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How Does Urban Public Transport Change Cities? Correlations between Past and
Present Transport and Urban Planning Policies
Geraldine Pflieger, Vincent Kaufmann, Luca Pattaroni and Christophe Jemelin
Urban Stud 2009 46: 1421
DOI: 10.1177/0042098009104572
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Abstract
Is it possible to discern correlations between past and present urban policies? Do
path dependencies exist at the urban level? If so, how do they differ from other links
between the past and present? A preview of the literature dealing with dependencies
and urban change, a presentation of the research methodology and an examination
of the historical archives of six European cities in France, Germany and Switzerland
enable us to identify three features common to both past and present transport and
urban planning policiesnamely, contingency, reproduction and innovation.
Territory, overburdened with traces and interpretations from the past, is like a palimpsest.
In order to introduce new facilities, to make
more rational use of land, its substance often
needs to undergo a process of irreversible
change. Yet, territory is not like throw-away
packaging or a replaceable consumer product.
Each territory is unique, hence the need to
recycle, to re-etch the old text which mankind has written on this irreplaceable material
in order to create a new text, one which meets
the needs of today, before it too is replaced
(Corboz, 2001, p. 228).
1. Introduction
At first glance, it would appear that there is
a certain paradox with regard to urban transport in Europe. On the one hand, there is a
clear political desire to reduce the use of cars
in cities, which is manifest in the legal apparatus and investments in public transport
infrastructure. On the other hand, these
investments have had varying degrees of
success and do not seem to have encouraged
modal transfers from car use to public
Geraldine Pflieger is in the Institut dtudes politiques et internationales (IEPI), Universit de Lausanne,
Btiment Vidy, CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland. E-mail: geraldine.pflieger@unil.ch.
Vincent Kaufmann, Luca Pattaroni and Christophe Jemelin are in the Laboratoire de Sociologie
Urbaine (LaSUR), Ecole Polytechnique Fdrale de Lausanne (EPFL), EPFLLASUR, Station 16, Btiment
Polyvalent, CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland. E-mail: vincent.kaufmann@epfl.ch; luca.pattaroni@epfl.ch
and christophe.jemelin@epfl.ch.
0042-0980 Print/1360-063X Online
2009 Urban Studies Journal Limited
DOI: 10.1177/0042098009104572
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Besides its specific origins, path dependency also differs from other forms of causality
in terms of how the events are sequenced.
As Goldstone (1998) reminds us, the succession of past events is a response to general
laws and explanatory models created within
theoretical frameworks. The mechanisms of
reproduction created by a path dependency
are extremely powerful as they limit the
opportunities for change and block institutions, actors and processes in a sort of
predetermined, locked-in set-up. Economists
believe that such a blockage can be caused
by increasing returns. Margaret Levi states
that
Once a country or region has started down
a track, the costs of reversal are very high.
There will be other choice points, but the entrenchments of certain institutional arrangements obstruct an easy reversal of the initial
choice (Levi, 1997, p. 28).
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on power and long-term governance in complex urban systems. Subjecting the city of
Stockholm to a case study, Anders Gullberg
and Arne Kaijser (2004, p.18) developed the
concept of a City-building regime, defined
as a set of actors and the configuration of
co-ordinating mechanisms among them,
which produce the major changes in the
landscapes of buildings and networks in a
specific city region at a given time. More
widely, the work of Peter Newman and Andy
Thornley (1996) has identified geographical and historical factors which had a bearing on urban public action at the beginning
of the 21st century (British, Napoleonic,
Germanic and Scandinavian systems). In
this first field of research, reproduction and
dependency are direct outcomes of the stability of sociopolitical coalitions.
Furthermore, following on from the institutionalist work of Paul Pierson (2000) and
Mahoney (2000), some urbanists have been
concerned with highlighting the inertia that
is intrinsic to local systems. This inertia is a
consequence of rigid institutional set-ups,
rising returns on investments related to
past choices and the high costs of changing
direction. Woodlief (1998), for example,
analysed these types of reproduction in his
study of how the cities of Chicago and New
York, both faced with the repercussions of
the Great Depression of the 1930s, followed
different paths depending on their specific
institutional set-ups.
Thirdly, analysis of local policies largely
focused on the role of cognitive frameworks
seen either through the prism of the terms
of reference for public action or the role of
changing political powers. The aim was to
paint a picture of reproduction and continuity
which revolve not only around institutions
and interests, but also ideologies and political
projects present in these cities (Gallez and
Maksim, 2007).
Finally, a series of research papers on STS
(science, technologies and society) and the
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Consideration of time in the study of transport policies also allows us to consider how
these materialise and become consolidated
in urban space: the objects they produce
(infrastructure, the built environment), the
production framework (norms and regulations), the process of production (institutions
and types of government) and the cognitive
support given to the decision (cognitive
frameworks which underpin these policies).
Furthermore, an approach which draws on
both political and urban sociology allows us
to consider urban uses and practicesi.e. the
occasional cumulative or retroactive effects of
these policies as well as the imprint of these
effects in space.
