PROPAGANDA IN THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION

by
Courtney Suzanne Kriewald

A SENIOR THESIS
m

GENERAL STUDIES
Submitted to the General Studies Council
in the College of Arts and Sciences
at Texas Tech University in
Partial fulfillment of
the Requirements for
the Degree of
BACHELOR OF GENERAL STUDIES

Approved
r

YM. BELL
Depa
ent of History
Chairperson of Thesis Committe$--

DR. MICHAEL PARKINSON

School of Mass Communications
Chairperson of Thesis Committee

Accepted

DR . MICHAELSCHOENECKE
Director of General Studies
DECEMBER 2000

M^'f^^
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
1 would like to thank Dr. Gary Bell and Dr. Michael Parkinson for their guidance

.39

and encouragement, and the General Studies program director and adviser. Dr. Michael

T ,^

Schoenecke and Ms. Linda Gregston. Also, I would like to thank Tim Head, Courtnie
Smith, my sister, Lesley Kriewald, and my parents, Kay and Dennis Kriewald, for their
positive attitude, even when my thesis was in pieces.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
LIST OF FIGURES

ii
iii

CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION
The Significance of the Printing Revolution
to the Protestant Reformation

II. VISUAL PROPAGANDA AND ORAL TRADITION

IN THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION
III. THEMES OF PROTESTANT PROPAGANDA

8
16

Malevolency of the Roman Catholic Church

16

Protestant Martyrs

19

IV. THE PROPAGANDA AND PUBLIC RELATIONS TECHNIQUES

OF THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION
The Successes of the Protestant Reformers
The Failures of the Roman Catholic Church
V. Bibliography

28
28
35
39

LIST OF FIGURES
1.1

Martin Luther

1.2

Johann Gensfleisch zum Gutenberg

2.1

Title page to Verhor und Acta vor dem Byschoff'von Meysen

13

2.2

Title page to Die Luterisch Strebkatz

13

2.3

The Abbot on the Ice

14

2.4

The Monk and his Maid

14

2.5

Luther Leads the Faithful from Egyptian Darkness

15

3.1

The Spiritual Wolves

25

3.2

Title page to Das new Testament Deutsch and an illustration

in Czech edition of Luther from Vom Ambeten des Sakraments

26

3.3

Title page to Am anazaignng wie D. Martinus Luther zu Worms

27

4.1

Ignatius Loyola

38

IV

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
A public relations campaign is defined as a "connected series of operations
designed to bring about a particular result; ... the term encompasses such related
activities as publicity, promotion, special events, advertising, and organizational
behavior, all coordinated to sway public opinion and/or behavior" (Kendall 520-21).
Although the notion of an organized public relations campaign is a fairly new idea, there
have been several examples of public relations campaigns throughout history. The
movement to abolish slavery or the movement for women's rights are just two examples
of what could be considered public relations campaigns. But perhaps one of history's
best examples of a successful public relations campaign is the Protestant Reformation.
The Protestant Reformation effectively challenged the dominant institution of sixteenth
century Europe, the Roman Catholic Church, and established numerous Protestant
religions. To this day, millions of people are followers of the faiths that arose follow ing
the challenge to the established Church.
The Significance of the Printing Revolution to the Protestant Reformation
It is important to note that what is commonly considered the event that spurred the
Protestant Reformation Martin Luther posting his ninety-five theses to the door of
Castle Church in Wittenburg, Germany on October 31, 1517 is not the true beginning
of the Reformation (Ozment x). Before Luther, there were several reformers who
challenged the authority and questioned the practices of Catholicism (Figure 1.1). Jan
Hus in Czechoslovakia, Ulrich Zwingli in Switzerland, and John Wyclif in England all
rebelled against the Catholic Church before Luther. But the early reformers lacked an

effective channel of communication to spread their message of reform. The reason

Martin Luther successfully spread his ideas was because a medium that could reach a
large number of people in far away places quickly and efficiently was available the
medium of the pnnted word. Wyclif's and the other early Reformers' ideas spread
slowly because it took so long to produce hand-written copies. However, Luther's ideas
flooded Europe within months because they were printed (Lindberg 36). The printing
press opened the door for Luther and other reformers to end the dominance of the Roman
Catholic Church.
The pnnting revolution is undoubtedly one of the greatest developments in human
history. The creation of printing was not only a monumental event in the history of
communications, but it also contributed to the transformation of society. For the first
time in history, books were not restricted to monasteries, to the learned upper class, or to
universities; the average person could possess a book. The new access to the printed
word resulted in the spread of literacy and learning to an entire class of people previously
unexposed to literature of any sort.
There are three important developments that led to the printing revolution
inexpensive paper, an ink of good quality, and the moveable-type pnnting press. Without
these, printing would have never been possible. In 1295, Marco Polo introduced to
Europe linen rag paper from China. The materials that had been used previously for
printing papyrus from the swamps of the Nile and parchment made from sheepskin
were not only expensive, but were difficult to produce. The inexpensive linen rag paper
made printing on a large scale financially feasible. Once a suitable paper was developed.
Europeans still lacked quality ink. However, it was found that mixing carbon with an

