HAMUEL
from early documents in Gen. and Sam. to a possibly
late. passage of Micah (76)and the late book of Ruth.
The cognate Ass. word dmu (emu)also means ' father-
in-law ' ; ,Winckler's definition, ' the head of a family
from which a man gets a wife,' illustrates the anticipative
use of the term in two of the letters of DuSratta to
Amen-hotep 111. ( A m . Tu6. 173, 182). Like similar
words (e.g., inn), its precise usage varied in different
Semitic languages. Thus in biblical Hebrew it seems
to denote a woman's, in Ass. a man's father-in-law.
W e cannot be certain, however, that even in ancient
Hebrew it was never used in a wider sense,, as e.g., it
sometimes is in Arabic, and as nN and ny certainly are
in Hebrew. Thus perhaps all the men of a group
might be called a& by the husband and &am by the
wife, or vice versa, and so Hamu-el might be practically
synonymous with Ahi-el, or, for that matter, with Abi-el
(see ABI, N AMES WITH). H. W. H.
HAMUEL, RV Rammuel ($NDn, 46, om. B,
AMOYHA [AL]), a Simeonite ( I Ch. 426). The form
with double m (MT and RV) was explained 'zestus
Dei ' by Ges., but should no doubt be read, as in AV
and @, Hamue12 (5iynG) as in the case of HAMUL(see
below). The meaning will then be, ' T h e head of my
kindred is God.' See HAMU,N AMES IN.
RAMUL ( h ? - i . e . , $,nnor -5)D!l, possibly a
corruption-of 5vsDI'J ; see above, HAMLJEL ; but the
name n*5Dn* has been found on an Israelite seal,
which makes Gesenius's interpretation ' clementiam
expertus,' just possible [cp GAMLJL] ; see also We. De
Gent. 22 ; and cp Ki. on I Ch. 25 : more probably,
however, like M AHOL , the name is a corruption of
J ERAHMEEL [p.u. 3 41: Hezron, Hamul's brother,
appears in I Ch. 29 as Jerahmeel's father), a grandson
of Judah3 (Gen. 4612,r e p o u ~ X [ADL], I-:\
I \- ; NU. 2621,
Ch. 25, repouqA [BA], up.[L]
capouv [B], tupou$, [AFL], \awhence ), arises
the patronymic Hamulite ($vmr$, Nu. Z.C. ;tupouver
[B], rupouqAr [AL], c ~ , u .[F]).
~ Ezra 10 20 (auavLa [A] -s [L])= I Esd. 9 21 ANANIAS
RAMUTAL (5QV2n Kt. $Q+nq, ' m y husband's
father is the dew ' [see N AMES , § 461 ; but the second
element in the name is very suspicious [see ABITAL] ;
read rather HAMUTLJB, ' t h e head of my kindred ( =
my God) is goodness' ; AMITAA [ALQ]), the mother
of Jehoahaz and Zedekiah, 2 K. 2331 (AMBITAI [B]),
2 4 1 8 (MITAT [Bl, A M l T A e [-4]), Jer. 521 (AM[E]ITAAh
[BRA]) and in @BAL of 2 Ch. 362a (ABEITAA [B]).
T. K. C.
HANAMEEL, or (RV) Hanamel (hjP3l, ' G o d is
kind' ? [see below] ; ANAMEHA [BKAQ]), b. Shallum, a
cousiuof Jeremiah, fromwhom, in the first part of thesiege
of Jerusalem, Jeremiah purchased, for seventeenshekels, a
property at Anathoth, thus demonstrating his faith, vic-
torious over doubts, in the ultimate restoration of Israel
(Jer. 32, [d 391 7-12, cp ~ 4 ) . The account is evidently
authentic, though it received its present shape only after
the fall of Jerusalem (see Giesebrecht). The details of
the purchase are interesting. The deed of purchase was
subscribed and sealed (with clay; see C LAY ), and
together with a second unsealed copy was deposited in
an earthen vessel, which may have been like the earthen
jars which contain the Babylonian contract-tablets,
1 Muss-Arnolt connects it with a root emli [=ann], 'to pro-
tect, surround,' inferred from a proper name.
