Knowledge, Attitudes and Perceptions

towards the Zim Asset Policy in

Mashonaland West Province

A Snap Survey Report

September 2014
Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI)
1

Knowledge, Attitudes and Perceptions

towards the Zim Asset Policy in Mashonaland
West Province

A Snap Survey Report

Foreword

This report provides a window into the eyes of Zimbabweans as they are subjected to one blue
print after another. Zimbabwe has crafted a number of blue prints since attaining
independence in 1980. The litany of policies were big on promises but resulted in little change
for the lives of Zimbabweans; instead the standard of living for the Zimbabwean has fallen. The
Policies also suffered on the implementation front with very little implementation taking place.
After the failure of the economic structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP), the Government of
Zimbabwe embarked on new reform programmes namely Zimbabwe Programme for
Economic and Social Transformation (ZIMPREST), the National Economic Reform Programme
(NERP) and Millennium Economic Recovery Programme (MERP). Just like their predecessor
ESAP, these three blue prints failed to achieve the goals upon which they were premised. After
the implementation of ZIMPREST and MERP, the economy did not show any signs of recovery
but further deteriorated. The economy was confronted by a dangerous mix of ballooning
domestic and external debt, crippling foreign exchange shortages and negative interest rates
and escalating inflation.
ZIMASSET is yet another blue print that was rolled out to citizens after the landslide victory of
the 2013 Harmonised elections. This report provides insight into the perspectives of citizens to
this blue print. The lack of enthusiasm as well as optimism shown by the citizens is not
surprising given the performance of previous policies. The lack of confidence in the success of
the policy is rational as shown by the policy inconsistencies and incoherence; citizens are left
with no choice but to be ambivalent on policy results. The context in which previous policies
failed has not been resolved to provide for success. In conclusion, the administrative, political,
economic and international context has not changed significantly to avert policy failure.

Barbra Nyangairi

Introduction
In July 2014, Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI) undertook a Knowledge, Attitude and
Perception (KAP) snap survey of the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic
Transformation (Zim Asset) policy, in Mashonaland West province. Zim Asset, a five-year plan
from October 2013 to December 2018, is the first post 2013 election economic blueprint
formulated by the government to achieve an empowered society and a growing economy.1
The KAP survey was conducted with 384 citizens from the Mashonaland West province using a
mixed method approach that combines quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection.
The snap survey sought to determine citizens understanding, attitudes and perceptions
towards the policy and to analyze the causes and implications of these towards the successful
execution and attainment of the Zim Asset policy objectives.
Public policies are as successful as the extent to which they are co-owned and executed by the
public and government. Citizens knowledge levels, attitudes and perceptions are a window to
determining the level of buy in to the policy, and ultimately its success. This study, which comes
one year after Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)s landslide victory
in the July 2013 harmonized elections and ten months into the implementation of Zim Asset,
does not only give the public a voice to express their opinions, beliefs and experiences on the
formulation and implementation of the Zim Asset, but is also critical for determining the public
pulse. This information is important for policy makers because they, alone, do not have the
capacity, knowledge and legitimacy to solve complex public policy problems.
The survey findings reveal that citizens are neither knowledgeable nor convinced of the policy
especially that it has been unleashed on a system supported by disintegrating public and
private institutions. The citizenry was not engaged in the policy formulation processes.
Zimbabweans are not being engaged in the implementation of the policy despite the rhetoric
by the government that the policy is extremely all-encompassing both at formulation and
implementation stages and is thriving on buy-in from citizens. Whilst the name Zim Asset might
have gained popularity on social media, there exists a dearth of information as to what Zim
Asset really is, how it is going to bring economic turnaround and the roles of the different
stakeholders. The lack of information and failures of preceding policies by the same ZANU PF
regime to breathe life to the ailing economy, have dented the image of the new policy and
created lack of expectation, optimism and enthusiasm over the new policy.
1

Government of Zimbabwe (2013) Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (Zim

Asset) October 2013 December 2018.

