Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Author(s): S. Guhan
Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Jan. 24-30, 1998), pp. 185-187+189-190
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4406324
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World
Bank
on
Governance
A Critique
S Guhan
The WorldBank - given its visibility, resources, prestige and leverage - is, in course of time, capable of distorting
the word 'governance' to make it acquire the kind of ideology-laden, question-begging connotation which it has
injected into it. If this goes uncontested, debate on governance will be marginalised by being confined to the
narrow and warped terms set for it by the World Bank. This has already happened with 'economic reforms' and
'structural adjustment', two other mantras in the World Bank's vocabulary.
ISSUES relating to politics, the state and
governmenthave attractedthe attentionof
the best minds, over space and time,
throughouthistory. Separatedby centuries
and continents, Aristotle, Confucius and
Kautilyahave theorised on them. Ancient
Indian epics, like the Mahabharata and
Ramayana, while describing a variety of
actualkingdoms, have thrown light on the
relationshipbetween society and polity on
which they rested.' The modern western
tradition has witnessed an unbroken
continuity of outstanding political
philosophersfrom Thomas Hobbes in the
16thcenturyto JohnRawls in the 20th. Such
being the case, it seems necessary to relate
relategovernanceto pluralistdemocracy(or
the formand values of politicalgovernance)
and, on the other,to pro-marketapproaches
to economic development(or the objectives
and content of economic governance).
GOVERNANCE
186
...despotismcouldbe benevolentbutthatit
remaineddespotism,and thereforehateful,
none the less. Althoughhe loved liberty
The other expert opinion comes from
with passion,he had no illusionsas to the
T N Srinivasan.15On the basis of an extenthe
the
risks,
sacrifices, agonisingchoices,
thedelicateanddifficultequilibria,thesocial sive review of the literatureon democracy
and political elasticity, the delays, the and development, he concludes:
compromises,the acceptanceof give and
While argumentshave been made for and
takethatlibertyinvolves.Hisfaithinliberty,
against the instrumentalrole of political
in what would now be called the 'open
democracy in promoting economic
society', was founded perhaps on the
development,neithertheorynor empirical
belief...thatprivateinterestsdid ultimately
evidence supported the arguments that
harmonise,that...mencould be rogues or
democracieswill notbeabletoraisedomestic
fraudsindividuallybut decentor honestin
savingsandtaxes to the extentrequiredfor
the mass.'2
rapidgrowthand to avoid diversionof tax
revenues to wasteful consumption, etc.
Equally strong were the views of John
Theoryandempiricalevidencealso did not
Stuart Mill on the subject:
support the hypothesis that authoritarian
It has long been a commonsaying, that if
regimes,regardlessof theircharacter,will
a good despot can be ensured, despotic
promotedevelopmentandavoidwaste. The
monarchy would be the best form of
only conclusion that one can derive from
government. I look upon this as a radical
theoryand evidence is that,first, a market
andmostperniciousmisconceptionof what
economy, by and large, is the most
is: which until it can be
formof economicmanagement
good governmenit
appropriate
from the perspectiveof development;and
got rid of, will fatally vitiate all our
second,while democracyis to be treasured
speculationson government.'3
for its own sake as a bastionof liberty,and
noted
furthermore
that
for
should
be
(It
a marketeconomy might make it possible
Montesquieu and Mill despotism was
to sustaindemocracyover extendedperiods
anathemaeven if it remained benevolent.
of time, authoritarianism
is not necessarily
Theirrejectionof it is considerablyvalidated
inconsistentwith the use of marketsfor
by the fact that, in the real world, the
economic managementand for promoting
benevolenceof despotscanbe deceptiveand
development.
is rarely sustained.)
