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The History of the Andes: A Brief Overview

Author(s): Benjamin S. Orlove


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Source: Mountain Research and Development, Vol. 5, No. 1, Convergences and Differences in
Mountain Economies and Societies: A Comparison of the Andes and Himalaya (Feb., 1985), pp.
45-60
Published by: International Mountain Society
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MountainResearchand Development,
Vol. 5, No. 1, 1985, pp. 45-60

THE HISTORY OF THE ANDES


A BRIEF OVERVIEW
BENJAMIN S. ORLOVE

Division of Environmental
Studies
University
of California
Davis, California95616, U.S.A.

ABSTRACT The Andes, initially


settledby hunter-gatherers,
witnessedthe autonomousdevelopmentof agriculture,
pastoralism,
whichculminatedin theInca Empire.This was quicklyand radicallychangedby theSpanishConquest
and politicalcentralization
ofa colonialminingeconomy.These changescan be betterinterpreted
in 1532 and thesubsequentdevelopment
as transformations
The conquerorsand thenativepeoplesreshapedcertainindigenous
and discontinuities.
in termsofcontinuities
ratherthanportrayed
formsofeconomic,social,and politicalorganizationwhichcontinue,in somewhatnew guises,to thepresent.The expansionofthe
ofnativehighlandpeoplesin thenationalsocietiesofthe
has led to new formsofinvolvement
worldeconomyand stateinstitutions
distincthighlandpeoplesis presentedas a resultofincorporation
intothe
Andean republics.The continuedpresenceofethnically
worldeconomyratherthan isolationfromit.

'
Andes, habit6esd'abordpar des peupless'adonnanta la chasse et la cueillette,ontete le
ont
avec l'Empire
et
des
et
d'une
centralisation
d'une
autonome
de
politique,qui
paturages,
siege
expansion
l'agriculture
culmin6i
et fondamentalement
inca. Cettesituationa rapidement
changepar suitede la conquetepar les Espagnolsen 1532,et l'6tablissement
ces changements
commedes transformations
d'interpr6ter
plutotque de les
subsequentd'une 6conomieminiere.11est prff6rable
Les conquerantset les autochtonesont refagonn6certainsmodes indigines
d6crireen termesde continuit6set discontinuit6s.
encoresousdes formes
tantsoitpeu diff6rentes.
sociale,etpolitiquequi subsistent
&conomique,
L'expansionde I'6conomie
d'organisation
mondialeet des institutions
d'Etata amen6de nouvellesformesde participation
des habitantsoriginaires
des r6gionsmontagneuses
distincts
des r6gionsmontagneuses
dansles soci6t6snationalesdes r6publiquesandines.La presencecontinuede peuplesethniquement
est present~ecommele r6sultatd'une incorporation
dans l'&conomiemondialeplut8tque d'une isolationpar rapporth celle-ci.
desAndes.Les
RESUME Brefhistorique

Die Anden-ursprfinglich vonJiigernund SammlernbesiedeltderAnden:Ein kurzer


Uberblick.
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Geschichte
in derLand - undWeidewirtschaft,
die imInkareich
eineautonomeEntwicklung
erlebten,verbundenmitpolitischer
Zentralisierung
sichschnellund drastischdurchdie spanischeEroberungimJahre1532und durchdie folgende
ihrenH6hepunktfand.Dies iinderte
mitBegriffen
wie Kontinuitdit
undUnterbrechung
aufderGrundlagevonBergbau.Verglichen
einerkolonialenWirtschaft
Entwicklung
Bev6leherals Umwandlungeninterpretiert
werden.Die Eroberer,zusammenmitdereinheimischen
k6nnendieseVeriinderungen
sowiedie sozialeOrdnungdahin,wie sie in etwaheutenochbestehen.
Wirtschaftsformen
kerung,veriinderten
gewissefiberlieferte
derHochlandbev6lkerung
in der
und staatlicher
zu neuenVerflechtungen
Die AusdehnungderWeltwirtschaft
fiihrte
Einrichtungen
der AndenRepubliken.Dass die ethnischabgesonderteHochlandbev6lkerung
bestehenbleibt,isteherals Ergebnis
Gemeinschaft
zu sehen,denn als Folge von Isolation.
von Eingliederungin die Weltwirtschaft
RESUMEN La historia
La evoluci6nculturalandinaempez6conla colonizaci6n
delosandes:unbreve
de la regi6nporpoblaciones
sobrepaso.
de cazadores-recolectores,
y la centralizaci6n
y sigui6con el desarrolloaut6nomode la agricultura
politica,que culmin6en el imperio
incaico. Este ordenfuecambiadorripiday radicalmente
por la conquistaespafiola(1532) y el desarrollode una economiaminera
ciertasformasandinasde la organizaci6necon6mica,socialy politica,las cuales
colonial.Los conquistadores
y sus sujetosreformaron
se mantienenhasta hoy,aunque cambiadas. La expansi6nde la economiamundialy de las instituciones
estataleshan conducido
de los pueblosindigenasde las zonas de granalturaen las sociedadesnacionalesde las repdblicas
a nuevasformasde participaci6n
en las zonasde granalturasurgemasdel resultadode su incorporaci6n
andinas.La presenciade etniasdistintas
a la economiamundial
que de su aislamientode ella.

INTRODUCTION
Many observers would agree that the history of the
native peoples of the Andes is a tragic one thatlends itself
to a briefsummary:the biological and culturaldescendants
of peoples who built gloriousempires now live as impover-

ished and powerlessvillagers.These observerswould concur that the conquest of the Incas by the Spaniards in the
1530s was the single most importantevent in this destruction. They might differon other points. Modernization

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46

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theoristswould explain the plightofnative peoples through


theirresidencein remotebackwaters,cut offfromthe forces
of development,whereas Marxists would view them as the
victimsof semi-feudaloppression. These perspectivescoincide, however, on the archaic quality of present native
peoples. This paper challenges such views. Although
present-dayconditionsresemblein many ways thosein preHispanic America and Europe before capitalism, those
similaritiesdo not exist because of a mechanical repetition
of earlier forms.They can be explained by the connection
of the Andes to a wider world and the response of local
peoples to this connection. The Andes in many ways have
been less isolated from an international economic and
political systemthan many other parts of Latin America
and the Third World. Continuity and change are not
separate processes,but relatedaspects ofincorporationinto
a world-systemof societies with their own orders and
dynamics.
The conquest of the Incas meant somethingeven larger
than the defeat of an empire: the destructionof a world.
One of the features that most clearly distinguishes the
Andes fromthe Himalaya is the isolation, the lack of contact with other regions and continents. This world, complete and autonomous, could not be fullyrestoredonce it
was disruptedand much of its wealth had fallenunder the
control of conquerors fromoutside. However, it has not
been obliterated;many elementshave survivedto the present, though they exist in new contexts.
It is difficult
to generalizeabout the Andes. The diversity
comes in part fromthe geography.The Andes, a mountain
chain of great length and oftenconsiderable breadth, extend into several climatic zones which, superimposed on
the variations in elevation, soils, and presence of mineral
deposits, create many distincteconomic possibilities. The
social systemsin differenthistoricalperiods in the Andes
have utilized thisvariation in different
ways. Recent work
has begun to illustratethe utilization of this potential: the
tendencies towards self-sufficiency
under verticalityin the
Inca period, the integrationofmines and regionssupplying
food and other materials in the early colonial period, a
retreatto local autonomy in the early republican period,
installationof exportenclaves in the middle and late nineteenthcentury,and gradual extension of national economies later on. But even these formsof integrationdo not
lend themselves to facile summary. In an article such as
this, the effortsto outline general patternsimply a neglect
of details whichdo not immediatelysupportthesepatterns.
EARLY PREHISTORY
The human presence in the Andes has a relativelylate
beginning, approximately 10,000 to 15,000 years ago, as
part of the peopling of the New World by hunters who
migrated from Asia when the area now covered by the
Bering Straitswas dryland. Claims forearliermigrations,
eitherby a previous use of the same route or directtransPacific migrations,seem weak. The earliest remains from
the Andes show the people to be primarilygame hunters
(Lanning 1967:47), some of whom later occupied coastal

