of the phony war that ended in its sudden collapse in
1940, gave the world a painful example of how caution can be carried to the point where it becomes dangerous.

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War Good
Warfighting is a necessary tool in defending our lives and their valuejust because some wars are stupid doesnt
mean all wars are unnecessary.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 4810-22, kindle, IWren)
During the Cold War, and especially after the escalating involvement of the United States in the Vietnam war, many

among the intelligentsia began


repeating the old notion that war solves nothing, an echo from the 1930s, where the futility of war was proclaimed, among many others, by Neville
Chamberlain, who said that war wins nothing, cures nothing, ends nothing48and who was in turn echoing what many among the intelligentsia were saying in his
day. But, like so much that has been said by the intelligentsia on so many subjects, the notion that war solves nothing had

less to do with any empirical evidence than with its consonance with the vision of the anointed , which in turn has had much to do
with the exaltation of the anointed. Had the battle of Lepanto in 1571 or the battle of Waterloo in 1815 gone the other way, this
could be a very different world today. Had the desperate fighting at Stalingrad and on the beaches at Normandy gone the
other way during the Second World War, life might not be worth living for millions of human beings today. There have of
course been futile wars in which all the nations on both sides ended up far worse off than beforethe First World War being a classic example. But no one would
make the blanket statement that medical science solves nothing because many people die despite treatment and some
die because of wrong treatment or even from the remote risks of vaccinations. In short, mundane specifics are more salient in
evaluating any particular war than are the sweeping, abstract and dramatic pronouncements so often indulged in by the
intelligentsia.
Abandonment of the military is genocidalthe refusal to use force devalues life and ensures conflict
Violet B. Ketels, Associate Professor of English at Temple University, Havel to the Castle! The Power of the Word, 548 Annals 45, November 19 96. JSTOR
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1048542 Accessed: 04/14/2008. //wku-tjs
Havel stresses the potential of truth and humane values to transform human consciousness incrementally over time. We must constantly work for every
good thing and struggle against violence. But Havel is tough-minded, his vision comprehensive and realistic. Violence may be unavoidable

in the face of totalitarian savagery. Still, it must remain a means of last resort. Repeatedly, he warns that violence breeds violence. Havel is
not, however, a pacifist, as that term applies to Quakers or others who organize peace movements.40 Although the regime Havel and his fellow
dissidents resisted for more than thirty years accused them of terrorist tactics and plots, they conscientiously sought legal justification for their
resistance, using the letter even of unjust laws to manifest support for the principle of legality. Their attitude was "fundamentally hostile to the notion of
violent change-simply because it places its faith in violence," Havel writes in one place. He immediately restates the point, however, in a powerfully
significant parenthesis: "the 'dissident' attitude can only accept violence as a necessary evil in extreme situations, when direct

violence can only be met by violence and where remaining passive would in effect mean supporting
violence."41 He recalls us to the tragic blindness of European pacifism that helped to prepare the ground for
World War II. He points to the fact that the Czechs sent troops to the Persian Gulf and stood willing to
contribute to a U.N. force in the former Yugoslavia. But he is at pains to condemn violence used as a quick fix to change political
systems-the sacrifice of human beings here and now for "abstract political visions of the future." The problems in human society "lie far too deep to be
settled through mere systemic changes, either governmental or technological."42 Havel writes and thinks out of a unique humanist tradition that has
been continuous in Czech history. He has specifically identified with the humanism of the founder of the Czech state, Tomas Masaryk, who regarded
"ethical, aesthetic and scientific categories" as "no less real than bread and butter." Masaryk felt the need for a social revolution "more moral and less
materialistic than that envisaged by the Marxists." Like Havel, he hoped to avoid violence, but he does not rule it out altogether. His language is as
circumspect as Havel's: We must consistently reject every act of violence; otherwise we shall never be able to disentangle ourselves from violence. We
may, should, must protect, defend ourselves. In extreme cases with the sword. But even in self-defense we must restrain ourselves from new, active acts
of violence.43 In an address prepared for delivery at a 1985 peace conference, Havel explains the reticence of Europeans to join Western peace
movements as rooted in the skepticism of those who have already been burned by succumbing to other forms of utopianism, specifically the StalinLeninist variety, which grotesquely deformed its utopian principles as soon as it got power. The very word "peace" has been drained of all content by the
European experience of "peace in our time."44 The Western version of peace sounds far too much like appeasement. Havel speculates whether

World War II, with its millions of corpses, could have been avoided if the Western democracies had stood up to
Hitler forcefully and in time. He ascribes to the Czech people as a whole the firmly rooted idea that the inability to risk, in extremis,
even life itself to save what gives it meaning and a human dimension leads not only to the loss of meaning but
finally and inevitably to the loss of life as well-and not one life only but thousands and millions of lives. 45

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LinkCriticism/Multiculturalism
Liberal criticism of Western society creates reluctance to address existential threatsworld war 2 proves.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 2807-22, kindle, IWren)
The moral dimensions of the invidious seem also to have a widespread attraction among the intelligentsia. Opportunities to be morally one-up on otherssometimes
including their whole societyhave been eagerly seized, whether in opposing stern punishment of criminals, denouncing the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, or
insisting on applying the Geneva Convention to captured terrorists who neither subscribe to the Geneva Convention nor are covered by it. Moral double

standardsdenouncing the United States for actions that are passed over with little or no comment when other nations do
the same things or worseare defended on grounds that we should have higher moral standards . Thus an incidental
comment that can be construed as racist can provoke more outrage in the American media than the beheading of
innocent people by terrorists and the dissemination of the videotapes of these beheadings to eager audiences in the Middle East. Seldom is there
much concern expressed by the intelligentsia about the cumulative effect of such biased filtering of information and
comments on the public at large or on students who receive a steady diet of such filtered information from the elementary schools to the universities.
What is called multiculturalism is seldom a warts-and-all picture of societies around the world. Far more common is an
emphasis on warts when it comes to discussing the history and current condition of the United States or of Western
civilization, and a downplaying or ignoring of warts when discussing India or other non-Western societies. Since every society
is challenged from within and without, distortions that denigrate a society have consequences, including a reluctance to
defend ones own society against even unreasonable demands or deadly threats. As will become clear in Chapter 7, this can include
a reluctance to respond even to military dangers , sometimes giving potential enemies such as Hitler every benefit of the
doubt until it is too late.

