Professional Documents
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Anthropological Linguistics
Applied Sociolinguistics: The Case of Arabic as a Second Language
Author(s): Richard W. Schmidt
Source: Anthropological Linguistics, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Spring, 1986), pp. 55-72
Published by: The Trustees of Indiana University on behalf of Anthropological Linguistics
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Introduction.
Fishman (1970) has observed that an ap1.
is in order whenever new language varieplied sociolinguistics
ties must be developed or whenever language varieties,
old or
be
deals
with
the
second
This
of these
new, must
paper
taught.
and is further limited to the case of
issues,
language teaching,
in the present case Egyptian Arabic
teaching second languages,
(the Arabic of Cairo) as a second language to native speakers of
to the question of English as a
English, with some attention
I will further
second language for native speakers of Arabic.
limit myself to "second" rather than "foreign" language teaching.
describes
the conventions,
Since sociolinguistics
patterns and
constraints
which together comprise native speakers'
knowledge of
what constitutes
appropriate
speech behavior in the speech communities
of which they are members, the relevance of sociolinguisand comparisons is greatest
tic findings
when we consider
learners who are presently
situated
in the target speech commuwith native speakers,
and
nity, who need to interact
successfully
who must as a minimum understand the cultural
values which underlie speech if they are to interpret
what is said with any
In
second
most
addition,
accuracy.
language learners consciously
to
some
level
of
communicative
aspire
competence in the target
not
be
true
in
language (this may
foreign language learning,
where grammatical competence may be accepted by teacher and
students alike as the primary or sole goal of the teaching/
and readily recognize the importance of
learning enterprise)
about the rules for the appropriate
knowing as much as possible
conduct of speech in the new community (Wolfson and Judd 1983).
This paper has several themes.
The first
is that almost
that sociolinguists
can discover about the socioeverything
of Arabic will have some relevance for the
linguistic
patterning
Second is
teaching and learning of Arabic as a second language.l
the principle,
illustrated
here by three examples of sociolinguistic
that while rules for the appropriate
conduct
patterning,
of speech vary considerably
from one society
to another, there is
an underlying universality
to sociolinguistic
rules which makes
and accessible
them readily comprehensible
to language learners,
while cross-cultural
contributes
to learners'
convariability
tinued interest.
Third, there is some evidence that sociolinguistic
rules are difficult
for learners to acquire on their own,
that
some
facts need to be taught if
suggesting
sociolinguistic
second language learners are to achieve the desired goal of
communicative competence.
55
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56
Anthropological
Linguistics,
In every speech
2. Variable rules in English and Arabic.
are linguistically
attributes
significant
community, socially
but
marked, but such markers are usually not context independent,
and variable.
rather probabilistic
Examples abound, but Fisher
(1958) offered a clear and "typical" example in his classic
study
of the alternation
of -ing and -in as the present progressive
suffix in the speech of a group of children in New England.
Fisher found several social parameters that played a part in the
used the -ing variant
of the variant used: sex (girls
selection
vs.
more than boys), social class,
personality
(aggressive
the
of
vs.
mood (tense
relaxed),
formality
cooperative),
and topic of conversation.
Fisher also found that
situation,
certain "formal" verb stems appeared to require the formal suffix
while informal verb stems
(e.g.,
correcting,
interesting),
punchin,
(e.g.,
usually occurred with the informal -in suffix
chewin).
Variation such as that discussed
by Fisher for New England
and easily
to
learners
is
interesting
language
English
factors
involved - sex,
the
social
because
comprehended by them,
in socioare
factors
etc.
common
social class,
formality,
the
is
varies
What
variation
particular
everywhere.
linguistic
features which counts in a particular
mix of sociological
speech
with those
features which correlate
community and the linguistic
facts.
sociological
of English,
in urban varieties
The study of such variation
of
York
New
with
Labov's
landmark
(Labov
English
study
beginning
rule community, in
1966), has led to the model of the variable
which the speech community is seen as a group of speakers who
In the
share a set of norms rather than a set of behaviors.