oily solution produced ink that adhered to linen paper and was suitable for mass printing
(Lindberg 36).
The critical invention that spurred the printing revolution was not made, however,
until the 1440s. In Germany, Johann Gensfleisch zum Gutenberg (Figure 1.2) invented
the mov cable metal-type printing press (Steinberg 21). Before then, woodcuts,
engravings, and drawings were mass produced, but no written tracts were available to a
large number of people. The press made the printing of large amounts of text and
numerous copies of text possible for the first time. Inspired in part by the presses wine
makers used to squeeze grapes and the presses goldsmiths used to mint coins,
Gutenberg's printing press was durable, and the metal type could be rearranged so that
the press could be reused (Clair 12). By 1450, Gutenberg's press was perfected enough
to use commercially. Although Gutenberg's personal venture into the printing industry
failed, other financially successful printers credited Gutenberg for spreading the
technique and making the art of printing possible (Steinberg 22).
The printing industry initially flourished in Germany, along the Rhine River,
w here printers established their businesses in commercial centers, and later in universities
(Buck 96). Strassburg, Mainz, and Cologne were the earliest centers for printing within
Germany (Clair 23-26). The Germans, the first printing masters, soon spread their art to
other countries in order to reach untapped markets. Those with the skill and the financial
backing emigrated, and by the end of the fifteenth century, more than two hundred
European cities and towns had printing presses (Lindberg 23. 36).
It did not take fifteenth-century Europeans long to realize the potential of
Gutenberg's printing press. Not only did printing represent technical mastery over a

machine, but it was clear that the printed word had the power to influence human
thought. Information could be spread easily and consistently to people all over Europe.
Europeans were introduced to new ideas, and creative endeavors unrelated to typical
problems or scholarship were undertaken (Buck 93). Furthermore, in the new age of
printing, books served as a means of transmitting opinions, where as previously books
served to preserve and transmit knowledge (Lindberg 37). And what may be the most
important characteristic of a culture with access to printed material, established orders
and institutions could be challenged through widely distributed tracts and books.
The Protestant Reformation "'was the first movement of any kind, religious or
secular, to use the new presses for overt propaganda and agitation against an established
institution'" (Taylor 98). The leading Reformers, as well as their opponents, used the
new printed medium in order to spread information and ideas "to wide audiences now
exposed and subjected to an informational transmission capability unknown in any era
previous to the sixteenth century" (Buck 95). In particular, Martin Luther became a
master at using the printed word to change the course of religious history.
Luther certainly recognized the potential of printed material in challenging the
Catholic Church. In 1520, Luther published three treatises To the Christian Nobility,
On the Freedom of a Christian, and On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church that
were so widespread that the treatises eventually became signature works of the
Reformation movement (Edwards 5). Luther also wrote books and translated the Bible
into German so that the more of the laity could read God's word. By the time of Luther's
death in 1546, there were an estimated one million copies of his Bible in circulation
(Lindberg 37). In effect, Luther was the first best-selling author.

But Reformation wnters, including Luther, did not limit themselves to books and
theses. Pamphlets and brief printed tracts Hooded Europe dunng the early years of the
Reformation (Lindberg 37). Known ixs flugbldtter, meaning Hying leaves, and
flugschriften, meaning Hying writings, the short printed pieces were perfect for
distributing a revolutionary message (Lindberg 37, Edwards 15). The pamphlets were
relatively inexpensive to produce and were easily concealed and distributed (Edwards
15). Furthermore, the pamphlets were available to all sixteenth-century Europeans. The
laity could judge Church doctrine and papal decrees for themselves, a direct threat to the
authority of the Church, which would rather have members of the clergy interpret Church
law for the laity (Edwards 57-58).
Reformation writers, especially Martin Luther, used the printing press to their
advantage. From 1520 to 1526, Luther alone was responsible for approximately twenty
percent of the total number of pamphlets produced and distributed (Edwards 17). And
from 1518 to 1525, there were eleven times as many printings of Luther's works than any
other Evangelical writer (Edwards 27). To Luther, printing was the method by which
God had chosen to free the German people from the "corruption" of Rome (Taylor 98).

Figure 1.1 Martin Luther

One of the many illustrations of Martin Luther to be included in
Reformation propaganda ("Luther as Spin-Doctor?" 26)

I F. A N

G V nr ' ^ K ^! Vi T. K

Figure 1.2 Johann GensHeisch zum Gutenberg

Although there are no known authentic portraits of Gutenberg,
this is one of the many imaginary portraits in existence (Clair 7).

CHAPTER II
VISUAL PROPAGANDA AND ORAL TRADITION IN THE PROTESTANT
REFORMATION

Obviously, the Protestant propaganda that was printed was directed to the people
who had the ability to read. But the literate population in Germany was severely limited,
even after the development of the printing press. Literacy was restricted geographically
and socially: literacy was concentrated in towns, among the upper class and clergy, and in
the "more culturally advanced" southwest region of Germany (Scribner 1). A
conservative estimate of literacy rates at the beginning of the sixteenth century include a
thirty percent literacy rate in urban areas, but only a five-percent rate of literacy overall
(Lindberg 36). Urban areas had higher literacy rates than rural areas because there were
more people connected to business and trade in urban areas who needed to read in order
to conduct business (Buck 95).
Europeans who could not read relied on visual images from woodcuts,
engravings, drawings, and the spoken word as the primary means for acquiring
knowledge. Because the majority of the European population leamed from visual images
and speech, Reformers knew that printed propaganda would have a limited effect. Many
Reformers believed more of the laity could be converted through oral communication
than through wnting (Buck 97). In an example of what Marshall McLuhan referred to as
the "hybridization of media," the Reformation propagandists read, wrote, lectured from
text, and interpreted visual images to spread their message (Scribner 3). "The
combination of oral methods with printed materials as sources of information created a
new 'cultural mix" that was essentially a new force in the sixteenth century" (Buck 97).

