The Post War Anthropology in Centroamerica

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.
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The PostCold War

Anthropology of Central
America
Jennifer L. Burrell1 and Ellen Moodie2
1
Department of Anthropology, University at Albany, State University of New York, Albany,
New York 12222; email: jburrell@albany.edu
2
Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Urbana,
Illinois 61801; email: emoodie@illinois.edu
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015. 44:381400
Keywords
First published online as a Review in Advance on

September 3, 2015
violence, security, democracy, politics, political economy
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at

anthro.annualreviews.org
Abstract
This articles doi:

10.1146/annurev-anthro-102214-014101
c 2015 by Annual Reviews.
Copyright
All rights reserved
This article reviews the recent and emerging postCold War sociocultural anthropology research on Central America, defined as the five countries that share a common colonial and postcolonial history: Costa Rica, El
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. Following a consideration
of the foundational literature widely engaged by scholars to theorize regional
processes, three sections reflect major themes of investigation in the area: political economy, including environmental concerns and migration; political,
ethnic, and religious subjectivities; and violence, democracy, and in/security,
including gangs. We conclude that the well-developed anthropology of Central America has made key contributions to disciplinary analyses and debates,
especially in the fields of political and economic anthropology and in terms
of furthering studies of violence, migration, neoliberalism, and postconflict
democracy. Anthropologists working in the region have been at the forefront
of public and engaged anthropology, recognizing the political contexts and
power relations in which knowledge is produced.
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INTRODUCTION
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Central America returned to world headlines in 2014, when a surge of unaccompanied minors,
more than 68,000 children, arrived at the Texas-Mexico border over the course of a year. Thirty
years earlier, news of the region had overflowed evening airtime and morning column inches.
Ronald Reagan had famously warned of a red menace that could reach the United States in as
little as two days, evoking images of Sandinistas in Soviet tanks making it as far as a shopping center
in Pecos [Texas] (Reagan 1986). In the panic that swept North America in 2014, disseminated
first through social media, leaked photographs of women and children huddled on concrete floors
at the border station alarmed some Californians so much that they blocked a Department of
Homeland Security bus carrying undocumented migrants, mostly from Guatemala, El Salvador,
and Honduras, from entering their community.
These two scenarios, one imagined and the other all too real, have much in common. In
both, people flee terror and persecution as well as economic devastation, only to find hostility,
official and unofficial. The types of violence may differ: In the 1980s, people feared death squads,
soldiers, and guerrillas, whereas in the past decade Central Americans increasingly dreaded gang
members and crime. But, now as then, migrants at the border also encounter the solidarity of
political, scholarly, and religious communities. Once again, the status of people living in the
volcanic neck between Mexico and Colombia has been fiercely debated in the US Congress, their
fates tied to ideological agendas. Central Americans themselves, in the isthmus and throughout
the diaspora, still struggle and suffer, organize and endure.
In the 1970s and 1980s, the Cold War directed scholarly and political attention to the wartorn region. The revolutionary movements and civil wars in Guatemala (19601996), El Salvador
(19801992), and Nicaragua (19851990), together with their excesses spilling into Honduras
and Costa Rica, shaped generations in the North and the South. The Annual Review of Anthropology issued two articles in 1987 and 1988 orienting researchers toward regional history and
sorting through masses of new work (Smith & Boyer 1987, Smith et al. 1988). Here we examine
knowledge production in and on Central America since 1988. We consider what social scientists
once compelled by Cold War crises have moved on to, and we explore interests taken up by new
generations of anthropologists.
The context that drew so many to Central America has led to long-term commitments, forging
engaged and activist practices of anthropology that recognize the conditions of possibility for
any kind of knowledge production and the relations of power implicated in it (Hale 2006). Whereas
common portrayals of Central America seem to lurch from crisis to crisis, ethnographic methods
challenge one-dimensional understandings of the region and its people.
Following broader academic trends, many social scientists in the past quarter century have examined uneven processes of democratization and economic liberalization in Central America, and
their entanglement with precarity and insecurity. Many researchers thus probe rule of law, judicial
reform, and de- and remilitarization, as well as civil society antiviolence initiatives. Anthropologists
follow these trends but specifically attend to discursive details and practices of neoliberal governance, as well as the textures of everyday life. Early on they challenged once-smooth narratives of
transition, long before gang violence became a dominant Central American trope, and long before
the Latin American pink tide of new victories of the Left, at least in El Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Honduras. Ethnographic interventions contest the dominant view of success promoted by
pundits and policymakers, who once held up the regions transition experiencefostered under
direct U.S. tutelage (Robinson 2003, p. 87)as a model for post-conflict Iraq.
Robinson (2003) critically delineates the rise of transnational states and the transformations in
global relations of production, and his work has become a key reference for Central Americanists.
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What was happening in the 1980s and 1990s, he contends, reflects a prolonged period of change
in the social structure. . .reciprocal to and in dialectical interplay with changes at the level of the
global system (Robinson 2003, p. 57). Many anthropologists carrying out fieldwork in the isthmus
study the on-the-ground expressions and practices of these global shifts and theorize the way these
shifts take form, reform, and deform so often in the name of democracy.
Robinson has called democracy promotion by the United States a euphemism for national
security (Gindin 2005). Indeed, crucial for anthropologists of postCold War Central America
has been a consideration of the multiple, layered meanings of in/security. Popular representations
of the region have left behind always already revolting subaltern subjects (Nelson 2009, p. 136)
and gluttonous coffee oligarchs (Paige 1998), but they continue to fill a savage slot with common
images of gang members and drug cartels. The insecurity of everyday life sprawls beyond the dread
of iconic enemies: Many political scientists and international studies scholars have focused on
institutions, especially policing and the rule of law. Anthropologists and sociologists demonstrate
how distrust of institutions, politicians, and strangers plays into social relations. Security, thus,
has become a keyword in research in the region, embedded in themes of crime and violence
as well as migration, labor, and livelihood. Security both impels and threatens the rise of social
movements and political participation, as well as imaginaries of democracy; it arises from and
infiltrates religious tenets, and it is shaped through structures of gender, race, sexuality, and
ethnicity.
We have divided this article into four sections. First, we see much post-1988 work as confronting an after, a post, or a transition: Thus, the next section is titled Foundations and
Aftermaths. Second, we consider Political Economy and Environmental Battlegrounds. Though
the agrarian lifeways documented by a previous generation of researchers are declining, most Central Americans, rural and urban, still struggle for subsistence and engage in grassroots resistance.
Third, we review how Political, Ethnic/Racial, and Religious Subjectivities have transformed
over the postCold War era, as manifested in political struggles, social movements, and religion.
Fourth, we focus on Violence and In/Security. In tandem with a disciplinary interest in political
and structural violence, much recent literature confronts the interlinked complexities of the state,
politics, and poverty.
We limit our consideration of research on Central America to the five countries that share a
common colonial and postcolonial history: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and
Nicaragua, which were briefly unified after independence from Spain (18231838). We acknowledge the enormous amount of outstanding work on the region we have not been able to include
in this article because of space limitations. Further, though we sought to include much work of
Central Americabased anthropologists in this review, different modes of publishing limited our
bibliography. Social scientists in Central America are much more directly involved than those in
the United States, for example, in drafting public policy, in consultation on development efforts,
and in shaping debates around themes such as public health and education. Their work is often
funded, published, and circulated by nongovernmental organizations and institutes, and not in
peer-reviewed journals (see sidebar, Central American Anthropology in Central America).
FOUNDATIONS AND AFTERMATHS