Few share governments optimism expressed by the Vice President Joice Mujuru who said,
when we went to war, no one thought that we were going to win but against all odds, we
triumphed; by the same token, Zim Asset will succeed the way we did in the war of liberation.2
The achievability of Zim Asset seems insurmountable given the challenge that government has
to produce both immediate and long term solutions for economic recovery in an ever pressing
and politically fragile environment. The citizenry also notes with concern the gaps between the
Zim Asset policy intents and already evident actions of elite benefitting.
The Mashonaland West snap survey results, which is microcosmic of the bigger picture in
Zimbabwe, portrays a disconnect between the government and citizenry in policy making and
implementation and the possible failures of the policy emanating from lack of wide civic
engagement.

Zim-Asset will succeed, 14 May 2014, The Zimbabwe Situation Article

Problem Statement
A landslide victory by ZANU PF in the July
2013 harmonized elections resulted in the
partys full recapture of the state and a
mandate to govern the country for a fiveyear term. To guide national development
for these five years, government outlined
its economic vision in the Zim Asset
blueprint, largely drawing from the ZANU PF
election
manifesto
and
previous
development programmes. The policy was
formulated purportedly through a
consultative process involving political
leadership in the ruling ZANU PF party,
government, private sector and other
stakeholders.3 It seeks to achieve
sustainable development and social equity
[by
means
of]
indigenization,
empowerment and employment creation4
in the priority clusters of food security and
nutrition, social services and poverty
eradication, infrastructure and utilities and
value addition and beneficiation.
The clusters are interdependent and
mutually reinforcing although under each
cluster are measurable short term and long
term results to be realized. Zim Asset is
therefore a two-pronged approachthe
3

Government of Zimbabwe (2013) Zimbabwe

Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic
Transformation (Zim
Asset)
4. ibid

quick fix (2013-15) and the long termof

dealing with the woes confronting the
economy. Its implementation is monitored
and evaluated by the Office of the President
and Cabinet according to the cluster results
matrices outlined in Chapter 7 of the policy
document.
The policy is implemented with funding
from tax and non tax revenue, leveraging
resources, Sovereign Wealth Fund, issuance
of bonds, accelerated implementation of
Public Private Partnerships, securitization of
remittances, re-engagement with the
international and multilateral finance
institutions and other financing options,
focusing on Brazil, Russia, India, China and
South Africa (BRICS).5 According to the
policy document, Zim Asset requires
funding to the tune of USD27 billion if it is
to be achieved.
Zim Asset is not the first government policy
for economic growth. Since independence
in 1980 Zimbabwe has crafted various
promotional
economic
development
programmes to push for growth such as the
Economic
Structural
Adjustment
Programme (ESAP), Zimbabwe Programme
for Economic Social Transformation
(ZIMPREST), Short Term Economic Recovery
Programme (STERP 1 & 2), among others.
Many have been cast aside and are in
historys dustbins after they failed to
5

Government of Zimbabwe (2013) Zimbabwe

Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic
Transformation (Zim
Asset)

remedy the countrys economic woes. The

successive economic blueprints have fallen
short on implementation resulting from lack
of political will and their approach which is
highly unpredictable, temperamental,
exclusive, top-down and short-range in
focus.6 Moreso, weak institutions that are
supposed to support and oversee policy
implementation enormously contribute to
policy failure.
Zimbabwes first decade policy making was
centralized and top-down, but their plus
point is that they had a social face; The
public good motive was apparent in both
policy making and action. Policy choices and
action pointed to some visible organic link
between the political leadership and the
grassroots.7 However, in the third decade
of independence, as a consequence of
socio-economic and political challenges,
policy-making became interventionist and
was driven by political expediency and
survival rather than long term socioeconomic welfare.8 This has continued to
this fourth decade where we continue to
witness policies created with the motive to
control the apparatus of the state and
safeguard the political turf of the
incumbent ruling ZANU PF party with the
Zhou, Gideon and Zvoushe, Hardlife (2012) Public
Policy Making in Zimbabwe: A Three Decade
Perspective International Journal of Humanities and
Social Science 2(8)
7
Iibid
6

Zim Asset policy being the latest example.