Society as a whole during the Protestant Reformation was a society accustomed to

visual images. The Roman Catholic Church played a significant role in developing a
culture that was in large part dependant on visual images, such as pagentry, morality
plays, and by displaying relics, a form of "visual piety," to which sixteenth-century
Europeans had become accustomed and by telling Biblical stories through stained-glass
church windows (Scribner 4). Reformation propagandists capitalized on society's
religious dependence on visual elements by designing woodcuts and other pictures with a
Reformation theme. McLuhan believed that printing "extended man's visual ability"
because printing developed with mass pictorial representation (Scribner 5). While
printing allowed for a written statement to be exactly repeated, the woodcut print created
an exactly repeatable visual statement. Prints thus fulfilled the same communication
function for the illiterate and the semi-literate that printing fulfilled for the literate.
Woodcuts were the first items produced that served as a means of visual mass
communication. Woodcuts were cheap, easy to produce, and could be read and
interpreted easily. However, woodcuts became "hybridized" with print to produce
woodcut broadsheets. The addition of written words to a printed image was an advantage
to the artists because words reduced ambiguity in the meaning of the image. Artists
could explain the intended meaning of a piece, leaving nothing to be interpreted by a
reader. Broadsheets also provided the opportunity for an oral interchange. Preachers or
laity readers could share the meaning of a picture, and expound further on the issue to a
large, illiterate audience. Broadsheets "thus served as a meeting point between the
illiterate, the semi-literate, and the literate" (Scribner 6). Those with no, little, or
advanced reading skills could all conclude the same meaning from a broadsheet.

Visual images were not restricted to just woodcuts. A large portion of the early
Reformation books incorporated a large amount of visual aids, specifically included to
widen the audience beyond the literate (Taylor 98). Reformation books were aimed at
three different audiences: those who could read pictures, those who could read German,
and those who could read Latin (Scribner 3). While the role of the written text of the
books was to explain the evils of the Catholic Church and the benefits of the new
"Reformation," the role of the visual images was to concentrate the reader's attention on
spiritual truths and to extend the audience beyond the literate (Scribner 115).
There was a low level of theological content in visual propaganda. Reformation
propagandists realized that it was best to keep the message simple and in common terms.
One way this was accomplished was by comparing the struggle between Catholics and
Protestant to the struggle between two opponents in a game. Illustrations depicting tugof-war (Figure 2.1) or jousting matches (Figure 2.2) were used to emphasize the struggle
between the Protestants and Catholics (Scribner 60-61).
Protestant propaganda also accomplished simplicity by using a sixteenth century
prototype of modem comic strips (Figures 2.3 and 2.4). Simple and direct, the early,
religiously themed comic strips blended visual signs and rudimentary literacy skills to tell
a story (Scribner 38). Comic strips, as well as other types of visual propaganda, relied on
humor. Humor "[reduced] the high and serious to the level of the comic and mundane," a
level that a broader audience could comprehend (Scribner 62). Catholic cardinals were
dressed as fools, and stately hunts of the upper class were parodied into hunts for clergy
(Scribner 62). Luther's opponents were also portrayed as foolish or demonic animals in

10

order to reduce the respectability of the Catholic Church so that the laity would be more
open to new religious ideas.
Protestant propagandists did not rely solely on denigration of the Catholic Church
to persuade. While bringing down the image of the Church, Reformers had to boost
Protestant ideas. Positive images of the leading Reformer, Martin Luther, were used in
contrast to the negative images of the old Church. Luther's life and persecution were
directly compared to the life and persecution of Jesus Christ in several forms. For
example. Reformation propagandists compared Luther's 1521 trial at Worms to Christ's
Passion. Visual images of Luther's hearing were consciously and consistently made
similar to visual images of Christ's Passion up until the end when Christ was crucified
but Luther's books were burned (Scribner 21). Luther was depicted in other ways
besides visual comparisons to Christ. Reformation propagandists visually compared
Luther to another Biblical figure, Moses. In the woodcut titled "Luther Leads the
Faithful from Egyptian Darkness" (Figure 2.5), Luther led the faithful Protestants out of
the dark presumably of the Catholic Church and into the light of the Protestant faith
(Scnbner 27). Luther was also portrayed as a monk, doctor, teacher of the Bible, and a
saint (Edwards 83).
The visual propaganda of the Reformation was not the only method to reach the
illiterate of the sixteenth century. While visual images did play a significant role in
converting the people, the culture of the Reformation period was accustomed to oral
interchange (Ozment 46). Songs and rhymed couplets that were easily remembered by
the illiterate were popular means of disseminating Reformation propaganda (Chrisman
268, Scnbner 39). But the principal medium of medieval propaganda was the pulpit, and

11

the advent of the printing press did not put it into decline. In fact, there was a resurgence
in the importance of sermons from the pulpit dunng the Reformation because sermons
were equally effective at communicating to the literate and illiterate. Both Catholics and
Protestants used sermons to convey to the laity the true message (Taylor 97-98). In fact,
most members of the laity leamed of the Reformation from sermons as well as
conversation (Edwards 37).
Often, the oral tradition of sixteenth-century society combined with the new
pnnted medium through preaching and public oratory. Reformation pamphlets were
intended to be read aloud as well as to be read in private (Ozment 46). Thus the
combination of the old and new media was a "potent agent of change" (Buck 96).
""Faith," as Luther stressed, 'comes by hearing'" (Lindberg 36).

Figure 2.1 Title page to Verhor und

Acta vor dem Byschoff von Meysen (Scribner 60)

Figure 2.2 Title page to Die Luterisch Strebkatz (Scribner 61)

Woodcuts depicting Catholic clergy participating in foolish games not only

simplified Protestant propaganda, but also made the clergy appear foolish.

13

Figure 2.3 The Abbot on the Ice (Scribner 26)

Figure 2,4 The Monk and his Maid (Scribner 27)

Early versions of comic books included in Protestant propaganda allowed

those with minimal reading skills to understand printed messages.

14

Figure 2.5 Luther Leads the Faithful from Egyptian Darkness (Scribner 30)

Comparisons of Luther to Biblical figures enhanced

the credibility of the Protestant Reformation.