class
social
Labovian
speech community, higher
prototypical
to the norms of the standard
groups approximate more closely
and within social
of
variables,
linguistic
language in their use
of
than
to the prestige
men
class groups women are more sensitive
is seen as the result of
the standard norm. Style shifting
to speech" and the power of the
of "attention
interaction
norms (Labov 1972).
prestige
The case of Arabic fits somewhat uncomfortably into the
of
of the sociolinguistics
Labovian paradigm, and investigation
to further the development of "post-Labovian
Arabic is likely
(Romaine 1982) in several ways. It is clear,
sociolinguistics"
class is not the only important
for example, that socioeconomic
in
variable
Arabic
social
speech communities (level of education,
and the urban:rural distinction
may be as imporreligiosity,
while it is not clear that we can really define a single
tant),
of even a city such
set of norms which unites all the inhabitants
social
as Cairo.
variables
Different
may have different
and markers of social
as group differentiators
functions
at
and there may be different
identities,
patterns of prestige
the
basic
most
different
of the community.
levels
Perhaps
rule model to Arabic,
in applying the variable
difficulty
the
between a speech community
however, stems from
relationship
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57
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58
Anthropological
Linguistics,
Vol.
28,
No. 1
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59
inhibition
of the glottal
when moving to more
stop pronunciation
with
variation
The parallel
formal topics.
is
English -ing/in
rather striking:
Fisher found that the choice of variants
changed
use of -ing in formal situations
from an almost exclusive
to a
use of -in in informal interviews.
predominance but not exclusive
A second parallel
and the
alternation
between the English -ing/in
is the relationship
between this variCairo [q]:[']
alternation
lexical
items.
In addition to two lexical
able rule and specific
items which are never colloquialized
with [I], [qur'a:n] and
there are numerous others which usually appear with
[qa:hira],
in
contexts
for colloquial,
so
[q]
normally construed as calling
that most Cairenes distinguish
between such pairs as [qawi]
applaud
strong and ['awi] yery, [saqqaf] to educate and [sa"'af]
even in informal speech.
In the case of the Arabic Q-variable
there is differentiation by sex.
In the study reported here, both the elite
univerand
the
males
class
used
males
the
standard
uvular
working
sity
than the university
women did.
In contrast
[q] more frequently
to the western sociolinguistic
that women are more
hypothesis
sensitive
than men to the prestige
of prescriptive
forms, in this
case Arab women seem to be deliberately
particular
choosing to
a
standard
variant.
particular
Or, we
downplay
phonological
a
there
is
non-classical
might speculate,
competing
prestige
variety for Cairo with ['], which educated women recognize though
educated men do not.
resolution
of this
Royal [1985] has suggested an interesting
of
puzzle for Cairo Arabic.
Royal concludes that the preference
women for ['] over [q], together with the tendency of Cairene
women to palatalize
[D] and [T] before high front vowels and the
of
women
to
consotendency
produce much weaker pharyngealized
nants are all part of a prestigious
for
social
system
signalling
gender through a fronting and raising versus backing and lowering
with fronted speech more typically
pronunciation
convention,
associated
with femininity
and backed speech with masculinity.
with the variable of phonoRoyal's research dealt specifically
(let us call this the Arabic Phlogical
pharyngealization
for which native speakers claim there to be
-variable),
masculine-feminine
and class differences.
Based on spectroof second formant transitions
in recordings of
graphic analysis
male and female speakers from two age groups in two Cairo
(one a folk quarter in the older part of the city,
neighborhoods
the other a westernized
affluent
suburb), Royal found that males
indeed produced markedly stronger pharyngealization
than females
in the affluent
In the folk neighborhood,
on the
neighborhood.
other hand, older subjects
did not observe this sex distinction
(pharyngealization
by both men and women was heavier than in the
affluent
suburb group) but younger subjects were seen to be
In this case, what is especially
acquiring the distinction.
is that both upper class men and upper class women
interesting
seem to be responding to a prestige
norm which distinguishes
between classes
but which is not in the direction
of classical
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60
Anthropological
Vol. 28,
Linguistics,
No. 1
Personal
address
systems.
personal
As Philipsen
address
and Huspek
is a sociolinguistic
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61
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62
Anthropological
Linguistics,
Vol. 28,
No. 1
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63
taza:kir
ya: be:h
to a man who
highly respectful,
appears to have high status
taza:kir
ya: usta:z
literally
professor;
respectful
but not as deferential
as the
above forms
taza:kir
ya: siyadtak
ya: HaDritak
taza:kir
ya: Hagg(a)
literally
pilgrimage.
