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history of this doctrine. While the present study can hope neither
to reformulatethe findingsof the voluminous literatureon original
sin nor to compensate in large measure for this methodological
shortcomingat times inherent in it, it will attempt to demonstrate
by example how the notion of original sin did not evolve in a
historicalvacuum. It both drew from and contributedto prevalent
philosophicaland political theory, and it even interacted significantlywith non-Christianreligiousconcepts.
I
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Martini has here quoted this famous rabbinic homily from the
Midrash QoheletRabbah,5but he probablyhad available to him
different versions of the passagewhich added that were it not for
the evil inclination,man "would not have engaged in trade" and
"the world [i.e., civilization]would not have become enduring."6
At the beginning of this chapteron originalsin, Martinidefined
this importantterm in Christian theology as "the tinder of sin,
that is, concupiscence,or a tendency to concupiscence,which is at
times called the law of the limbs of the body, at times the
weakness of nature, at times the tyrant who is in our limbs, at
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Miserable crea-
ture that I am, who is there to rescue me out of this body doomed to death?
God alone, throughJesus Christour Lord!9
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Then, after enticing man here in this world, the evil inclination
will testify againsthim when he appearsbefore God for judgment
in the next world. The rabbis conjectured at times that such a
demonic force could be no other than Satan or the angel of death
himself, and they were confident that God repented over having
createdit.18
As alreadystated, however, the evil inclinationexercises these
malevolent influences on man only if man fails to control it; for
the power of this passion is inferiorto that of the human will, and
just as God created yeser ha-ra', so he also created the means
whereby man could overcome its temptations.Without such aid,
man might well be doomed to succumb to its murderous
'3B.Qidd.30b; Ber. 61a; 'AbotR. Nat. A, chap. 16.
14Exod.Rab. 41.12; b. Sanh. 103a;Num.Rab. 17.6.
15Seethe statementsof R. Isaac,R. Asi, and Ravain b. Sukk.52.
16B.Sanh. 45a; Sipra,Aharei? 9 (on 13:9).
17B.Sabb. 105b. cf. the statementof R. Meir in SongRab. 2.4.1 and also Exod.
Rab. 41.12.
18B.B. Bat. 16a; Sukk. 52b.
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surprise.27Nevertheless, if one examines the Augustinianconception of originalsin, he will find that it in no way approximatesthe
rabbinicnotion of the evil inclination.Rather, as I shall attempt to
demonstrate, Martini needed to discard an Augustinian view of
original sin in favor of a Thomistic approachin order to advance
his position, a change which accordswell with the general development of Martini's religious thought. If in his earliest writings
Martinidid display Augustinianleanings in matters of theology,28
he soon adopted a more propaedeuticand Thomistic mode of
philosophicthought, having come under the direct personal influence of the Angelic Doctor of Paris.Martiniserved as the emissary
of Raymond de Pefiaforteto Thomas Aquinas in 1269/70, and he
may have convinced his Dominican confrere to compose the
Summacontragentiles.Probablyas a result of the discussionswhich
then ensued between Martini and Aquinas, Aquinas borrowed
from Martini's Capistrumludeorum in the Contra gentiles, and
Martini drew heavily from the latter work in the Pugio fideiprimarilyin the first and shortest of the Pugio'sthree parts, which
dealt not with confutingthe Jews but with provingthe basic tenets
of Christiantheology to skepticalMoors by means of philosophical
If Martini'sborrowingfrom Aquinasincludedthe
argumentation.29
latter's views on originalsin, the identificationof originalsin with
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30DCD 14.11.
31ContraJulianum Pelagianum 6.10.28 (PL 44. 838).
32DCD 13.6,13; 14.11.
33DCD 13.13 (4. 144-45); 14.15.
34DCD 14.4.
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in the Summatheologiae,
Elsewhere,however,particularly
Aquinas
stresseshis identification
of originalsin with the loss of original
justicemore thanwith concupiscence,and some modernscholars
haveaptlysuggestedthatAquinasmighthave omittedthe element
of concupiscence
altogetherfromhis discussionon originalsin and
believe that he paid lip serviceto it merelyin deferenceto St.
Augustine.The thrustof the Thomisticportrayalof originalsin
35Liberde veritate(Summacontragentiles)4.50.