2 The altered form may be a mistake under the influence of
Ammiel; or an intentional alteration.
3 Names common to Judah and %meon occur not un.
graphy; KaL L ~ ~ o uis ~forA KaL epovqh. [Jos. (An%.ii.74) has
apovpos, ako the form iapoupor (see Niese).]
'949
HAND
The name much exercised the old interpreters. 'Grace of
God, 'Grace of God's people' (or 'of circumcision'), are the
explanations given in O S 162 25 (cp 186zo), and the former appears
as a note on the name in @emg. of u. 7. We should probably
read ~ ~ ? U g = ~' God
~ ' ?is~pity.'
, HANNIEL [p.v.] occurs twice.
Gray's remark (HPN, 307, n. 2) goes too far. The support of
the versions could only prove the comparative antiquity of the
reading 5Nnjn. 13 is very frequently miswritten for 33.
T. K . C.
HANAN ,!;I( § 50, an abbreviated name ; cp EL-
HANAN, H ANANIAH ; ANAN [BRAL]).
I . A name occurring twice@. 23 and u. 38 avvav [L1=944)ina
genealogy of BENJAMIN (q.u., $ g, ii. 8) in Ch. 8.
2. b. MAACAH (q.u., ii. g), one of David's heroes ( I Ch. 1143,
avuav [XI).
3. The b'ne Hanan a post-exilic family of the NETHINIM
in the great post-exilic list [see E ZRA ii., 8 91, Ezra 246=Neh.
749 (in latter, yavav [N])=I Esd. 530, ANAN,2.
4. A Levite, present at the reading of the Law under Ezra
(Neh. 8 7 om. BA = I Esd. 948 awias [Bl avavias [AL]
ANANIAS, 5) ;probablythesignatory to the coveAant(see E ZRA i.:
$ 7) Neh. 1010 [II] (om. B, avav,[N".&mp.Al,avam [L]).
5. l h e name borne by two slgnatories to the covenant (see
E ZRA i., 8 7), Neh. 1022 [23] avaw [Ll, 1026 [27] awav [BA],
awa [~'id.], evav [Ll).
6. b. Zaccur, a keeper of the storehouses, appointed by
Nehemiah, Neh. 1313 (aavav [N] avaviou [Ll).
7. The sons of Hanan b. I G D A ~ (q.u.),
~IAH were a fapily wh:cb
had a chamber in the temple (Jer. 354 .. . uiOv wvav VLOU
avav'ov [BA ] avuav vi. avvavLov [N, auav. Nc.a, but fi omits
;io) yosoAiov1.l
RANANEEL, AV, RV Hananel($&13?), in ' Tower
of Hananeel,' Neh. 3 I 1239 Jer. 31 38 Zech. 1410;
See JERUSALEM, 24.
In Neh both times the tower of Hananeel is coupled with
A H When we consider that HAMMEAH
that of H ~ M M E (q.d.). is
probably a corruption of dayZZnad 'the old (city) ' it seems
very possible that the name of the 'tower of the old ?city)' was
Hananeel. Observe in this connection th? in Neh. 1239 @ B
does not recognise 'the town of Hammeah. T. K. C .
HANANI ('>!ti, 52, shortened from .IiV,'PG, see
H ANANIAH ; ANAN[€][ [BRAL]).
I. Father of the prophet J E H U [p.v., 21, I K.16 I (in u. 7 avas
[Ba mg.1, avama [A]), 2 Ch. 16 7 (avapeL [B] 19 2 20 34).
2. A temple musician, a son of Heman ( I Ch. 25 4 [om. Bl 25
avamas [B] ;L has avavcqh in both verses which points to a form
%?a$.
3. One of the b'ne I MMEE (q.v., ii. I) among the sons of the
priests in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA i., $ 5 end),
[2] (auavrac
[ B s J k e of the 'brethren ' of NEHEMIAH (Neh. 1 2 , avau [L],
auavew [ K ;? avav &s as in Ll, 7 2, avavia [BNALI).