\5

CHAPTER III
THEMES OF PROTESTANT PROPAGANDA
While Reformers used a variety of media to get their message of salvation to the
European laity of the sixteenth century, the Reformers often used the same themes in
their messages. The themes of the malevolency of the Catholic institution and the
importance of Protestant martyrs were used consistently and effectively in a large
proportion of Protestant propaganda.
Malevolency of the Roman Catholic Church
One general theme that Protestant writers conveyed was that of the malevolence
of the Catholic Church and the pope in particular. Luther knew that in order to win over
new followers, Protestantism had to overcome the stigma of being heretical. To do this.
Reformers had to convince the people to forget the old. Catholic faith that had existed for
centuries and which was engrained into every aspect of society. Simply put, the
Reformers needed to convince the laity that the new faith was the only faith that would
lead to salvation. Therefore, Luther and other Evangelical writers portrayed the Catholic
Church as an enemy of the Gospel and consequently of Christ himself, and as a
proponent of a false religion that would lead its followers into damnation (Scribner 57).
In a process that is known as negative assimilation, the Reformers attempted to
convince the laity of "the rightness of the evangelical cause by its opposition to exposure
of religious abuses," especially those abuses committed within monasteries (Scribner
246). From the beginning of the Reformation, a large proportion of Luther's propaganda
was directed against the institution of monasticism (Scribner 37). Luther's frequent
criticisms of monks included drunkenness, gluttony, sexual immorality, the wealth of the

16

regular clergy, and the selling of indulgences (Scnbner 38). Visual propaganda,
including woodcuts, depicted the immoral excess of the monks and other clergymen
(Scribner 97). By associating monks with an un-Christian lifestyle, propagandists hoped
that the laity would begin to associate monks with anti-Christian beliefs. Then, it was
hoped that the laity would take the association one step further by believing that all facets
of the Roman Catholic Church were evil. Through a chain of association, Protestant
writers and artists hoped to lead the people to believe that every aspect of the Catholic
Church was un-Christian (Scribner 48).
Protestant propaganda also took an apocalyptic tone when discrediting the
Catholic Church. A serious fixation of sixteenth century Christians was the salvation of
the soul and, more specifically, when the soul would be judged (Scribner 115). Laity
concerned with damnation were also concerned about what faith was the right faith.
Protestant propagandists used this concern to their advantage in two ways. First, the
writers attempted to link the Antichrist with the papacy. Antichrist and papal
comparisons were achieved by directly stating that the Catholic Church was an agent of
Satan and through dichotomous elements in illustrations. Propaganda that claimed the
Antichrist was among the Catholic clergy was abundant in the Reformation penod. The
aim of this particular type of propaganda was to coerce the laity into believing that the
established Church would lead to damnation, while Protestantism was the true faith that
would lead to salvation. Illustrations also had an eschatological tone that tended to link
the Catholic Church to the Antichrist. Woodcuts such as the one titled "The Spiritual
Wolves" (Figure 3.1) from the 1520s show a binary structure suggesting Catholic
damnation and Protestant salvation. The side in which Catholic monks stand is the

17

darker right side with no vegetation. The Protestant side, showing a crucified Jesus
Christ, is lighter and has vegetation and thriving animal life. The contrast between life
and death and between dark and light was used to portray the good and evil of the two
religions (Scribner 56).
In the second method, Protestant propagandists used the notion of the apocalypse
to their advantage was by depicting Martin Luther as an apocalyptic angel sent by God to
save the people from the evils of the Catholic Church. In 1523, Haug Marschaick
claimed Luther was a messenger from heaven sent to expose the Antichrist's identity
(Scribner 21). Pamphlets from the 1520s (Figure 3.2) portray Luther as an apocalyptic
angel sent from heaven (Scribner 20). Seeing the success of Protestant propagandists
identifying Luther as an agent of God, Catholic propagandists tried to counter the success
by attempting in 1529 to identify Luther as an agent of Satan. However, "it was too little
too late"" because "the papacy had already been identified too successfully with the
monstrous and with the beast of the apocalypse by numerous works of evangelical
propaganda" (Scribner 233).
The belief in papal malevolence was also a significant element in Reformation
propaganda. Luther's attacks on papal customs acted "as a profession of disbelief in its
power and efficacy" (Scribner 83). But perhaps the most prevalent strategy in depicting
the malice of the pope was drawing contrasts between the biblical ministry of Jesus and
the anti-Christ-like behavior of the pope (Ozment 48). This strategy was used in both
written and pictorial propaganda. For example, the Figure3.3 is a woodcut that depicts
the pope in league with Satan (Scribner 24). The images of an un-Christian pope directly

attacked the laity's belief that the pope was a moral compass on the path towards
salvation.
If the Reformers hoped to convince the laity that their religious leader was unChnstian, the Reformers had to promote a new religious leader. Often, the pope's
replacement was Martin Luther. In the same woodcut that depicted Catholic officials as
wolves, Luther is shown warding off danger with a Bible and a pen, a symbol of Luther's
writings in defense of the true faith (Scribner 27). Protestant wnters and artists cast
Luther in a special light, one inspired by popular traditions and Biblical scripture that
appealed to the masses (Edwards 12). Because of numerous woodcuts and pamphlets
praising Luther, the German laity viewed Luther as "an earnest and constructive pastor
and man of the Bible concerned for the religious well-being of the laity"" (Edwards 11).
Popular woodcuts that depicted Luther surrounded by a halo and overshadowed by a
hovering dove contrasted greatly to depictions of the pope portrayed as a "servant of the
devil, enthroned in hell" ("Luther as Spin-Doctor?" 27). Various other depictions and
descriptions of Luther, as a teacher, a doctor, or a religious leader, all contributed to the
popular perception of Luther as charismatic and dynamic.
Protestant Martyrs
Another popular theme of Protestant propagandists was the concept of
martyrdom. The notion of martyrs and the development of their image always has been a
central theme of Christianity since the time of the Apostles (Dickens 42). Historians of
the early church believed a martyr was a witness, "one who throughout his life and death
testified to the reality of Christian revelation" (Dickens 40). Martyrs served as examples
of the ideals toward which all Christians were to strive. Jesus Christ himself was a