Subsequently, the government has become
notorious for making policies that misfire
and lack citizen involvement and
participation in the designing and planning
of the whole policy process.
In view of the governments precedent in
policy making, some believe Zim Asset is yet
another doomed policy that reflects the
position of the governing elite rather than
the consensus of the nation. Its formulation
process was elite driven and there is
minimal citizen engagement and therefore,
is failing the test of public legitimacy at the
implementation stage. In order to inform
policy process, capture the unheard voices
of the citizens and provide policy
recommendations to the government, this
survey examines the following issues:
1. The Citizens knowledge levels,
perceptions and attitudes towards
Zim Asset;
2. The
factors
shaping
citizen
perceptions and attitudes towards
Zim Asset;
3. The implications of the citizen
perceptions,
attitudes
and
knowledge towards the successful
execution and attainment of the
policy objectives; and
4. The
recommendations
government of Zimbabwe.

to

Ibid

A scan of the above matters could be

accomplished by way of analyzing the
nature of citizen engagement in the
formulation processes and implementation
of Zim Asset, the existing mechanisms for
information sharing on Zim Asset, and the
current levels of awareness on Zim Asset
and how they are translating to citizen
action.
Rationale of the Study
There is a global call to reduce the
perceptible democratic deficit and involve
citizens in policy processes, and yet there is
seemingly little in the way of genuine
progress at national level in Zimbabwe.
Socio-economic and political debates in
Zimbabwe continue to be monopolized and
shaped by diplomats, business leaders,
scholarly experts, journalists, and other
elites. While all of these groups have a lot
to add to discussions about key national
issues, elite conversations can be out of
touch with the priorities and opinions of the
general public and there is always a risk that
important voices will be left out of the
discussion.
This study provides data on the opinions of
average citizens. Its underlying goal is to
investigate the average citizens knowledge
levels, attitudes and perceptions of Zim
Asset. In Zimbabwe, there are very few
studies on peoples perceptions pertaining
public policies. Such is a gap that calls for
intervention. Generally, policies have been
crafted using top-down approaches, with

little or no regard to how people perceive

them.
Public policies should be responsive to
citizens needs and therefore, it is critical to
investigate public perceptions, attitudes
and knowledge. This study generates critical
information that can inform future public
policy making processes in the country
regarding what kind of policies the state
should pursue, how they should be carried
out and who should benefit. In addition, the
study is also a contribution to academic
literature since there is generally a dearth
of literature on public views on national
policies and programmes in Zimbabwe.
There is urgent need to fill a policy gap and
the danger of not doing this study is the
probable continuity of the perception that
the general public has insignificant
contributions to the policy processes at the
distortion of best practices. The public
motive is best served where public policy
making
processes
are
consultative,
inclusive, transparent, accountable and
responsive.

Methodology
This study is based on a snap survey
conducted between July 21 and 26, 2014 in
13 districts of Mashonaland West province.
A sample of 384 citizens eighteen years or
older, was interviewed face-to-face using a
questionnaire with closed and open-ended
questions. In each district the sample size
was drawn using random sampling, based
8

on proportional representation to the

population size as represented in Table 1.
The achieved sample size of 384 (allowing a
margin of error of plus or minus 5% at the

95 % level of confidence) enabled

population inferences to be drawn on
Mashonaland West province.

To appropriately judge perceptions and attitudes, ZDI settled for respondents who at least had
some knowledge of Zim Asset. It is significant to note that for the Institute to reach the desired
sample size of 384 respondents a total of 856 potential interviewees were approached and 472
were sidelined because they were totally ignorant of the policy. The researchers settled for
those with some knowledge of Zim Asset.
Table 1: Mashonaland West Province Population (1 449 938, 11.2 % of National Population)
District
Total
%
Sample
Kariba Urban

26 742

1.84

Kariba rural

41420

2.85

11

Hurungwe

324 675

22.39

86

Karoi

18 757

1.29

Chinhoyi

79 368

5.47

21

Makonde

148 819

10.26

39

Zvimba

245 489

16.93

65

Norton

58 421

4.029

15

Chegutu rural

149 025

10.27

39

Mhondoro-Ngezi

104 061

7.17

28

Sanyati

113 220

7.80

30

Chegutu urban

49 832

3.43

13

Kadoma

90 109

6.21

25

Total

1 449 938

100

384

(Adapted from Zim Stat Census Preliminary Report 2012)