The Andean world as discussed here is not preciselycoincident with the Andes that a geologistmightidentifyas
extendingfromTrinidad to Tierra del Fuego. It coincides
fairlycloselywiththeboundaries oftheInca Empire, which
in turnincorporatedregionswhichhad previouslyhad economic, political, and culturalties to the Central Andes but
had difficulty
in expandingitsfrontiers
further.This region
primarilycorrespondsto the republics of Ecuador, Peru,
and Bolivia, with some portions of northernChile and
northwesternArgentina. The article deals primarilywith
the firstthree countries.
The great variety of environmentsin this region can
generallybe dividedintothreeecologicalzones: coast, highlands, and eastern lowlands, all of which lie in a northsouth direction. These zones extend over such a great distance thattheytraverseseveral climaticregions. The rainfall comes mainly fromthe Amazon basin to the east. In
the northernpart ofthe Andes the rainfallis heavy, nearly
continuous, and predictable. The climate furthersouth is
more irregular,seasonal, and drier.Rainfall fromthe west
is heaviest in northernEcuador. The highland portionsof
northern Peru and Ecuador have grasslands known as
pdramo,composed of species thatforma dense sod; thepuna
furthersouth is more steppe-like. The rain-shadow effect
of the Andes ensures that the west coast is far drier than
the eastern slopes; in factmuch of the coast is desertwith
sparse vegetationor totallybarrenland betweenthevalleys
that carry rivers from the highlands, in contrast to the
dense, humid tropical foreston the east. The Ecuadorian
coast is more forested,though,and much ofeasternBolivia
is a savannah.
A final introductorynote: the term"Indian" is an ambiguous one, since the genetic,linguistic,social, and cultural criteriawhich can be used to classifypeople do not
necessarilyoverlap. As many anthropologistsand sociologistshave shown(Fuenzalida, 1970; Mayer, 1970; van den
Berghe, 1974), one individual can have differentstatuses
depending on differentcontexts, and the terms "Indian"
and "peasant"have strongpoliticalconnotations.The term
"Indian" used here refersto people witha well-recognized,
distinctsocial status,and the terms"Andean" and "indigenous" are reserved for the pre-Columbian cultures and
those which derive from them. The word "Andean" will
also have a narrowlygeographical usage, as in "Andean
republics"and "Andean foothills",and "peasant" will refer
to people, Indian or not,who earn a livingby directlyworking fields and raising herds.
(1500 B.C.-A.D.

1400)

areas, where they fishedthe unusually rich waters of the


Pacificand gatheredwild plants.These productiveenvironments allowed populations to be sedentary, unlike most
hunter-gatherers.The cultivationof cottonand gourds for
fishnetsand floatsbegan around 3000 B.C. and beans were
grown soon after. Peanuts were domesticated by 2500
B.C., potatoesby 2000 B.C., and a numberofothercrops,
such as maize, edible squashes, avocados, chili peppers,
guava, and sweetpotatoes were cultivated,and an animal,

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B. S. ORLOVE/ 47
the guinea pig, was domesticatedby about 1800 B.C. Some
of thesecrops were grownearlierin Mesoamerica and may
have diffusedsouth to the Andes, but some archaeologists
claim an Andean origin forthem. Agriculturealso developed early in the eastern lowlands; manioc, which was
domesticated there, appeared on the coast by 1800 B.C.
Dates of domestication of highland crops are more difficult to establish because of poorer preservation, particularly of tubers, but the entireAndean crop inventorywas
essentiallycomplete during the firstmillenium B.C., includingthe protein-rich
highlandgrains,quinuaand caiiihua,
several tuber species of which the potato is the most important,the legume tarwi,and the mildlynarcoticcoca leaf.
Meat, wool, hides, and dung fromthe llama and alpaca,
relativesofthe camel, became available aftertheirdomestication. The date forllama domesticationis believed to be
around 2500 B.C. The llama was also importantas a pack
animal, and the Muscovy duck provided a supplementary
source of meat.
The Andes were the site of an independentdevelopment
of crafts. These developments, like those of agriculture,
appear to have taken place more or less simultaneouslyon
the coast and in the highlands and, irrthe case of pottery,
in the eastern lowlands. Large-scale architecturebegan
around 2000 B.C. Potteryand loom weaving began a few
centurieslater, at the time of the spread of maize agriculture and village settlementson the coast. Metallurgy developed and spread in the firstmillenium B.C. The times
after the development of agriculture can be marked by
periods of cultural unification,known to archaeologistsas
horizons because of the broad spatial distributionof common culturalmaterials. These horizons, the productofthe
spread of a religionor the incorporationinto a single economic or political system,alternatedwithtimes of greater
culturaldiversity,known as intermediateperiods. The first
of the times of unification,known to archaeologists as the
Early Horizon, began around 900 B.C. and lasted tillA.D.
200.
An increase in the scale of social and political organization followedthisdevelopmentof agriculture,domesticated
animals, and pottery.Around 900 B.C. a stylein art and
architecture,including a specifictype of temple construction and depictions of a number of supernatural beings,
associated with a temple site in Chavin in the northern
Peruvian highlands, spread throughthe northernand central Peruvian coast and highlandsand into southernEcuador. It representedan ending ofthe high degree ofcultural
isolation of earlier times. The force behind this relative
culturaluniformity
appears to have been primarilyreligious
and ideological ratherthan military,but archaeologistsstill
do not understand several aspects of the main cult: the
placing of major ritual sculpturesin hidden underground
chambers and the importance of tropical forestelements
such as thejaguar, the harpy eagle, and the cayman. The

degree of co-ordinationbetween Chavin and other ritual


centres is the subject of current debate.
The Early IntermediatePeriod, fromA.D. 200 to A.D.
600, witnessed significantdevelopments. An increase in
population accompanied the constructionof large irrigation systemson the desertcoast. New techniques emerged
in ceramics and textiles. By this time textile formssuch
as gauze, tapestry,double cloth, patternweaves, and embroideryhad developed, and Andean textileswere unsurpassed in quality throughoutthe world. Warfare appears
to have become more important,as shown by the presence
of fortifications.
Some nucleated settlements,withpopulations perhaps as large as 10,000, appeared at this time as
the centres of societies such as Moche on the northern
Peruvian Coast, Nazca on the southern Peruvian coast,
and Pucara in the southernPeruvian highlands. One such
complex, Pachacamac on the central Peruvian coast, remained an important site throughoutprehistory.Many
people believe that the oracle which it contained led the
Quechua word rimaq,meaning speaker, to be used firstas
the name of a nearbyriver,knownas the Rimac fromInca
timesto the present,and lateras thename ofa cityfounded
on its banks, the Peruvian capital of Lima.
Some cities established late in the Early Intermediate
Period became the centresof the two empires that unified
much of the Andes in the Middle Horizon (A.D. 6001000). Huari in the south-centralPeruvian highlands,and
its associated centre at Pachacamac near the present city
of Lima, influencedmost of the Peruvian coast and highlands, and Tiahuanaco, near Lake Titicaca in Bolivia,
dominated highland Bolivia and the coastal portions of
southernPeru and northernChile. These areas are more
extensivethan thatof Chavin. A number of citiesare associated with the Huari Empire, whose archaeological study
is more advanced than thatof Tiahuanaco. Many archaeologists believe that both empires were expanded by military conquest, associated with a religion which included
some Chavin motifs,although other specialists thinkthat
the centresinfluencedthe outlyingcities throughtrade or
exchange. It seems clear that theyboth ended aftera few
centuries of rule.
The Late IntermediatePeriod, whichended at thebeginning of the Inca Empire in the fifteenth
century,resembled
the Early Intermediate Period in that it was a time of
increased population densities, of smaller political units
linked at times into federations,and of considerable warfare. Some kingdomsappeared around Lake Titicaca, and
there was even a large state, Chimi, on the north and
centralPeruvian coast, and citiescontinuedto existin some
areas on the northernand centralPeruvian coast and centralhighlands. There was more transportof goods between
regions than in the Early Intermediate Period, though
much less than during the Middle Horizon. There were
some technological improvementsin weaving and metallurgy, particularlyin the use of bronze.

THE INCAS (A.D.