19

martyr to the Christian faith. In turn, Christ was viewed as an ideal for all followers of
the faith. When the Protestant movement acquired its own martyrs due to persecution by
Catholics, propagandists for the new faith did not fail to exploit this common theme of
Chiistianity.
In the eariy years of the movement, Protestants endured sanctioned persecution,
both civically and physically. Any type of persecution whether it was a law passed
against Protestant practices or a physical massacre of Protestants was used in
propaganda to further the Protestant cause by demonstrating the evil of the Roman
Catholic Church. For example, in France in 1534, King Francis 1. a Catholic, banned all
pnnting and bumed Protestant heretics at the stake because of an anti-Catholic broadsheet
that was distributed throughout Paris. Francis' actions not only created Protestant
martyrs whose devoutness invoked admiration and respect, but it also resulted in a wave
of Protestant publications praising the bravery of the martyrs and lambasting Catholics
(Taylor 100). Also, anti-Catholic printers in Strasbourg stressed to the German laity the
injustices French and Dutch Protestants suffered because of their faith (Chrisman 260).
Just like Jesus Christ, those Protestants that were persecuted and ultimately martyred
became examples to other Protestants. They also provided "reserves of strength for
future generations through the pages of historians" (Dickens 39).
Martin Luther wrote one of the earliest pamphlets published on a Protestant
worthy of being martyred in 1525 (Dickens 40). In a pamphlet entitled The Bunting of
Brother Henry in Dithmarschen, Luther commemorated Heinrich of Zutphen, an
Augustinian monk killed in Wittenburg because of his belief in the Protestant faith
(Dickens 40). Luther wanted the laity as well as other clergy to know about Zutphen's

dedication to the new faith. The title page of Luther's pamphlet depicted the victim tied
to a ladder that had one end in a fire while two gluttonous Catholic monks joyously
looked on (Dickens 40). The pamphlet is an example of the heavy emphasis on visual
images that went along with the commemoration of martyrs.
The pamphlets produced by Reformers were an early form of Protestant
martyrology. Eventually, the new Christian martyrs were preserved in a new context, the
martyr book. One of the first martyrlogical authors was the Englishman William
Tyndalc. In his book The Obedience of a Christian Man, Tyndale wrote about a
Protestant king persecuted and humiliated by the papacy. Another English martyrlogical
writer was John Bale. At one point in his life. Bale was a Catholic bishop. Bale later
became a church historian, offering an "ultra-Protestant" version of church history. In
Image ofbothe churches and Acts ofEnglysh votaryes. Bales stressed the immorality in
the monasteries that he himself witnessed (Dickens 41, 64).
A French author of Protestant martyrlogical books was Theodore d'Aubigne.
d'Aubigne's detailed account of the persecution of the Hugenots, Les Tragiques, is
considered both a masterwork of French literature and Protestant literature. Another
French writer on martyrology was Jean Crespin. Crespin wrote a twelve-volume book
entitled History of the Martyrs... since John Huss. In his book, Crespin promoted what he
called "the martyr complex: a strong sense of the peculiar blessings conferred on a
minority of true believers, an elite among the elect" (Dickens 41-42). With seven French
editions, two Latin editions in print, as well as English and German translations available
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Crespin's book was an inspiration to

Protestant resistors and was continually attacked by Catholic writers into the seventeenth
century (Dickens 41-42).
But perhaps the most notable wnter on the subject of Protestant martyrs was John
Foxe. Foxe believed that the early Protestants were just as worthy of praise as the
martyrs of eariy Christianity. Foxe's Acts and Monuments, first published in 1559, was
specifically designed as a propaganda device "intended to strengthen the converted and
convert the unenlightened." /{cts and Monuments was so successful in its purpose of
elevating and praising martyrs that the book became known as the "Book of Martyrs"
(Dickens 45-46). The "Book of Martyrs"" was an example of how the new pnnting
technology made books available and more appealing to all the people of the sixteenth
century. The 1576 edition of the book was produced at a lower cost, which made the
book available to a wider audience. Woodcut illustrations of martyrs tied to a stake were
added to increase popular appeal (Dickens 44). And, the book was written in English so
the laity could understand it. In fact, Foxe wrote a preface addressed to Queen Elizabeth
in which he apologized for producing the work m "the vulgar tongue" of English
(Dickens 44). However, Foxe goes on to state "his firm belief that the contents have as
much interest for the ignorant as for the leamed" (Dickens 44).
There were numerous other writers who defended the new faith in book or
pamphlet form, but there were also wnters who defended the Roman Catholic Church to
the laity. One of the Protestant Reformation's most determined opponents was a
Franciscan monk named Thomas Mumer. Mumer focused his writings on attacking the
leader of the Reformation, Martin Luther. Mumer had four main points in his arguments
against Luther: first, Murner believed that Luther's theology contained errors that could

lead laity to err religiously, and even worse, towards rebellion; second, Luther refused to
submit his theology to any ecclesiastical or ecumenical council, which promoted
disregard for authority among the laity; third, Luther did focus attention within the
institution of the church, but Mumer believed that the existence of the abuses did not
justify challenging the traditional faith; and fourth, by challenging the authority of the
papacy, Luther was subverting the established social order and promoting rebellion
(Edwards 61).
In one of Mumer's most scathing critiques of Protestant writings, Mumer wrote
that Luther's treatise On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church was a "disgrace"
(Edwards 73). But in a twist of irony, it was Mumer that translated the treatise from
Latin into German. By translating Luther's criticism of the Church into the vemacular,
Mumer guaranteed that more people both clergy and laity would be exposed to
Luther's position. The more opportunities that people had to become acquainted with
Luther's views, the more chance the people had to be convinced of Luther's beliefs.
Mumer produced numerous counter attacks to Luther and other Reformation
writers. But Mumer's high production level of counter-propaganda was a rare example
among Catholics. There were far fewer Catholic defenders than Evangelical Reformers
taking part in the propaganda warfare. Furthermore, the Catholic authors were far less
prolific. From 1518 to 1544, Catholic printings numbered 542. Martin Luther alone is
credited with 2,551 printings in the same period (Edwards 29). And, in the early years of
the Reformation, there was no organized Catholic response to the Evangelical
publishings. In fact, it took nearly a decade before there was any large-scale, credible,
and papal-endorsed response to the charges of the Reformers. One of the few examples

23

of any type of organized response from Catholic writers took place in 1529, when
Catholic propagandists attempted to identify Luther with the devil. However, this
response was "too little too late" because Evangelical propagandists had already
successfully identified the papacy as an agent of the devil and Martin Luther as a servant
of God (Scnbner 233). When Catholic writers finally did receive support from
authorities under Pope Paul III, the Catholic wnters themselves had to admit that the
Lutheran w riters had the upper hand in the battle of propaganda (Edwards 77).

