Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Teaching
Introduction
As well as making links with the languages we teach, for example by comparing
and contrasting Aboriginal languages with other languages, Aboriginal
Perspectives is about being mindful of relevant aspects of Aboriginal culture as it
affects everything that happens in the classroom. This is a sensitive area and it is
easy to fall into cultural stereotyping, but it is important not to stray in the
direction of Aboriginal people do not like to make direct eye contact-type
generalisations (see
http://aboriginalrights.suite101.com/article.cfm/falseprotocols) or slide into
sentimental/noble savage discourses about caring and sharing.
Ideally, it is advisable to have a whole of school approach to this, so that
everyone in the school is aware of and in contact with the local Aboriginal
community, if appropriate. This is a whole school responsibility, but in many
cases a languages teacher has taken the first step, for example to find out if
there is any interest in initiating an Aboriginal language program in the school or
inviting a local Elder to talk about language and culture. If your school does not
have an Aboriginal Education Officer, there are Aboriginal Education consultants
and Aboriginal Liaison Officers in each Regional Office who may be contacted for
advice.
social groups. Serbian and Croatian, which are very similar to each other though
they use different writing systems, are a well-known example of this.
In the case of Aboriginal languages, there are many quite distinct languages,
some which are related to others and which may share some vocabulary and
grammar. Within each language, there may be a number of dialects, each with
its own name. Details about dialects have often been lost in NSW but, for
example, in Arnhemland where there are several languages, we know that each
clan has its own dialect. People typically marry out of their clan so they will
speak several dialects, if not several languages.
A point to be aware of is that non-standard varieties of languages are often
referred to derogatorily as dialects. Because of this, uneducated people often
say that Aboriginal people speak dialects, in the mistaken belief that what they
speak is not really language at all but something primitive.
What different dialects of English are you aware of? What about dialects in the
language/s you teach/learn?
3. Are Aboriginal languages all similar to each other?
Most Aboriginal languages share some superficial characteristic similarities which
enable us to recognise them as distinctively Aboriginal. For example, the sound
systems are fairly similar which is why we recognise place names such as
Kirribilli and Wagga Wagga as being of Aboriginal origin. (For a good collection of
English words derived from Aboriginal languages look at Australian Aboriginal
Words in English: Their origin and meaning by Dixon et al. 2nd ed. 2006 OUP.)
Many English sounds do not occur in most Aboriginal languages, such as /s/,
/f/, /z/ and this accounts for the distinctive accent of Aboriginal language
speakers to the English-hearing ear. However, retroflex and laminal sounds are
common, and present a challenge to speakers of English who may not recognise
the differences between /ny/, /ng /and /n/ or between /l /and /rl/.
Yet most Aboriginal languages are not mutually intelligible. They are part of a
language family, just as English is part of the Indo-European language family
along with Spanish, Russian, Hindi, Yiddish and Armenian, among many others.
While Aboriginal languages share similarities, in contrast to English they are as
varied as the languages that make up the Indo-European group.
What are the characteristic sounds of the language you teach/learn? Are they
similar to other languages? What sort of difficulties does this present for
monolingual English speakers?
4. What are they like in form?
Grammatically they are like Latin, highly inflected, so that nouns have a suffix to
indicate their case (nominative, accusative, dative, etc.). Particularly notable is
the widespread use of the ergative case, the marking of the subject of a
transitive sentence. This contrasts with English in which word order is important
to indicate such information. Look at this example from Gumbaynggirr.
Jumbaalu marlamgarl yiinyjang.
Here we can see that one word has an ergative suffix, /u/, indicating which one is
the subject of the transitive sentence, and so word order is not so important.
Look at the following sentences. You can easily now work out who is doing the
action.
Marlamgarl jumbaalu yiinyjang.
Jumbaal marlamgarlu yiinyjang.
Marlamgarl yiinyjang jumbaalu.
Marlamgarlu jumbaal yiinyjang.
How important is word order in the language you are teaching/learning?
5. Are they written down?
Aboriginal languages have only been written down since settlement. This is not
unusual. Of the 7000 or so languages in the world only 108, have spontaneously
developed writing systems. Many Aboriginal languages now have a standard
spelling system based on the Roman alphabet.
However, just because Aboriginal languages were not written down, it does not
mean that there were no ways to convey meaning symbolically. According to
Jane Simpson (see Transient Languages blog
(http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/elac/2006/10/sand_talk_and_how_to_record_it.html#mu
nn)
In Central Australia, you often see Aboriginal people sitting on the ground,
talking, and simultaneously drawing on the sand, smoothing it over when
they've finished a point, and starting again. They might be recounting
places along a journey, listing family members, drawing maps, or
describing the movement of characters in a story. I'll call this 'sand talk'.
As characters move and scenes change, the narrator rubs out the picture
in the sand and starts afresh....there is a clear relationship between the
iconicity of the sand drawings and the visual elements that are now used
in marketable art from the Central Australian region.
The following diagrams, retrieved on 17 February 2010 from
http://www.robertbartonart.com/default.asp?PageID=30, give some idea of how
this works in one region of Central Australia.
Campsite
This icon is the symbol for campsite. You will
find this symbol in common usage in central
desert art works. This can also mean special
place, sacred site or home depending on the
sequence and relationship (context) to other
symbols in the piece.
Imagine how you might feel if you were not allowed to speak your language any
more.