9

The sample was stratified first by district and secondly by rural and urban distinctions within
the districts. 62% of the total respondents were from the rural areas and 38% from urban areas,
closely reflecting the national picture where 38.6% of the population resides in urban areas.9
The study also aimed to achieve gender parity in distributing interviews; the target was
achieved with 49% males against 51% female respondents.
The interviewees were categorized into three main age groups: youth (18-30), middle age (3150) and old age (51+). 31% were aged 18-30, 54% 31-50 years and 15 % were 51 years plus.
Academic representation is as reflected in Figure 1 with majority of respondents (35%)
educated to secondary level status.
Figure 1: Respondents Academic Representation

Zimbabwe Demographics https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/zi.html

10

In terms of employment 20 % are totally unemployed or idle whilst 24 % interviewees are

subsistence farmers. 19 % are self employed. The rest are as categorized in Table 2.
Table 2: Main Occupation
Main occupation
Subsistence farmer
Unemployed (idle)
Self employed
Government/ civil servant
Trader
Manual worker
Student
Broker/business owner
Professionals
Data collection and analysis
This study uses a mixed method approach
that combines quantitative and qualitative
methods of data collection and analysis in
order to quantify, explain, interpret and
understand citizens perceptions, attitudes
and knowledge of the Zim Asset policy.
Under Quantitative the researchers used
interviews with closed ended questions and
these were analyzed using the Scientific
Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and
presented in the form of frequencies,
tables, proportions and cross tabulations.
The same questionnaire also had openended questions and these account for the
qualitative data found in this study. The
qualitative data was analyzed using
thematic analysis which is a method for
identifying, analyzing, and reporting
patterns (themes) within data (Boyatzis
1998 cited in Braun, 2006). The data is

%
24
20
19
10
8
7
7
3
2
grouped and analyzed in three broad
themes of knowledge, attitudes and
perceptions. Also the reporting of the
findings is interspersed with quotes from
the interviewees.

Key Research Findings

Level of awareness
Only 44 % the total respondents are
aware of the Zim Asset policy.
Level of awareness is high amongst
the males (50%) than the females
(48%) and is higher amongst the
urban (56%) as compared to the
rural bloc (46%).
The main sources of information for
the Zim Asset have so far been the
11

national radio and television with 33

% and 26 % respectively.
It is appalling to note that only one
percent of the total respondents
have read the policy document.

60 % think that no adequate

consultations were done in the
formulation processes of Zim Asset.
38 % against 16 % consider the
policy to be a ZANU PF agenda more

Citizens perceptions

than it is serving national interests,

Only 13% perceive Zim Asset as
achievable.

the rest professed ignorance over

the matter.

Even if it were practical majority of

19% against 26 % think that there is

citizens are either pessimistic (25 %)

commitment and will power from

or skeptical (27%) that it would yield

the government to ensure Zim Asset

positive results and rescue the

succeeds, others are not informed

country from its economic woes.

to say anything about the matter.

20% against 32% perceive Zim Asset

Only 9 % against 41 % think that Zim

to

be

different

from

previous

economic policies whilst the rest are

Asset will succeed without external

support whilst the rest are ignorant.

either skeptical or simply ignorant

and disengaged.
Majority of respondents do not
think that the ordinary citizens will
benefit from Zim Asset.

Citizen Attitudes
19 % can relate to Zim Asset.
21 % believe they have a role to play
in Zim Asset.

42 % describe the formulation

19% Strongly believe or Believe in

process of Zim Asset as top down in

Zim Asset whilst a plurality (35%)

approach.

Strongly disbelieve or Disbelieve

in it.

12

Other findings
i.

iii.

Zim Asset policy and this, coupled

Overall the study revealed a lot of

with the absence of funding, could

ignorance and disengagement from

be its greatest undoing.

the policy and hence relatively high

records of Maybes and Dont

ii.

There is no citizen ownership of the

iv.