40

The Spiritual Wolves, Dahlem

Figure 3.1 The Spiritual Wolves (Scribner 20).

The contrasting light and dark images in this woodcut attempt to

associate Catholicism with evil and Protestantism with good.

25

S>a<?ttwTftamcnt
fftffc^.

Figure 3.2 Title page to Das new Testament Deutsch (left) and an illustration in Czech
edition of Luther from Vom Ambeten des Sakraments (Scribner 20)
Illustrations of Luther portrayed as an apocalyptic angel served to
convince the laity that Luther spoke God's true word.

mn nrofftr Pmg
fober Jrj! t>ct bcUm (fcnafttCuafcryct^ebm
grtyflEUcbm aid ^4i>(l tftifcboff Carbiitd wtb

Figure 3.3 Title page to Ain anz.aigung wie D. Martinus Luther zu Worms (Scribner 25;
Illustrations depicting the pope or other Catholic clergy as enemies of the people
helped to convince the laity that Catholicism was not in their best interest.

27

CHAPTER IV
THE PROPAGANDA AND PUBLIC RELATIONS TECHNIQUES OF THE
PROTESTANT REFORMATION
Undoubtedly, the Protestant Reformation is one of history's best examples of a
public relations campaign. When one examines the various techniques of conversion
used in the Protestant Reformation, as well as the later counter-Reformation of the
Catholic Church, one can easily find similarities to a modem-day public relations
campaign. Certain aspects of the Reformers' campaign parallel aspects used by public
relations practitioners in order to accomplish their ultimate objective of challenging the
Roman Catholic Church and converting the laity.
The Success of the Protestant Reformers
Public relations campaigns can encompass a wide range of activities, from press
releases to news conferences to changing the images and attitude of an organization.
However, whatever the activity, there is one critical element common to most public
relations campaigns, a form of mass media. In any campaign, mass media serves three
purposes: to inform, to persuade, and to entertain (Kendall 12). In the Protestant
Reformation, the mass media, both written and visual, served all three purposes. The
primary purpose of most of the Protestant propaganda was to persuade the laity to move
away from Catholicism and to convert to Protestantism. However, the propaganda had to
inform the laity about the perceived wrong-doings of the Catholic Church in order to
justify encouraging people to challenge the doctrine of the Church. The Protestant
propaganda in the form of humorous comic strips fulfilled the entertainment purpose of
mass media. Mass media also served as the agenda-setting function for the public
exposed to the media employed in the Protestant Reformation. The agenda-setting

28

function of mass media implies that "the kinds of issues people discuss, think about, and
woiTy about ... are powerfully shaped and directed by what the news media chooses to
publicize" (Larson 329). The abundance of Reformation propaganda kept the issue of the
Reformation in the forefront of the collective minds of the laity. Regardless of whether
sixteenth-century Europeans chose to believe the Protestant propaganda, the laity of the
time certainly discussed the issue. The more the issue of the Reformation was discussed,
the more people were exposed to Protestant propaganda. Consequently, more people
were possibly converted to Protestantism.
An obvious public relations strategy employed by the Reformers was targeting the
right message to the right audience. While the target of the Reformers message was all of
European society, the Reformers had to deliver the right message in the right way to the
right audience because of the clear social divisions that existed. For example, the
illiterate could not be persuaded in the same means as the educated. The illiterate, who
made up the majority of the population, were targeted by the Reformers using several
techniques so that the message was clear and understandable (Scribner 9). First, the
Reformers put their message in forms other than writing. Woodcuts, illustrations, songs,
poems, and sermons all enabled the illiterate to be exposed to and to understand the
Reformer's message. Also, the Reformers kept their message in simple terms for the
largely uneducated audience. By avoiding high levels of theological content and by
including such elements as humor and mockery, the public could understand what the
Reformers were trying to say without really having to understand why the Reformers
were saying it.

29

For the members of the public who could read, the Reformers used different
techniques to get their message to that limited audience. First and foremost, the
Reformers wrote in the vemacular. Among the literate laity, the Latin language was not
as practical and pragmatic to know as the language of the region. In the years 1519 to
1521, one can see that the Reformers began to realize the necessity of writing in
vemacular. In 1519, the ratio of the number of pamphlets printed in Latin to the number
of pamphlets pnnted in German was three to one; just two years later, the ration was one
to three (Edwards 21). Therefore, putting written messages in languages the people could
understand was essential to the success of the Reformation. Protestant authors, such as
Martin Luther, took other measures to ensure that as many people as possible would read
their messages. Besides writing in German, Luther explained theological issues in simple
terms and avoided technical jargon, or if he had to use religious jargon, he defined the
term so that the reading public could understand (Edwards 44). Also, by avoiding
complex analysis in his writings, Luther made the issue he was writing about much more
understandable for an audience untrained in religious doctrine and reasoning.
But perhaps the most advantageous public relations characteristic of the Protestant
Reformation was the fact that the entire campaign was a proactive campaign. Public
relations expert Robert Kendall defines proactive public relations as a "philosophy of
public relations that takes the initiative in planning the nature of the relationships desired
with publics and executes programs, campaigns, or activities designed to achieve the
desired ends ..."" (527). Proactive campaigns are generally used in public relations cases
when there is an opportunity for a company or organization to expand or develop a new
enterprise (Kendall 233). In the case of the Protestant Reformation, the Reformers