Robinsons (2003) work positions Central American states in larger currents of postCold War
neoliberal capitalism, an approach developed out of the world-systems theories that girded
Guatemalan Torres Rivass (1971) influential Interpretacion del desarrollo social centroamericano.
Forty years later, he published Revoluciones sin cambios revolucionarios (Torres Rivas 2011): Kruijt,
author of the regional retrospective Guerrillas (Kruijt 2008), calls it a synthesis of history,
www.annualreviews.org PostCold War Anthropology of Central America
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CENTRAL AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY IN CENTRAL AMERICA

Since the (formal) end of the conflicts, many scholars in Central America have welcomed the postCold War aperture as an opportunity for professionalization. In the late 1980s and 1990s, isthmian anthropology, consolidated in
museums, universities, and research institutes, began to expand with support from nongovernmental organizations
(M. Bolanos
& M.E. Bozzoli, unpublished manuscript). External funding channeled many research agendas toward
development or commerce, as well as environment and gender. Recognizing their dependence on others agendas,
Central American social scientists began to organize regionally as they sought more autonomy and to strengthen
SouthSouth ties. After a series of meetings and workshops between 1988 and 1994, La Red Centroamericana
de Antropologa (Anthropological Network of Central America; RCA) was formalized in 1994, and biannual conferences have been organized ever since. M. Bolanos
& M.E. Bozzoli (unpublished manuscript) divide Central
American anthropological advances into two phases, 19852000 (which they dub Processes of Globalization) and
20002013 (called Central American Anthropology as World Anthropology). Studies of alternative development,
popular culture, the informal economy, and indigeneity dominated the first phase. By the second phase, anthropologists were confronting rising social challenges: increasing violence and narco-trafficking in the region, as well as
enduring poverty and migration in a time of neoliberal globalization. They were also writing more about gender and
sexuality, indigenous rights, and ethnic identities, and they had begun to explore more deeply historical memory in
conflictive regions.
sociological explanation, and rueful looking-back at decades of tragedy, suffering, and depressing
consequences (Kruijt 2014, p. 57).
Other social scientists join in rueful looking back, including some of the then-young anthropologists highlighted in the 19871988 Annual Review of Anthropology articles: Field, Hale,
Edelman, and Bourgois. Field (1999) and Hale (1994) arrived in Nicaragua to work with the Sandinista socialist project, but they published their books after the 1990 electoral defeata moment
that forced many observers and participants to reconsider the possibilities of postCold War revolutionary politics. Conditions in their respective fieldwork sites, with artisans in western Nicaragua
and in Miskitu communities on the Atlantic Coast, urged them to challenge the lack of racial and
gendered subjects in the class-based call for unity in a country that had largely imagined itself as a
homogenous mestizo nation. Lancaster, after applying religious-symbolic and Gramscian analyses to liberation theology (Lancaster 1988), acknowledges in Life Is Hard (1992) how Sandinismo
strained under the US-funded Contra war. The book, which contests Western sexual categories
in its analysis of Nicaraguan masculinity, is today cited as foundational to queer studies in anthropology. In After Revolution, Babb (2001) analyzes the everyday effects of the renewed market
economy while tracing post-1990 feminist, LGBT, and other social movements. Montoyas (2012)
historical ethnography, based on long-term research in a rural Sandinista stronghold, reveals the
contradictions inherent in gendered scenarios of revolution in which, despite the promise of
emergent gendered possibilities for New Men and New Women, patriarchal social structures
continue to dominate interactions. Along with work on gender and sexuality, much postCold
War research on Nicaragua has also figured prominently in theorizing postsocialism.
Popular representations of Costa Rica, Nicaraguas neighbor to the south, often continue to
follow scripts of peaceful exceptionality. Edelmans (1999) analysis of peasant movements shows
the friction behind the pura vida (pure life) discourse. In 1981, Costa Rica was the first country in
Latin America to default on its foreign debt obligation, adopting neoliberal market reforms early
on. Still, not looking back as ruefully as others, Edelman finds that social movements are dynamic
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in their political commitments and learn from experience, and the same actors may reappear
in different political actions and organizations. He also believes that peasant identity remains a
primary Central American way of relating to the world, something Boyer & Cardona Penalva
(2013) demonstrate in the reemergent activism of seasoned leaders of peasant unions and farmerto-farmer networks in postcoup Honduras. Such hope contrasts with others dire prognoses for
Honduras, the country with the worlds highest murder rate.
Bourgois (2001), entrenched in the rueful mode, offers a dramatic aftermath analysis. In 1981
he began fieldwork among Salvadoran peasant supporters of the Farabundo Mart National Liberation front (FMLN). Caught in a scorched-earth military campaign, they were soon forced to flee.
He followed. Years later, they met again and he revised his neo-Fanonian view of revolutionary violence as liberatory. Seeing Salvadorans postwar self-blame and disillusion, as well as high rates of