In sum, then, apartfrom democracybeing
an intrinsicvalue, it could have a mutuallyDEMOCRACY
ANDDEVELOPMENT
interaction with human
The second issue relevantto the topic of reinforcing it has not
development;
proved to be an
forms of government is the relationship obstacle to
fair income distribution
growth,
between democracyanddevelopment:is an or
prudent fiscal management; nor have
initial measure of development necessary authoritarian
necessarilyscored
for the establishmentof democracy? Does better on governments
of these counts. Besides, an
any
democracy promote or inhibit economic importantfact of historyshouldbe takeninto
development or is it neutral in its effect? account, namely, that while authoritarian
Inrecentyears, anextensive literaturehas
have co-existed with market
been generated on these issues. We shall regimes
economies, democracyhas not been able to
confine ourselves to quoting from it the
with command systems - which
conclusionsof two recentandcarefulsurveys. go alongthat
suggests
sustainingdemocracycouldbe
On the basis of a detailed statistical
a good way to insurethe stabilityof market
exploration,SvanteErssonandJan-ErikLane economies as well.'6
come to the following set of findings.14 Their
Coming back to the WB, the criticismof
positivefindingis thattheinteractionbetween it is not that it has been in disfavour of
democracy and the quality of life is stable democracy- in fact, its tilt has been towards
over time. The negative findings are that
- but thaton such a centralissue
it has not been possible to establish a stable democracy
as the constitutiveformof governance,it has
relationbetween democracy and economic not
chosen, in clearandringingtones,to take
growth or between democracy and degree a stand against authoritarianregimes and
of income equality. On this basis, they
squarelyin favourofdemocraticones. While
conclude:
the WB's supportfor an open economy has
The first positive conclusionthat we may been loud and long, its endorsementof an
drawis thatdemocracytendsto go together open polity has been muted at best and
withhumandevelopment.Thus,democracy ambiguous at worst.'7
January24, 1998
disinterestedreligious or academicGuru.Its
preceptorialpracticesbeginwithpropaganda,
extend to persuasion, and end up with
Be that as it may, let us proceed to the
leverage. The firstconsists of the persistent
contentof governance accordingto the WB.
propagationof its ideology throughwidely
accessible and disseminated documents,
CharlesLindblom begins his classic study
of 'Politics and Markets' by saying that
notably the WDR. Persuasion, which
"Asidefromthedifferencebetweendespotic
follows, tends to take place largely through
a 'BankWorld'of economists, officials, and
and libertariangovernments, the greatest
some politicians who are friends-in-court
distinction between one government and
of the WB with third world governments.
anotheris in the degree to which the market
They have been variously called
replacesgovernmentorgovernmentreplaces
'transnationalepistemic communities' of
market". For the WB, the latterdistinction
is not of subsidiary but sole importance.
technocrats, particularly those trained as
economists in American and European
This will be clearfromits description,earlier
Universities; 'change teams' consisting of
summarised,of the functional role of the
technocrats "with few or no links to the
statein socio-economicgovernance(thefivefold tasks) and the type of economic
politicalarena...politicallyisolatedandutterly
dependent on the head of the state";
management consistent with it (the
'technopols';22 or simply, in common
WashingtonConsensus).Inthisbackground,
there are a numberof aspects of the WB's
parlance, the 'WB mafia'. As might be
expected, persuasionthroughsuch channels
conceptionof governancethatcall forserious
is often implicit (even insidious) ratherthan
contestation.
patently or publicly provided.23
Firstly,it is clear that the WB's blueprint
In the final analysis, however,the WB has
is narrowlytechno-economic. Simply put,
to fall back on the leverage which it enjoys
its paradigmatic state is that whose
andexercises throughits lendingoperations.
governmentis one which not only 'governs
The cluster of issues which such
theleast' but,regardlessof its character,also
'conditionalities' involve is quite familiar:
one which is 'administeredthe best'.'xWhat
the degree to which conditionality may
intereststhe WB is not 'governance' in any
infringe on sovereignty in principle or, in
comprehensivesense butonly 'state-versusmarket' issues in the realm of economic
practice,provokesdomesticpoliticalprotest;
the form in which it is clothed; the manner
administration.The WB deludes itself and
andextent to which it may get enforced;and
othersby purportingto be 'politics-free', for
whetherconditionalities,especiallythosethat
the truthis thatthe type of state it advocates
extend beyond the WB's traditional
is as mucha matterof politics as economics.
involvementin covenantsrelatingto project
Its 'five-fold tasks', for instance, do not
andprogrammelending,arelikely to become
amountto much more than an updatingof
the minimal 'night watchman'state so as to
counter-productive.These andrelatedissues
are likely to become increasinglyactive and
include environmental protection and a
sensitive. The WB and IMF have already
modicum of social protection for the
formulated guidelines to promote their
vulnerable. In particular,the ideological
concerns relatingto governance. The most
blue-printof theWB leaves outredistribution
recent additionto multilateraldevelopment
and industrial development, two major
concerns not only of developing countries
banks,theEuropeanBankforReconstruction
andDevelopment,is committedby itscharter
but also of internationalbodies such as the
to use its lending 'to promote multi-party
UNCTAD, UNDP, UNICEF, UNIDO, and
WIDER.'9 As such, the role within which
democracy, pluralism and market econoOn the other hand,
mics'. On the other hand, such objective
theWB seeks to confine the stateis not likely
A sourceof even greateruneasewas a set considerationthat the subject has received
to be ethically acceptable or politically
of countries that was not anomalous does not hold out much promise that
sustainableto developingcountrieswithhigh
successesbutapparentfailures:theSouthern
levels of poverty and inequalityand, by the
governance-relatedaid conditionalities are
Cone
economies(Chile,Argentina,
Uruguay) likely to be effective in the lightof the severe
same token, to enlightened sections of the
thathad enactedliberalisationexperiments
limitationsthatapplyto theirconceptionand
international development community,
in the late 1970s and suffered economic
academic or institutional.
application.24
collapse in the early 1980s.