The Inca Empire was the last and the greatest of the
native Andean states. Present understandingof it is more

1400-1532)

complete than of the earlier ones because of the combination of historicaland ethnohistoricalsources with archae-

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48 / MOUNTAINRESEARCHANDDEVELOPMENT
ology. It fitsgenerallyinto the earlier scheme of Andean
prehistoryas the Late Horizon.
It is notable in many ways. The Incas began as a relatively small political unit centred in the city of Cuzco in
the southernPeruvian highlands. Their unificationof the
Andes is remarkable forits rapidity(it began in 1438, less
than a centurybeforethe Spanish Conquest, withthe Inca
conquest of the Chancas) and forthe total area incorporated. By the 1480s, the Incas controlledmost of highland
and coastal Ecuador, Peru, northernand centralChile, and
highland portionsof Bolivia and northwesternArgentina,
an area witha populationofabout six millionpeople. Much
as the Middle Horizon incorporateda largerarea than the
Early Horizon, so the Late Horizon expanded further,until
it met centresof opposition it could not overcome. These
includedthe warlikeAraucanian peoples of southernChile,
the Chiriguanos in southeasternBolivia and lowland tropical forestpeoples in eastern Peru and Ecuador. These
groups would resist conquest until the late nineteenthor
early twentiethcentury.
The remarkable expansion of the Incas had littleto do
withtechnologicalinnovation. They introducedonly a few
items: the foot plough or chakitaklla,which was more
efficientat fieldpreparation than the earlier digging sticks
and hoes, and two architecturaldevelopments,the plumbbob fordeterminingvertical orientationand the mortarless masonry of closely-fittinggigantic stone blocks.
Unlike otherLate IntermediatePeriod highland groups,
whose main purpose in warfare seemed to have been the
takingof booty, the Incas managed an imperial economy.
They sought to incorporate subjugated groups into their
political system,grantingthem considerable autonomy in
managing their internal subsistence economic affairs,involving them in exchanges of high prestige items such as
cloth, arranging marriages between their elites and Inca
noble families, and keeping members of their elites in
Cuzco in a status as both hostage and honoured guest.
They also used directmilitaryforceat times,and relocated
rebellious groups at long distances from their original
homelands. The lack of competing empires meant that
many local groups were engaged in conflictswhich the
Incas could exploit; the Chancas, once conquered, could
turnagainst theirtraditionalenemies to the northwiththe
aid of the Incas. The Incas did not face their potentially
most serious enemy, the
until they had reached
Chimfi,
the northernPeruvian highlands in Cajamarca and had
already acquired considerable strength.
The Inca Empire leftthe conquered ethnicgroupsintact.
It drew its economic base througha formoflabour tribute
known as mit'a.The commoners,who cultivatedtheirown
lands, were also required to contributea specifiedamount
of labour on lands which were assigned eitherto the Inca
state or the imperial religion. The imperial use of lands
depended on thiscorvielabour. There was verylittle,ifany,
private ownership of land under the Incas. Some mit'a
contributionswere made by craft specialists or through
militaryservice. Nobles of subjugated peoples ensured that
the mit'awas carriedout, but did not performit themselves.
The yanacona,people who were in permanent and hereditaryartisan status,also did not own lands or performother

tributeservice. The Incas also maintained a large bureaucracy to administerthe empire. The vast scale of the Inca
Empire and the freeingof men previouslyoccupied by warfarethroughthe Pax Incaica was used to expand terraces,
particularly for maize cultivation in the highlands, to
extend llama and alpaca herdingto new areas, to build an
extensive systemof roads and storehouses,where produce
fromthe lands of the state and the church were kept and
redistributedto areas with famines, and to maintain the
Inca politicaland religiousinstitutions.The Incas also built
temples and palaces, but did not emphasize large urban
centresas much as certainearlierAndean groupsdid. They
relied on administeredtrade ratherthan the organization
of markets or the formationof merchant groups (with a
few possible exceptions in the Ecuadorian highlands and
on the central Peruvian coast) (Rostoworowski de Diez
Canseco, 1977; Salomon, 1978). This general image of
prosperityunder the Incas contrastswiththe warringtimes
of the Late Intermediate Period and the conquest,
epidemics, and forced labour after the arrival of the
Spaniards. It raises the question of the legitimacyof the
Inca Empire, of whetherlocal peasants and elitesaccepted
the Inca rule. The Incas clearly held a strongideology of
the divine descentoftheirrulersand the importanceof sun
worshipas the statecultand Quechua as the statelanguage.
The imitationof Inca architectureand craftsby non-Inca
groups, both elitesand commoners,in many areas appears
to have been a spontaneous ratherthan an imposed style,
an indication of the prestige in which they were held
(Julien, 1983). In other places, such as the Ica Valley on
the south coast of Peru, local elitescontinuedpre-Inca traditions (Menzel, 1976).
These issues of economic control,politicalincorporation,
and culturallegitimacyare only incompletelystudied. Currentarchaeological and ethnohistoricalworkshows greater
regionaldiversitywithintheInca Empire thanhad formerly
been believed. One studyin the centralPeruvian highlands
suggeststhat the Incas made good use of pre-existingnotions of generosity,presentinggiftsof valued itemsto conquered groupsand receivinggiftsin return.Their extension
of maize cultivatingareas, forinstance, may be associated
with the preparation of chichaor maize beer, offeredto
groups whose labour or political support the Incas sought
(Morris, 1978). Much of theirwarfarewas also ritualized.
in maintainingtheir
Nevertheless,the Incas had difficulties
control over some areas, particularlythe Lake Titicaca
basin, and their dominion may have been felt to be
onerous.
Some documents indicate the manner in which the conquered groupsunder the Incas provisionedthemselveswith
food through the pattern of verticality,the direct access
to several ecological zones at differentelevations (Murra,
1964, 1967, 1972, 1975). The Chupaychus in the central
Peruvian highlands maintained their main population
nuclei in a maize and tuberzone, but sentmembersat distances of a few days' walk to work as herders and miners
in thepuna and to cultivateand gathertropicalforestproducts in adjacent lowland areas. The Lupaqa on the shores
of Lake Titicaca on thePeru-Boliviaborderhad theircentre
at a higher elevation in a tuber zone. They utilized the

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B. S. ORLOVE / 49

Carved head with fangedjaguar mouth,Chavin


temple.Photographsby B.S. Orlove

Traditional
mineralextraction
continuesto thepresoftechnology.
Thisphoent,usinga varietyofforms
tograph,takennearMaras, DepartmentofCuzco,
Peru, showsa systemof terracesin whichsalt is
concentrated
fromwaterfroma salty
byevaporation
spring.

Moho, DepartmentofPuno, Peru. Many presentwerefoundedas reducciones.


daynucleatedsettlements
The influence
ofSpanishurbanstylesmaybe noted
in thecentralplaza and themodifiedcheckerboard
patternof streets.

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50

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entire range of Andean resources by herding animals in


the puna and sending theirmembers to work at distances
that required more than a week's travel, where they grew
crops in irrigatedcoastal desertvalleys and in easternlowlands. In both these cases the core areas were inhabited
solelyby membersof singleethnicgroups,but the outlying
regions were settledby individuals fromseveral different
groupswho maintained theirdistinctidentities.Some colo-