***LINKS
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LinkRejection of Western Power


Rejecting western conceptions of power guarantees American self-sacrifice destroying hegemony
John Dawson, Writer for the Ayn Rand; February 14, 2003, Baby Kims Secret Weapon, http://www.aynrand.org/site/News2?
page=NewsArticle&Article&id=7455&news_iv_ctrl=1076, Accessed Online: 02/17/2008. //wku-tjs

Todays moralists adamantly insist that there is no objective standard of morality. Every culture is sacrosanct and immune
from judgment. This moral relativism implies that a brutal communist dictatorship such as North Korea is morally

equal to the United States. Unwilling to challenge this sacred cow, Bush is disarmed. He lacks the confidence
and certainty that would allow him to take action, so he is reduced to issuing empty threats followed by more empty
threats. But despite their hard-line relativism, Western moralists do offer one moral precept that they consider
unquestionable: altruism, the ethics of self-sacrifice. According to this doctrine, those with wealth are guilty by the
mere fact of their success and are duty-bound to sacrifice their wealth to those who have less. Thus, rich and
powerful America is morally responsible for the impoverished North Koreans, which is why Bush hurriedly offers food
and fuel and other unnamed aid to Kim. According to this view, America must not only respect the sovereignty of North
Korea, regardless of how Baby Kim enslaves and impoverishes his people, but it must also feed and empower that
impoverished population. If North Koreans die as human shields or when the collective crops fail or when the food aid
stops, Kim knows that it wont be he who will be denounced as morally culpable. It will be Bush because he didnt bail
Kim out of the problems caused by Kims unproductive, repressive economic system. So as long as Kim is ruthless
enough to sacrifice his people, while Bush accepts that their misery is Americas responsibility, Kim can use them as a
weapon. Their lives are in his hands, but he knows that American will be held responsible for their fate. While heholds his
own people in hostage, Kim can threaten any atrocity and demand any tribute, knowing that Bush will appease him rather
than face the denunciation of critics wielding a morality he dare not reject. The fear and indecision engendered by moral
relativism, and the sacrifice of America engendered by altruism must stop. America must do no more penance for its
achievements. It must stop appeasing every petty tyrant with pay-offs. America must recognize that its wealth and power
are earned: It must be proud not humble. It must protect and defend the rights of its citizens. If American does not

throw off the moral chains imposed by so many Western intellectuals, it will continue to be victimized by the
Baby Kims, Saddams and Bin Ladens of the world. Just as an individual should act to preserve and sustain his
life, so should America. The alternativefor individuals and nationsis suicide.

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LinkCollateral Damage
Critiques of collateral damage stem from the liberal media complexfail to account for limiting factors in combat
operations and overlook military victoriesVietnam proves.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 4737-59, kindle, IWren)
The Vietnam

war also saw the revival in America of a pattern seen in France between the two World Warsthe downgrading of soldiers in
battle from the role of patriotic heroes, no matter what acts of bravery and self-sacrifice they engaged in. During the Vietnam
war, this tendency was carried even further. Collateral damage to Vietnamese civilians during American military operations, or even
allegations of individual misconduct by American troops, led to sweeping moral condemnations of the U.S. military as a
whole, often without any examination of the question whether such collateral damage was unusual in warfare or
unusually extensive, or whether atrocities were authorized or condoned by authorities .30 The most widely publicized atrocity against
civiliansthe My Lai massacre by an American military unit against a South Vietnamese village that was suspected of harboring Communist guerrillaswas stopped
by other American troops when they arrived on the scene, and the officer in charge was court-martialed for things that the Communist guerrillas did routinely and on a
vastly larger scale.31 The image, filtered through the media, of those who served in the military during the Vietnam war , like the
image of French soldiers who had served in the First World War, often

became that of victims. Hero stories were off the menu in


Vietnam, as the head of the Washington Posts bureau in Vietnam later recalled the coverage of the war in the American
media.32 A common image of Vietnam veterans was that they were disproportionately the poor, the uneducated, the minoritiesand that the trauma of combat drove
them to widespread drug usage in Vietnam and to acts of violence upon returning home with post-traumatic stress syndrome. Widely hailed motion pictures depicting
that era dramatized such images.33 Hard statistical data, however, contradicted such depictions34 and some of the Vietnam combat veterans featured on television
specials by Dan Rather and others later turned out to have never been in combat or never to have been in Vietnam.35 But what they said fit the vision and

that was often enough to get them on television and cited in newspapers and books. Some among the American media and
intelligentsia outdid the interwar French by depicting American combat veterans as villains. The only Pulitzer Prize
awarded for coverage of the Tet offensive went to a reporter who wrote about the My Lai massacre without ever setting
foot in Vietnam.36 This tangential tragedy thus overshadowed innumerable battles across South Vietnam in which
American troops won overwhelming victories. That much of this fighting against urban guerrillas in civilian clothes took place in residential
neighborhoods made the task more difficult for American troops but presented the media with numerous opportunities to criticize those troops:

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IL/National Pride K2 Solve War


National honor should be viewed through consequencesits historically more important than military strength in
preventing hostile aggression and securing allies.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 5225-53, kindle, IWren)

As with many other things, how consequential they are can be discovered by what happens in their absence. When Hitler
launched an invasion of France in 1940, against the advice of his top generals, it was because he was convinced that contemporary France
was lacking in these supposedly irrelevant qualities143and the sudden collapse of the French, despite their military
advantages, suggests that these qualities are indeed consequential. What is called national honor is a long-run
perspective on national decisions and their consequences, the opposite of the one-day-at-a-time rationalism by which
France had declined to fight over the militarization of the Rhineland in 1936, or to live up to the French mutual defense
treaty with Czechoslovakia in 1938, or to seriously engage the Germans militarily during the long months of the phony war following the formal
declaration of war in 1939, despite Frances large military superiority on the western front while Hitlers troops were concentrated in the east, conquering Poland. A
willingness to fight can be a deterrence to attack and, conversely, an unwillingness to meet a challenge or
provocation can make a nation a target for an all-out assault. National honor is simply an idiomatic expression for
this long-run perspective on national interest , as distinguished from a one-day-at-a-time perspective , which may serve the shortrun interests of politicians, by sparing them from making the hard decisions which distinguish a politician from a statesman. But many intellectuals have
tried to reduce a sense of national honor, like patriotism, to a psychological quirk and certainly a very insufficient reason
for hostilities, in Godwins words.144 However, even British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, the man most indelibly identified with
the policy of appeasement of Hitler, belatedly seemed to acknowledge that national honor was consequential, just months before the
Second World War began: I had the opportunity yesterday of exchanging a few words with M. Blum, the French Socialist leader and former Prime Minister,
and he said to me that in his view, and in the view of all the Socialist friends with whom he had talked, there was only one danger of war in Europe, and that was a very
real one: it was that the impression should get about that Great Britain and France were not in earnest and that they could not be relied upon to carry out their promises.
If that were so, no greater, no more deadly mistake could be madeand it would be a frightful thing if Europe were to be plunged into war on account of a
misunderstanding. 145 In short, Europe and the world were on the brink of a catastrophic war because neither friend nor foe

believed that Britain and France had national honor. That is, there was no sense of a firm resolve by the British or the
French, on which friendly nations could stake their own survival by relying on allying themselves with Britain or France, at the cost of incurring
the wrath of Nazi Germany.v Likewise, there was no sense among belligerent nations that they need fear anything more serious
than temporizing words from Britain and France. What was lacking in Chamberlains statement, on the eve of war, was any acknowledgment that it
was his own policies, and similar policies in France, substituting talk for action, which had created this deadly misconception that all they would ever do was talk. Hitler
was in fact quite surprised when his invasion of Poland led to declarations of war by Britain and France.146

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IL/A2: Global Movements Solve