5. A priest in the procession at the dedication of the wall (see
E ZRA ii., $ 13&, Neh. 1236 (avautas [L], avavi Nc.amg. inf.1, om.'
BN"A).
RANANIAH (a:?>?, Vl:Wn-i.e., ' Yahwl: is
gracious,' 2.8, 52, 84 ;, A N A N I A ( C ) [BKAQIK 871).
I. One of Daniel's companions, also called Shadrach (Dan. 16
etc). See DANIEL, $5 14.
2. Son of Azzur; a prophet who opposed Jeremiah (Jer.
28 18).
3. Ancestor of thecaptain of the guard who arrested Jeremiah
(Jer. 37 13).
4. A son of Zerubbabel (I Ch. 3 19 21).
5. b. Shashak in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (q.'u. $ 9, ii. p),
I Ch. 8 24.
6. One of the fourteen ' sons of Heman ' (I Ch. 25 4 23).
7. One of the Bene Bebai in the list of those with foreign
wives (see E ZRA i., $ 5 end) ; Ezra 10 28 (viava [B], avaa [K*],
avaveca [Kamg.])= I Esd. 9 29, ANANIAS,, 3.
8. An apothecary in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH
$ 13E ZRA ii. 88.16 [I], 154, Neb.38. Perhaps the samd
person is inten$ed In Neh. 3 30 (same list).
9. Neh. 3 30. See no. 8.
IO. Governor of the castle, under Nehemiah, who describes
him as ' a faithful man.' and one 'who feared God above many
(Neh. 72). Cp nos. I; 13.
11. Signatory to thb covenant (see E z R A ~ 8 . , 7); Neh.
10 23 [24] evav [L] ; perhaps the same as no. IO.
12. HeHd of a priestly house in the days of Joiakim (see E ZRA
ii., $8 6 8 II), Jeshua's successor (Neh. 12 12; BN* om.).
13. A &est in the procession at the dedication of the wall
(Neh. 1241 [om. BN*A]); perhaps the same as no. IO.
RAND (12,~ 6 1 ~ )Many
. of the uses of the hand in
Hebrew phraseology are too plain to need special ex-
planation. There are some, however, which are nbt
i950
 HAND
devoid of strangeness, and some of the passages in
which 1 3 ' hand ' occurs, need brief consideration from
the point of view of textual criticism. Not that mere
critical puzzles are worth mentioning here, but when
exegesis is distinctly affected by textual criticism, it
would seem to be a fault of method not to refertothis.
Yrirt,i*, the hand sometimes with reference solely to the wrist
(Gen. 2422, etc.) or'finger, sometimes including even the arm
(zZrh?, yiyr), is to be kept distinct from Rajh, 13,1 the palm of
the hand (or the sole of the foot, paw, etc., cp Lev. 1127). The
hollowed hand is the ZZZ, 5yij ( I K. 20 IO, etc.), or &hen,
, p h (Prov. 304, etc.). For parts of the hand the Hebrew terms
are e+'&, n y > y ~ ,finger2 (Ex. 31 IS, etc.), ddhen,. Ti,thumb
1 .
(Judg. 16, etc.), &&a, in?, little finger ( I K. 12 IO), andsippdren,
.ly$r, nail.3 The span of the hand is &%a&, nsb (Ex. 25 25,
etc., n g ~ ,I K. 7 2 % used as a unit of measurement (cp the
similar use of 'finger' in Jer. 5221); see WEIGHTS A N D
MEASURES. I t should he noted that the full phrase for right
hand is yad yrimin v y 19 (e.g., Ps. 7325); ydmin, rp is Hex. 2263 n.; Dr.-White,'SBOT, Lev. Eng., 71.
properly 'right side.' "Left-handed' is expressed by 'itt2r bud
yrimin] []'iYl'] le?, Judg. 3 15 2016.