violence (structural, symbolic, and everyday), Bourgois decided he had sanitized his records of the
original experience, unconsciously mimicking a Cold War morality (poles reversed). Bourgoiss
account sparked a debate with Binford (2002). Drawing on his research in El Mozotethe site of
the 1981 military massacre of more than a thousand peasants (Binford 1996)Binford suggested
that the ex-guerillas might not have interpreted the past with such recrimination had insurgency
led to more justice. Instead, the market democracy following the 1992 peace accords reinscribed
inequalities in a neoliberal mode. The country, much like Guatemala and Honduras, survives on
remittances sent by migrants who continue to flee.
Whereas this disillusioned mode characterizes much postCold War research on El Salvador,
many scholars working in the country do discern emancipatory aftereffects of the organizations
and social movements that emerged during wartime. They see hope, for example, among those
who participated in the popular church (Peterson 1997) or in former combatants who came to
awareness in the popular health system (Smith-Nonini 2010), or within diverse communities that
today collaborate in reconciliation and memory projects, creating new forms of national belonging (DeLugan 2012, Velasquez Estrada 2015). Ultimately, though, social suffering haunts many
researcherswhether theorizing links between wartime political violence and postwar criminal,
gang, and everyday violences in the context of postCold War neoliberal restructuring and political
corruption, or exploring deeply entrenched gendered and class inequalities.
This debate over violence and its aftermaths animates much research in Guatemala. With its
rich indigenous history, the country has long drawn scholarly attention. Violence and repression
have characterized everyday life, especially for the Maya, through much of Guatemalas history.
The intensity of conflict pushed anthropologists to write about la violencia by the mid-1980s.
Carmacks (1988) edited volume Harvest of Violence includes before-and-after accounts by anthropologists conducting long-term fieldwork in indigenous communities. Manz (1988), too, reports
on historical changes; her team of researchers conducted extensive interviews with war refugees
in Guatemala and Mexico. Two recent collections consider how Guatemalans are reconstructing
their lives and imagining their futures a quarter century later (Little & Smith 2009, McAllister &
Nelson 2013). The genocidal nature of the civil war violence forced Guatemalans in the postCold
War moment to confront the deep-seated racism of their society. Casaus
Arzus
(1992) work on
race and lineage inaugurated a conversation acknowledging the role of the elites in perpetuating
a severely discriminatory state (Adams et al. 2004a,b; Dary Fuentes 2013).
One particular Guatemalan voice haunts many reflections on that era: that of anthropologist
Myrna Mack, whose criticism of the governments maltreatment of indigenous people led to her
assassination by a military death squad in 1990. The state is not a shadowy or mystical presence in
such lives and deaths; it is a fiercely felt reality, in Guatemala and throughout the isthmus. Today
most anthropologists take as a given Smiths (1990) insistence that ethnicity and nation cannot be
understood without investigating the state.
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What it means to live in a state of violence and fear has motivated much of the postCold War
literature in Guatemala as well as El Salvador (and later Honduras). Greens (1999) dialectical
analysis of fear and terror in everyday life links Maya war experiences with long-term inequalities
and structural violences. Sanford (2003), like Binford in El Mozote, reveals the complicated terrain
of postwar forensic and other human rights investigations as well as the power (and pain) of war
testimonies.
This research has focused on emergent actors such as widows, human rights interlocutors,
evangelical converts, Mayan cultural rights activists, and even gringas, the North American and
European women who dedicated themselves to grassroots work at the wars end (Adams 1998). It
reflects on the meaning of postwar in particular places, and it contributes to creating a foundation for research on aftermaths. A corresponding political and theoretical vocabularyincluding
impunity, accountability, dignity, victimhood, fear, waiting, secrecy, and agencyinforms anthropological insights on violence and postconflict periods, even as everyday experience seems to veer
far from past history.
Central American postCold War anthropology also demonstrates how shared, coherent narratives of what happened, how, and to whom are elusive. By the late 1980s, Rigoberta Menchus
(Burgos-Debray & Menchu 1984) account of the horrors that befell her, her family, and her
Kiche Maya community was circulating worldwide. Testimonio, a genre burdened with an aura
of authenticity and usually defined as a first-hand account written by an eyewitness (or dictated
to a transcriber/collaborator), became an important form of documenting struggles throughout
Central America (Falla 1992, Montejo 1987, Tula & Stephen 1994). For several years sensational
debates raged about the autobiographical versus communal nature of testimonies, and the appropriation of the genre by academics and the Left in general. The polemics (Arias 2001, Stoll 1999)
demonstrate the impossibility of fixing history, especially in aftermaths.

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POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ENVIRONMENTAL BATTLEGROUNDS

