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KIRIBATI LANGUAGE

The Kiribati Language reflects changes which have already taken place in
the culture today. While changes in a language are inevitable, speakers of
the language show different attitudes towards these changes. With the
introduction of Western ideas and behaviours, new words have to be
borrowed or invented to accommodate these foreign concepts.

In short, language is never static. It is dynamic and this is so anywhere in


the world. Therefore, the Kiribati language is bound to go through
changes. This is necessary if we want to keep up with the changing world.

WRITING SYSTEMS

The Kiribati language was first put down in writing by Rev. Hiram Bingham,
Jr. of the Protestant mission based in Hawaii who arrived in the Gilberts in
1857 and, much later, by priests of the Sacred Heart Mission which was
first established in the Gilberts in 1888. Even though none of them were
trained in linguistics, they successfully accomplished their task of
translating the Bible into the local vernacular, although not without some
difficulty. They used different spellings in their respective versions and also
translated some words differently.

For example, in the case of a Bible reference to "mountainous", Bingham


adopted maungaunga,while the Catholic selection was tabukibuki. The
word maungaunga is derived from the Kiribati maunga which has the
sense of "high" or "elevated" and may ultimately be traced to prehistoric
contacts with Samoans. The Catholic use of tabukibuki suggests an
understanding that because mountains do not exist in the low coral islands
of Kiribati, a word that means "hilly" in the local dialect would be grasped
more quickly.

Another case of the difficulties in translation of the Bible is seen in St. Mark
2.:11 "I say unto thee, Arise, and take up thy bed, and go thy way into
thine house". Bingham translated this as "I taku nako im, Tei rake, ao
tabeka am kainiweve ao nako n am auti". Kainiwene is a compound word
having the meaning of "an object to lie on", possibly invented to refer to
the Western introduction of beds. Mr. Eastman, another missionary after
Bingham, changed the word in the translation from kainiwene to kiem,
which means "mat" in English. A mat was (and still is) more commonly
used by I-Kiribati than a bed.

The Protestants spelled the name of Jesus as Iesu while the Catholics
opted for Ietu. Such differences in spelling were resolved in later years
when the Catholics agreed in general to conform to Bingham's language
usages.
Linguists and others have invented signs by which they can indicate
different sounds in written form, but usually this can be done in many
ways. For example, long vowel sounds may be distinguished from short
vowels by simply doubling the vowel or by adding a diacritic mark over the
single vowel sign (a/aa or a/a). Also, the nasal sound "ng" as distinguished
from the nasal "n" may be represented as ng or as n with the diacritic
added. Other more complex sound differences can be written in similarly
distinctive ways. In Kiribati, the aa and ng are more acceptable forms,
whereas a and n a known by island readers but are not widely observed in
writing practice.

KIRIBATI LANGUAGE BOARD

With the changes taking place in Kiribati culture and the need to provide a
standardised vocabulary for new ideas which are being assimilated, the
Government has realised the importance of having a Language Board to
ensure that I-Kiribati would be able to keep up with new ideas and
technology from developed countries without discarding the fundamental
component of their culture, that is, their language, as some unfortunate
peoples in the Pacific Basin have done.

The Kiribati Language Board was officially set up in the mid-1970s within
the Ministry of Education, Training and Culture. According to the Board's
own constitution, its functions are to standardise the orthography and
grammar of the Kiribati language, to compose and update a dictionary and
to work towards development of a Kiribati literature. The Ministry of
Education selects the Board's Chairman, appoints its members and
allocates a modest sum annually for the Board's operations.

Board members number thirteen and are nominated from the Ministry, the
Civil Service, the principal churches and the Tungavalu Society (now
renamed Te Rikia n Tungaru). The northern and southern islands of the
Gilberts both have a representative in recognition of the strong dialect
differences between the two areas. Board recommendations on language
matters are made to the Minister who, if he approves, forwards them to
the Cabinet for final decisions.

The Board has had varied success in its attempts to standardise the local
vernacular. In general the nation's schools, both public and private, have
been co-operative in adopting changes. The national newspaper, Te
Uekera, in its news reporting has implemented Board recommendations
when approved by the Cabinet but not otherwise. Until recently, public
hearings on language changes were not held regularly.