THE CONQUEST
The Spanish Conquest is the central event in Andean
historyand one withoutparallel in the case of the Himalaya. It remains in differentformsin the minds ofAndean
peasants and town dwellers. Although many elements of
native organization, dating fromthe time of the Incas and
earlier, survived, and the order imposed by the Spaniards
did not take its definitiveforms until decades later, the
Conquest is important both as a single event and as a
period in which certain conflictsshaped colonial rule.
The experienceofthe Spanish statebeforethe Conquest
prepared and encouraged it to seek new areas forimperial
incorporation. The kingdoms of Aragon and Castile had
united and absorbed most of the different
kingdomsofthe
of
fortheirroyal
sources
revenue
They
sought
peninsula.
treasuryto assist in thistask ofunificationand ofplacating
other groups that opposed them. The role of the Catholic
Church in the long struggleforthe reconquest ofthe Iberian Peninsula fromthe Muslims provided an important
focus forthis mission. The expulsion of theJews and the
remaining Muslims took place in 1492. Expeditions into
NorthAfricaand to Atlanticislands provided an initialimpulse forfurtherexpansion. The conquest ofthe Caribbean
and Mesoamerica, with precious metals and populations
whose labour could be tapped, provided a stimulus for
furtherexplorations.
The group headed by Pizarro that set sail fromPanama
in 1526 encountered an Inca ocean-going rafton a mission to trade theircraftsforprecious shells and coral. After
otherexpeditions,Pizarro preparedthemajor assault which
arrived in 1532. The conquest of the entire Inca Empire
by fewerthan 250 Spaniards has frequentlybeen regarded
with awe. The Europeans, however, had several advantages. The Inca Empire, in its shortlife, did not develop
well-institutionalized
means forthe transferof power, and
the Spaniards arrivedat the end of an exhaustingcivil war
betweenthe brothersHuascar and Atahuallpa over the succession to their father,Huayna Capac, and his probable
heir, Ninan Cuyuchi, who both died in an epidemic which
mighthave been brought to the New World by the Europeans. AlthoughAtahaullpa had won the war, he had not
fullyconsolidated his victory.
The Spaniards also had some militaryadvantages, principally their horses, which could charge through masses
of native soldiers, and their swords. Their guns, by contrast,were awkward and difficultto load. The image that
theymay have had as supernaturalbeings apparentlywas
dispelled afterseveral militaryencounters.They were able
to move quickly and in 1532 they captured Atahuallpa.

nists were permanent, and others, workingon a rotative


basis, had shorterabsences fromthe main nuclei. In both
instances,theyremained as membersin theirethnicgroup
of originand had rightsto productsoftheotherzones which
it controlled.This patternis likened to an archipelago because of the similaritybetween the unoccupied territory
thatseparatesproductivezones and thewaterthatseparates
islands.

(A.D. 1532-1570)
Despite his effortsto manipulate the Spaniards as he had
done other Andean nobles, they held him hostage, and,
afterreceiving a ransom of six and a half ton of gold and
nearly twice that weight of silver, executed him. In the
following years, they were able to ally themselves with
followersof Huascar's faction and other groups opposed
to the Incas and to use them as allies against other native
groups. The participantsin the full-scalerebellionsof the
late 1530s were farfewerin number than the earlier Inca
armies. They were weakened by Spanish disruptions of
communicationsand of traditionalproceduresoflegitimizing authority.In addition, theyhad to face Spanish reinforcementsattractedby the enormous wealth in precious
metals. The Spanish Conquest was essentiallycompleteby
the end of the decade, although the small neo-Inca state
set up by nobles and commoners who fled to the jungles
northofCuzco in Vilcabamba was not defeateduntil 1572.
The long wars between different
factionsof conquistadores
were a more severe threatto the consolidation of Spanish
rule (Hemming, 1970).
Familiar with cities as seats of governmentand commerce, the Spaniards quickly foundeda number of towns,
including those that are now the capitals of the Andean
countries: Quito in 1534, Lima in 1535, La Paz in 1549.
Much of the native resistancewas quickly overcome, but
in other ways the consolidation of Spanish rule was slow.
The Spaniards relied on curacasor local nobles to rally
supportin the fightagainst centresof resistance,but sometimes foundthemdifficult
to bend to theirwill(Stein, 1981)
- a problemthatcontinuedforthe Spaniards forcenturies.
The divisionsamong Spaniards themselves,betweenearlier
and later arrivals,between those more closelytied to royal
authorityand those whose power was based on personal
militarypower or local ties, exacerbated the difficultiesof
consolidation.
The Spaniards came from a variety of social backgrounds, including peasants, artisans, merchants, and
nobles. They also reconstituteda complex society in the
Andes (Lockhart, 1968). In the eyes of the Spaniards and
many Indians, the Conquest entitledthe Spaniards to receive some sortoftribute.In many cases, thistributetook
the formof encomiendas
or grants made to conquistadores
which entitledthem to the rightsof labour and goods produced by Indians in a particulararea in exchange forensuring theirreligious instruction.Conflictsemerged between
the encomenderos
and royal authorities,between encomenderos
factionsofconquistadores, between
appointed by different
the Church and religious orders which sought to acquire

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B. S.
more of the serious and lucrative responsibilitiesof Christianization.These tensionsled to violentcivilwars between
groups of Spaniards. By introducingthe "New Laws" of
1542, royal authoritiessought to reduce the autonomy of
the encomenderos
and limitthe inheritanceofthe title.Private
of
land
ownership
by Spaniards began to emerge. Long
debates arose over the nature of the Indian and over the
appropriate scope of Spanish rule, motivated in part by
but also by a genuine faithand an
greed and self-interest,
adhesion to the Church acquired over centuriesof fighting
against infidels. These concerns continued in somewhat

CONSOLIDATION

ORLOVE

/ 51

changed form to the present, as Salomon's article (this


issue, page 92) indicates.
The Conquest led to demographic decline, due mainly
to epidemic disease and to faminebroughtby the destruction of native systemsof production. Although disagreement continues over the size of the native population at
the time of the Conquest, it appears that the population
declined to less than a third by the end of the sixteenth
century. The dense populations on the coast were more
subject to both destructiveprocesses and their numbers
plummeted more rapidly.

OF COLONIAL RULE (A.D. 1570-1750)

The divisions and weaknesses of the society in the


decades afterthe Conquest were evident to the Spanish
crown. During his rule (1569-1580), theViceroy Francisco
Toledo founded a new order that survived for over two
centuries.One ofhis main goals was to increasethe production of the mines, the source of the precious metals that
the Spaniards desired. He reorganized mining laws and
replaced the traditionalInca huayras,wind-furnacerefineries, witha mercuryamalgam process. The source oflabour
forthe mines was an adapted versionof the Inca mit'a.The
new mitawas Europeanized not only in pronunciationbut
also in purpose. It drew a fractionvaryingfromone-fifth
to one-seventhof the adult Indian males, resettledin nufor service in the
cleated villages known as reducciones,
mines. In return,the labourers received a low wage. Each
year a new group would be drawn. Local curacasfacilitated
thisservice. The mitaworkersfroma large area in southern
Peru and highland Bolivia served in the rich silver mines
of Potosi, in southern Bolivia, discovered in 1545. From
centraland southernPeru theywent to the mercurymines
in Huancavelica in central Peru. The silver was refined
in Potosi. The royal governmenttook one-fifth
and the rest
was sent to Lima and on to Cadiz and Seville, the only
citiesin the Andes and Europe authorizedas portsfortrade
between Spain and South America.
The reducciones
represented other changes. They continuedthe urban growthin an area thathad had fewtowns.
They were also part of a new form of taxation. Toledo
ended the payment of tributein goods to the encomenderos
and replaced itwitha head tax or tributo,
paid to the crown.
It was collectedby officialsknown as corregidores,
oftenwith
the assistance of the curacas.The head tax not only raised
revenue, but also obligated the Indians to obtain access
to cash through wage labour, sale of commodities,
participation in commerce or other means. Thus, this
period marks the beginning of a patternof native lifethat
has continued, withmany variations, to the present,a reliance on subsistenceagricultureand participationin other
activitiesto produce cash. The twinobligationsofmitaand
tributo
were associated with a Spanish guarantee of native
is quite complex.
rightsto land. The nature of this tributo
In the simplestterms, the Indians who remained in their
reducciones
were originarios,
subject to fulltributeobligations
and mitaservice,but withgreaterguaranteedrightsto land
and closer ties to curacas.The forasteros
who leftfor other