Scholars of Central America have deepened their focus on political economy in the postCold War
years, investigating entrenched, emergent, and shifting forms of labor and livelihood, just as predicted by Smith & Boyer (1987). Many have followed crops, especially coffee and bananas. Studies
of such commodities became lenses through which regional histories and everyday relationships
could be observed. In research anticipated in the Annual Review of Anthropology articles mentioned
above (Smith & Boyer 1987, Smith et al. 1988), Bourgois (1989) examines the mobilization of
ethnic identity in Costa Rica, plumbing the relationships among work, class, and ethnicity on a
Chiquita banana plantation. Paige (1998) takes up the regions entangled history with coffee in
his wide-ranging exploration of links among coffee, politics, and finance.
While wars raged and in their aftermaths, the neoliberal economic model has reached into the
remotest rural corners of Central America. Markets opened, public holdings were privatized, and
resource extraction quickened. Tucker (2008) and Lyon (2011), among others, have revisited coffee
cultivation, considering new arrangements of production and marketing as well as community and
household politics, kinship, and transnational linkages. Fresh, frozen, and otherwise processed
nontraditional export crops such as snow peas, broccoli, melons, and cut flowers have produced
alternative livelihood opportunities (Hamilton & Fischer 2005). Research on commodity chains
offers a means to trace aspects of globalization such as the links between international producers
and US consumers, and it points to the way Central Americans articulate their desire for algo mas
(something more) (Fischer & Benson 2006). The diversion of subsistence plots to the cultivation of
export crops, the high use of pesticides and resulting environmental devastation, and the expansion
of such practices as shrimp and mollusk cultivation contribute to what Stonich et al. (1994) call an
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enduring crisis with human and environmental consequences. Debates over genetically modified
crops, especially corn, echo throughout the region (Grandia 2014). In Costa Rica, organic seeds
have become a linchpin for the negotiation of kinship versus intellectual property rights (Aistara
2014). Such studies offer insights into how agriculturalists and other economic actors such as
market vendors reframe risk and crisis and may act contrary to expert advice and predominant
market logic (Little 2013, Tucker 2013).
Since the Cold War, neoliberal forces have impelled the market reorganization of land, ownership, and resources. In her study of waves of dispossession of Qeqchi, Grandia (2011) emphasizes
how neoliberal trade and infrastructural projects financed by international development banks
incite conflict between Maya and conservationists. Loker (2003) explores how Hondurans have
coped with environmental changes over two decades since the construction of the El Cajon
hydroelectric dam, finding increased vulnerability of poorer households. Environmental histories
also drive Nadings (2014) ethnographic attention to vulnerable urban poor in Nicaragua. He
conceives of the dengue pandemic, his research focus, in terms of entanglements of interconnected bodies and environments, challenging the idea that there are borders between them. In
most postCold War research in Central America, borders, if not challenged, are being redrawn,
from the Honduras Bajo-Aguan land reform program (Edelman & Leon
2013) to indigenous
land rights debates in Guatemala (Hale 2006). Galembas (2013) chance encounter with Mexican
soldiers, sent to enforce border control on a normally unpatrolled strip of road crossing from
Mexico to Guatemala, led her to reflect on the arbitrary ways in which activities, peoples, and
places are rendered illegal. Brondos (2013) work among the Garifuna in Honduras points to the
contradictions that arise when identity politics, tourism, and land rights claims mix in land grabs.
Dispossession of communal patrimony and resources is increasing. Resource battles give rise
to local organizing, rights-based initiatives, and the formation of advocacy NGOs. Water struggles are especially acute in Costa Rica, where an active antiwater privatization movement calls
for transparency (Ballestero 2012), a demand echoed by the Nicaragua antiwater privatization
movement (Romano 2012). Central Americans are mobilizing against mining companies in indigenous communities of Guatemala as well as in former war zones of El Salvador (Dougherty
2011, Spalding 2014). In Costa Rica, bio-vigilante activists monitor local fields in their opposition to transgenic seeds (Pearson 2012). As new players enter the global market, most notably
China, development frameworks are shifting. DeHarts (2012) research in Costa Rica examines
how Chinas presence challenges the politics of economic development, promoting SouthSouth
cooperation.
The postCold War moment has witnessed a fundamental restructuring of the world economy.
In Central America, shifts in mass migration, tourism, and export production signal a break in regional modes of accumulation and international division of labor. In Nicaragua, Bickham Mendez
(2005) observes a movement that shifted its focus from the Sandinista revolution to informal labor organizing in the maquilas (assembly factories); Northern companies outsource labor needs
throughout the isthmus, paying low wages for work in flimsy factories in urban and rural tax-free
zones. New industrial laborers, such as women (Aguirre Hernandez 2010, Pine 2008) and Mayan
youth (Green 2003), are subject to draconian measures of discipline. Maquilas become both sites of
resistance and the means for expanding consumption, exacerbating generational conflicts (Goldn
2011). Brooks (2007) shows how they are also places of transnational consumer protest campaigns
connected to the labor rights movement in El Salvador.
Recent work renders visible previously hidden forms of labor. Offit (2008) challenges predominant wisdom about child street labor by showing Guatemalan working youths economic
planning and well-beyond-survival income generation. Thomas (2012) reveals the world of smallscale Mayan apparel manufacturers producing unauthorized Hollister and Abercrombie & Fitch
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sweatshirts in concrete-block backrooms. These counterfeiters cull their normative business practices from development ideologies promoted by neoliberal policy agendas and international law.
Studies by Hendrickson (1995) and Kistler (2014) show the work and worlds of Mayan women
and their centrality to political constructions of identity and community.
More visible are the changes affecting tourism, as countries attempt to capitalize on forests,
beaches, archeological zones, and cultural traditions. Beyond picturesque villages and volcanoes,
however, lie complex negotiations among individuals, communities, and states. Nicaraguas move
from revolution not just to maquilas but also to resorts illustrates the contradictory impulses of
tourism and nationalism (Babb 2004). Babb (2013) in Nicaragua and Frohlick (2013) in Costa
Rica explore sex, power, and the touristic encounter. In Guatemala, Antiguas market vendors
resist attempts to represent and commodify Mayan culture and act to reshape these processes to
their own benefit (Little 2004). Mayan culture has also emerged as part of heritage branding in
Copan Ruinas, Honduras (Mortenson 2014); meanwhile, Honduran coastal dwellers challenge
multinationals in the marketing of their culture (Anderson 2013, Loperena 2012). Ecotourism is
growing throughout the isthmus, especially in Costa Rica, where multiple actors shape and contest
environmentalism in the cloud forests of Monte Verde (Vivanco 2006).
Migration and remittances have arguably reshaped contemporary Central America more indelibly than coffee once did. Now, cash flows south to enhance national GDPs as Central Americans
flock north, both to search for livelihood and to flee violence. Some places, such as La Quebrada in
Honduras, have transformed so rapidly that residents struggle to cope (Reichman 2011). Regional
studies chart changes in sending communities in Guatemala (Taylor et al. 2006), the reimagining
in El Salvador of developmentalist politics and transnational migration (Wiltberger 2014) as well
of family in the context of transnational separations (Abrego 2014), and the reshaping of kinship,
care, and generational relationships in Nicaragua (Yarris 2014). Emerging transnational ethnographies explore how lives across borders are shaped and negotiated in multiple places, through
theoretical lenses such as value (Pedersen 2012), morality (Foxen 2008), state imaginations
(Baker-Cristales 2004), citizenship (Coutin 2007), debt (Stoll 2012), informal labor (Quesada
1999), and authenticity and belonging across polarized lines (Burrell 2013, Dyrness 2014). Anthropologists and other social scientists chart the dangerous passage north (Rivas Castillo 2011,
Vogt 2013), and many of them have become migrant advocates (Lazo de Vega & Steigenga 2013).
Emerging studies of SouthSouth migrationespecially of other Central Americans to Costa
Rica (Hayden 2003, Sandoval-Garcia 2004)shed new light on the dynamics of transnationality.