30

developed a campaign that, through calculated attempts to reach the desired audience,
ultimately convinced hundreds of thousands of people to reject the teachings of the
dominant institution in favor of a newer religious ideology.
Included in the analysis and comparison of the Reformation as a modem public
relations is the use of propaganda. Various techniques of propaganda were one of the
most prevalent methods used throughout the Reformation in order to reach the laity with
the religious message of change. Author Charies U. Larson defines propaganda as
communication that "cleariy spreads an ideology using mass media while it conceals its
real intention through its self-characterization as 'educational,' and it aims at uniform
behavior by involving the target audience in emotional versus logical appeals" (340).
While most of Protestant propaganda did not conceal its intention to convert the laity to
Protestantism, many examples of Protestant propaganda did make emotional, rather than
logical, appeals. Modem communication experts have identified seven types of
propaganda techniques that are focused on emotional appeals: plain folk, testimonial,
bandwagon, card stacking, transfer, glittering generalities, and name calling. The
Protestant Reformers, more so than the Catholics, made effective use of several of these
propaganda techniques including plain folk, card stacking, transfer, name calling, and
glittering generalities in the first available mass medium, the print medium.
The first propaganda technique, plain folk, is designed to convince a target
audience that a particular public figure is not a highly trained, manipulative leader, but is
just like the members of the target audience (Larson 345). Plain folk tactics can take the
form of a public figure participating in ordinary, everyday activities or using common
language. The Reformers used the plain folk propaganda technique by keeping their

31

message of faith in simple terms, targeting a broad audience, and using vemacular. At
the time of the Reformation, a majonty of the people were illiterate and uneducated. To
effectively reach the laity, none of the written or visual propaganda from the Reformers
could contain highly theological arguments because the laity would not be convinced to
change their faith if they could not understand why they should. Furthermore, of the few
people who could read, only a small proportion could read Latin. Therefore, Reformers
delivered their messages in the language of the region the message originated in and
would be read in. Also, Reformation messages were often translated from one language
to another in order to broaden the audience. By keeping messages simple and in a
language more people could understand, the Reformers conveyed that they were just like
other members of the laity. In tum, the laity were more likely to believe a message from
ordinary people than pnvileged Catholic officials.
Card stacking, the second propaganda device the Reformers used effectively, is
a technique in which a persuader constructs an overpowering argument for one side of an
issue, but conceals another side of the argument (Larson 346). One of the Reformers
who often made use of card stacking in his writings was Martin Luther. Luther criticized
monks and members of the Catholic clergy for their frequent drunkenness, gluttony,
sexual immorality, selling of indulgences, and wealth. Luther intended his long list of
criticisms to overwhelm the audience so that the audience believed that monks and
Catholic clergy did nothing positive. If Luther's reader's accepted Luther's arguments,
the readers were left with no choice but to reject Catholicism. Visual propaganda also
made use of the card stacking propaganda technique. Illustrations such as Figure 3.1
entitled "The Spiritual Wolves'" and other dichotomous woodcuts were intended to depict

32

nothing positive about Catholicism and nothing negative about Protestantism. Again, the
audience was led to believe that the Catholics were dark and evil while the Protestants
were good.
Transfer is another propaganda technique used by the Reformers. Transfer
attempts to associate a particular ideology or public figure with an already established
ideology or leader (Larson 346). Positive transfer attempts to associate an idea or
ideology with something that is perceived in a positive manner. The Reformers used
positive transfer techniques when comparing Martin Luther to Jesus Christ and leaders of
society such as teachers and doctors. Comparisons to Christ provided a measure of
credibility to the new religious movement. The laity were all familiar with the life and
works of Christ and viewed Christ as the figurehead of an established religion. If the
leader of the new religious movement appeared to be similar to Christ, then the laity
could more readily accept the new movement. Doctors and teachers, the leaders of
sixteenth-century society, were believed to be helpers who did good deeds. By
portraying Luther as a helper and a leader, the laity were more inclined to trust him as a
helper of the common people, and therefore, accept Luther's religious movement. In
contrast to positive transfer, negative transfer attempts to destroy the credibility of an
ideology or public figure by associating it with something unpopular or detrimental
(Larson 347). Reformers used negative transfer when depicting high-ranking Catholic
officials dressed as fools or animals. Also, when Luther criticized monastic institutions,
he associated monks with un-Christian, and therefore undesirable, lifestyles.
The final propaganda techniques the Reformers used prevalently and effectively
was the technique of name calling and glittenng generalities. Name calling involves the

33

use of words with negative connotations to discredit another person or group. Obviously,
Protestant writers wanted to discredit Catholicism, so Reformers referred to the pope and
other Catholic leaders as enemies of salvation and proponents of a false religion. Papal
and Catholic malevolence directed towards the laity was a pnmary theme of Reformation
propaganda, both wntten and visual. However, Catholic defenders used the technique of
name calling in their propaganda, as well. By outnght calling Luther a heretic, the
Catholic Church hoped to discredit Luther in the eyes of the laity who still believed in
Catholicism. In contrast to name calling, glittering generalities is a propaganda technique
that uses language charged with emotion to create a favorable impression of an idea,
person, or product (Larson 347). When describing the martyrs to the Protestant faith,
Reformers used powerful words such as loyal, dedicated, bravery, and strength to
emotionally appeal to the laity. The negative connotations associated with the Catholic
faith combined with the positive connotations associated with Protestant martyrs made
the laity more inclined to accept Protestant messages.
There are other methods the Reformers used to reach the laity other than the
propaganda techniques mentioned. One such method was the appeal to the desire for
salvation inherent in sixteenth-century Europeans. Claims that the established religion,
Catholicism, led to damnation would certainly attract the laity to at least listen to what the
Protestants had to say. Once the Reformers had the attention of the laity, claims that
Protestantism led to salvation would convince the laity to change their faith. Reformers
also made use of repetition. Laity exposed to Reformation propaganda that delivered the
same message, often with similar visual elements, helped to engrain the Protestant

34

ideology into the minds of the laity. As Larson states, repetition can intensify certain
ideas and make them more acceptable (16-17).