areas did not serve in the mitaand paid less tribute,but


had less secure and extensive rightsto land (Sanchez Albornoz, 1978). Tribute was not solely an obligation, but
also in a certainsense a privilege,and some groups sought,
often with persistence and success, to move to a higher
category,paying more tributebut gaining surer access to
land (Wachtel, 1978). This fixingof residencein reducciones
was another step in ending the archipelago formof verticality, already begun with tying Indians to specific encomenderos.
The Toledan reformsaffectedotherareas of theeconomy
as well. They confirmedthe different
developmentsin the
coast and highlands by encouraging the extension of
irrigatedagricultureand the use of African slaves in the
former(Burga, 1976; Keith, 1976). The demand of tribute
and the needs of the mines encouraged commerce, previously limited in the Andes. In addition to those sent by
mita obligations, wage labourers also worked in mines
to limittheencomenderos
(Tandeter, 1981). Despite the efforts
and the power of the local descendants of the Spaniards,
haciendas or privateestates arose, takingadvantage of the
the demands of the mines,
depopulationoflarge territories,
and the flightofforasteros
frommitaobligationsin theircommunities of origin.
The role of the curacaswas essential in the functioning
of this system: they oftenstood between local Indians on
the one hand and the hierarchiesof royal officials,judges,
and administratorson the other.They sometimesoccupied
lower level officesin these hierarchies. Their role in the
colonial economy has been the subject of some recent
studieswhich show theirpositionas intermediariesbetween
a wider Spanish-dominatedworld, where marketrelations
prevailed, and a local Indian one, whereAndean concepts
of reciprocityand redistributionwere still in force. Although some enriched themselves and greatlyweakened
their followers,others did not, whetherout of a sense of
common identityor froma desire to protectthe underpinnings of their own positions (Murra, 1978; Rivera Cusicanqui, 1978a).
The complex choices which followed the possibilityof
economicsystemsalso affected
participatingin two different
Indian commoners. This is demonstrated by Saignes'
(1978) discussion of residentsof the lowland valley to the
northeastof Lake Titicaca in Bolivia who had to choose
between maintaining ties of verticalityto their lakeshore

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52

/ MOUNTAIN

RESEARCH

AND DEVELOPMENT

places of origin and establishing themselves as locals for


tribute purposes. Wachtel states, "This contrast between
on the one hand the survivalofa world view as a meaningful whole, and on the other the partial continuityof institutionsisolated fromtheircontextand transposed into the
colonial situation, sums up the crisis in native society in
the aftermathof the Conquest" (Wachtel, 1977:203); however, the world view may be more transformedand the
native institutionsnot exclusivelyin the service of the colonial rulers.
The colonial mining economy was differentfrom the
enclaves that mines are often supposed to be, with few
backward linkages, to borrow a termfromeconomics. Assadourian's recentbook (1982) documentsthisthoroughly.
In its decades of greatestprosperity,from 1570 to 1650,
Potosi drew goods frommost of Spanish South America.
Even distantareas feltitseffects,as mitaworkersin Ecuador
were assigned to weave clothforuse in the mines (Phelan,
1967), as mules were raised in Andean foothillsand on the
pampas in Argentina, and as wines and brandy were produced on the Peruvian coast. Agriculture and livestock
raising over a large area were oriented toward the mines
and the city,whose population peaked at well over 100,000
in the earlyseventeenthcentury.These mines onlypartially
recoveredfromtheirdecline after1650 and, althoughother
CRISIS

mining centresdeveloped in Oruro in Bolivia, in Pasco in


the centralPeruvian highlands,in Hualgayoc in the northern Peruvian highlands,on the easternslopes oftheAndes
near Puno in southernPeru, and in otherplaces, the total
yield of Andean mines did not recover and was outpaced
by the boom in Mexican silverin the eighteenthcentury.
The interregionallinks declined, to be replaced by a more
localized and subsistenceorientedeconomy(Larson, 1980).
This colonial society,which began fromthe confrontation
of two differentpeoples, developed into one stratifiedin
complex ways. This included the descendants of Indians
withdifferent
tributeand mitaobligations,ofAfricanslaves,
of Spaniards born in America and in Europe, and their
offspring,of pure and of mixed genetic stock. In some
places as in remote haciendas the stratificationdeveloped
as two or three simple, well-definedcategories, while in
the case of large cities, mines, and plantations into many
differentgradations. However, the institutionsof mitaand
tributeprovided an economic and institutionalframework
fora clearlydemarcated Indian identity,reinforcedby an
administrativestatus for Indians differentfrom that for
criollos
(American-bornelitesof primarilySpanish ancestry)
and mestizos(individuals of lower status and mixed ancestry). The close social and ritual life in the villages would
maintain this identity.

AND INDEPENDENCE

The Spanish Empire faced difficultiesthroughoutthe


Americas during the eighteenthcentury.The challenge to
economic and political domination which otherEuropean
powers offeredthe Spanish had begun in the late sixteenth
centuryand continued. Purchasing many goods overseas
with American silver, the Spaniards did not develop the
productiveforcesin theirown economy and found it more
difficultto continue these foreignpurchases. Having been
defeated by the English navy in 1588 and losing control
of lands in northernand central Europe and the Mediterranean, the Spaniards faced increasingmilitarychallenges
in the New World as British, Dutch, and French pirates
and military expeditions, often difficultto distinguish,
raided the cities in their American colonies; increasing
contraband also weakened the monopoly of trade between
a few cities in America and their counterparts in Spain
(Wallerstein, 1974). The demographic recovery of the
eighteenthcenturyalso increasedthe possibilitiesofproduction and consumption in the New World and made more
onerous the concentrationofwealth and power in relatively
few hands.
The Spaniards sought to draw more wealth from the
American colonies and to maintain theircontrol through
a varietyof mechanisms which affectedthe Andes as well
as other areas. They created new administrativeunits,
dividing the vice-royaltyof Peru (which had included all
of Spanish South America) by separating what is now
Ecuador, Colombia and Venezuela in 1739 and Bolivia,
Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay in 1776. These new
vice-royaltiesof Nueva Granada and Rio de la Plata reduced the wealth and power of the elites based in Lima.

(A.D.

1750-1860)

Other administrativereforms,associated withreorganization in Spain itself,occurredin thelate eighteenthcentury:


the creationof intendantsand sub-delegates,new administrative officialsmore directlytied to the crown than the
earlier governorsand corregidores,;
the strengtheningof the
militarypresence; new taxes, including the extension of
tributeobligations toforasteros.
Trade restrictionsbetween
Spain and its colonies were lifted,allowing Spanish merchants easier access to the American marketsforproducts,
most of which they had imported from other European
countries, and which permittedother regions to develop
export products. Ecuadorian cacao was one of the few
Andean examples ofthisdevelopment,markingthe strong
rivalrybetween the cities of Guayaquil on the coast and
the old highland administrativecentre of Quito; Cuban
sugar and tobacco and Argentinehides were earlyinstances
of what would be a major expansion of exportsin the next
of ties between Spain and difcentury.This strengthening
ferentportionsofthe Americas weakened the internalintegration based on mining and complementaryeconomies
described for earlier centuries. The problems which the
Spaniards faced in the Americas were particularlysevere
in the Andes, where the'miningeconomy had not fullyrecovered fromits earlierdecline and where othereconomies
did not develop extensively.There were some exceptions,
notably the expansion of coastal agricultureas privatehaciendas raised cacao in Ecuador and sugar-caneand grapes
in Peru.
These changes led to increasing economic and political
pressures on many sectors in colonial society, Indian,
mestizo, and criollo alike. Increasing taxation and closer

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B. S. ORLOVE / 53

areasto citiesare often


Migrantsfrommountainous
involvedin small-scale
economicactivities.
Thisphotographshowsbothartisanalproduction
(shoe-makin Lima, Peru.Photograph
ing)and pettycommerce
by M.P. Curchack

On certainoccasions,membersofnativecommunities make officialvisitsto government


representatives.In thisphotograph,
leadersofthecommunity
of Trapiche,wearinghats,have offeredtributein
theformofmaize and sheepto thegovernorofthe
district
ofSicuani,Department
ofCuzco, Peru,who
is wearinga suit. They have decoratedhim with
streamersand confetti.Such ritual gift-giving
is
traditional
at thetimeofCarnaval. Photographby
B.S. Orlove