75% of those who dont believe in

Knows e.g. 46 % dont know if they

the ability of Zim Assets capacity for

have a role to play in Zim Asset and

economic

what that role is, 40% dont know if

dealing with corruption and bad

it achievable, 31% dont know if it

governance as the solution, 59 %

will impact on people differently

recommended government reform,

when compared to previous policies.

42% removal of sanctions, 61%

From this one can conclude that

restoration of good international

there is very low information sharing

relations, 73% opening up of more

and citizen engagement in policy

jobs through SMEs, 43% think

making by the government.

another government of national

Low citizen engagement and access

to information on the formulation
and implementation of Zim Asset
(and other previous policies) has
resulted in citizen apathy and

turnaround

suggested

unity will solve the problem, 71%

said an increase in agricultural
production whilst only 18% said
placing

Zimbabwe

under

SADC

curatorship is the way to go.

pessimism.

13

The Citizens voice in detail

Knowledge of Zim Asset
The Study recorded an alarming number of people who are not aware of the Zim Asset
national policy. 472 people approached for the interview professed total ignorance of the
policy whilst the 384 who claimed awareness, were not significantly knowledgeable. This is
ascertained firstly by the fact that one percent (1%) of interviewees had read the policy
document, whilst the rest obtained their information through varied sources as
diagrammatized in Figure 2.
Figure 2: Sources of information on Zim Asset

33

35
30

26

25
20
13

15
10

5
0

13

1
Civic
meeting

Radio

National
T.V

Print
Media

Friends &
relatives

Read the
document

Internet

Social
media

33

26

13

13

The national radio, with three in ten (33%) of the interviewed people, followed by the national
television with 26%, are the main sources of information on the Zim Asset policy. These sources
proved inadequate for the equipping of citizens on the policy because they are time limited and
predominantly one-way forms of communication. As one respondent said, I just cant
understand what this Zim Asset is. You hear on radio that a person gold panning- its Zim Asset,
another one selling imported clothes from Beira- its Zim Asset or one who has planted
14

vegetables in their backyard garden its Zim Asset. So, what is Zim Asset?10 Another
respondent criticized the call in programmes on national radio arguing that: We hear on radio
that we should call and ask, tell me where do I get the money to call if I cant get a dollar for
grinding mealie meal.11
13% of the total interviewees cited relatives, friends and another 13% cited jokes particularly
the popular Zim Asset skit by Richard Matimba that went viral in the first quarter of 2014 on
social media platform Whatsapp as well as on other platforms12 as their sources of information
on Zim Asset. For people to get important information about a national policy in form of jokes
is an indication of the absence of citizen recognition and approval of the policy. Humour can be
a means of protest, ridiculing of a regime and release of fear and tension especially in
authoritarian regimes where avenues for citizen voices are blocked.13
Perceptions
Political and civil society leaders have questioned the practicality of Zim Asset right from its
inception. Likewise, it also proved contentious in Mashonaland West province where only 13 %
perceive it to be reasonably practical. The generality of the respondents considered Zim Asset
to be too broad a policy with huge investment requirements for it to be workable.

10

ZDI snap survey respondent opinions Mashonaland West, July 2014.

11

ZDI snap survey respondent opinions Mashonaland West, July 2014.

12

Nehanda Radio (2014). Unotonzwa zvichinzi- Zim Asset Skit Nehanda Radio April 29, 2014. Accessed on
September 5, 2014. http://nehandaradio.com/2014/04/29/unotonzwa-zvichinzi-zimasset-skit/
13

Davies, Christie.2007. Humor and protest: Jokes under communism. International Review of Social
History 52 (2007): 291305. Gregor Benton. 1988. The Origin of the Political Joke. In Humor in Society:
Resistance and Control, edited by C. Powell and C. Patton, 85105. New York: St. Martins Press. Jennifer
Musangi. 2012. A Zimbabwean Joke Is No Laughing Matter: E-humour and Versions of Subversion. In
Crisis? What Crisis? Multiple Dimensions of the Zimbabwean Crisis, edited by Sarah Helen Chiumbu and
Muchaparara Musemwa, 161175. Cape Town: HSRC Press.