The Failures of the Roman Catholic Church

There are several reasons why a large, dominant, bureaucratic institution such as
the Catholic Church failed to offer any organized resistance to the Lutheran Reformers.
First and foremost was the fact "that for the Roman Church to engage in organized,
'official' polemics with the Evangelicals, it would have to acknowledge that there was
something to debate"" (Edwards 79). The defenders of the Catholic faith did not believe
that Luther's charges of corruption had any merit or basis. Secondly, it was the position
of the Church that matters of faith should be left for the proper authorities to decide and
should not be discussed among the laity. The Church did not approve of counter
propaganda because the Church did not feel it needed to justify its practices to the
common people. By publicizing his complaints, Luther was subverting the Church's
authority and allowing the common people to make ecclesiastical decisions on their own,
further subverting the Church's authority and promoting rebellion. Thus, any responses
from the Catholic Church were hypocritical. Catholic pamphlets stated "that it was
dangerous and inappropriate to air before the 'common people' disputes over religion"
(Edwards 58). But the pamphlets did what they stated they should not do by their very
existence.
Another reason why the Church failed to organize quickly was that the Catholic
wnters faced a dilemma. By refuting what Luther wrote, the Roman propagandists had to
explain what Luther wrote, thereby exposing more people to Luther's work. Catholic
counter attacks in pamphlet form piqued the interest of readers, who then went on to read

35

Luther's pamphlets. As Mark U. Edwards Jr. stated, "Catholic counterattack necessarily

helped propagate the very message it wished to expunge" (Edwards 58).
Even it the Catholic Church had organized a propaganda campaign to counter
Luther and his fellow writers, their efforts may have still failed to convince the masses.
Catholic propaganda was "too academic for widespread commercial success" (Thomson
76). While the Evangelical writers targeted their arguments to a broad audience that
included laity by writing in the vemacular language, the Catholic writers addressed a
smaller audience of clencs, councilors, and rulers by writing in Latin (Edwards 40).
From 1518 to 1524, one half of the Catholic printings were still in Latin, and it was not
until the mid-sixteenth century that Catholic writers began to produce vemacular works
(Edwards 29-31). Also, Catholicism was oriented visually and ritually.
In 1622. however, the Catholic Church examined its own communications in an
attempt to restore the dominance of the Catholic faith. In that year. Pope Gregory XV
established the Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide. The papal college of propaganda
was a means of coordinating Catholic efforts to bring people to accept church doctrine
(Aronson and Pratkanis 9). However, before the establishment of the Sacra Congregatio
de Propaganda Fide, Ignatius Loyola (Figure 4.1), "the embodiment of both the Catholic
and Counter-Reformation," established the Society of Jesus (Lindberg 345). It must be
noted that the Reformation was not the impetus of Loyola's Society. Author Carter
Lindberg stated 'although the Society of Jesus would have had a much different history,
it would have come into being even if the Reformation had not happened...""(Lindberg
345). Loyola viewed the problems of the Catholic Church as personal disregard for the
teachings of the Church. Loyola sought to reform the Church by reforming individuals.

36

To accomplish this, Loyola established a stringent training process for Jesuit monks. The
monks were not to be cloistered in monasteries, but instead were supposed to be active
among the laity by doing missionary work and teaching (Lindberg 349). But once the
Reformation got underway, the Jesuits became involved in counter-Reformation
activities.
But despite the successes and notoriety attained by the Jesuits and Loyola, the
Catholic Church's counter campaign was at a severe disadvantage. Not only do modem
scholars consider the Catholic counter-campaign as "too little too late," but so did many
Catholics of the time (Scribner 233). Furthermore, while Luther and his fellow
Reformers led a proactive campaign to change the beliefs of the laity, the Catholic
Church led a reactive campaign. As author Robert Kendall stated, a reactive campaign is
"a philosophyor more often a lack of philosophyguiding the public relations of an
organization, which initiates programs in response to crises and 'puts out fires'" (528).
Kendall further stated that reactive campaigns often "result in a defensive posture which,
because it does not operate from a position of strength, weakens the character of public
relations efforts"" (528). Essentially, the Catholic Church was so damaged by Protestant
attacks that the institution and could not fully correct the damage done to its dominance
and credibility.

37

^^

""I

naMR

Figure 4.1 Ignatius Loyola (Lindberg 348)

Ignatius Loyola was one of the few recognizable
Catholic defenders in the Reformation era.

38

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Chnsman, Minam, Usher. Lav Culture, Leamed Cult-rp- Rooks and Social
Change in Strasbourg. 1480-1599. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982.
Clair, Colin. A History of European Printing. London: Academic Press, 1976.
Dickens, A.G., John Tonkin, and Kenneth Powell. The Reformation in Hjstogi^
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Edwards, Mark U., Jr. "Luther as Spin-Doctor?" The Lutheran 9 (1996): 226227.

Edwards, Mark U., Jr. Pnnting, Propaganda, and Martin Luther. Berkeley:
University of Califomia Press, 1994.
Kendall, Robert. Public Relations Campaign Strategies: Planning for
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Larson, Charles U. Persuasion: Reception and Responsibility. Belmont:
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Lindberg, Carter. The European Reformation. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers
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Ozment, Steven. Protestants: The Birth of a Revolution. New York: Doubleday.
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Taylor, Philip M. Munitions of the Mind: A History of Propaganda from the
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"
'

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