National pride is recognition that well-being is contingent on your government, not global obligationfailure to
embrace this collapses civilization itself.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 5280-99, kindle, IWren)

Despite a tendency in some intellectual circles to see the nation as just a subordinate part of the world at large some acting, or
even describing themselves, as citizens of the world patriotism is, in one sense, little more than a recognition of the basic fact that ones
own material well-being, personal freedom, and sheer physical survival depend on the particular institutions , traditions
and policies of the particular nation in which one lives. There is no comparable world government and, without the
concrete institutions of government, there is nothing to be a citizen of or to have enforceable rights , however lofty or
poetic it may sound to be a citizen of the world. When ones fate is clearly recognized as dependent on the surrounding national frameworkthe
institutions, traditions and norms of ones countrythen the preservation of that framework cannot be a matter of indifference while each individual pursues purely
individual interests. Patriotism is a recognition of a shared fate and the shared responsibilities that come with it . National honor is a
recognition that one-day-at-a-time rationalism is a delusion that enables politicians to escape the responsibilities of statesmanship. Conditions may become so repugnant
in one country that it makes sense to move to another country. But there is no such thing as moving to the world. One may of course live

in a country parasitically, accepting all the benefits for which others have sacrificed both in the past and in the presentwhile
rejecting any notion of being obliged to do the same. But once that attitude becomes general, the country becomes
defenseless against forces of either internal disintegration or external aggression. In short, patriotism and national honor
cannot be reduced to simply psychological quirks, to which intellectuals can consider themselves superior, without risking
dire consequences, of which France in 1940 was a classic example. It was considered chic in some circles in France of the 1930s to say, Rather Hitler than
Blum.152 But that was before they experienced living under Hitler or dying after dehumanization in Hitlers concentration camps. Disdain for patriotism and
national honor was just one of the attitudes among the intellectuals of the 1920s and 1930s to reappear with renewed force
in Western democracies in the 1960s and afterwards. How far history will repeat itself, on this and other issues, is a
question for the future to answer. Indeed, it is the question for the future of the Western world.

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Imperialism GoodGeneric
Cultural Imperialism is a Process of Preserving World Peace and Guaranteeing Survival
Robert Tracisnsky, Writer for the Ayn Rand Institute, October 8, 2001, An Empire of Ideals, http://www.aynrand.org/site/News2?pageNewsArticle&id=7392&news_iv_ctrl=1076, //wku-tjs
[**THIS CARD IS NOT FOR THE FAINT OF HEART!]

Everyone has finally awakened to the deadly threat posed by terrorism, and some are even willing to admit that the source of this
threat is Islamic fundamentalism. But almost no one is prepared to name the long-term answer to that threat. The long-term
answerthe only means by which we can eventually secure world peaceis cultural imperialism . Cultural

imperialism is not exactly the right term. That is a smear-tag created by the academic left, which hates everything good
about Western culture and tries to dismiss that cultures worldwide popularity by blaming it on some kind of
coercive conspiracy. The same purpose is served by another leftist smear-tag, cultural genocide, which sounds like mass-murder abut actually
refers to people in the Third World choosing to adopt Western manners and attitudes, the poor things. The investors of these smears are the same people
who clamor for a multicultural society, ostensibly a society that tolerates many different cultural influencesexcept, of course, any influence coming
from the West. The real phenomenon that the phrase cultural imperialism refers to is the voluntary adoption of ideas ,
art and entertainment produced in civilized countries. It

refers to the most benevolent kind of empire that could be


imagined: an empire of common ideals and attitudes; an empire spread purely by voluntary persuasion; an empire
whose conquest consists of bringing the benefits of civilization to backward regions. Western cultural
imperialism is the march of progress across the globe . But woe unto he who suggests that Western culture might be worth
spreading. Italisn Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi learned this when he states that: We must be aware of the superiority of our civilization, a system
that has guaranteed well-being, respect for human rights andin contrast with Islamic countriesrespect for religious and political rights. The
reaction was immediate and fierce. The Belgian prime minister scolded that Berlusconis remarks could have dangerous consequences. Gosh, they
might cause us to overthrow Middle Eastern dictatorships! The head of the Arab League, Amr Moussa, immediately denounced Berlusconis statements
as racistan accusation which itself equates race with culture, as if Arabs are biologically determined to embrace theocracy. Ironically, Moussa got
his idea from the Westthat is, form our own hordes of anti-Western intellectuals. One such intellectual expressed the prevailing dogma perfectly: one
cannot speak of the superirority of on culture of another. What no one challenged, however, was Berlusconis factual description of the values held by
the West versus those held by the Islamic world. Nearly every country in the Middle East is a dictatorship. These countries are wrached with chronic
povery bred by dicatatorshipwith the exception of the rulers, who pocket money from oil reserves discovered, drilled and made valuable by Western
technology. All of these countries are overrunor are on the verge of being overrunby religious fanatics who ruthlessly suppress any manifestation of
the pursuit of happiness in this world, from baring ones ankles to watching television. We broadcast to these oppressed people the Western message of
liberty, prosperity and happinessin forms as low-brow as Baywatch or as sophisticated as the Declaration of Independence. This is the

imperialism that terrifies Islamic fundamentalists. They should be terrifiedbecause they know that in a fair
competition, their values cannot win. On the one side, there are Western values of intellectual freedom, science,

prosperity, individual rights and the pursuit of happiness. On the other side, there are the centuries-old
scourages of theocracy, superstition, poverty, dictatorship and mass-murder. Is one of these alternatives
superior to the other? You bet your life it is. We must begin a campaign of education designed to export
Western values to the barbarous Eastand that campaign must be led by our intellectuals, not denounced by them .
This war must be fought with televisions, radios, books and moviesand by the intransigently pro-Western statements of our political and intellectual
leaders. This is a battle between opposite and irreconcilable cultures, and if we want to survive, we must begin with the conviction

that our culture deserves to win. A physical war against terrorist statesa war fought with bombs, rockets and guns against the governments
that support terrorismhas now become a necessity. But that battle is only a first step. In the long run, we can only stop the re-emergence of new
Islamic fanatics by disinfecting the cultural miasma in which they breed. And light, the light of benevolent Western ideals, is the best disinfectant.

Multiculturalism triggers ethnic violence that results in extinction.