Traditionalritualexchangescontinuein thecontext
ofmodernorganizational
forms.
The manon theleft,
withstreamers,
decorated
is makingofferings
ofalcoholand coca (containedin thetextiles
on theground)
to fourofficials,wearingponchos,of the peasant

union (sindicatode campesinos)of the community of

Ullumachinear Escoma, Departmentof La Paz,


Bolivia. Photographby B.S. Orlove

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54 / MOUNTAIN

RESEARCH

AND DEVELOPMENT

administration were common complaints. Many curacas


were particularlyaffected;the delicate equilibriumbetween
the colonial rulers and the native populations was challenged as the former demanded more from the latter
(Larson, 1979). The largestrebellionsin Spanish America
priorto Independence took place in the early 1780s, following additional taxation and the tighteningof royal control.
They were led by two curacas,Tupac Amaru in southern
Peru and Tomas Catari in Bolivia, both predominantly
Indian highland regions. These rebellionsmobilized more
than 100,000 troops, primarilyIndians. They had a high
degree of organization and a programme of proposed
changes. These rebellionsdrew heavilyon the image ofthe
rectification
ofthe Spanish Conquest ofthe Incas more than
two centuriesearlier. Many curacas,forinstance,had begun
to adopt elements of Inca dress in the eighteenthcentury
and emphasized theirdirect descent fromInca noble and
imperialfamilies(Rowe, 1951). In some areas the rebellion
took the formof open racial war, of Indian against white;
in many othersalliances were establishedwithmestizo and
criollo groups, most notablyin the centralBolivian mining
districtof Oruro, which relied on free rather than mita
labour. The rebels were conquered within a year or two
and the local population and economy recovered quickly.
The fightinglefta strongfear on the part of local elites,
though;withsome exceptions,theAndean countriestended
to remain more royalistthan many otherparts of Spanish
America.
The tensionsbetween Spain and its colonies mentioned
earlier continued afterthe rebellions. The example of the
American War of Independence clearly showed the possibilityof separation fromEuropean powers; the killingof
white plantationowners afterIndependence in Haiti demonstrated some of the potential dangers. Increasing contraband with Britain and the desire to be freed of the
burdensoftaxationand administrationmade independence
appealing to many criollo and mestizo landowners and
merchants.
The Napoleonic invasions ofthe Iberian Peninsula from
1806 to 1810 provided the opportunityforindependence.
The inhabitantsof Spanish America had to choose between
the houses of Napoleon and Bourbon as the objects oftheir
EXPORT

DEVELOPMENT

loyalty, while both proved unable to rule the colonies as


as had been done earlier. The strugglesbetween
effectively
differentarmies of royalistsand patriotslasted until 1825,
a longer process than either had expected. The wars led
to considerable destructionand decapitalization, as both
sides took forcedloans that greatlyresembledbooty. They
provoked a general militarizationof societyand a certain
degree of social mobilization, as both sides had to recruit
soldiers from lower social groups. The nations which
emerged followedfairlycloselythelines of Spanish colonial
administrativeunits, with some shiftsin territory;border
wars continue to the present.
The decades immediately after independence did not
bring the prosperitythat many Latin Americans anticipated. The opening of trade with other countriesdid not
lead immediately to a large growthof exports. The lack
of capital limitedthe rehabilitationofthe monetaryeconomy. Foreign investorswere unwillingto providelarge loans
to governmentsor privateindividualsand companies. The
militarycontinuedto absorb a large portionof the government revenues.
In the decades afterindependence the governmentsin
these nations were weak. The militaryand the landowners
were the dominant and interrelatedgroups. There were
no longer royal officialsto oppose the expansion ofhaciendas, and many landlords used theirpeons and tenants as
soldiers in their private armies. In the Andean countries
the weak economic condition of the newly independent
states ironically offeredone limit to hacienda expansion
into native lands. Since export revenue and foreignloans
did not generatesufficiently
large budgets,the governments
relied on a continuation of the tribute (which they had
quicklyreinstalledafterabolishingit immediatelyfollowing
independence) and thereforehad to offersome protection
forthe land base of the tributarios.
The tributecontinued
to provideinstitutionalunderpinningsfortheethnicdistinctivenessofIndians. This tribute,thoughsomewhateroded
by inflation,placed limits on the extent to which native
economies could returnentirelyto subsistence levels. In
any case, it is likely that Indian participation in markets
was much more limited than during most of the colonial
period.

AND LIBERALISM

The growthof export economies in the second half of


the nineteenthcenturytransformedthe staticeconomy and
weak decentralized political systemsthat continued after
independence (Halperin Donghi, 1969). Considerable economic growthtook place, and civilian regimesreplaced the
ruling militarycaudillos.This phenomenon was found in
the Andean countries and elsewhere in Latin America as
well, but had particular importance forthe Andean area.
Its effectson Indian peoples varied, but included the expansion of haciendas into native lands, a monetarization
of the native economy, rebellions, and some contacts between Indian communitiesand national governments.The
date of the export renewal varied. In the mid-1840s Peru
began its exportof guano, the dung deposited formillenia

(A.D. 1860-1930)

on rainless desertislands near the coast by birds which eat


the fish fromproductive waters. The guano was a valuable fertilizerforindustrializingEuropean countries,who
needed to increase agricultural productivityto meet the
demands of growingcities. New guano revenues allowed
the Peruvian state to consolidate its debt, shiftingpower
frommilitarystrongmento civilian elitesand agencies. By
financing infrastructuresuch as railroads and irrigation
works, and by providing capital to landowners, these
revenues stimulatedthe development of commercial agriculture on the coast. Here landowners, having received
generous indemnificationfor their recentlyemancipated
slaves, expanded theirestatesand contractedChinese coolie
labour (Bonilla, 1974). This period marks the absorption

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B. S. ORLOVE / 55
reasons to expand highland haciendas: to supply food to
into plantationsofmost of the remainingcoastal communities which were the descendants of the Toledan reducciones; plantations, mines and cities (although some haciendas
were ill prepared to face the expansion of importsthatfolit also saw the eclipse of the native coastal languages.
The opening of the economy affectedthe native populalowed economic liberalization). The motivation in other
areas drew on politicalfactors;even thoughthe emergence
tions of the highlands as well. With abundant income, the
state could affordto end what were seen as archaic forms
of new wealthygroups made traditionalhighlandhacendaof servility;Indian tributewas abolished at the time that
dos much less powerfulthan in the decades afterindepenslaves were freed,ending also a reason to protectIndian
dence, theycontinued to be able to offervaluable support
or serious challenges to groups more directlylinked to excommunal lands. Indian ethnic identitycontinued strong
in many areas, despite this elimination of an institution
port agriculture.Liberal Ecuadorian coastal cacao growers
which had given it a formal, institutionalpresence. The
centredin Guayaquil, forinstance,had difficulty
in undercontinued role of communitiesin providingaccess to land
mining the power base of the conservativehacendados in
and labour was an importantfactor,as was the inequality
Quito and otherhighland areas. Some wealthyBolivians,
in relationsbetween elite and peasant. The general intenwho accurately feared that the prosperityof their mines
tion of liberalism to end formalethnic differenceswas not
or the dominance oftheirpartiesmightnot be long lasting,
successful.
used theireminence to acquire highland haciendas, a less
Other export economies had similar effectsin Ecuador,
lucrative but more secure economic and political base
with a revival of coastal cacao exports in the 1850s (van
(Rivera Cusicanqui, 1978b).
Certain factorsencouraged the monetarization of the
Aken, 1981), and in Bolivia, with the expansion of highland silvermining in the 1870s (Mitre, 1981; Platt, 1982).
economy. The civilian governmentsdedicated part oftheir
Civilian regimes expanded their power, and they ended
revenues to the improvementof transport,firstrailroads
tribute afterthey acquired new revenues. In Bolivia the
and thenmotorroads. The demand forfood increasedwith
1874 leyde exvinculacidn
to
sell
communal
lands
a relative and absolute expansion of the population not
attempted
as individual plots to Indians, although its application was
directlyinvolvedin agriculture.However, the involvement
often stronglyand, in some cases, successfullyresisted
of the native population was not simplyan automatic rethrough passive opposition and open rebellion.
sponse. Indeed, the liberalization of the economy often
economies
1860
between
and
1930
worked
Export
generallygrew
against native commercialagriculture;like the prealthoughthisperiod was markedby fluctuationsin demand
viously mentioned hacendados, some Indians could not
in industrialcountries,stemmingfromeconomic cycles of
meet foreigncompetition. For instance, the area planted
in wheat declined in some areas (Platt, 1982).
expansion and contractionand fromthe accelerationofproduction of the same resources in other parts of the world.
The pressurestowardthe monetarizationofthe highland
The nitrate fields in southern Peru and coastal Bolivia,
peasant economy were multiple(Favre, 1977). The native
developed with Britishcapital and worked primarilywith
economy was never entirelyclosed to purchased objects,
Chilean labourers, were seized by Chile, withopen British
particularlyritual articlessuch as coca, alcohol, and other
fiestaitems. Indian populations appear to have increased,
support; Peru and Bolivia were slow in recovering from
their defeat, but eventually did so with the support of
limitingthe availability of land and encouraging the purrevenues derived fromexport commodities,highland copchase of subsistenceitems.In some cases, highlanderswere
per and coastal cotton and sugar in the formercase, silver
duped into signingcontractsforwage labour on haciendas,
and tin in the latter.Direct and indirectforeigninvestment
but these purely involuntarycases of participation in the
sponsored much of this development. The rubber boom
money economy are probablynot representativeofthe main the early 1900s was a strongermotive fornational govjority of the native population. The expansion of commerernmentsto effectivelyoccupy the eastern lowlands than
cial agriculture, particularlyon the coast, may have cut
were the earlier desires to cultivatecoca and tropicalcrops
offvertical barter relations, forcingIndians to seek new
forthe Incas and Spaniards. The expansion into the areas
means of obtaining certain products. The acquisition of
adjacent to theAndes occurredrapidlybut it soon collapsed
purchased goods may also have represented the end of
afterthe Britishsmuggledrubberseeds out of South Amerdomination by mestizo elites, who opposed or prohibited
these items. The firstIndians who returnedto the village
ica and developed plantations in Southeast Asia.
The wool exporteconomy in centraland southernhighof Acora near Lake Titicaca in Peru around 1910 wearing
land Peru expanded afterthe 1860s, stimulatingboth the
shirtsof manufacturedcloth, which they purchased with
expansion of haciendas and the direct participation of
earningsfromlabour in Chilean copper mines,were beaten
Indian herders.This encouraged greatercommercialization
by townspeople.
of agricultureas the barteringof wool forfoodstuffs
in reThe presence of governmentagencies in highland areas
lations strongly reminiscent of classical verticalitywas
created new tensionsand allowed old ones to be expressed.
These agencies placed demands on native resources. One
replaced by purchase (Orlove, 1977; Jacobsen, 1979). Conflictsbetween Indians and hacendados, sparkedby competacticof governmentsseekingto expand road networkswas
tition for land, touched off rebellions in many cases
to require a certainnumber ofdays' unremuneratedlabour
each year, in a formnot unlike the mita.This corvieled to
(Orlove, 1980).
The links of export economies to hacienda expansion,
considerableopposition,as did thepresenceofpolice forces
monetarization of native economies, and rebellions were
reorganized on European models. In addition, the governoften not so direct. Individuals found other economic
ment agencies representedanother elite group. At times