a. I n two important passages ( I S. 1512 Is. 5 6 5 )
RV"g. records the fact that where English idiom
-requires ' monument,' or ' memorial,' the Hebrew has
'hand ' (1;). 'Saul came to Carmel, and, behold, he
.set him u p a monument' ; this trophy of Saul the
Hebrew text calls a ' hand.' The reading, however, is
not free from doubt.4 At any rate, this use of ' hand'
is certainly found in z S. 18 18 (Absalom's ' monument ')
a n d in Is. 5 6 5 (the ' memorial ' promised to God-fearing
eunuchs). On many Phcenician votive steles an out-
stretched hand is represented, probably to symbolize
the action which accompanied the vow.5 The monu-
ments referred to in the OT passages may be regarded
.as votive steles.
b. Similarly Abram, when he makes a vow, lifts up
his hand (Gen. 1 4 1 4 ; c p Dt. 3240 z K. 1015 Ezek.
1 7 1 8 ; and especially, according to the usual interpreta-
tion, Ex. 1 7 1 6 , Prov. 1121).
Ex. 17 16 forms part of an account of the defeat of the Amale-
kites, when Yahwk declared that he would utterly blot out the
Amalekites. The Hebrew has, 'And he said, That a hand to
the throne (?) of Jah, war ,hath Yahwk against Amalek from
eneration to generation (7). Forth: first part of this RV gives,
FAnd he said The Lord hath sworn. Those who are less tied
t o the MT &an the Revisers were, will admit that the text is
hardly translateable, and needs emendation (see JEHOVAH-NISSI). wood, 2 S. 5 11 2 K. 12 II [12] I Ch. 22 15 ( T . [&VI
Prov. 11 21 is alsocommonly said to refer to the custom of lifting
u p the hand for an oath. As an alternative to the faulty render-
ing of AH we find in RVmg. ' My hand upon it I Heb., Hand
t o hand. There IS, howe;er, no parallel for a proverb con-
structed as RVw. supposes Prov. 1121 to be and we should
almost certainly read, not, ' My hand upon i; ; the evil man
shall not go scot free,' but, 'The malignant witness6 shall not go
scot free.'
No doubts need be raised against that well-known are : >sn(to hew out of the living rock), I Ch. 22 15 ( T C X V ~ T ~ S ) ,
passage, Ps. 1448, ' Their right hand is a right hand of
falsehood' ; yunzin in Arabic has the double meaning
of 'right hand' and 'oath.' C p 2 K. 1 0 1 5 (:e:
JONADAB, 3) ; Gal. 29, ' the right hands of fellowshp
c. Clasping hands was the sign of a completed
bargain ; see Job 1 7 3 Prov. 61.
RV, however, goes too far when it gives in Is. 26, 'and they
strike hands [in hargains] with the children of strangers.' The
present Hebrew text is hardly translateable, and no suggested
rendering is thoroughly suitable to the context. Most probably
we should read, 'And with the secret arts of the Harranians
they practise enchantments ' (see HARAN i.).7
d. In Ex. 2841 299, Lev. 2110 (all P), we find the
strange idiom, ' to fill the hand ' (1; ~ $ 1 3 )for ' t o con-
secrate as priest.'B I n Judg. 175, however, it simply
1 In Bihl. Aram. OF, Dan. 5 5 ; see Bevan, Dan. 100, n.,
Dr. on 2 S. 13 18.
2 With &y=toes, 2 S. 2120.
3 With nay='to pare the nails,' Dt. 21 12 t. On the custom
here referred to, see WRS, Kin. 178. Bihl. Aram. mu* Dan.
4 30 [331.
4 Cp Schwally L e l e n nach dem Tode, 58.
6 See SAUL, big. ,
6 $ $ h p ly (cp Prov. 19 ZS), represented in MT byy7 19$1 '.
7 m@a;nm; *&p.
8 Note the Syr. cognate SmEyE ordination.
r9.S
HANDICRAFTS
means to bestow the office of priest,' which is near the
xiginal sense. KalCvy has pointed out ( R E J , 0ct.-
Dec. 1890,p. 209)that it is exactly parallel to an Assyrian
phrase for the transmission of authority ; Delitzsch
;Ass. H W 5 4 0 9 6 ) gives this as k d t d mu118, ' to fill the
band ' = ' to invest with an office.' There is therefore
no need to suppose either that the objects with which
the hand was filled were pieces of a sacrificial offering
' D i . , Baudissin), or that a sum of money was placed in
;t (Vatke, Wellh. ) ; it is the office itself which is given.