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POLITICAL, ETHNIC/RACIAL, AND RELIGIOUS SUBJECTIVITIES

Cold War logics produced binary-political subjectivitiesoppositional ideological identifications
with very little room for ambiguity or compromise, as Bourgois (2001) demonstrates in his reflections on violence among Salvadoran peasant insurgents. The upshot, in Central America as
elsewhere, is that after the Cold War, things got messier. Moral poles became more ambiguous
even for activists and solidarity analysts, not to mention once-committed Central Americans, their
lives mired in what Silber (2010, p. 10) calls entangled aftermaths. Neoliberalism emerged as an
amorphous enemy that often elicits depoliticizing, individualistic responsesfor example, shopping in malls (Rivas 2014, Way 2012) or sharing crime stories that parse violence as individual
acts to be managed as everyday risk, unrelated to social relations or political conditions (Moodie
2010).
The great impulse of revolutionary movements is to overcome individual orientation and produce collective, class-conscious subjects. Grandin (2004) develops the concept of insurgent individuality in studying the events leading up to the 1978 Panzos
massacre in Guatemala: Collective
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action distilled for many a more potent understanding of themselves as politically consequent individuals (Grandin 2004, p. 181). The paradigmatic example of this transformation is 1992 Nobel
laureate Rigoberta Menchu.
Debates stemming from her text arose in the postCold War context of doubts about political solidarity and emancipatory movements. As Howes (2013) friends
in Nicaragua explained, the postCold War moment has produced dispersed luchas (struggles)
rather than the sustained movements of the past. For anthropologists, that once-socialist country
has been a potent site for research on postCold War political subjectivities. Howes study of sexual rights activism joins a vibrant conversation on the legacies of Sandinista socialism on gender,
feminism, and social movements in the context of neoliberalism (Babb 2001, Montoya 2012).
Anthropologists of Central America still probe memories of revolutionary-era coming to
consciousnessbut also postwar disillusion and postCold War forms of struggle. In El Salvador,
Silber (2010) analyzes the disappointment of everyday revolutionary women with development
projects and local and revolutionary politics; in the context of neoliberal governance and fatigue,
many turned to nonpublic pursuits, including migration. Viterna (2013) theorizes why only some
female guerrillas transformed existing gender roles and gained opportunities after the war. Women
who after the war developed progressive gender ideologies and worked to inspire cultural change
(Viterna 2013, p. 8) generally had not occupied strategically powerful positions; rather, they had
key wartime connections. Posocco (2014) similarly explores the gendered dimensions of guerilla
socialities and subjectivities in Guatemala. Smith-Noninis (2010) study of health-rights movements emerging from guerrilla medicine also seeks to salvage hope in the midst of neoliberal
restructuring. Binford (2013, p. 245), asking how guerrilla organization might empower former
combatants, proposes a positive postinsurgent individuality. Sprenkels (2014) uses terms that
echo Binfords, but his ethnographic exploration of the experience of postinsurgency shows that
many former rebel leaders have worked to safeguard and deepen their own privileges even (or especially) after coming to power, actions often complicit with neoliberal restructuring in generating
postwar inequalities. Montoya (2013) also demonstrates the salience of the war to contemporary
Salvadoran politics (as well as to postwar violence, theorized as intrinsic to democracy), but her
research on the 2009 presidential elections focuses on symbols and discourses among citizenry that
reintroduced unresolved wartime frictions into public debate. This postwar democracy research
joins that of DeLugan (2012) on nation building and of Peterson (2006, p. 163), who sees a sudden
post-1992 rise of Salvadoran indigenous movements as an extension of the revolutionary desire
that animated the social struggles of the civil war and before.
El Salvador drew little anthropological interest before the war, possibly because of its perceived
lack of indigeneitycommonly (and inaccurately) traced to the 1932 massacre of Indians and peasants in a communist-led uprising. Today, as Salvadoran indigenous identification grows, postwar
commemorations of 1932 are rising (DeLugan 2013) and scholars are revisiting the event (Gould
& Lauria-Santiago 2008). Gould has long been interested in hidden or disappearing indigeneity;
his earlier exploration of race and ethnicity in Nicaragua (Gould 1998) expanded to El Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras in the late 1990s as part of a massive four-year project (Euraque et al.
2005). Ongoing attention to indigeneity has meant that Guatemalanists have dominated anthropological literature on Central America. In the postCold War years, the pan-Mayan movement,
pressing for multicultural, ethnically plural, and multilingual rights, has been seen by many as
the most dynamic force in the country (Fischer & Brown 1996, Montejo 2005, Warren 1998).
Nelsons (1999) study of cultural politics on the occasion of the 1992 quincentennial of the European conquest examines how power is deployed within Guatemalan racial and gender relations.
Many anthropologists work with these ideas, considering the state and Mayan communities in the
context of regional, national, and transnational politics (Casaus
Arzu 2007, Velasquez Nimatuj
2008) as well as religious practices (Adams 2009, MacKenzie 2009).
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Critics note that Mayan organizations and leaders do not necessarily represent local indigenous communitiesrather, like many civil society organizations and social movements in the
postCold War era, they answer to NGOs and international funders (Stoll 2011). Hale (2004)
describes in this context the figure of the indio permitido, the authorized Indian who collaborates
in benign neoliberal multiculturalism (Ybarra 2013). Ethnographers at the local level often find
Maya to be less interested in abstract, identity-based rights claims than in local politics (Smith
2009). Vanthuyne (2009) concludes that despite divergent perceptions of Mayan identity among
NGOs, intellectuals, and rural townspeople, there is still shared ground for identity politics. Hale
(2006), meanwhile, probes Ladino (nonindigenous mestizo) perceptions of Mayan identities and
movements in Guatemala and finds that Ladinos share little ground with indigenous activists;
rather, he finds them to be ambivalent in regard to race.
Studies of non-Mayan indigenous Central Americans and Atlantic Coast people of African
descent once used to be categorized within the field of Caribbean studies. The 1980s conflicts positioned these populations more clearly within Central Americas national power structures (Hale
1994). A new generation of Central Americanists is exploring postCold War Afro-Central American and Atlantic Coast indigenous subjectivities, often using a critical race studies framework.
Anderson (2009) teases out the complexities of the seemingly contradictory claims of both black
(cosmopolitan) and indigenous (rooted) identities among Garifuna in Honduras; Pineda (2006)
investigates similar questions among Creoles and Miskitus in Nicaragua. England (2006) moves
between Honduras and New York to study transnational Garifuna communities. In Nicaragua,
Goett (2011) theorizes a tense postrevolutionary governmentality stigmatizing Afro-descendant
peoples despite the existence of multicultural modes of participation.
Just as early Sandinista neglect of racial and ethnic difference once stymied the analysis of
power dynamics, Costa Ricas self-image as a mestizo nation has limited its ability to see itself
through a multicultural lens. Some of the most interesting work on postCold War Costa Rica
points to its transformation from an apparently complacent, middle-class society to a more activist
one, through the formation of a vigorous movement of patriotic committees opposing the national
referendum on the Dominican RepublicCentral American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR)
in 2007. The opposition movement framed the referendum debate ideologically, presenting it on
the one hand as an opposition between neoliberal globalization and national sovereignty, and on
the other as a crucial test for the survival of the Costa Rican welfare state (Raventos
2013, Rayner
2014).
Honduras, too, has seen dramatic changes in its political and social milieu, marked in particular
by Hurricane Mitch in 1998 (Ensor 2009) and by the 2009 coup that ousted leftist president Manuel
Mel Zelaya. Many saw the angry protests and counterprotests (and brutal state response) that
ensued as new developmentsas Hondurans catching up to their (once) more radical isthmian
neighborsthough Boyer & Cardona Penalva
(2013) show that there is a tradition of long-term
social movements in the country. In the postcoup context, they look with hope at the emergence
of new organizing around sustainable agriculture. Almeida (2014) sees postCold War battles in
Honduras and throughout Central America as expressing a common opposition to neoliberalism;
he argues that these movements have replaced the revolutionary and armed struggles of the
past.
Before the coup, few would have predicted the Honduran protests. Pines (2008) study of
Honduran subjectivity, seen through the lenses of everyday violence, alcoholism, and assembly
plants, suggests a negative self-identity characterized by self-blame and lack of discipline.
Pine suggests evangelical Christianity is one way laborers reconcile the contradictions they
experience in their daily lives. If during the 1980s and early 1990s academics interested in religion
were drawn to Central America to study the popular church (Lancaster 1988, Peterson 1997),