7. What is lost when languages are lost?
Losing a language is losing a way of thinking about the world. One way to
understand a little of how people conceptualise is to look at their systems of
classifying things. Murrinh-Patha, widely spoken in the west of the Northern
Territory, has ten noun classes, a prefix is attached to every noun, indicating its
class: kardu Aboriginal people and spirits; ku non-Aboriginal people and other
animals and their products such as meat; kura fresh water; mi food plants and
their products, including faeces; thamul spears; thu other weapons and things
that strike, like thunder and lightning and playing cards (when they hit the
ground); thungku fire, firewood, matches; da time and place including seasons;
murrinh speech and language; nanthi everything else. As in languages such as
French and German, where you need to indicate grammatical gender (a type of
noun class), so in Murrinh-Patha you may have to indicate noun class too,
although in this language, gender is not an aspect of the classes. It is interesting
that a thing can be a member of several classes, depending upon the way it is
viewed at the time. For example, a boomerang is an offensive weapon so will be
thu kuragadha. However, if it is used just as an ornament on your mantelpiece, it
would be nanthi kuragatha. Similarly, anything which is not normally a weapon,
but used as a weapon, would be preceded by thu. So, a bottle, kum, is in the
nanthi class but, used as a weapon, would be thu kum. Note that if something is
being used or behaving in its most usual way, the noun class marker is often
omitted. (For more information on Murrinh-Patha see Walsh 2005.)
In some Aboriginal languages the noun classes do include male-female
distinctions. In Dyirbal, women, fire and dangerous things comprise one noun
class!
Does your language have noun classes? English does not, but most European
languages have grammatical gender.
the bush. So, in Arrente, spoken around Alice Springs, the tnyeme witchetty bush
is where you find tnyematye, the witchetty grub (Evans 2009 p. 21).
Ethnopharmacology is the name for the study of medicinal plants known to other
cultures. There is a recent PhD. thesis on the medicinal plants of Gamilaraay and
Murawari-speaking areas of NSW. Such knowledge is lost when languages are
lost.
Think about how the names of plants and animals in your language may suggest
information about their qualities. (English examples: cabbage white butterflies,
honeyeaters, woodpeckers, feverfew, deadly nightshade.)
The names for some animals for in Aboriginal languages, even when
incorporated into English, remain onomatopoeic, e.g. kookaburra, currawong.
The word for crow in many Aboriginal languages is wa, wak, wagan or similar.
How is onomatopoeia used in your language?
9. Language for use with particular people or in special situations
Typically there are some people who do not speak to each other in Aboriginal
communities due to traditional habits. Everyone in the community will belong to
a section, or sub-section, known as a skin group. Everyone will belong to one of
the groups and this will determine who you marry. Everyone in the same group is
a brother or sister, whether they are biologically related or not. So, for example,
if you look at this diagram:
Ngarritjan
ngarritj
Beliny
Gamany
balang
Banginy
gamarrang
bangardi
bulanyjan
Bulany
Galijan
gela
wamutjan
Wamut
Gotjan
gotjok
Able to marry
In the boxes above, women are bold, men are bold italic. People in the same
box are brother and sister. The children of the women will be of the skin group of
the box below (it is your mothers skin group that determines what your skin will
be). The husbands of the women will be those indicated by reciprocal arrows.
Men do not speak to their mothers-in-law and brothers and sisters do not speak
to each other after puberty. So, for example, in the diagram above, which shows
the skin groups in the Jawoyn/Ngalkbon/Rembarrnga regions of the Northern
Territory, if I am bulantjan and married to balang, my children will be wamut
or wamutjan. Even if I were married to gela, my children would still be wamut
or wamutjan. I can talk and joke with my husband and also all men in the
category of husband, balang or gela, however I cannot talk to anyone in the
Aboriginal language, and this spread through Australia with the cattle trains. A
pidgin is not a complete language but it does not need to be, it is spoken by
people who already speak at least one other language. In some areas of
Australia, children from various language groups were separated from their
parents on missions and communicated with each other in the pidgin English
spoken to them by the missionaries. Since this was the only language they used,
it became more regular and complex than pidgin, eventually becoming a creole.
Across the north of Australia many people now speak a creole, called Kriol.
Kriol is interesting because, while many of the words come from English, many
grammatical features come from Aboriginal languages. For example, look at the
pronouns:
mi
yu
you (sing.)
im
he/she/it
wi
we (inclusive)
mibala
we (exclusive)
yunmi
mindubala
we two (exclusive)
yundubala
dual
yumob
olabat
you (plural)
they
You can see that there are far more personal pronouns than in English. Most of
these occur in all Aboriginal languages. Another aspect of typical Aboriginal
grammar in Kriol is that transitivity has to be marked on verbs. This is done by
the suffix, im. So, Dei bin gitim im translates as: They got it. The im suffix on the
verb git, indicates that git (get) is a transitive verb.
Aboriginal English is a dialect of English that shares some characteristics of
Aboriginal languages, but not to the same extent as Kriol does. However, an
understanding of Kriol and ancestral Aboriginal languages can help explain some
characteristics of Aboriginal English. For example, in Aboriginal English it is
common for to find sentences such as I saw him, that man. In English, the him
is redundant, but this is a remnant of the Aboriginal pattern of indicating if a verb
is transitive by adding a suffix to the verb itself.
In almost all languages it is possible to find evidence of contact with other
languages. English has evidence of the influence of Latin, French and Germanic
languages. How has contact with other languages influenced the language you
teach/learn?
And apparently, I've been told (and I don't know if this is true) ancient
Greek has the same incredibly sophisticated thing. As an educated man of
the late 18th century, Rooke would certainly have known ancient Greek
and Latin very well, so it gave me a chance to reveal his innocent
excitement, and also to say what in fact linguists do feel about many
Aboriginal languages, that they are extraordinarily sophisticated
grammatically.