Nor can we say, with most scholars, that Ezek. 43 16, where
:he phrase seems to he applied to the reconsecration of the altar,
shows how completely the consciousness of its original meaning
>asfaded away. For i-v 1 ~ 5 (Kr., ~ 1 6)seems to be a corrup-
:ion of O ' t Y y qb?, words which appear in MT (but with
I\,* for I\,) at the head of D . 27, but are lacking in @. Obvi-
,usly there are two rival readings, and 1?1*1 ~ h isr the worse
if the two. Cp, however Nowack IYA 2 IZOJ ; Addis, Doc.
T. I<. C.
HANDBREADTH (nDii), Ex. 3712 2 Ch. 4 5 Ps.
395 [ 6 ] . See WEIGHTS A N D MEASURES.
HANDICRAFTS, T o attempt a complete account
>f all the handicrafts practised by the Hebrews, in the
ight of the Talmud and the evidences of the monu-
nents, would mean a history of their civilisation and
:ulture, and would lie far outside the limits of this
uticle. I t must suffice, therefore, here to give a brief
summary of the various occupations to which reference
s made in the Bible, and to indicate any additional
'eatures which seem to be of general interest.
I. Leaving on one side all workers in metal, whether
2oppersmiths( I K. 7 14 2 Tim. 4 14), ironsmiths (Is. 44 I,),
:old- or silversmiths (Judg. 1 7 4 Is. 40 19 Mal. 323 ) , l we
may start with two allied crafts-vu. those of workers
in wood and workers in stone.
The common term is W?Q, hrirrii (for harrEZ; @ usually
T ~ K T W V ) ,I/to cut, used generally of an artisan (e.&'. 2 K. 22 6 24 14
Jer. 24 I 20 2) or more definitely of a carpenter
1. Terms. (Jer. l o 3 Is. 41 7): or metal-worker! (Hos. 13 2) ; in
I S. 13 19( T ~ K T O U uaS4pov [RAL]) the reference is,
as the context shows, to armourers. Usually, however, the term
is qualified by addition of the material-viz. (I) ja? 'n, worker
in stone, 2 S. 5 T I (7. A ~ w v ) ,I Ch. 22 15 ( o ~ K o ~ ~ ~ o s A ~haT6pos,
Rwv,
h i h v ) , Ex. 28 I I ( A L R o v ~ ~ L K~~d ~x vsq s ) , ( 2 ) yy 'n, worker in
(Jhwv), (3)
n@n,'n, worker in bronze, I K. 7 14, (T. X U ~ K O . ~ ~2) Ch. , 24 12
(,yah;aPq XahKoG), (4) $12 'n, worker in iron, 2 Ch. 24 12 Cyah-
K ~ ur&jpou).
S From the same root comes "in, &rirGdh,
' work '(naturally more specific than n m k , mZZri'k%),defined,
as above, by the addition of. ;1 or f'y (Ex. 31 5).
Words used to express the idea of carving, cutting, or hewinz
2 Ch. 2 18 [17](with 152,hadpos), to he kept distinct from >Dn
('to cut or gather- wood'), Dt.195 2911[10], etc.; and ppn
(stone), Is. 22 16, as opposed to (wood), I K. 6 35. Common
to both crafts are nij,Dt. 19 5 I 8.5 6 [20] Is. 14 s(wood), Mesha
inscr. Z. 25 (stone), and y?>, Gen. 22 3 (wood), Hos. 13 z Ps.
78 15 Job 28 I O Eccles. 10 g (stone). ~ p(toj judge from the use
of nxpj in Siloam inscr. 1. I ) is used only of stone ; on the
other hand, of wood (Is. 10 34, cp I$, chap. 1 7 6 24 13).