36Demalo 4.2 (Vives 13. 418), emphasismine; see also ST 1-2.81.2.
37ST1-2.82.1, ad 1-2; 1-2.83.3.
38Demalo 4.2 (Vives 13. 419).
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507
Once again,Aquinastook issue. Becausehe distinguishedbetween Adam'sactualsin and originalsin, such notionsof human
solidarityin Adam,espousedby virtuallyall Catholictheologians
since and includingAugustine,could not accountfor either the
transmission
of originalsin fromAdamto his descendantsor their
for
man's
culpability originalsin. Whereasoriginalsin characterizes
rationalsoul, ideas of humansolidaritydid not accountfor the
willfulcharacterof a transmittedspiritualstate, but merely the
in a specificphysicalact; and for Aquinas,the traparticipation
ducianview that "the intellectualsoul is transmittedwith the
semen"amountedto outrightheresy.46
Instead,Aquinasexplained
contraJulianum2.42; De nuptiiset concupiscentia
2.21.36.
440pusimperfectum
45De nuptiiset concupiscentia,
2.5.15 (PL 44. 444); cf. De peccatorummeritiset
remissione2.9.11. The exact function of concupiscencein Augustine's thought on
originalsin is hardto determine;at times it seems as if concupiscenceis identified
with the originalsin in every individual,while elsewhere a distinction is drawn
betweena state of culpabilityfor Adam's lust or reatusconcupiscentiae,
equatedwith
originalsin, and concupiscenceitself, the punishment (in itself sinful as well) for
original sin and the agent of its transmissionfrom one generation to the next.
Modernviews on the subjectoften divide along partylines, Protestanttheologians
arguing that Augustine identified original sin with sexual passion and Catholics
and concupiscentia.
See, e.g.,
stressingthe distinctionbetween reatusconcupiscentiae
Turmel, "Le dogme," Revued'histoireet de litterature
religieuses7 (1902) 129-35;
F. Donau, "La pensee de Saint Augustin sur la nature du p6che originel," Revue
34 (1922) 414-25, 486-95; Williams,TheIdeas, 365ff.;Gaudel, "Peche
apologetique
originel," 396-98; and Hans Staffner, "Die Lehre des HI. Augustinus tiber das
Wesen der Erbsiinde,"ZKTh79 (1957) 385-416. Yet even though, as all will agree
Augustinemaintained,the physicalact of sexual intercoursetransmitsoriginalsin,
the guilt of originalsin is essentially that of the soul (DCD 13.13, 14.15), and
Augustinewas constantlytroubledby the problemof how originalsin entered the
soul of a newly born person.He never decidedconclusivelybetween the answersof
traducianismand creationism;each had its shortcomings,althoughthe exigencies of
the Pelagiancontroversyoften induced Augustine to espouse the former over the
latter. See especiallyTurmel, "Le dogme," 7. 135-46; Rondet, Le peche originel,
161-67; and Gross, Geschichte,1. 334-46.
46ST 1.118.2 (15. 152-53); "Et ideo haereticum est dicere quod is anima
intellectivatraducaturcum semine." For Aquinas'dissatisfactionwith such explana-
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powers of body and soul, and these are the powers of man which
function in generation.49Nevertheless, Aquinas still remainedtrue
to his distinction between actual sin and original sin; he did not
maintain that the sinful concupiscenceof the parents' act of sex
engendered sin in their offspring.Sexual intercourse is a natural
process, and while in man's fallen state it may be ridden with
sinful lust, that concupiscence is only a manifestation of the
penaltywhich men pay for originalsin, not the sin itself.50
Originalsin, thestateof nature,and humansociety
Accordingto Augustine, when Adam "of his own will committed that great sin, he perverted,vitiated, and defiled human nature
tions of humansolidarity,see Liberde veritate4.51-52; ST 1-2.81.1
47Liberde veritate4.52.
48ST1-2.81.1 (26. 10-11).
49Ibid.,ad 2; 1-2.81.3, ad 2; 1-2.81.4.
50ST1-2.17.9; 1-2.83.1, c. and ad 1.