Glenn Woiceshyn, Freelance Writer, residing in Calgary, and studied philosophy and writing, full time, at the Objectivist Graduate Center of the Ayn Rand Institute
as an auditing student, Multiculturalism Breeds Terrorism, Capitalism Magazine, June 24, 2006, http://www.capmag.com/article.asp?ID=4714, Accessed Online:
//wku-tjs

Defenders of multiculturalism argue that deeming one culture superior to another leads to racism, which they
allege to be trying to prevent. But racism involves judging a persons character according to race, not chosen
ideas and values. Racism is essentially different from the evaluation of a cultural practice according to the
objective standard of survival and the enjoyment of life . In fact, as will soon become clear, multiculturalism is a
racist doctrine. The next step in constructing multiculturalism involved shrinking the concept of culture from chosen,
***Imperialism GOOD
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conceptual, significant values, such as wisdom, individual liberty, prosperity, romantic art, etc., to non-chosen or insignificant characteristics, such as
skin color, gender, ethnic/religious/linguistic heritage, birth defect, etc. This served to promote a tribal mentality whereby individuals are encouraged to
think of themselves as inescapable members of a tribe (or sub-tribe) defined by unchosen, perceptual-level characteristicsnot chosen, conceptual
values. The next step consisted of promoting diversity as a value, which involves diluting rational, practical values

with irrational, destructive ones, such as forcing companies to hire people on the basis of racenot ability,
which is racism. Another example is the dilution of school curricula with useless cultural trivia, such as hair
styles of different cultures, or with ridiculous courses such as black science and feminist algebra. Andrew
Coyne tried to redefine diversity to mean the different ideas that flow from free and thinking individuals, but
then diversity is not the defining characteristic. There is no value for such individuals to diversify rational
ideas with Nazism or Wahhabism. The final step in constructing multiculturalism involved blending cultural
relativism with egalitarianism, which holds that no one (or no tribe) should benefit from a value, such as wealth,
success, pride, etc., unless all do equally. Hence, if one culture appears to be ahead in terms of wealth creation,
technology and the enjoyment of life, then this would imply oppression because all cultures have equal
value and thus deserve equal results. This helps explain why militant Muslims in the East are murdering innocent people while claiming to
be victims of Western oppression. The logical result of multiculturalism is to create a world of primitive, tribalistic
mentalities that form countless sub-tribes based on unchosen identities and battle each other for power and
unearned wealth until all values (and lives) are destroyedwhich is the ultimate goal of nihilism. Ayn Rand, in
her seminal essay entitled Global Balkanization, wrote, There is no surer way to infect mankind with hatredbrute, blind, virulent hatredthan by
splitting it into ethnic groups or tribes. If a man believes that his own character in some unknown, ineffable way, and that the characters of all strangers
are determined in the same waythen no communication, no understanding, no persuasion is possible among them, only mutual fear, suspicion, and
hatred. [3]

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Imperialism GoodSeparatism
Turn: Secession: Failure to close cultural value gaps ensure separatist conflict
David Rothkopf, Professor of International Affairs at Columbia University, IN PRAISE OF CULTURAL IMPERIALISM, 19 97,
http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/protected/rothkopf.html, Accessed Online: 03/28/2008. //wku-tjs

Repression is not defensible whether the tradition from which it springs is Confucian, Judeo-Christian, or
Zoroastrian. The repressed individual still suffers, as does society, and there are consequences for the global
community. Real costs accrue in terms of constrained human creativity, delayed market development, the
diversion of assets to enforce repression, the failure of repressive societies to adapt well to the rapidly
changing global environment, and the dislocations, struggles, and instability that result from these and other
factors. Americans should promote their vision for the world, because failing to do so or taking a "live and let
live" stance is ceding the process to the not-always-beneficial actions of others. Using the tools of the Information Age to
do so is perhaps the most peaceful and powerful means of advancing American interests. If Americans now live in a world in which ideas can be
effectively exported and media delivery systems are powerful, they must recognize that the nature of those ideas and the control of those systems are
matters with which they should be deeply concerned. Is it a threat to U.S. interests, to regional peace, to American markets, and to the United States'
ability to lead if foreign leaders adopt models that promote separatism and the cultural fault lines that threaten stability?. It certainly is. Relativism

is a veil behind which those who shun scrutiny can hide. Whether Americans accept all the arguments of Huntington or not,
they must recognize that the greater the cultural value gaps in the world, the more likely it is that conflict will
ensue. The critical prerequisite for gaining the optimum benefits of global integration is to understand which
cultural attributes can and should be tolerated--and, indeed, promoted--and which are the fissures that will
become fault lines.

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And, the impact is enormousit undermines global institutions and risks terrorism, environmental
destruction, and WMD prolif, and, of course, nuclear war
Gideon Gottlieb, Council on Foreign Relations, NATION AGAINST STATE, 1993, p. 26. //wku-tjs

Self-determination unleashed and unchecked by balancing principles constitutes a menace to the society of states. There is
simply no way in which all the hundreds of peoples who aspire to sovereign independence can be granted a state of their
own without loosening fearful anarchy and disorder on a planetary scale. The proliferation of territorial entities poses
exponentially greater problems for the control of weapons of mass destruction and multiplies situations in which
external intervention could threaten the peace. It increases problems for the management of all global issues,
including terrorism, AIDS, the environment, and population growth. It creates conditions in which domestic strife
in remote territories can drag powerful neighbors into lo- cal hostilities, creating ever widening circles of conflict .
Events in the aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union drove this point home. Like Russian dolls, ever smaller ethnic groups dwelling in larger units
emerged to secede and to demand independence. Georgia, for example, has to contend with the claims of South Ossetians and Abkhazlans for
independence, just as the Russian Federation is confronted with the separatism of Tartaristan. An international system made up of several hundred
independent territorial states cannot be the basis for global security and prosperity.

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Imperialism GoodTerrorism
Turn: Terrorism, The fight against terrorism is an ideological battle wedded in conflicting values
Gerhard Hoffstaeder, PhD Anthropologist, The West conceptualization of an idea, January 20, 2003.
http://stirling.ukc.ac.uk:16080/Anthropologists/gmh1/docs/West.pdf, Accessed Online: 03/21/2008. //wku-tjs
From Spenglers pessimistic view on the decline of the West, Fukuyama

offers a radical break and offers a different ending, one in


where the West triumphs. The ideological battle won, he dispenses history and makes the West an immortal
and absolute, whilst leaving the rest of the world behind in Hegels sequences of history. His right wing stance went down well with
those governments, namely the USA, which needed a new legitimacy for a new kind of war, in which a new kind of
enemy is fought. The war on terror , conducted against the axis of evil implies, that Bushs side, the West, is the force of
good, the righteous and benevolent. For if the Western model of democracy and Western mode of life has prevailed over all
others, those last enclaves of deviance must be brought in line with the West .
And, Terrorism promises the end of civilization
ALEXANDER (Dir. Inter-University Center for Terrorism) 2000 [Yonah, Terrorism in the 21st Century, Depaul Business Law Journal, p. LN. //wku-tjs]
More specifically, present-day

terrorists have introduced into contemporary life a new scale of terror violence in
terms of both threats and responses that has made clear that we have entered into an Age of Terrorism with all
of its serious implications to national, regional, and global security concerns. n25 Perhaps the most significant dangers that
evolve from modern day terrorism are those relating to the safety, welfare, and rights of ordinary people; the stability of the state
system; the health of economic [*67] development; the expansion of democracy; and possibly the survival of civilization itself .

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Imperialism GoodSpace
Turn: Space, Spread of American values is key to get off the rock and avoid inevitable extinction
Kort Patterson, President of Overall Technology Inc., The 4th of July, 1994. http://130.94.161.3/KortExplores/articles/files/4july1.php, Accessed Online:
03/21/2008. //wku-tjs
It seems obvious to me that the

overall solution to the bulk of mankind's problems is finding more "somewhere else" opening a new frontier to absorb the excess humanity and attract society's malcontents away from the center .
Opening the space frontier represents the single most monumental undertaking of [humankind]s entire history. A successful effort will tax the abilities
and creativity of the human race to the limits as no other before. We must do it or die. In the long term there isn't any other

choice.