2. T h e work of the carpenter belongs to the earliest
efforts of man to provide himself with the ordinary con-
2. workers veniences and simple comforts of life.
His work ranges from the fashioning of
in wood. the rude tent furniture to veneering, in-
laying, and carvings in wood (mi&Zi'6th,nryipn, e:$. of
cedar, I K. 6 18 ; olive, 22. 32 i fir, i d . v. 34f. ; $hY?&?n,
@m?, I IC 629) ; see B ED , EBONY, I VORY . Cp also
SHIP.
The implements used would be primarily of the
simplest description. (The modern Bedouin for example
fashions a hammer by taking a fragment of hard red
granite and bringing it into the required shape by
chipping it with another stone. ) The precise meaning
of some of the terms is uncertain, and the mention of
1 See METALS, and cp CorPEn, GOLD, IRON, etc.
1952
 HANDICRAFTS
&?red (sword) in Ex. 2025 to denote an implement is
significant. Naturally growth of culture went side by
side with the invention of more elaborate and delicate
tools. As we should expect from the analogies of folk-
lore, implements of stone or wood were long preferred
for certain purposes to those of iron (cp Ex. 2025) ; but
the tradition that in the building of Solomon's temple
no ' tool of iron ' was heard ( I K. 6 7) is hardly genuine _-
(see I RON , $ 2 ) .
The tools comprised various kinds of AXE, H AMMER , S AW,
measuringline (lp, Is. 44 13), chisel or carving-tool (ne?rp?,pl.
Is. 44 13, EV 'planes'), the stylus or graver (llp, see PENCIL),
and an instrument formakingcircles(so apparentlyil!lnp). Some
of these tools, of course, were used by workers in stone:
From Is. 44 1 3 8 Wisd. 13I O 8 we gain interesting
particulars regarding some of the details of carpentry.
T h e artificer takes care to choose a sound tree, one that
will not rot, avoiding the crooked and knotted pieces,
or, may be, 'planteth an ash tree' for the purpose.
Having made his choice he saws, hews, or cuts it into
beams.1 The wood is then ready to he shaped into a
slab (pli), board (~5:)~
plank stave (la),etc.
3. The art of working in stone goes back to the
earliest ages. In its rudest forms it is exemplified in
3. Workers the primitive rock-cut altars, aqueducts,
in stone. wine-vats, cisterns, and conduits still to
be seen in Palestine. Of a less primitive
character are the rough-hewn stones, varying ih work-
manship, used as landmarks (Jer. 31ZI), gravestones
( z K. 23 17), inscriptional steles,2 etc. Finally, the art
in its most cultivated and advanced form is seen in the
manufacture of stone vases, etc. (see A LABASTER ) ;
sculpture, on the other hand, does not seem to have
been practised by the Hebrews, although the prohibition
in Ex. 204 is sufficiently wide to indicate that this par-
ticular branch of art was not unknown.
4. One of the most interesting features connected
with the craft of stone-cutting in general is the faculty
which the ancients possessed of dealing with huge masses
of stone (in the form of foundation-blocks, obelisks,
or statues). T h e hugest of the stones of Stonehenge
is quite put in the shade by such specimens of
Egyptian workmanship as Cleopatra's Needle (186 tons),
and the obelisk of Hatshepsu at Karnak (circa374 tons),
and-to go beyond Egypt-by the largest of the stones
in the outer wall of the Temple Hill at Jerusalem (some
of which measure 25 x 12 x 8 ft.), or by some of the
stones in the ruins of Baalbek, three of which are about
13 ft. in height, probably as much in thickness, and no less
than from 62 to 64 ft. in length. ' T h e greatest marvel
is that they have been raised to the top of a substruction
already 23 ft. high.' One is enabled to see from
the extant quarries of red granite at Syene the way
in which the stone was cut away from the mother-rock
before removal. Thence it was conveyed upon sledges
and rollers o r upon rafts and floats, which were drawn by
men orcattle(sometimes both) tothe required spot. Brute
strength-with a total disregard of human life-aided
by such simple mechanical expedients as levers was the
sole motive power employed.4
5. Turning now to the builders (o'?h, o ~ K o ~ ~ ~we
note that in the construction of walls both wood and
stone were used (Ezra 5 8 6 3 ; cp Herod. 1179, Rawl. ad
Zoc. ). T h e specialised term for wall-builders is ~ ' - 1 1 3 cheese-sellers ( A r . Des. Z z o S f . ) , and in the case of metal-
CP niip !mn, 2 K. 6 5.