Some examples will illustrate the nature of the Board's problems in dealing
with linguistic change. The English term "Commonwealth" is expressed in
the Kiribati language as Kaomanuareta. This may be confusing because
the last part of the word, "-reta", is similar to the Kiribati way of saying the
English noun "letter". Again, the English word "minister" has two meanings
in Kiribati which often leads to misunderstanding, that is, minister as a
member of the clergy and minister as a government official. Everyone
uses minita when referring to either individual and depends on the context
to indicate which meaning is intended. Recently, there have been
attempts to substitute Minitita for government minister and to reserve
minita for the churchman, but popular usage has not changed noticeably.
The local equivalent of "missionary" is expressed as mitinare.

The Board has also faced a problem which has resulted from the creation
of Kiribati as an independent state. Before 1979 our culture, language and
nationality were officially identified as "Gilbertese", after the name of the
main group of our islands. With Independence, there were feelings among
those in the new government that a local word should be used in place of
Gilbertese. Tungaru is the traditional name for the Gilbert Islands, but the
new state also includes the Line and Phoenix groups to the east, and these
were never viewed as part of Tungaru. So the local rendition of "Gilberts",
that is, Kiribati, was adopted to provide a compromised equivalent of the
former colonial entity.

But then a question arose as to what form of Kiribati would be used as an


adjective. At first, "Kiribatese" (after Gilbertese) was considered, as well as
"Kiribatian" or just plain Kiribati. I-Kiribati, which as a proper noun was
being used to refer to a local person, was also employed sometimes as an
adjective. Recently, the Board has recommended and the Cabinet has
approved the word Kiribati as the adjective and I-Kiribati (or I Kiribati,
without the hyphen) as the noun. A long period of education will be
necessary no doubt before the officially mandated words are accepted
uniformly by the public, even though they will have been incorporated in
the school curriculum.

POPULAR ATTITUDES ABOUT LANGUAGE CHANGES

Older I-Kiribati have a strong resentment towards change in the language.


Most of them are very conservative and are often very quick to criticise
young people when the latter fail to use what they call "proper" Kiribati
speech. Young folks tend to be careless in the way they use the language,
both in the grammatical structure and in the vocabulary, and they tend to
mix Kiribati and English in order to convey their message in a changing
cultural situation. It does not mean that they have no words in their own
language which they could adapt to their need. Some youths are quick to
use English words modified by a Kiribati pronunciation, for example, boki
for "book".

Despite the older generation's effort to discourage young people from


misuse of words and incorrect grammar, many new words or slang terms
of non-Kiribati origin are being introduced. A great number of these are
borrowed from the English language and also from neighbouring Pacific
Island vernaculars but some seem to be completely new inventions by
local youth.
Most people, especially those who have had formal schooling, tend to
converse in a mixture of Kiribati and English. A visit to one of the public
bars will clearly portray this change. Not only will they mix English with
Kiribati when they are drunk but it often becomes a habit even when they
are sober. The older people are against this trend, and they often write
letters to the newspaper or Radio Kiribati, saying very sarcastic remarks
about those who speak over the radio in a mixture of the two languages.

Under the rules of procedure in the national parliament, members have


the right to choose either English or Kiribati during legislative sessions.
However, most I-Kiribati would rather have all discussions and debates in
"pure" Kiribati. The Clerk of the Maneaba in Maungatabu recently stated in
the national newspaper that there is a tendency for members to mix
English with Kiribati because they are often pressed for time and find that
some English words or phrases cannot be easily translated into the local
vernacular. For instance, "the sovereign state of the Republic of Kiribati" is
a phrase that would be hard to translate accurately. Generally, all
proceedings in the parliament are conducted in the Kiribati language with
a word or phrase in English added every now and then.

The young people see things differently from their elders. To them, the use
of English in written form, and to some extent in oral communication, is
more convenient. Obviously the younger generation is getting the upper
hand in this conflict. Probably the changing world gives them some
advantage over their more traditional elders.

LANGUAGE PREFERENCE IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS

In colonial days, English was considered as being the more important


language. On all formal occasions such as conferences or the writing of
petitions English was always used. Although English still maintains its
importance today, the Kiribati language has now been given more or less
the same status. It is up to the individual to make a judgement on which of
these two is regarded as being more desirable in a given situation.

Almost all important government reports, documents and even the


nation's constitution are written in both English and Kiribati. Should there
be any misunderstanding of the text by the public, then the English
version overrides the one recorded in Kiribati. Memos, letters and official
circulars from one government ministry to another are usually written in
English. However, when dealing more generally with the public interest,
then the Kiribati language is used.