Further complicating the equation, we're using up the earth's natural resources at an ever accelerating rate. Recycling and high efficiency
lighting make Yuppies feel good, but they're like trying to bail out the Titanic with a teacup compared to the global effects of overpopulation. Some
estimates indicate we have less than 30 years to make the giant step into space before the converging resource consumption and population curves cross.
After that, population pressures and the resulting resource scarcities will guarantee that we are never again be

able to concentrate sufficient resources in one place to make the great leap into space. Perhaps we'll have another shot if
any of us are still around after the population is massively reduced by the next great die off.... So the stage is set for humanity's greatest adventure or
tragedy. Even in its current sorry state, America is the only nation in the world today that even comes close to the vitality

and self confident bravado necessary to overcome the tremendous obstacles standing in the way of our
becoming the first space faring species ever to step out of the Earth's nursery and challenge the universe. If
America falters and collapses into decadence and corruption, the hopes of all humanity die with it. The brilliance
and foresight of the founding Fathers of America embodied in the Federalist papers, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, is nothing short of
breathtaking even today. This country was gifted at its birth with an extraordinary legacy - a detailed set of rules

and
processes that defined a system of government that would work . Industry has only recently started to
understand that the purpose of management is to facilitate the production of labor not to rule as dictator over
an oppressed peasantry. It is critically necessary to all of mankind that we apply this same reasoning to
government. Government must return to the role of facilitator and coordinator of the public's will and efforts - not the omnipotent autocrat dictating
to cowed and subservient citizens it currently seeks to become.

And, We must go to space now to avoid an otherwise inevitable extinction


Ad Astra 95 [July/August, p. 43]
Beyond the planetary shore lies the even greater ocean of space itself. Here, of course, reside the ultimate hopes for all
mankind. Earth is a closed ecosystem, and as such it presents limits to our possibilities. Space is limitless in

every sense. If we are to survive and progress as a species then we must eventually break through the limits of
our home planet and people the reaches of space. This is crucial to the survival of not only humanity, but life itsef.
The very existence of life as a phenomenon in the universe may depend on our making the transition from
planetary to space-based civilization. Eventually, barring all other potential catastrophes, the Earth, like
Jupiter, will be struck by a large comet. The agent of our destruciton may already be on its way. The solar system is
surrounded by a cloud of comets. As the Sun spirals its way around the galactic plane, it dances with other stars. When
one passes too close it dislodges a hail of comets form the cloud. It takes thousands of years for comets to fall into the
inner solar system from the Oort cloud, but a close encounter may have occurred thousands of years ago, and a sleet of

comets may already be hurtling toward us. To avoid extinction we must eventually colonize space. Given the
consequences of failure and the unknown and unknowable nature of the threats facing us , the sooner the better.

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2NC Threats Real


At the topits illogical and dangerous to assume that threats arent out there. Any reason the aff can access their
impacts is a reason to assume that there are real dangers to our survivalother leaders of other nations are going
to be just as combative, if not more so.
Empirics go our wayhistorically psychological bias runs towards threat deflationwe are the opposite of
paranoid
Schweller 4 [Randall L. Schweller, Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at The Ohio State University, Unanswered Threats A Neoclassical
RealistTheory of Underbalancing, International Security 29.2 (2004) 159-201, Muse]

Despite the historical frequency of underbalancing, little has been written on the subject . Indeed, Geoffrey Blainey's memorable
observation that for "every thousand pages published on the causes of wars there is less than one page directly on the causes of peace" could have been made with equal
veracity about overreactions to threats as opposed to underreactions to them.92 Library shelves are filled with books on the causes and dangers of

exaggerating threats, ranging from studies of domestic politics to bureaucratic politics, to political psychology, to organization theory. By comparison,
there have been few studies at any level of analysis or from any theoretical perspective that directly explain why states have with
some, if not equal, regularity underestimated dangers to their survival. There may be some cognitive or normative bias at
work here. Consider, for instance, that there is a commonly used word, paranoia, for the unwarranted fear that people are, in some way,
"out to get you " or are planning to do oneharm. I suspect that just as many people are afflicted with the opposite psychosis : the delusion
that everyone loves you when, in fact, they do not even like you. Yet, we do not have a familiar word for this phenomenon . Indeed, I am
unaware of any word that describes this pathology (hubris and overconfidence come close, but they plainly define something other than what I have described). That
noted, international relations theory does have a frequently used phrase for the pathology of states' underestimation of threats to

their survival, the so-called Munich analogy. The term is used, however, in a disparaging way by theorists to ridicule those who employ it. The central
claim is that the navet associated with Munich and the outbreak of World War II has become an overused and inappropriate analogy because few leaders are as evil
and unappeasable as Adolf Hitler. Thus, the analogy either mistakenly causes leaders [End Page 198] to adopt hawkish and overly competitive policies or is deliberately
used by leaders to justify such policies and mislead the public. A more compelling explanation for the paucity of studies on underreactions

to threats, however, is the tendency of theories to reflect contemporary issues as well as the desire of theorists and journals to
provide society with policy- relevant theories that may help resolve or manage urgent security problems . Thus, born in the atomic
age with its new balance of terror and an ongoing Cold War, the field of security studies has naturally produced theories of and
prescriptions for national security that have had little to say about and are, in fact, heavily biased against warnings ofthe
dangers of underreacting to or underestimating threats . After all, the nuclear revolution was not about overkill but, as Thomas Schelling pointed out,
speed of kill and mutual kill.93 Given the apocalyptic consequences of miscalculation , accidents, or inadvertent nuclear war, small wonder
that theorists were more concerned about overreacting to threats than underresponding to them . At a time when all of humankind
could be wiped out in less than twenty-five minutes, theorists may be excused for stressing the benefits of caution under conditions of uncertainty and erring on the side
of inferring from ambiguous actions overly benign assessments of the opponent's intentions. The overwhelming fear was that a crisis "might unleash forces of an
essentially military nature that overwhelm the political process and bring on a war thatnobody wants. Many important conclusions about the risk of nuclear war, and
thus about the political meaning of nuclear forces, rest on this fundamental idea."94 Now that the Cold War is over, we can begin to redress these biases in the literature.
In that spirit, I have offered a domestic politics model to explain why threatened states often fail to adjust in a prudent and coherent way to dangerous changes in their
strategic environment. The model fits nicely with recent realist studies on imperial under- and overstretch. Specifically, it is consistent with Fareed Zakaria's analysis of
U.S. foreign policy from 1865 to 1889, when, he claims, the United States had the national power and opportunity to expand but failed to do so because it lacked
sufficient state power (i.e., the state was weak relative to society).95 Zakaria claims that the United States did [End Page 199] not take advantage of opportunities in its
environment to expand because it lacked the institutional state strength to harness resources from society that were needed to do so. I am making a similar argument
with respect to balancing rather than expansion: incoherent, fragmented states are unwilling and unable to balance against potentially dangerous threats because elites
view the domestic risks as too high, and they are unable to mobilize the required resources from a divided society. The arguments presented here also suggest that elite

fragmentation and disagreement within a competitive political process , which Jack Snyder cites as an explanation for overexpansionist
policies, are more likely to produce underbalancing than overbalancing behavior among threatened incoherent states.96 This is because a balancing
strategy carries certain political costs and risks with few, if any, compensating short-term political gains, and because the
strategic environment is always somewhat uncertain. Consequently, logrolling among fragmented elites within threatened states is more likely to
generate overly cautious responses to threats than overreactions to them. This dynamic captures the underreaction of democratic states to the rise of Nazi Germany
during the interwar period.97 In addition to elite fragmentation, I have suggested some basic domestic-level variables that regularly intervene to thwart balance of
power predictions.