15

Zim Asset has four main intertwined pillars of concentration which are all battered down and
require serious investment to the tune of USD 27 billion for them to thrive. Given this lofty level
of investment required for Zim Asset to kick start, to many, the policy remains a very tall order
that will not succeed without substantial external funding.
Figure 3: Feasibility of Zim Asset
Question: Do you think Zim Asset is feasible?

13
41

23

24

Yes

No

An inquiry of whether Zim Asset is capable

to breathe life into the ailing economy and
yield positive results reflect that only 9%
seem optimistic that Zim Asset will succeed
at all cost. This groups hopefulness
neglects the depth of the current economic
crisis and efforts required from an already
economically, socially and politically burnt
out citizenry coupled with an inept and
tired government for Zim Asset to work. It
disregards the reality on the ground which
is reflective of an economy whose
performance is way below the expected.
As it stands the local economy is only
generating approximately $3.6 billion

Maybe

Don't Know

annual revenue, the government has a debt

of USD10 billion14. That besides, the
amount of financial investment required for
Asset, majority of the citizens (91%) in
Mashonaland West were either silent or
were of the opinion that government does
not have the commitment and will power to
make Zim Asset work. The possible
explanation being that people have not, so
far seen any meaningful progress on the
14

The Zimbabwe Mail (2014). Zim Asset exposes

fault line in ZANU PF The Zimbabwe Mail May 22nd,
2014. Accessed on September 10, 2014.
http://thezimbabwemail.com/zim-asset-exposesfault-lines-in-zanu-pf/

16

ground to show that there is indeed

commitment on the part of government to
achieve Zim Asset besides the everyday
rhetoric from government.
Even if it were implementable a quarter of
the respondents are pessimistic that it
would make a difference whilst 27% is
indecisive of what to expect. Probably this
is a consequence of the citizens past
experiences

with

the

governments

previous economic policies where many

policies were discarded with no meaningful
results. In fact 32% associate Zim Asset with
previous failed economic policies citing that
it will suffer the same fate; we are tired of
these policies, in the end this Zim Asset will
be useless like ESAP15. This could very well
be one of the reasons for the low
expectation and hopes for Zim Asset.

were of the opinion that the ordinary

Zimbabweans will benefit from the policy.
Of those who think that ordinary people
have a stake from Zim Asset, a plurality
think males (14%) stand a better chance
because history has shown men having an
upper hand in everything than females and
also because more men are in authority as
compared to women and as such they can
trick things to their benefit.16 One in ten
(12%) think the youth can benefit because
government has shifted focus and is now
bent on programmes that will support the
youth.17 A paltry 7% are of the opinion that
females will benefit from Zim Asset stating
that the government want to correct a
historical imbalance where women were
restrained by cultural disparities.18

Another reason could be the corruption

scandals and bad governance issues that
have left the citizenry pessimistic and
unhopeful of benefiting from the policy.
Majority (68%) of the respondents thought
that the ordinary citizen will not benefit at
all from Zim Asset. However, a few (32%)

16

ZDI snap survey respondent opinions,

Mashonaland West, July, 2014.
17

Ibid

18

Ibid

15

ZDI snap survey respondent opinions.

Mashonaland West, July 2014.

17

Given the low expectations for Zim Asset both in the short term and long term, the study
sought to find what could be the options that can resuscitate the economy. Options for Zim
Asset were government reform, serious crackdown on corruption, intensive efforts to restore
good international relations and increase in agricultural production among others as
diagrammatized in Figure 4.
Other perceptions of the policy are that it is a top down policy created by the elite and imposed
on the citizens with 60% agreeing that no adequate consultations were made in the formulation
of Zim Asset and 38% against 16% stating that it is more of a ZANU PF thing than it is a
national agenda. As one respondent said; we only heard that there is now Zim Asset, we dont
know where it came from. We were never consulted; these politicians just do what they think
and claim the people said. Should we not be taking part in these things? The absence of
inclusivity in the formulation process of the national policy could have prompted this
perception, especially taking note that the policy was partially drawn from the ZANU PF
election manifesto and consultations were done with the minority elite.
Figure 4: Options to save Zimbabwe economy
Question: Do you think the following can be options to save Zimbabwes economy from further
crumbling?