Radio programmes and newspaper articles are presented predominantly in


the vernacular. Although many I-Kiribati would like to see Kiribati as the
only language used by the media, some English-language features are
currently retained on the radio as well as in Te Uekera, the national
newspaper. It is important to note that changes which have been
introduced in the Kiribati language are reinforced by their use in the
media. Once a new slang word is adopted or invented by young people,
there is a greater chance to see it in the newspaper or to hear it over the
radio.

LANGUAGE USAGE IN SCHOOL AND CHURCH

In Primary schools throughout Kiribati, the vernacular serves as the


medium of instruction during the first three years, for the children come
from homes in which Kiribati speech is preferred. In the fourth year, a
transition to English begins with the teaching of that language. From the
fifth through the ninth year, English is gradually introduced as the medium
of instruction. Although this is stated to be the policy, the local speech
may be used more generally throughout the Primary programme,
especially in the outer islands where both pupils and teachers are more
comfortable in the vernacular.

There is one school, Rurubao Primary School in Bairiki, that was first
established years ago for the children of expatriates who came to the
islands to work for the Government. The teachers at Rurubao are mostly I-
Matang or white people, and the fees charged for schooling are extremely
high. Entry into Rurubao is by examination. Today the school accepts some
Kiribati children who are considered to be sufficiently competent in
English.

For nearly a century, Primary education of I-Kiribati was a responsibility of


Protestant and Catholic churches. Policies varied, as did practice, in regard
to the language of instruction and the teaching of reading and writing. In
Catholic schools, where many of the teachers were nuns from overseas,
the English language received more attention. This was probably for status
reasons and not from necessity since experience has shown that most of
the expatriate teachers became fluent in the vernacular in a remarkably
short time. In the Protestant schools, the case was somewhat different in
that most of the teachers were local people, working under the direction of
I-Matang missionaries who also assisted in production of textbook
materials in the Kiribati language.

After the Government took responsibility for Primary education, first from
the Protestant Church in the early 1950s and later from the Catholic
Church in the late 1970s, language policy varied. A strong push from the
Government in the 1960s attempted to give more emphasis to English as
a preparation of I-Kiribati for a more active role in Western-oriented
economic and governmental activities. More recently, however, the trend
is towards a reasonable mix of Kiribati and English and more attention to
Kiribati culture in the curriculum. Classroom materials for the latter are
produced by Kiribati trainees in the Tarawa Teachers College. These
students are also trained in Vernacular Studies. A standardised curriculum
is applied in all Primary schools at the present time.
As children continue their studies at the Secondary school level, the
emphasis is definitely given to English. All subjects are taught in that
language, except in a course on Kiribati Studies where the vernacular is
used for all instruction. Children generally find it hard to deal with the
English language when they first go to high school. The exception occurs
among those who come from Primary schools in South Tarawa, Banaba
and Nauru where they have been exposed to a more urbanised and
English-speaking environment.

Churches in Kiribati often conduct their services in the local language and
some of these are broadcast on the radio. Hymns are always sung in the
vernacular, although most were originally composed in Latin or English.
One church in South Tarawa does not have a qualified local minister and
therefore an expatriate is recruited to serve in that capacity. Although the
services are consequently conducted in English, an interpreter translates
the minister's sermons.

KIRIBATI LITERATURE

The state of Kiribati vernacular literature is very limited. Thus, it is difficult


for the general public to find reading material in their own language. The
government newspaper, Te Uekera, is not read much on the outer islands
owing to the lack of "interesting" articles, to the problem of dispatching
the issues promptly from South Tarawa or simply because most people
cannot afford to buy the paper.

The principal religious denominations put out monthly newsletters which


attract more readers in the outer islands than in South Tarawa. This
success may be due to the fact that most outer islanders are religious
enthusiasts who are more interested in what is going on in the church and
its teachings than in the political and economic issues or advertisements
contained in Te Uekera. These newsletters are written entirely in the
vernacular. Other church publications are usually in the local language
also, which means that I-Kiribati are more exposed to the written form of
their language through church publications than through government
reports and other documents available to the public.