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56

/ MOUNTAIN

RESEARCH

AND DEVELOPMENT

they sought support from Indians and peasants to help


overcome the power monopoly of local landlords and elite
families,and in turnofferedthemresourcessuch as schools.
The rebellions around Lake Titicaca, forinstance, appear
to have been due not so much to new pressuresfrommestizo elites as to expressions of old ones, now released
through ruptures in the monopoly of elite power.
The expansion of political participation under civilian
regimesbore a complex relation to Indian rebellions. The
political parties during this period tended to increase their
political bases on a national level by offeringgovernment
employmentto theirfollowers.AlthoughtheAndean countries restricted suffrageat this time, this participation
showed both significantexpansion and limitations.It also
faced limits imposed by the nature of the new economic
and political order. Export economies created groups of
workersin Bolivian tin mines and Peruvian sugar plantations, for example, as well as new urban masses, whose
economic and political demands could not be met by the
limited export revenues and narrowly based civilian regimes. These regimes also faced difficultiesin reducing
theirexpenses in times of economic stagnationor decline.
These opposition groups at times claimed to seek Indian
CRISIS

OF LIBERAL

ORDER

support, often with little connection to actual Indian


groups. APRA, a partywhich emergedfromthe social dislocation followingthe expansion of sugar-cane plantations
in the non-Indian Peruvian north coast, saw the Indian
as a symbol of the oppressed Latin American peoples and
the source of theirhistoricaluniqueness. This indigenismo
none the less could turn into actual support, as in the
articles of the 1920 Peruvian constitution,which allowed
for officialrecognitionof Indian communities.
This supportcould also be more direct.Pando, theleader
of the Liberal Party in Bolivia, called forIndian support
to add strengthto the urban middle classes in La Paz and
tin minerswho supportedhim. This claim was not entirely
spurious, as shown by his choice of a wife, the daughter
of the curacaof the largest island on Lake Titicaca. They
were as much at home on her lands (extending, in classic
vertical fashion, from the altiplano to eastern lowland
valleys in Luribay) as in La Paz. The claim, however,was
a riskyone; it supporteda large rebellionin the area around
Lake Titicaca (Condarco, 1965). In any case, the role of
curacas in leading rebellions was less marked at
the end of the nineteenthcenturythan at the end of the
eighteenth.

AND RECENT

As in the period from 1860 to 1930, the Andean


countries, and the rest of Latin America, were strongly
influencedafter1930 by conditionsin the world economy:
the 1929 depression, followedby World War II and by the
post-war period of divisions into economic and political
blocs whose prosperityand dominion appeared at times
firm, at others fragile. The elements that the Andean
countrieshave in common may be attributedmore to their
relativelysmall populations, theirpoverty,and theirrelativelylow degree of social mobilization, in contrastto such
countries as Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, rather than
their sizeable Indian populations. But even in the most
recentperiod the native peoples continue to have a history
and to constitutea major elementin national societyrather
than an odd and archaic fragmentof it. However, it is difficult to propose generalizations for the Andean countries
of thisperiod; theirhistoriesare too diverse. One can only,
point to the general consequences of this period forall of
Latin America: the collapse ofexporteconomies and liberal
civilian regimesafter1930; the recoveryof exportsduring
World War II; tentative substitutionof imports by local
industrializationfollowingdeclines in trade; the potential
for political mobilization which these economic changes
engendered, met at timesby populism, at timesby repression; the significanceof the success of the revolutionary
transitionto socialism in Cuba and the failureof an electoral attemptat a related transitionin Chile; and the importanceof global politicaltensions.As in many otherLatin
American countries,the post-warperiod in the Andes has
seen more exportproduction,limitedindustrialization,and
increasingforeigndebts, somewhat assuaged by the development of significantpetroleum deposits in all three nations. Democratic governmentsimmediatelyafterthe war

DECADES

(1930-PRESENT)

were later replaced by militaryones, with militaryand


civilian governmentsalternatingin the last 15 years.
The Depression brought to Peru civilian oligarchic regimes, centredon Lima and coastal landowners. Though
repressed,APRA continuedto draw supportfromitsloyal
followers; its strong showing in the 1945 elections won
supportersseveral ministriesand led to a right-wingmilitarycoup in 1948. Two civilian regimesfollowed,the first
more conservativethan the second, the centristmiddle-class
development-orientedregime of Belafinde, supported by
the boom in the anchovy fishery,the decline of which in
the late 1960s, along with guerrilla movements, led to a
long militaryrule from 1968 to 1980. The firstprogressive populist phase of the militarybrought a number of
nationalizations and a major agrarian reform,the conversion of expropriatedcoastal plantationsand some highland
haciendas into cooperatives, and the acquisition of other
hacienda lands by highland communities, but shiftedin
difficulteconomic times to the right. Beladinde won the
1980 elections and sought to bring back a regime reminiscentof his earlier one, only to face economic and political problems like the ones he had 15 years earlier.
A key event in Bolivian historyis the War ofthe Chaco.
From 1932 to 1935 Bolivia and Paraguay foughtover disputed territory,
falselybelievedto containextensivepetroleum deposits. In both countriesIndian and peasant armies
sufferedlarge numbersof fatalities,indicatingan inefficiency and a callousness of the militarywhich called into question national leadership. Bolivia's defeatmade thisnational
self-examinationmore acute. Social and politicalmobilization continuedin the mines, in the cities,and in a fewareas
of peasant agriculture. It expressed itselfbrieflyin some
progressive militaryregimes and with surprisingvigour

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B. S. ORLOVE / 57

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..