Predator states will inevitability arise, proliferating the securitization of threats

***Threats DEBATE
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Alexander Wendt, Anarchy is what states make of it, (1992). International Organization, Vol. 46, No. 2, Spring, p. MIT
Press Journals. 391-425. JSTOR. //wku-tjs
Predator states and anarchy as permissive cause The mirror theory of identity-formation is a crude account of how the process of creating identities and
interests might work, but it does not tell us why a system of statessuch as, arguably, our ownwould have ended up with self-regarding and not
collective identities. In this section, I examine an efficient cause, predation, which, in conjunction with anarchy as a permissive cause, may generate a
self-help system. In so doing, however, I show the key role that the structure of identities and interests plays in mediating anarchys explanatory role.
The predator argument is straightforward and compelling. For whatever reasonsbiology, domestic politics, or systemic victimization some states
may become

predisposed toward aggression. The aggressive behavior of these predators of bad apples forces other
states to engage in competitive power politics, to meet fire with fire, since failure to do so may degrade or
destroy them. One predator will best a hundred pacifists because anarchy provides no guarantees . This argument is
powerful in part because it is so weak: rather than making the strong assumption that all states are inherently power-seeking (a purely reductionist theory
of power politics), it assumes that just one is power-seeking and that the others have to follow suit because anarchy

permits the one to exploit them.

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2NC Threats Offense


Turn your impacts are magnified in a world of your advocacy adopting a culture of political pacifism causes
a fillin from a much more dangerous and authoritarian superpower
Michael Lind, Senior Fellow at the New America Foundation, (1999). Vietnam: The Necessary War. P. 281-2 //wku-tjs
Pacifists to the contrary, it

is honorable and moral to fight on behalf of ones nation in a just causeand that cause
may take the form of a necessary war on behalf of the hegemonic credibility or alliance worthiness of ones
country. A consensus to the opposite effect in the United States will only prove tha the accused Basnian war criminal Ratko Mladic was right when he
sneered, The Western countries have learned that they cannot recruit their own children to realize goals outside their homelands. The leader of the
Bosnian Serbs, Radovan Karadzic, admitted that if the West put in 10,000 men to cut off our supply corridors, we Serbs would be finished. But
another accused Serb war criminal, Vojislav Seslj, remarked: The Americans would have to send tens of thousands of body bags. It would be a new
Vietnam If American radical leftists, pacifists, and libertarian isolationists prevail in promoting a pacifist political

culture in the United States, then it is only a matter of time before the world is dominated by a military
superpower whose leaders have an ethos like that of todays Serb leaders.
Turn: Threats are inescapable and must be confrontedrefusal to engage emboldens aggression, resulting in
conflict
Bradley A. Thayer, Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota, Duluth, 2006. In Defense of Primacy, The National Interest,
November-December, p. 32-37. LN //wku-tjs
In contrast, a strategy based on retrenchment will not be able to achieve these fundamental objectives of the United States. Indeed, retrenchment will
make the United States less secure than the present grand strategy of primacy. This is because threats will exist no matter what role

America chooses to play in international politics. Washington cannot call a "time out", and it cannot hide from
threats. Whether they are terrorists, rogue states or rising powers, history shows that threats must be
confronted. Simply by declaring that the United States is "going home", thus abandoning its commitments or making
unconvincing half-pledges to defend its interests and allies, does not mean that others will respect American wishes to retreat. To make such a
declaration implies weakness and emboldens aggression. In the anarchic world of the animal kingdom, predators prefer to eat
the weak rather than confront the strong. The same is true of the anarchic world of international politics. If
there is no diplomatic solution to the threats that confront the U nited States, then the conventional and strategic
military power of the United States is what protects the country from such threats .

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A2: Ks of Heg
Theyre missing the boat herehegemony is just a tool we have available to address problems. Just because some
people do bad things with that tool doesnt mean it always have to be that way. Even toothbrushes can be evil when
you use them to shank fellow prisonmates, but thats not a reason we should abandon dental hygiene.
Alt solvesKristol and Kagan indicate that hegemony in a world post-alt would be conducive to freedom and
democracytheir indicts only assume the heg of the status quo.

***A2S
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A2: derp thats the link


No, thats the impact turnif we win our impact claims then links to their criticism are irrelevantwe prove that
net worse violence happens in the world of the aff.
And no, its not a link. Were just providing analysis of danger in the international sphere and comparing ways to
solve itwere not engaging in any sort of explicitly normative or prejudiced practices.

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A2: Link Turn We solve violence


THEY SAY THAT THEY SOLVE VIOLENCE, GROUP IT:
1. The links are individual reasons you cant solvewere the only ones accessing a realistic global mechanism
for sustainable solutionsand even if the alt cant solve links are independent alt causes
2. Epistemological flaws ensure the affirmatives advocacy of peace ignores the countless number of times the
peace movement has failed and actually caused warprefer empirics
Thomas Sowell, Senior Fellow at Stanford Universitys Hoover Institution, July 21, 2006. Pacifists versus peace.
http://jewishworldreview.com/cols/sowell072106.asp, Accessed Online: 09/11/2008. //wku-tjs