Both the Ministry of Education and the Broadcasting and Publication


Authority play a major role in encouraging potential writers to reduce short
stories either in English or the vernacular. Monetary prizes are awarded to
the winners of a short-story writing competition. Contestants are divided
into three categories according to age. The first group consists of Primary
school pupils, the second is in the age range of Secondary school students
and the third is made up of adults. This gives everyone who wants to write
an opportunity to exploit his or her talent in written expression. The
criteria for selecting the winners include the content of the story and the
writer's ability to follow generally recognised practice in both grammar
and spelling.
To date, there is really but one major educational book produced in the
vernacular. This is the translation of Kiribati: Aspects of History
(1979), entitled Taraan Karakin Kiribati and written entirely by local
authors. It was carefully edited by "experts" in the Kiribati language,
obviously including persons on the Kiribati Language Board. This
publication has attracted at least two groups of readers in Kiribati. The first
consists of the elders, who are interested in the myths, legends and
historical accounts of their islands. It is not that they want to gain
information from the book so much as to test the accuracy of the stories
and to criticise them if they do not agree with the versions of those stories
which they themselves know. All myths and legends have different
versions in the different islands and are popular topics for argument
amongst the elders. The other group is the younger generation who tend
to favour the English edition of the book, using it to collect information for
classroom assignments or to read it just for the pleasure it gives them.

As yet, one cannot draw firm conclusions about the influence which
publications in Kiribati language may have had on the orthography or
selling practices, since there are not near enough materials published in
the vernacular to provide models for the way people write their language.

LOOKING TOWARDS THE FUTURE

In the outer islands, the Kiribati language is not in any immediate danger
of being lost as a consequence of influences from foreign countries nor is it
faced with serious linguistic problems as a result of introduced
technologies from developed and industrial nations. In South Tarawa,
however, the situation appears to be more critical, for here is where I-
Kiribati are in more direct contact with Western culture. Hopefully, I-
Kiribati will be able to adjust to the changing environment to become more
aware of the increasing threat to their language and culture. Precautions
are necessary to counteract undesirable impact on the language.

The Kiribati Language Board now seems well prepared to initiate actions
that may help to minimise problems affecting the language in times to
come. One of the principal problems identified at this stage is
standardisation of the Kiribati orthography and structure.

A comparison of words and phrases from the two northernmost islands -


Makin and Butaritari - with those from the rest of Kiribati illustrates a
special issue posed by dialectical differences which exist within the nation

English Makin/Butaritari Other Islands


What is your name? Nanta aram? Antai aram?
What is it? Teikara? Tera?
I can't hear, you. I aki n ongo. I aki ongo.
Come here, you. Kuriko naerea. Nakomai nao.
They/them (those people) Nakekea. Nakekei.
These people. Takam. Nakai.
Yes. Aeng. Eng.

Such differences exist not only between the two abovementioned islands
and the rest of Kiribati but they also occur more generally between the
northern and southern groups on the Gilberts. An example of this diversity
is clearly shown in the send-person singular pronoun which is pronounced
ngke in the north and ngkoe in the south. Even between islands in the
same group one will find differences in speech but these are less obvious
to the untrained ear.

In this regard, the question facing the Language Board is whether to


standardise the Kiribati orthography using the southern dialect as the base
(which tends to be the present practise) or to incorporate features from
both southern and northern dialects, not to mention the unique speech
forms of Makin and Butaritari. If the board favours usages in the south it
will discriminate against preferences in the north. What criteria can be
adopted to standardise vocabulary for all Kiribati? Who will be the losers
by such a decision?

In the meantime, the children of Makin and Butaritari are required in


school to learn a brand of Kiribati which is different from the language they
use everyday. As a result they are starting to replace some of their own
words and phrases with those used in the rest of the islands. Are I-Kiribati
a a nation prepared to destroy a vital component of the culture of these
people in the far north, unique as it is, and to mould it in the way that
others want it to be?

The dialect of Makin/Butaritari has undergone more changes already as


compared with language used in the rest of Kiribati. But most of these
changes are due not so much to introduction of Western ideas as they are
to the imposition of words and phrases from the other islands through
classroom instruction and the mass media.

One further change that is likely to need consideration is the addition of


some new letters to the Kiribati alphabet, namely p,v and s. The reason is
that I-Kiribati are now using acronyms such as PUB (Public Utilities Board)
and PVU (Plant and Vehicle Unit), to mention only two. Although many I-
Kiribati favour the adoption of such letter combinations as common
practice, the Board will want to justify the grounds on which such decisions
would be recommended.

The Board has been very systematic in reaching its decisions but it needs
to exercise caution in anticipating both positive and negative effects that
implementation may have on the language generally. Its present method
of conducting public hearings on a given issue may well disadvantage the
minority whose dialect and cultural values are as important to them as are
others to the majority. While these are only some of the problems
confronting the Board, there is as yet no overriding concern that any large-
scale destruction of the Kiribati language is imminent.

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