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in the precarious, postCold War moment, religion scholars have been fascinated with the
conversion to Protestantism of formerly Catholic Central Americans (Garrard-Burnett 1998).
Pentecostals, in particular, encourage the Holy Spirit to intervene directly in their lives to
increase wealth (Girard 2013) or to participate in development efforts (Huff 2014). To others,
evangelical churches offer the hope of redemption or refuge from gangs (Wolseth 2011). In
his recent research in Guatemala City, ONeill (2015) explores evangelical gang prevention
programs, building on his previous work on how the practices of neo-Pentecostal Christian
citizens are conceived of as political action in the midst of a violent city (ONeill 2009).

VIOLENCE AND IN/SECURITY

From revolutions and armed conflicts to the everyday suffering imposed by severe social inequalities, to the spectacular gang aggression that grabs easy media attention, Central America is a region
that has prompted much debate about violence and security. These are not new preoccupations
among scholars of the region. Nevertheless, since the Cold War, violence has been shaped by new
configurations of politics and power. Anthropological approaches to violence have expanded in
the past quarter century as well, pushed in part by Central Americanist scholars who have challenged the clear separation of political and criminal (as well as structural, symbolic, and everyday)
violences.
Regional studies of violence range across several broad themes, especially relative to deepening
inequalities. The first of these is the reconstitution of the state. The contemporary nature of the
state has prompted considerable debate. In Guatemala, some have analyzed indigenous efforts
to exercise their own forms of law and justice (Sieder 2011); others have questioned the states
capacity to include and govern indigenous populations (Hawkins & MacDonald 2013). Copelands
research on fruit-fly eradication in northwestern Guatemala shows how Mayans living in the
violence of market-driven neoliberal democracy have produced an imaginary of the monstrous
state as the worst enemy of all the people (Copeland 2014, p. 315). In her study of citizenship
and transparency in Guatemalas conditional transfer program, Dotson (2014) concludes that the
poor bear the brunt of the states limited modernization project. In El Salvador, Baker-Cristales
(2008) and Coutin (2007) find an emergent regime of transnational governmentality in the tension
between the exclusionary tactics taken by state actors to control transnational populations and the
informal influence the latter exercise through their remittances.
Another theme encompasses ongoing truth and justice efforts, including human rights, forensic
investigation, and memory. Decades after the war, efforts to prosecute former general Ros Montt
in Guatemala for genocide and crimes against humanity, the first-ever national prosecution of a
former head of state, have raised new issues for ethnographers. Anthropologists and historians have
been at the center of this process, serving as witnesses, documenting proceedings, and analyzing
archives (Steusse et al. 2013, Weld 2014). K. Vanthuyne & R. Falla (forthcoming in the Journal of
Genocide Studies) probe the ethics and politics of collecting accounts of annihilation and destruction,
noting the complicated mix of symbolic acknowledgment of the death of loved ones, solidarity, and
urgent material need that characterizes many Central American communities living in aftermaths.
In El Salvador, Hume (2009) argues that the declaration of amnesty for all those accused of human
rights abuses in the Truth Commission report ignored the accounts of the victims and promoted an
official version of history that silenced the collective memory of oppression. A postwar generation
of Central Americans has taken on the question of historical memory in education, museum,
and oral history projects (Bellino 2014, DeLugan 2012, Gonzalez-Rivera 2011, Oglesby 2007).
Many embrace memory activism to build a more inclusive future through the documentation and
representation of national and community histories (Alarcon
Medina & Binford 2014, Billingsly
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2014, Hernandez Rivas 2011, Tully 1997). These initiatives contribute an increasingly public
aspect to the discipline as anthropologists consult, give testimony, and advocate.
Structural violencethe systemic ways in which individuals or groups may be kept from meeting basic needsanimates anthropologists working throughout the isthmus to give new meaning
to daily struggles. These violences encompass everyday slights, gossip, and gender-biased cultural
barriers suffered by women in Guatemalas Oriente (Menjvar 2011); the grief of young Honduran
men at the commonplace deaths of their peers from gun and gang violence (Wolseth 2011); and
the experience of Nicaraguan women who wonder why they should get out of bed if they cannot
support their families (Nouvet 2014). Anxieties about overwhelming hardship led the Nicaraguan
women Yarris (2011) works with to suffer from dolor de cerebro (brainache). Quesada (1998) in
Nicaragua, Foxen (2009) in Guatemala, and Dickson-Gomez (2004) in El Salvador write of how
effects of war are embodied long after the fact, especially among children. State power and neoliberal policymaking are mapped onto womens bodies in relation to their weight (Yates-Doerr
2012) as well as their reproductive capacities and pre- and postnatal choices (Maupin 2009). These
violences, structural and gendered, are doubly invisible; as Hume (2009) demonstrates, violences
in gender relations comprise taken-for-granted senses of what it means to be man or woman. Such
invisibility might explain the regional rise of feminicidal violence (Carey & Torres 2010). As these
studies show, a multitude of violences mix with chronic insecurity.
In postCold War Central America, security has been translated from the anti-communist
National Security Doctrine of the 1960s into a matter of citizen security (ONeill & Thomas
2011). Security is framed nationally as a state responsibility, or transnationally, for example, in
terms of zero tolerance efforts against gangs (Zilberg 2011). Security is also achieved locally, often
at the margins where the state is perceived to be absent. Popular justice measures that include
lynching and remilitarization and vigilantism (Burrell 2010, Sharp 2015) have risen to prominence.