NB: Responses reflect those who said Yes these can be options to revive the economy.
18

Attitudes

This could be that the policy has no social

In analyzing the citizens attitudes, ZDI

seeks to explain individual and collective
behavior towards the Zim Asset policy. In
this research attitudes help us define the
citizenrys actions and motivations towards
the policy. Mashonaland west has mixed
attitudes towards the Zim Asset policy but
the

predominant

attitudes

are

face or simply there is a disconnection

between the citizens and the elite. It could
also be due to the fact that what is outlined
in the policy appeals to a specific sect and
yet

effective

policies

should

be

all

encompassing and should transcend a

single political partys aspirations.

of

The meager levels of information are a

detachment and mistrust. 54 % have clear

barrier to citizen participation and have led

opinions on their beliefs concerning Zim

to citizen detachment in the execution of

Asset with the majority of this percentage

Zim Asset with 32% of the respondents

falling on the dont believe continuum.

stating that they do not have a role to play

The rest do not have a clear position with

in the fulfillment and success of Zim Asset.

21% responding Maybe and 26% Dont

A staggering 46% have adopted a wait and

know.

see attitude indicating that they are

Whilst 19 % can relate to Zim Asset, four

times as much (81%) cannot relate to Zim
Asset or dont know if they can relate to it.

uncertain if they should participate or not

and how. Only 21% thought that they had a
role to play in Zim Asset.

19

Conclusions
While the government is flaunting Zim Asset as the lifeline for Zimbabwe to hold on to and
emerge from the current economic meltdown, Mashonaland West has a different view. From
the study, Zim Asset was shot down from all angles. The study established that:

20

Recommendations
1. Government should actively engage civil society organizations in policy making with the
roles of raising civic awareness, community organization and mobilization towards
consultative, participatory policy making and implementation to close the existing
information gap.
2. Government should cultivate trust with the citizenry by creating free political space,
enabling conditions, structures and processes to enable meaningful participatory policy
making and implementation.
3. There should be more civic policy information sharing in the rural areas by stakeholders
4. Beyond Zim Asset, there is need for the Government to ensure citizenry engagement in
policy making and implementation so as to achieve accountability, transparency and
active citizenship.

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About the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute

The Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI) is a politically independent and not for profit public policy think-tank
based in Zimbabwe. Founded and registered as a trust in terms of the laws of Zimbabwe in November 2012 (Deed
of Trust Registration Number MA1223/2012), ZDI serves to generate and disseminate innovative ideas, cuttingedge research and policy analysis to advance democracy, development, good governance and human rights in
Zimbabwe. The Institute also aims to promote open, informed and evidence-based debate by bringing together
pro-democracy experts to platforms for debate. The idea is to offer new ideas to policy makers with a view to
entrenching democratic practices in Zimbabwe. The ZDI researches, publishes and conducts national policy
debates and conferences in democratization, good governance, public finance and economic governance, public
policy, human rights and transitional justice, media and democracy relations, electoral politics and international
affairs. ZDI was born out of a realization that there is an absence of credible policy and research analysis by
Zimbabwean organisations. A careful assessment of most publications on Zimbabwes political economy shows
that a majority of them are generated from outside Zimbabwe.
3.1. Vision
A democratic Zimbabwe in which citizens fully participate in all matters of governance, realize and assert social
economic and political rights.
3.2. Mission
To promote cutting-edge research and public policy analysis institute for sustainable democracy
To be the leading cutting-edge research and public policy analysis institute for sustainable democracy
3.3. Objectives
1.

To strengthen policy formulation and implementation through public policy debate in Zimbabwe.

2.

To inculcate a culture of critical debate on public affairs among Zimbabwean citizens.

3.

To ensure that Zimbabwes development trajectory is shaped by locally generated information and
knowledge.

4.

To stimulate citizen participation by strengthening the capacity of state and non-state actors in
undertaking research and analysis of public policy.

5.

To ensure the direct participation of women and youths in public policy formulation and implementation.

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