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511
63See 'AbotR. Nat. B, chap. 42; and Pugio 3.2.7.3, p. 593, quoting the gloss of
Rashi on Isa 5:lff.: "'Et elapidavitillam' a figmento malo donec comedit de ligno,
et tunc intravitin ipsum figmentummalum.... 'Et ascendetspina, et vepres,' id
est, praevalebitin eo figmentum malum, et in generationibusejus post eum ad
faciendumopera incomposita,et inordinata."While this gloss appearsas Rashi's
only here in the Pugio,see on Martini'sgeneralcredibilityin his citationof rabbinic
sources, Saul Lieberman,"RaymundMartiniand His Alleged Forgeries,"Historia
Judaica 5 (1943) 87-102, and idem, Shkiin, 43-98. Specificallywith regard to
Martini'suse of Rashi, see Ch. Merchavya,"Regardingthe Rashi Commentaryto
'Helek' [Hebrew]," Tarbiz33 (1964) 259-86, and idem, "AdditionalInformation
Concerningthe RashiCommentaryto Helek [Hebrew],"Tarbiz35 (1966) 278-94.
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Aquinas, on the other hand, incorporatedthese worldly sentiments and institutions into his own conception of man's natural
state. Unlike Augustine, he did not condemn the sexuality of
fallen man as unnaturalor sinful, nor did he consider the bearing
of children and the life of the family as involved in the transmission of or punishmentfor originalsin. In and of itself, the activity
of man's concupiscibleappetite is natural, and even Jesus possessed a sensuous impulse in his assumptionof human nature.67If
immoderate, unreasonableconcupiscencehas resulted from original sin, it itself cannot be considered that which causes sin in
man.68 Confident that the dominion of one man over another
would have existed before the fall, Aquinas proceeded to view
organized associations of men, whether on a familial or political
scale, as natural and appropriateto man:69"A communal life is
properto man because he would not be able to provide all that is
necessary to life out of his own resources if he were to live like a
hermit."70Earthlygovernments are thus not a departurefrom the
naturalorder to accommodatethe needs of fallen man but the best
means to enable man to realize his naturalcapabilities,before and
after the fall.71And although the institutions of private property
and profit-orientedcommerce might not have existed in the state
of originaljustice and are not ordainedby naturallaw, Aquinas did
consider them naturalto man in the sense that they constituted
appropriateadditionsto naturallaw on the part of human reason.
In view of man's obligation to care for the earth's resources,
private ownershipis actuallynecessary for human life; without it,
individuals would shirk their responsibilityto care for material
goods, terrible chaos would result in the apportionmentof such
responsibility,and strife would break out between men owning
things in common.72On the question of seeking financialprofit,
Aquinas found the means to justify trade and commerce in terms
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Waldensianheresies.84If Raymond Martiniborrowedthe Thomistic view on originalsin whichjoined the states of nature and grace
in depictingthe ideal, integratedmode of Christianexistence, it is
highly appropriatethat he did so within the context of his own
attempt, as a Dominican friar, to enhance the unity of Christian
society-through the conversion of the Jews.85
Finally, the identificationof originalsin with the evil inclination
in Martini's Pugiofidei reveals an interesting dimension of this
importantpolemicalwork. The Pugio intended primarilyto confute
the beliefs of the Jews and convert the Jews to Christianityby
citing passagesfrom classicalrabbinicliteraturein supportof basic
Christiandoctrines.Martini,however, had no love for the ancient
rabbis or for the Talmud and Midrash which they produced;
rather, he believed that this literatureand the way of life which it
prescribedderived from an alliance between the rabbis and Satan
which for the Jews markeda hereticaldeparturefrom their biblical
covenant with God.86The talmudicand midrashicpassages which
Martini excerpted as evidence in his own behalf were exceptional-alleged admissionsof the obvious truth of Christianitythat the
rabbis could not expunge from their literature altogether, which
Martini "raised up like pearls out of a very great dungheap."87
Martini thus eagerly employed such passages against the Jews in
the most effective polemicalstrategy of which he could conceive,
though not with any intent to accord legitimacy to post-biblical
Jewish traditions.Nevertheless, equating original sin and the evil
inclinationin the Pugio not only served to prove the doctrine of
originalsin to the Jews but also lent greater credence to the new
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in many
Thomisticconceptionof originalsin, whichcorresponded
respects to the notion of yeser ha-ra'. Perhaps the dearth of
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