These local security initiatives, in common with state-led mano dura (commonly translated as iron
fist) legislation, gain their legitimacy by mobilizing popular moral panic discourses about gangs
(Moodie 2009), though many citizens call for social and integrative solutions to crime (Huhn
2008). Ultimately, endlessly circulating crime stories reiterate a historical sense that things are
worse than the war (Moodie 2010, p. 2), a sentiment that resonates in everyday life throughout
the region, but perhaps especially in its urban cores (Torres 2015). Burrell (2013) also shows
the consequences of such discourses on the ground; in Todos Santos Cuchumatan, Guatemala,
asserting generational authority has involved equating the youth problem with gang danger to
justify repressive tactics that mimic wartime security measures.
Studies of Central American gangs often point to Los Angeles as a point of origin for the two
major Central American gangs, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and the Barrio 18, especially after
the United States accelerated deportations in 1996 (Ward 2012, Zilberg 2011). Anthropologists
conducting fieldwork in Central America acknowledge the transnational frame of contemporary
gang logics, but their ethnographic commitments reveal deeply local cultural dynamics. Martnez
DAubuisson (2013) spent a year in a San Salvador neighborhood controlled by an MS-13 clique
(loosely organized local unit), documenting its control of the community economy (including
extortion or protection), recruitment of children, and homicidal territorial battles. Rodgerss
(2007) account of becoming a broder (brother) and joining a Managua street gang in the mid1990s examines the community-based ethos of earlier groups. Returning to Nicaragua years later,
Rodgers (2009) finds that the pandilleros (gang members) had morphed into something much more
violent. He attributes this shift to changing urban spatial orders. Others demonstrate how state
repression compelled gangs in the Northern Triangle of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras
to become more violent and organized as well as vertical and secretive, responding to crime sweeps
and the suspension of due process based on mano dura logic (Cruz 2011, Gutierrez Rivera 2013).

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Levenson (2013) traces the decades-long evolution of so-called maras (gangs) in Guatemala City,
which she describes as a shift from being gangs of life to gangs of death. Gutierrez Rivera (2013)
and Carter (2014) have researched mareros (gang members) in Honduras both in and out of prison,
where emergency laws quickly filled precariously constructed and overcrowded penitentiaries with
thousands of young men. Many regional specialists might recall the prison fires that frequently
broke out in the wings housing gang members. Death, indeed, has been the only way out of
gangs for Central American gang members. One exception seems to be conversion to evangelical
Christianity (Brenneman 2012).

CONCLUSION
In the last brutal years of the Cold War, North American anthropology discovered Central
Americaat least according to the two Annual Review of Anthropology articles published in 1987
and 1988 (Smith & Boyer 1987, Smith et al. 1988). Smith & Boyer (1987, p. 197) proposed that
vibrant revolutionary movements in the isthmus made social scientists take serious notice of social currents in Central America for the first time. Of course, anthropologists had been working
in the region throughout the twentieth century, especially in Guatemala. But it is true that a new
energy emerged in work on the region at that moment. In this review we have tried to trace that
energy, following its paths into the present.
Especially in the fields of war aftermaths, violence, and the formation of political subjectivities,
anthropologists of Central America have elaborated innovative trajectories for the discipline as a
whole. The regional scholarships historical strengths in political economy, indigenous studies,
and social movement research continue to flourish. Work in this region pushes the boundaries of
how we understand peoples relationships to the natural resources still abundant in the areas rich
volcanic soils and waters. The complex idioms of multiculturalism and identity politics have taken
particular forms in Central America that are foundational for the theorizing of anthropologists
elsewhere. Ultimately, though, the vast majority of Central Americans live in precarious, violent
conditions, ever more so under neoliberal governance. Insecurity and social suffering have become
hallmarks of anthropological research on Central America.
Central America is only intermittently in the news now. When it does come to worldwide
attention, it is often in relation to migration, natural disasters, and gang violence. As this review demonstrates, anthropologists of Central America, and those building anthropologies within
Central America, insist on accounting for the historically deep and geopolitically wide links that
have culminated in the present crises. They refuse visions of power vacuums, state failures, and
amorphous violences rising from nowhere. Instead, they show how Central Americans, many of
them dwelling in complex transnational worlds, continue to struggle to shape their own lives and
livelihoods.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thanks go to research assistants David Aristizabal, Mounia El Kotni, and Joel Lennen, as well
as Helen Faller, Ann-Britt Ohlsen, and James Shuford. We are grateful for generous financial
support from SFB 700 Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood at the Freie Universitat, Berlin,
393
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especially to Marianne Braig, Markus-Michael Muller,

and Markus Hochmuller of the Institute for
Latin American Studies, and to DesiguALdades, the Gerda Henkel Foundation, Re:Work at the
Humboldt University, Berlin, UUP Albany Professional Development Program, and the Campus
Research Board of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. We thank our many Central
American and Central Americanist colleagues who generously shared work and ideas, responded
to calls for literature, and offered enthusiasm during the writing of the article. We would especially
like to thank Susan Coutin, Marc Edelman, Carol Hendrickson, and David Stoll for thoughtful
commentaries on the literature, Jon Carter and Jeremy Rayner for last-minute heroics, and Tim
Smith for culling useful data.
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Contents