Respectful
term of address to
religious
older but not high status
Not used to a friend
person.
or acquaintance
unless it is
known that addressee has in
fact made the pilgrimage
taza:kir
ya: sayyid
ya: sitt
ya: 'a:nisa
to
Mr., Mrs., Miss; generally
an equal, though note that
servants usually address the
woman of the house as [sitt];
[sayyid] used most often to a
young man
taza:kir
ya: misyu
ya: mada:m
ya: mazmaze:l
to an
again, Mr., Mrs.,,Mi;
or
one
equal
perceived as
Social
higher in rank; polite.
class of speaker determines
whether these or forms closer
to French will be used
taza:kir
ya: m9allim
but used by
literally
teacher,
extension
to a foreman, plant
floor supervisor,
pimp, hashish
etc.
When addressing a
dealer,
stranger the form is most often
used with rough types
taza:kir
ya: 9ari:s
literally
bridgegroom;
to a young boy
taza:kir
ya: 9amm
ya: 9amm ide:x
literally
side,
wise
uncle
uncle.
jocular,
on father's
term to an elderly
passenger
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Respectful
lower class
64
Anthropological
taza:kir
ya: ba:sa
Linguistics,
Vol. 28,
No. 1
in Egypt, the
of Turkish titles
outranked
the
pasha
bey, the
term [be:h] remains an address
form of respect,
while [ba:*a]
is used only sarcastically.
Can be used with children,
friends,
equals and subordinates, but an addressee who
himself as higher in
perceives
status would take offense
taza:kir
ya: afandi
also sarcastic
(cf.
above, a respectful
taza:kir
ya: kapten
taza:kir
ya: usTa
taza:kir
ya: rayyis
boss, usual
waiters
taza:kir
ya: 'ibni
ya: binti
my.b.y,
taza:kir
ya: walad
ya: bint
and
unfriendly
boy, sirl;
often followed
threatening,
an order to leave the train
move to a second class car.
[afandim]
term)
term of address
son, my girl;
to
friendly
by
or
The sociolinguistic
es.
patter4. Discourse sequencing a
and
to
not
is
limited
of
course
of
phonological
language
ning
but extends to the organization
of discourse
lexical
variation,
in speech events such as lectures,
sermons, interdiscussions,
as
events
such
transactional
views, meetings,
ordering a meal in
and the like, all of which
a restaurant,
casual conversations
Violations
middles and ends.
have rules for proper beginnings,
and
commented
are
noticed
native
such
of
rules by
upon
speakers
and since these rules vary so much from
by other native speakers,
on the part of
and misperceptions
violations
culture to culture,
cultural
non-native
assumpspeakers who operate under different
to result in severe crosscultural
are likely
tions and attitudes
misunderstandings.
Only a brief example will be given here, dealing with the
This is of
sequencing of openings to telephone conversations.
an
ethnomethodolohas
interest
since Schegloff
(1968)
provided
of some aspects of conversational
openings which
gical analysis
has
are apparently universal,
while Godard (1977)
given an exam-
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65
variation.
ple of crosscultural
Schegloff's
analysis
begins with
two rules for American telephone conversations:
(1) the answerer
and (2) the caller provides the first
A
speaks first,
topic.
to provide a more abstract
single deviant case leads Schegloff
tied to the more general goal of accounting for cooranalysis,
dinated entry into two-party conversations
in general,
in which
the first
utterance
of the conversation
is not the answerer's
"hello" but the ring of the telephone,
which Schegloff
characas the first
a
terizes
of
Summons-Answer
The
part
sequence.
first
this
the conditional
part of
adjacency pair establishes
relevance of the second part.
Given the first
element, the
second is expected,
so that if there is no answer the caller will
infer that no one is home and if the answerer lifts
the telephone
receiver he speaks first.