Objects, norms, institutions, cognitive frameworks, uses and social differentiations are
3. Methodology
A comparative approach was chosen to
examine the different trajectories relative
to transport and urban planning in a temporal perspective. This choice was motivated
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Rate of public transport use in the six cities under investigation (percentages)
Country
Germany
France
Switzerland
Cities
Karlsruhe 18 [2002]
Grenoble 15 [2002]
Basle 28 [2000]
Oldenburg 5 [2002]
Clermont-Ferrand 7 [2003]
Lausanne 19 [2000]
Note: Percentage of trips taken on public transport in comparison with overall trips.
Sources: Social data, Kontiv (Germany), INSEECERTU (France), AREOFS (Switzerland).
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Due to their regularity, continuity and cumulative nature, the trajectories that the urban
planning and transport policies of ClermontFerrand and Oldenburg followed are typical
of reproduction in the long term, a process
which neither innovations nor contingent
events have managed to change. ClermontFerrand illustrates the typical public policy
trajectory taken by post-war functionalist,
urban planning projects in France. It centres
on two sectoral policies: housing and road
infrastructure. We cannot talk of path dependencies in relation to Clermont-Ferrand,
since the origins of its urban development are
non-contingent and bear the clear imprint of
the imperatives of the construction of social
housing. This ideal in terms of infrastructure
became entrenched in Clermont-Ferrand
through a stable political and institutional
regime as well as through the functional and
economic domination of the tyre industry
(Michelin).
Between 1945 and 1997, Clermont-Ferrand
had only two mayors, both Socialists: Gabriel
Montpied between 1945 and 1973, and Roger
Quilliot between 1973 and 1997. In the early
1950s, the town boasted an exceptionally
tightly knit tram network. However, the
growth of the car industry increased the impact of car traffic in the capital of Auvergne
and the urgent needhere as elsewhereto
dismantle tramlines. The Michelin housing
developments had played a structuring role
in low-cost housing policies until the 1960s.
Subsequently, Michelin became less involved,
leaving the way free for the city of Clermont.
The municipality launched a vast public
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The master plan deemed that planning measures decided at the local level could not cope
effectively with the geographical dispersal of
economic activity caused by ever greater car
use, especially since intermunicipal links were
non-existent and structures were built by and
large outside construction zones. In response,
the 1973 Regional Master Plan recommended:
a moratorium on extending construction
zones in Greater Lausanne; improvements to
the transport system by favouring the most
effective transport mode in the given city
zone; development of secondary centres; and,
better protection of sites.
However, the municipalities rejected the
master plan on the grounds that it was too
restrictive. This decision would eventually lead
to the demise of CIURL, which would be later
replaced by COREL (community of municipalities in the Greater Lausanne area). The
successor to CIURL would afford lesser importance to cultivating intermunicipal links
and would never produce a new master plan.
Innovation in the form of CIURL was
shored up by municipal autonomy. Following this institutional failure, Lausanne could
have switched to a similar trajectory to that observed in Clermont-Ferrand and Oldenburg;
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5. Conclusion
By studying long-time trajectories at the
local level, an analysis of the links between
space and policy uncovers the driving-forces
behind a potential break with the past as well
as the conditions for change. The aim was to
understand how far urban infrastructure and
forms, spatial morphology, cognitive frameworks, instruments and institutions are
factors in the irreversibility of or changes in
transport and urban planning policies.
We have identified three historical settings
for local policies: inertia, through which local
cognitive, institutional and morphological
arrangements are closely correlated with the
generic dynamics of urban development;
innovation, through which a territory breaks
away from earlier trajectories thanks to the
creation of new urban artefacts or the transformation of cognitive or institutional arrangements; path dependency, which, given
its contingent origins, delineates a specific
causal chain which prolongs its long-term
effects.
These three historical settings show the
potential and pathways for change at the urban
level according to the given spatiotemporal
context. Besides an over-rigid and determinist
interpretation of urban forms, we first of
all stress that objectsbuilt environment,
infrastructureare not unchanging, but the
pace at which they are reworked, transformed
and destroyed is relatively slowi.e. 20 or
30 years, even several decades. This pace
differs from one infrastructure to another
and from one era to another. At first glance, it
may appear that a tram is more easily reversible than a motorwayquickly constructed,
quickly dismantled, quickly reconstructed.
However, over the past 10 years in France,
the US and the Netherlands, initial projects
have been launched to dismantle motorways, to renew urban neighbourhoods, to
pull down tower blocks and to reconvert
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Note
1. An urbanist from Clermont-Ferrand also
confided that: In 1980 we were the only city
in France to have a shopping centre bang in the
middle of the citys main square. Clermonts
lack of architectural heritage is not always a
bad thing!.
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Acknowledgements
This article is part of a research project Interdpendance entre action publique locale passe
et actuelle, funded by the 11th Group (Transport
Policy) of the French programme of research, experimentation and innovation in land transport
(PREDIT). This paper is also partially based on
work supported by the Swiss National Centre of
Competence in Research (NCCR) NorthSouth:
Research Partnerships for Mitigating Syndromes
of Global Change. An earlier draft of this article
was presented at the World Conference on
Transport Research (Berkeley, 2428 June 2007).
The authors would like to thank the five referees
of Urban Studies and the conference participants
for helpful comments. They would also like to
acknowledge Julie Barbey, Marie Heckmann
and Tina Klein who have participated in this
research project.
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