Volume 44, 2015
Perspective
Some Things I Hope You Will Find Useful Even if Statistics
Isnt Your Thing
George L. Cowgill p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
Pleistocene Overkill and North American Mammalian Extinctions
David J. Meltzer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p33
The Archaeology of Ritual
Edward Swenson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 329
Recent Developments in High-Density Survey and Measurement
(HDSM) for Archaeology: Implications for Practice and Theory
Rachel Opitz and W. Fred Limp p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 347
Biological Anthropology
The Evolution of Difficult Childbirth and Helpless Hominin Infants
Holly Dunsworth and Leah Eccleston p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p55
Health of Indigenous Peoples
Claudia R. Valeggia and J. Josh Snodgrass p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 117
Energy Expenditure in Humans and Other Primates: A New Synthesis
Herman Pontzer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 169
An Evolutionary and Life-History Perspective on Osteoporosis
Felicia C. Madimenos p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 189
Disturbance, Complexity, Scale: New Approaches to the Study of
HumanEnvironment Interactions
Rebecca Bliege Bird p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241
Fallback Foods, Optimal Diets, and Nutritional Targets: Primate
Responses to Varying Food Availability and Quality
Joanna E. Lambert and Jessica M. Rothman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 493
vi
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Resource Transfers and Human Life-History Evolution

James Holland Jones p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 513
An Evolutionary Anthropological Perspective on Modern
Human Origins
Curtis W. Marean p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 533
Anthropology of Language and Communicative Practices

How Postindustrial Families Talk

Elinor Ochs and Tamar Kremer-Sadlik p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87
Chronotopes, Scales, and Complexity in the Study of Language
in Society
Jan Blommaert p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 105
Linguistic Relativity from Reference to Agency
N.J. Enfield p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 207
Politics of Translation
Susan Gal p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 225
Breached Initiations: Sociopolitical Resources and Conflicts
in Emergent Adulthood
Norma Mendoza-Denton and Aomar Boum p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 295
Embodiment in Human Communication
Jurgen
Streeck p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 419
The Pragmatics of Qualia in Practice
Nicholas Harkness p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 573
Sociocultural Anthropology
Virtuality
Bonnie Nardi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p15
Anthropology and Heritage Regimes
Haidy Geismar p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p71
Urban Political Ecology
Anne Rademacher p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 137
Environmental Anthropology: Systemic Perspectives
Yancey Orr, J. Stephen Lansing, and Michael R. Dove p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 153
The Anthropology of Life After AIDS: Epistemological Continuities
in the Age of Antiretroviral Treatment
Eileen Moyer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 259
Anthropology of Aging and Care
Elana D. Buch p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 277
Contents
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Anthropology of Ontologies
Eduardo Kohn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 311
Oil and Anthropology
Douglas Rogers p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 365
The PostCold War Anthropology of Central America
Jennifer L. Burrell and Ellen Moodie p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 381

Risks of Citizenship and Fault Lines of Survival

Adriana Petryna and Karolina Follis p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 401
Siberia
Piers Vitebsky and Anatoly Alekseyev p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 439
Of What Does Self-Knowing Consist? Perspectives from Bangladesh
and Pakistan
Naveeda Khan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 457
Addiction in the Making
William Garriott and Eugene Raikhel p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 477
Waste and Waste Management
Joshua Reno p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 557
Theme: Resources
Virtuality
Bonnie Nardi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p15
Pleistocene Overkill and North American Mammalian Extinctions
David J. Meltzer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p33
Urban Political Ecology
Anne Rademacher p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 137
Environmental Anthropology: Systemic Perspectives
Yancey Orr, J. Stephen Lansing, and Michael R. Dove p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 153
Energy Expenditure in Humans and Other Primates: A New Synthesis
Herman Pontzer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 169
Disturbance, Complexity, Scale: New Approaches to the Study of
HumanEnvironment Interactions
Rebecca Bliege Bird p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241
Anthropology of Aging and Care
Elana D. Buch p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 277
Breached Initiations: Sociopolitical Resources and Conflicts in
Emergent Adulthood
Norma Mendoza-Denton and Aomar Boum p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 295
viii
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Recent Developments in High-Density Survey and Measurement

(HDSM) for Archaeology: Implications for Practice and Theory
Rachel Opitz and W. Fred Limp p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 347
Oil and Anthropology
Douglas Rogers p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 365

Resource Transfers and Human Life-History Evolution

James Holland Jones p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 513
Waste and Waste Management
Joshua Reno p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 557
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 3544 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 591
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 3544 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 595
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at
http://www.annualreviews.org/errata/anthro
Contents
ix

The Post War Anthropology in Centroamerica

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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.

The PostCold War

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015. 44:381400

First published online as a Review in Advance on

violence, security, democracy, politics, political economy

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at

This articles doi:

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

FOUNDATIONS AND AFTERMATHS

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

CENTRAL AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY IN CENTRAL AMERICA

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ENVIRONMENTAL BATTLEGROUNDS

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

POLITICAL, ETHNIC/RACIAL, AND RELIGIOUS SUBJECTIVITIES

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

VIOLENCE AND IN/SECURITY

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

especially to Marianne Braig, Markus-Michael Muller,

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Volume 44, 2015

Resource Transfers and Human Life-History Evolution

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

How Postindustrial Families Talk

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Risks of Citizenship and Fault Lines of Survival

Recent Developments in High-Density Survey and Measurement

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:381-400. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Resource Transfers and Human Life-History Evolution

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