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A marketin Coata, Departmentof Puno, Peru. The expansionof marketsystemshas led peasantsto sell
barteredor consumedthemselves.The womanin thelowerright,with
whichtheyformerly
somefoodstuffs
cheesesmade frommilkfromherown cows to a vendorwho will
thecarrying
clothon herback, is offering
resellthemin nearbycities.Photographby B.S. Orlove

iRi
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Indigenismocontinuesto thepresentin a varietyof forms.The Inca annual sun festival,Inti Raymi,was


revivedin highlymodifiedformin thecityofCuzco, Peru, in the 1940sand has been celebratedeversince
touristattraction.This photographshowsthefloatcreatedby
as a kindoffolkpageantand, morerecently,
employeesofthenationaltelephonecompany.Note themock-upmicrowavedish,thepapier-mich6version
thetwowomenwithhatsin stylizedpeasantdressand thetwowomenin representations
ofInca architecture,
of Inca attire.Photographby T. F. Love.

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58 / MOUNTAIN

RESEARCH

AND DEVELOPMENT

aftera coup sponsored in 1952 by disaffectedmilitaryand


a small party, the Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario.
Mobilization spread rapidly after1952, leading to the disestablishmentof the army tied to the oligarchy,nationalization of the large-scale tin mines, and a major agrarian
reformin 1953, which in many areas divided expropriated
estates among peasants. Inflationsoon followedthe multiple demands which mobilization placed on a poor national
economy, unable to nationalize smelterswhich had been
prudentlylocated outside itsborders.The Cold War offered
Bolivia fewalternativesto the United States forcredit,who
insistedon budget reductionsand encouraged the rebuilding of the military, who took power in 1964 (Eckstein,
1983). Bolivia since then has alternated between two
groups, the MNR coalition and its successors, on the one
hand, and the militaryand remainingelite factions,many
of whom had eluded the Agrarian Reform, on the other.
The latterwas strengthenedby the opening of the eastern
lowland plains to cattle, cane, and cotton, and by the expansion of the cocaine economy (Klein, 1982).
The degree of social and political mobilization was less
pronounced in Ecuador, which had neither the massive
growthof export agricultureand mining of Peru nor the
crisis of the Chaco War. Urbanization in Guayaquil and
Quito accelerated. The coast, whose plantation economy
shiftedfromcacao to bananas, continued stronglyliberal.
The highlands, stillstronglybut no longer exclusivelyconservative,retainedhaciendas based on peonage. These old
groups and theirpartiescontinuedto dominate, along with
the army. The sole alternativewas Velasco Ibarra, an autocratic coastal liberal maverick who drew enough opposition around him to reach the presidencyfourtimesbetween
1930 and 1960, but who once in power spurned his
supportersfora stronglypersonalisticrule. In this context
served more to provide a literatureof protest
indigenismo
than political activity,although Indian communitieswere
recognized in 1937. The United States of America
sponsored the "development decade" of the 1960s, which
brought a limited agrarian reformand some loans which
encouraged national industry, further stimulated by
successful oil exploration in the 1970s. Some highland
haciendas began to capitalize and orient more of their
production for sale. The swings between rightistmilitary
and centre and left-wingcivilian regimes, though less
violent than in Bolivia, also indicate a lack of clear
hegemony of any particular group.
These divergenthistorieshave in common two important
elements: agrarian reformsand colonization programmes
of the eastern lowlands. These two are related, as theyare
elsewherein Latin America. The lattermeets the demands
ofpeasant groupswithoutchallenginglanded elitesas thoroughly as relyingon the formeralone to address problems
of rural povertyand insufficientfood supply. The colonization effortsalso can meet national geopolitical goals of
fullyoccupying national territory,since all threecountries
have been involved in border wars in this century.Many
drawbacks to agrarian reform and colonization programmes have been noted and lamented. They oftenlack
adequate credit and technical extension services, limiting
increases in production; theyleave peasants poor and de-

pendent on officialsand traders; theyare insensitiveto indigenous formsof organization and in some cases tryto
implant the notion of independent farmson more collectivelyoriented communities. None the less, theyhave offeredgenuine benefits:the eliminationof some oppressive
formsof labour obligations, the weakening of the landed
elite, the strengtheningof Indian and peasant claims to
some oftheirlands, and therecognitionofa place fornative
people in national politics. In some cases, indigenousorganizations have been strengthened,as in the officialrecognition of communal land tenurein Peru and Ecuador and
in the reinforcingof some traditional rotative officesin
Bolivia. The colonization programmes have also opened
new economic opportunities,althoughoftenat the expense
of native lowland groups; theyhave also led in some cases
to the emergence of small groups of wealthy peasants or
of new latifundistas.
The social and economic changes are so diverse that a
summary is difficult.In contrastto the very differentcircumstances in the Himalaya, though, some elements
emerge. The national economies have grown since the
recoveryfromthe Depression, because of global demand
for raw materials, foreignloans, and some expansion of
national markets.Population, cities, and industryhave all
expanded, primarily in the least indigenous population
sectors and geographical regions.
Nevertheless,nativepeoples participatein thesechanges,
as temporaryand permanentmigrantsto expanding areas
and as producers ofcommodities. In many cases these ties
have led to decliningstandardsof living, as Ferroni(1980)
shows in his studyof nutritionin highland Peru. In other
cases this participation has been very successful. For instance, Huayopampa, a communityin the highlandsofthe
departmentof Lima, with access to a number of zones at
differentelevations, uses communal lands to operate fruit
at other
orchards,while stillgrowingsubsistencefoodstuffs
altitudes. More generally,the areas where native peoples
are stillvery close to a subsistenceeconomy have been reduced (Gade, 1975). The forcesleading to a greaterdesire
forcash, describedin the previoussection,act in thisperiod
as well. The simultaneous involvement in a subsistence
economy and a cash economy, however, is not necessarily
a transitional situation, nor does it imply a progressive
individualization and destructionof communal formsof
organization(Guillet, 1981). Access to communallands can
become more importantboth as sources of cash income
and as cushions against fluctuations in a wage labour
market; greaterout-migrationand competitionforland in
productivezones may strengthenratherthan weaken local
political organization and fiesta systemsas communities
seek to limit access of outsiders to theirlands and to irrigation water. It is from this period that detailed ethnographic studies of local-level politics within Indian communities have been drawn. They show the importance of
three institutions:community-wideassemblies, where all
household heads, usually male, vote; community-wide
work groups; and the set of civil and religiousofficeswhich
household heads hold for a year on a rotational basis.
Forms of verticalityalso continue. In some puna areas
in westernhighland Bolivia, forinstance,herderssell their

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B. S. ORLOVE / 59
wool but barter dried meat for agricultural products at
lower elevations, a situationthatapparentlyhas remained
stable forover a century(Caro, 1980). The direct access
to multiple zones by single communities also continues,
sometimes in unexpected areas, such as the narrow, irrigated valley oases of the northernChilean desert between
Arica and Antofagasta (Nifiez, 1978), and sometimes in
the classic archipelago pattern (Harris, 1981).
Urbanization has not eliminated Indian organization
and identity.Some of the strongestevidence comes from
Bolivia, the countrywiththe largestproportionof Indians.
The cities of La Paz and Cochabamba, forinstance, have
a stable patternof bilingualism; children born in town to
bilingual parents are likelyto be fluentin both languages.
The close ties between countrysideand city,facilitatedby
spatial proximity,encourage social contacts,the exchange
of goods, and participationin rural communityaffairsby
urban residents. Quechua identityand rituals continue
withvigour and have expanded in a number ofneighbourhoods in Quito (Salomon, 1981). Similarpatternsare found
in Lima, despite its greater geographic and cultural distance from the highlands; associations of migrants from
highland communitiesand regionsmaintain identitiesand
facilitatethe flow of resources between city and place of
origin. Some writersargue that this pattern is an extension of verticalityto a new zone (Isbell, 1979), and others
find similaritiesbetween organization of highland communities and squatter settlements(Lobo, 1982).
The linksbetweenstateagencies and highlandcommunities and the use of native clientelesforthe supportofpolitical parties are strongerin this period than in the previous
ones and may also serve to reinforcecommunityorganization. They strengthenthe Indian identityin many cases,
althoughthereare instancesofpredominantlymestizocommunities which have received official recognition and
Indian ones which have not. These links occur at different
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