A further characteristic
of the category Summons is that it is a summons for some reason, so the
caller's
to raise the first
substantive
right and obligation
on
is
the
established.
other
Godard,
hand, has contrasted
topic
some aspects of the expected behavior of the caller and answerer
at the beginning of telephone conversations
at private residences
in the United States and France.
which
Among the differences
Godard notes are: in France, but not in the United States,
the
caller checks the number, and once assured that he has reached
the right house will give his identity
before he asks for his
intended addressee;
in the United States,
but not in France, the
caller
often questions
the answerer's
Is this
(e.g.,
identity
Robert?) or may ask to speak to someone other than the answerer
this
(e.g.,
Hello, may I speak to Jane, please?).
Interpreting
behavior in terms of French norms, Godard found such behavior
rude, since in France the caller must name himself,
incredibly
converse with the answerer before asking for
and, if acquainted,
What seems normal to an American strikes
a French
anyone else.
as
a
treatment
of
the
answerer
as
no more
speaker
dehumanizing
than a mechanical extension
of the telephone.
Telephone conversational
openings in Cairo are different
from both those in France and in the United States.
The
taken from a corpus of 215 telephone
following
conversation,
recorded in Egypt, is in many respects
beginnings
typical:
Answerer:
Caller:
Answerer:
Caller:
Answerer:
Caller:
Answerer:
Caller:
alo:
alo:
alo:
mi:n byitkallim?
Who's speaking?
'inta mi:n?
Who are myou?
'abul magd mawgu:d?
Is Abu elMagd there?
'ana 'abul magd..
mHammad?
I'm Abu el-Magd. Mohammed?
'aywa.. 'izayyak ya: be:h?
Yes.. how are yogu, Bey?
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66
Anthropological
Linguistics,
Vol.
Answerer:
28,
No. 1
'ilhamdulila:h,
wizayyak 'inta?
Fine, and you?
Caller:
'ilhamdulila:h
'ahlan wasahlan
Answerer:
literally
you're welcome
Caller:
walla:hi
ya: 'ax, 9ayz as'alak Ha:ga
want to ask you something.
Really, brother,
_
This call may strike some western readers as bizaare (simply
norms for conversabecause they are familiar with very different
but there is nothing unusual about such a call
tional openings),
in Cairo.
The first
thing to be noticed is that at the beginning
with no selfthere is a series of hello's
of the conversation
In his second turn, the caller
identification
by either speaker.
from the answerer, but this is refused by
requests identification
of the
the answerer, who counters by demanding the identity
in the next
caller.
Instead of providing self-identification
of the answerer.
instead guesses the identity
turn, the caller
then
This is confirmed by the answerer, who
attempts to guess the
are
of the caller.
After both guesses
confirmed, talk
identity
and responses until
proceeds through a series of greetings
or at
after twelve turns, the message is introduced,
finally,
that he does have a topic to introindicates
least the caller
A common reaction of foreigners
duce.
living in Egypt is that
at all in Cairo,
there are no rules for telephone conversations
of behavior and norms of
but there are indeed rules, regularities
not only for the series of ritualized
greetings
interpretation,
at the end of the sample call presented here but also for the
initial
exchanges.
apparently disorderly
is
The initial
problem for entry into any conversation
for talk.
suggests that simply lifting
Schegloff
availability
while the answerer's
the telephone receiver establishes
presence,
However,
it
seems for telephone
establishes
availability.
hello
as opposed to some other types of Summons-Answer
conversations,
is not
face to face encounters)
availability
sequences (e.g.,
are
identities
until
and
cannot
talk
established
proceed
securely
norms for establishcultures provide different
known. Different
identiA German telephone answerer typically
ing such identity.
when answering, without knowing the
fies himself automatically
Most Americans do this only when answerof the caller.
identity
seldom when answering a telephone in a
ing a business telephone,
and Egyptians apparently never provide such
private residence;
turn.
of self during the answerer's first
identification
the usual case, an
When an answerer does not self-identify,
of the
American caller typically
attempts to confirm the identity
this
has
and
(Is
George?)
apparently
person he intended to reach
by voice, will
or, if he has been able to make the identification
while an Egypti(Hi, George, this is Bill),
proceed to greetings
to respond hello to the
is likely
an caller
in the same situation
in my sample
answerer's hello (one third of the conversations
most
This strikes
first
have hello as the caller's
utterance).