One of the many failings of our educational system is that it sends out into the world people who cannot tell
rhetoric from reality. They have learned no systematic way to analyze ideas , derive their implications and test
those implications against hard facts. "Peace" movements are among those who take advantage of this widespread

inability to see beyond rhetoric to realities. Few people even seem interested in the actual track record of socalled "peace" movements that is, whether such movements actually produce peace or war . Take the Middle East.
cease-fires
actually promoted peace, the Middle East would be the most peaceful region on the face of the earth instead of the most
violent. Was World War II ended by cease-fires or by annihilating much of Germany and Japan? Make no mistake about it, innocent civilians died in
the process. Indeed, American prisoners of war died when we bombed Germany. There is a reason why General Sherman said "war is
hell" more than a century ago. But he helped end the Civil War with his devastating march through Georgia not by
cease fires or bowing to "world opinion" and there were no corrupt busybodies like the United Nations to demand
replacing military force with diplomacy. There was a time when it would have been suicidal to threaten, much less attack, a nation with much
People are calling for a cease-fire in the interests of peace. But there have been more cease-fires in the Middle East than anywhere else. If

stronger military power because one of the dangers to the attacker would be the prospect of being annihilated. "World opinion," the U.N. and "peace
movements" have eliminated that deterrent. An aggressor today knows that if his aggression fails, he will still be protected from the full retaliatory
power and fury of those he attacked because there will be hand-wringers demanding a cease fire, negotiations and concessions. That has been a formula
for never-ending attacks on Israel in the Middle East. The disastrous track record of that approach extends to other times and places but who looks at
track records? Remember the Falkland Islands war, when Argentina sent troops into the Falklands to capture this little British colony in the South
Atlantic? Argentina had been claiming to be the rightful owner of those islands for more than a century. Why didn't it attack these little islands before?
At no time did the British have enough troops there to defend them. Before there were "peace" movements and the U.N., sending troops into those
islands could easily have meant finding British troops or bombs in Buenos Aires. Now "world opinion" condemned the British just for sending armed
forces into the South Atlantic to take back their islands. Shamefully, our own government was one of those that opposed the British use of force. But
fortunately British prime minister Margaret Thatcher ignored "world opinion" and took back the Falklands . The most catastrophic result of

"peace" movements was World War II. While Hitler was arming Germany to the teeth, "peace" movements in
Britain were advocating that their own country disarm "as an example to others." British Labor Party Members of Parliament
voted consistently against military spending and British college students publicly pledged never to fight for their country . If "peace"
movements brought peace, there would never have been World War II . Not only did that war lead to tens of millions of deaths,
it came dangerously close to a crushing victory for the Nazis in Europe and the Japanese empire in Asia. And we now know that the United States was
on Hitler's timetable after that. For the first two years of that war, the Western democracies lost virtually every battle, all

over the world, because pre-war "peace" movements had left them with inadequate military equipment and
much of it obsolete. The Nazis and the Japanese knew that. That is why they launched the war. "Peace"
movements don't bring peace but war.
Even if they win that the plan solves, it doesnt happen overnight. The transition away from hegemony will be
violent and invite foreign aggressionthats 1NC Sowell and Rosen. Well win an extinction disad to the plan in
the short term.
And, To make matters worse, the affirmative is utterly incapable of describing or even comprehending the
horrors of a world without active American engagement. War has proven to be an effective vehicle for liberating
millions and stopping Hitler and it is the only thing standing between us and greater evilour evidence is
contextual
Ralph Peters, Retired U.S. Army intelligence officer, September 27, 2005. "Protest Therapy." The New York Post. http://terpsboy.com/Articles/protest-therapy.html,
Accessed Online: 09/11/2008. //wku-tjs

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The reason no protester has described what would follow a withdrawal of our troops is that no one on the left can face the
answers. Who needs responsibility, anyway? The protesters are cocooned in a society that minimizes

consequences. If anything goes wrong, it isn't their fault. The answer is never personal responsibility, but
joining a support group. The protesters get their wish, our troops leave and a bloodbath erupts, drawing in Turkey, Syria
and Iran? Just reach for a glass of sauvignon blanc and speed-dial a like-minded pal for reassurance. Genocide isn't your
fault, girlfriend. You did what you felt was right, don't be so hard on yourself. No consequences. At least not for us.If the
demonstrators believe so firmly that our government and military are wrong, shouldn't they follow the example of the
earlier leftists who formed the Lincoln Brigade and fought against fascism? Couldn't they at least muster a Jane Fonda
Battalion of artists, actors and professors to deploy to Iraq and bore our troops into surrendering? The truth about those

who would abandon the people of Iraq and Afghanistan to terrorists and thugs is that their spiritual ancestors
aren't the men of the Lincoln Brigade, but the thousands of Americans who joined the German-American Bund
in the 1930s, arguing that American interests lay in peace with Reichskanzler Hitler, one swell guy.A popular theme last
weekend was, "War, what is it good for?" Well, the answer is that war's good for plenty of things. It freed and
forged our nation. War liberated millions of black Americans from bondage. War stopped Hitler , if too late for
many millions of his victims (peace at any price tends to have a very high price, indeed). And our troops
liberated 50 million human beings in Afghanistan and Iraq who are far more grateful than the protesters or our
media will accept. In this infernally troubled world, war is sometimes the only effective response to greater
evils. And there is evil on this earth. It would also be easier to sympathize with the anti-war protesters if they
occasionally criticized the terrorists who bomb the innocent. But the protesters don't really care about Iraqi suffering, or
terror, or the Taliban's legacy. They're a forlorn mix of Bush-haters who reject election results that they don't like and
drifting souls yearning for a cause to lend their failed lives meaning.

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A2: Social Construction


Claims of social construction ignore the specific validation processes that tie theories to objective realitythe
only alternative is unverifiable and equally constructed.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 2732-56, kindle, IWren)

The seeming sophistication of the notion that all reality is socially constructed has a superficial plausibility but it ignores the
various validation processes which test those constructions. Much of what is said to be socially constructed has been in
fact socially evolved over the generations and socially validated by experience . Much of what many among the
intelligentsia propose to replace it with is in fact constructed that is, created deliberately at a given time and placeand with no
validation beyond the consensus of like-minded peers. If facts, logic, and scientific procedures are all just arbitrary
socially constructed notions, then all that is left is consensus more specifically peer consensus, the kind of consensus that matters to
adolescents or to many among the intelligentsia. In a very limited sense, reality is indeed constructed by human beings. Even the world that we see around us is
ultimately constructed inside our brains from two very small patches of light falling on our retinas. Like images seen in the back of a view camera, the image of the
world in the back of our eyes is upside down. Our brain turns it right side up and reconciles the differences between the image in one eye with the image in the other eye
by perceiving the world as three-dimensional. Bats do not perceive the world in the same way humans do because they rely on signals sent out like sonar and bounced
back. Some creatures in the sea perceive through electrical fields that their bodies generate and receive. While the worlds perceived by different

creatures through different mechanisms obviously differ from one another, these perceptions are not just free-floating
notions, but are subjected to validation processes on which matters as serious as life and death depend . The specific
image of a lion that you see in a cage may be a construct inside your brain, but entering that cage will quickly and
catastrophically demonstrate that there is a reality beyond the control of your brain . Bats do not fly into brick walls during their
nocturnal flights because the very different reality constructed within their brains is likewise subject to validation by experience in a world that exists outside their
brains. Indeed, bats do not fly into plate glass windows, as birds sometimes do when relying on sightindicating both differences in perception systems and the
existence of a reality independent of those perception systems. Even the more abstract visions of the world can often be subject to empirical

validation. Einsteins vision of physics , which was quite different from that of his predecessors, was shown at Hiroshima to be not just
Einsteins vision of physicsnot just his truth versus somebody elses truth, but an inescapable reality for everyone present at that tragic place
at that catastrophic time. Validation processes are the crucial ignored factor which allows many intellectuals to regard all
sorts of phenomenawhether social, economic or scientificas mere subjective notions, implicitly allowing them to
substitute their own preferred subjective notions as to what is, as well as what ought to be.