Secondly, it is not clear how useful the
(Incidentally,it is interestingand instruKahler also draws attentionto a careful ctive thatEdwardMason and RobertAsher,
WB's standard prescriptions for deregulation,liberalisation,privatisation,fiscal in-house assessment of IMF-supported the historians of the WB, cautioned the
discipline,andoutwardorientationarelikely adjustmentwhich at best suggests modest institution, nearly a quarter century ago,
to be from the point of view of formulating economic effects from the standard from pursuing ideology-based conditioviableoperational plans for 'reforms'. All adjustmentprogrammes- greatest on the nalities in the following wise words:
thatcan be expected from an international balanceof paymentsandthecurrentaccount,
If developmentmeanssomethingmorethan
institution that seeks to advise multiple, negligible on the rateof inflation,uncertain
self-sustaininggrowthof GNP,or GNP per
countries are on the growth rate, and indefinite when it
diverse, developing
is there at least a roughconsensus
capita,
prescriptions,of a wide generality, on the came to distributionaleffects.2'
on what these otherelementsare and how
broadpathand principalcomponentsof the
Fourth,it is well to recognisethatthe WB,
their weight shouldbe assessedin relation
'reformprocess'. However, even to those whilst dispensing its policy advice, is not a
to economic growth? The answerto this
SOME SPECIFICCRITICISMSOF WB ON
GOVERNANCE
January24, 1998
187
January24, 1998
189
8 Williamson (1994).
9 Landell-Mills and Serageldin (1991)
following UN Declarationof Human Rights
1948 and UN Covenantson Economic, Social
and CulturalRights (1976) and on Civil and
Political Rights (1976); World Bank (1994);
World Bank (1997)
10 For a careful and rigorous interpretationof
the WB's relevant Charter provisions see
Shihata (1990).
11 These programmesmainly relate to public
sector management,accountability,the legal
frameworkfordevelopment,andtransparency
and information. For a review, see World
Bank (1994).
12 Morris (1969).
13 Mill (1910), p 217.
14 Ersson and Lane (1996).
15 Srinivasan (1997).
16 Lindblom (1977) points out (p 5) "Liberal
democracy has arisen only in nations that
are market-oriented,not in all of them but
only in them...The tie between market and
democracyis on many counts an astonishing
historical fact".
17 Lal (1994) attempts to provide what might
be called a meta-instrumental
justificationfor
theWB's instrumentalapproachto democracy
by arguing: "To avoid drowning in the
'treacherouswaters"of slipperyconcepts like
'participation' and 'democracy', it may be
best for the World Bank to concentratenot
on the forms of government but the
chlaracteristics of good government - on
policies. As the World Bank is chargedwith
advising on the latter and forbiddento deal
with the former,it shouldfind this-congenial."
18 On this, BernardCrick's sharp comment is:
"There we those who think administration
can always be clearly separatedfrompolitics,
and that if this is done, there is really very
little, if anything,that politicians can do that
administratorscannot do better...'For forms
of governmentlet fools contest, whatever is
best administeredis best' is the hackneyed
andsubversivesloganofthis dislikerof politics
- the 'administrationof things and not of
man' will take place only if men are treated
as things" [Crick 1962].
Referring to those who conceive of
governmentas "strictlya practicalart",John
Stuart Mill says that they look upon it "in
the same light (difference in scale being
allowed for) as they would upon a steam
plough or a threshingmachine" [Mill 1910:
p 188].
19 On the state as entrepreneur in lateindustrialising countries see Evans (1992)
following Gerschenkorn(1962).
20 Kahler (1992).
21 Khan (1988).
22 The sources for the three expressions are
Evans (1992), Waterbury(1992) and The
Econtomist,London, respectively.
23 After structuraladjustmentprogrammeswere
initiated in India in 1991, the Indian finance
minister, Manmohan Singh, a 'technopol',
initially refusedto share his 'Letterof Intent'
to the IMFwithparliament.See also Bhadhuri
and Nayyar (1996) for a description of the
'reward' and 'rotation' systems whereby
bureaucrats and economists working for
developing countriesare co-opted by the WB
and IMF. They remark(p 63): "For some
of these mandarins,it would seem that there
190
January24, 1998