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67
Americans as over-insistent,
since although it is possible
to
find examples of repeated hello's
in American telephone conversations these are usually in cases of an exceptionally
poor
connection or on those occasions when an answerer picks up the
in which case
telephone and does not immediately say anything,
the caller's
hello is analyzed by Schegloff
as a repetition
of
the summons. The clearest
indication
that the Egyptian rules are
different
is the fact that Egyptian informants report that they
do not view such repeated hello's
as over-insistent,
and are not
offended by them.
What Americans find most offensive
about Egyptian telephone
second turn in the sample call,
calls,
however, is the caller's
his [mi:n byitkallim?],
the demand to know the identity
of the
answerer when voice identification
has not succeeded.
American
callers
do sometimes request the identity
of answerers, of
course.
out
that
a
when
caller formulates a
Schegloff
points
location
to
relation
some
as X's home or X's
such
by
person,
if the voice of the answerer is not recognizable
as that
office,
of X, then the result may be a request for identification.
Something like that seems to operate in the Egyptian speech community
that a high percentage
also, and may be related to an expectation
of telephone calls will result in wrong numbers.
The resulting
rule is slightly
different
for the two speech communities: in the
United States a caller requests identification
only if there is
evidence that the party reached is not the party intended; in
unless there is positive
Cairo, one requests identification
evidence that the party reached is the one wanted.
Note, however,
that the Egyptian answerer does not satisfy
the caller's
demand
for identification,
and here the rules for the two cultures
coincide.
In the United States,
a called person responds to a
demand for identification
without discomfort or anger only if he
that he is a person who would not normally be expected
recognizes
to be in that place.
Most (but not all) Egyptians similarly
reMore importantly,
port that they find such demands offensive.
in
none of the calls recorded did Egyptians answer such demands.
Egyptian and American telephone conversational
beginnings
are alike,
then, in several respects.
They all have the same
of sequenced interaction:
categories
summons, answer, greeting,
introduction
of message.
They are alike in the fact that an
answer may self-identify,
but usually does not, and in the availof identification
But there is an
ability
by voice quality.
in the fact that there is a strong
equally strong difference
reluctance
on the part of both callers
and answerers in Egypt to
give any self-identification
before ascertaining
the identity
of
the other, the reasons for which must be sought in the general
culture.
are an attempt to ascertain
Repeated hello's
identities
voice.
If
this is unsuccessful,
through
demand
Egyptian callers
identification
from the answerer far more frequently
than do American callers,
although this does not result in called persons
giving up their rights to prior self-identification
by callers.
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68
Anthropological
Linguistics,
Vol.
28,
No. 1
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69
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70
Anthropological
Linguistics,
Vol.
28, No. 1
semantic formulas
turn-taking,
aspects:
openings and closings,
as
for speech acts such
criticizing,
praising,
apologizing,
verbal routines
(see Gregory and Wehba, this volume), and so on.
For the
The list of phenomena to be considered is a long one.
to second language pedagof sociolinguistic
findings
application
of sociolinguistic
in any of
ogy, the identification
patterns
these areas will be relevant.
But for an applied sociolinguistics which seeks to identify
likely problem spots for second
and
those areas, rather than simply
research
learners
language
available
whatever
is
(as I have done here), probably
applying
the best approach is to begin with a framework which is broad
phenomena. One such
enough to encompass a range of linguistic
framework which could guide research is the concept of politeas developed by Brown and Levinson (1978) who
ness, especially
interaction
relaas a principle
of face-to-face
view politeness
ted to both concern for speakers'
and addressees'
good image
claims of both, a univer(face) and respect for the territorial
sal framework within which there is great cultural
variability.
WORKSCITED
in Arabic kinship terms.
R. 1964.
Ayoub, Millicent
Bi-polarity
In Horace G. Lunt, ed., Proceedings of the Ninth
The Hague: Mouton. Pp.
International
Congress of Linguists.
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