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A2: Realism Bad


Were not a defense of realismdont let them conflate addressing threats with an entirely separate field of
academic inquiry.
[OPTIONAL]
And, just because realism is bad doesnt mean we should reject italternative worldviews will be just as violent or
worse
O'Callaghan, 02 (Terry , lecturer in the school of International Relations at the University of South Australia, International Relations and the third
debate, ed: Jarvis, 2002, p. 79-80)
In fact, if we explore the depths of George's writings further, we find remarkable brevity in their scope, failing to engage with practical issues beyond platitudes and
homilies. George, for example, is concerned about the violent, dangerous and war-prone character of the present international system. And rightly so. The world

is
a cruel and unforgiving place, especially for those who suffer the indignity of human suffering beneath tyrannous leaders ,
warrior states, and greedy self-serving elites. But surely the problem of violence is not banished from the international
arena once the global stranglehold of realist thinking is finally broken? It is important to try to determine the levels of violence that might be
expected in a nonrealist world. How will internecine conflict be managed? How do postmodernists like George go about managing conflict
between marginalized groups whose "voices" collide? It is one thing to talk about the failure of current realist thinking,
but there is absolutely nothing in George's statements to suggest that he has discovered solutions to handle events in
Bosnia, the Middle East, or East Timor. Postmodern approaches look as impoverished in this regard as do realist perspectives. Indeed, it is interesting to
note that George gives conditional support for the actions of the United States in Haiti and Somalia "because on balance they gave people some hope where there was
none" (George, 1994:231). Brute force, power politics, and interventionism do apparently have a place in George's postmodem world. But even so, the Haitian and
Somalian cases are hardly in the same intransigent category as those of Bosnia or the Middle East. Indeed, the Americans pulled out of Somalia as soon as events took a
turn for the worse and, in the process, received a great deal of criticism from the international community. Would George have done the same thing? Would he

have left the Taliban to their devices in light of their complicity in the events of September 11 ? Would he have left the Somalians to
wallow in poverty and misery? Would he have been willing to sacrifice the lives of a number of young men and women (American, Australian, French, or whatever) to
subdue Aidid and his minions in order to restore social and political stability to Somalia? To be blunt, I wonder how much better off the international community would
be if Jim George were put in charge of foreign affairs. This is not a fatuous point. After all, George wants to suggest that students of international politics are implicated
in the trials and tribulations of international politics. All of us should be willing, therefore, to accept such a role, even hypothetically. I suspect, however, that were

George actually to confront some of the dilemmas that policymakers do on a daily basis, he would find that teaching the
Bosnian Serbs about the dangers of modernism, universalism and positivism, and asking them to be more tolerant and
sensitive would not meet with much success. True, it may not be a whole lot worse than current realist approaches, but the point is that George has
not demonstrated how his views might make a meaningful difference. Saying that they will is not enough, especially
given that the outcomes of such strategies might cost people their lives . Nor, indeed, am I asking George to develop a "research project" along
positivist lines. On the contrary, I am merely asking him to show how his position can make a difference to the "hard cases" in
international politics. My point is thus a simple one. Despite George's pronouncements, there is little in his work to show that he
has much appreciation for the kind of moral dilemmas that Augustine wrestled with in his early writings and that confront human beings
every day. Were this the case, George would not have painted such a black-and- white picture of the study of international politics.

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A2: Were Patriotic


Nobody cares if youre patrioticgood intentions can have terrible consequences for a countrys defense, the only
valuable metric is consequentialism.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 5162-75, kindle, IWren)

No matter how much journalists, politicians or others undermine a war effort, anyone calling such actions unpatriotic is
automatically met with the indignant response, How dare you question my patriotism? Just why patriotism is something
that it is unreasonable or unworthy to question is something for which no argument is advanced, unless endless repetition is considered to
be an argument. This is not to say that anyone with whom one disagrees about a war or any other issue can be automatically called unpatriotic. That is not a charge to
be either automatically accepted or automatically rejected. Even actions detrimental to a countrys self-defense are not automatically

unpatriotic in intention. It is not necessary to assume that the intelligentsia of the 1930s, for example, deliberately set out
to do such things as making their own countries vulnerable to military attack . As noted in Chapter 7, Georges Lapierrethe leader of the
French teachers unions campaigns to promote pacifism in Frances textbooks during the 1920s and 1930s, downplaying national pride and national defense
nevertheless, after the fall of France in 1940, joined the French underground resistance movement against the Nazi conquerors, and as a result ended up being captured
and sent to his death in Dachau.137 He was clearly not an unpatriotic man. But, whatever his intentions during the interwar years, the more important question is the
ultimate effect of his efforts on a whole generation. Many other prewar pacifist teachers also ended up fighting in the French resistance movement after the vision they
had promoted for so long led to opposite results from what they were seeking. They had, in Burkes words from an earlier time, helped bring about the

worst results without being the worst of men .138 In their own minds, the teachers wove together patriotism and pacifism, according to an account
of that era139 but, regardless of what went on inside those educators minds, the net result out in the real world was the same
as if they had deliberately undermined the patriotism of a whole generation of their students, for whom they made
internationalism as well as pacifism prime virtues, despite whatever passing mention there might be of love of country as
a subordinate aspect of a love of humanity in general .

Freedom fries//never forget

Hegemony Good Kritik


33/33

Little Rock Central 2010-11


Ian Wren

Iraq = Not that bad


The situation in Iraq isnt that badreports focus excessively on casualties but its a comparatively less bloody
conflict than even a single day in previous wars.
Sowell 10 (Thomas, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, graduated from Harvard and received doctorate at UChicago in economics, pretty
much a total badass, Intellectuals and Society, loc 5162-75, kindle, IWren)

The American militarys positive achievements in general, whether in battle or in restoring civil order or carrying out
humanitarian activities, received little attention in the media . While the Iraq war began to disappear from the front pages of the New York Times
as terrorist attacks declined in the wake of the surge, and coverage shrank similarly in other media, American casualties continued to be
highlighted, even when those casualties were in single digits, and the cumulative casualties were constantly featured, even
though these casualties were by no means high compared to other wars . In fact, all the Americans killed in the two Iraq wars
put together were fewer than those killed taking the one island of Iwo Jima during the Second World War or one day of fighting
at Antietam during the Civil War.129 Unless one believes that wars can be fought with no casualties , there was nothing unusual
about the casualty rate in the first or second Iraq war, except for its being lower than in most wars. But casualties fit the
constant theme of soldiers as victims, and verbal virtuosity has enabled this victimization message to be characterized as
supporting the troops or even honoring the troops. After the New York Times published photographs of dying and dead American soldiers in Iraq, its
executive editor replied to criticisms by declaring that death and carnage are part of the story, and to launder them out of our account of the war would be a
disservice.130 Such verbal virtuosity creates a straw man of laundering out the fact of deaths in war which no one

has
ever doubtedand equates publishing photos of individual soldiers in the throes of death with just telling the story, while
burying stories of soldiers heroism deep inside the paper.

Freedom fries//never forget