The specific term (at all events for the stele maker) is &a,
found at the end of several Nabatrean inscriptions. In some
cases there are two ( C I S 2 nos. 206 209 221) or even three (3.
no. 208) workmen. One bears the (possibly appropriate) name
nnm (cp nn?, nm? ; see ENGRAVE).
3 Baed. PaL(3)375. Even these are exceeded in size by a
prodigious block in the quarries to the SE., measuring 71 X 14x 13. thus established (not necessarily for the first time) was
ft. and probably weighing about 1500tons (0). cit. 376). Though
h&n out it has not yet been separated from the rock.
4 SeeWilk. Anc. Eg.2 3028, and for theinterestingdescription
upon the bas-relief in the Deir el-Bahri temple, see F. L. Gristh
in Eg. ExjC. Fwnd Repovt for '95-'96, p. 6 8
1953
HANDICRAFTS
( 2 K. 1212 [13]) or v? i?! 'd-17( 2 S. 511). Houses were
made of bricks or clay; but hewn-stone was not un-
common (cp below, 6), especially in the case of houses of
the better class and such buildings as the ].&a, ihp-iu,;
mix, etc., which (like the names they bear) were of
foreign introduction. Joisting is referred to in 2 Ch. -
34 11 (nmp?). Naturally some knowledge of measuring
and the drawing of plans (cp nv;m, I Ch. 2811f., etc.)
was required.
6. Here mention may be made of the plasterers
(ovg, ?@Em, Ezek. 1311,seeMORTAR, 3 ) , and the white-
washer ( M H i"o, cp K O V C ~ W ,Mt. 2327 Acts233) who
carried a brush with jointed handles (Shadb. 47a).
For thetermsused toexpress the'cutting'ofstoneseeabove(5 I);
the 'quarrying'is called p'pc (I K. 5 18[311 Eccles. 109). Stones
which have been thus treated are styled (I) X%?g'>?E, 2 K. 12.
IZ [13] 22 6 (hitlor Aaropqroi), 2 Ch. 34 IS (A. r ~ r p d m B o r ) , (2)
nw, I K. 5 17 [31] (A. & T & K ~ T O U S ) , I Ch. 2 2 2 (A. ~ u u r o d s ) ,I K.
7 9 I I 6 36 &&pov Q T ~ L ~ K ~ T U WAm. ), 5 IT ( . $ P U T O ~ S , or .$uurotk) ;
used for altars, Ezek. 40 42 (AL9wac AsAa&up&ar) ; cp the pro-
hibition Ex. 20 25 (rpqrol); also in buildings, Is. 9 IO [91. (3)
$2:
used in building, Ezra58 64, the same word in Palm. is
used of an inscriptional stele.
Special tools which would be needed in addition to those men-
tioned above are the plumb-line (?@$Am.77), or plummet-
weight (n$p$p, Is. 28 17 2 K. 21 13), and the measuring-reed (n,lJi!
or nina njp, E+k. 40 3). For the mechanical methods employed
by the Egyptians, see especially F. Petrie, Pyramids and
Temples of Gieeh, 173 ziz$
7. On the art of setting and engraving jewels (Ex.
2 8 9 8 , etc.). see P RECIOUS STONES).
8. Workers in clay and earth. Their trade ranged
from the building of houses to the manufacture of house-
*.
Ocher hold utensils, and pottery of the finest
trades. construction (see B RICK , $ z ; H OUSE ;
POTTERY). G LASS Cp.u.1 was known to
the Hebrews ; but the glazier is first mentioned in the
Mishna ( JJI).
9. For t h e - tanning and preparation of skins see
BOTTLE, $ I ; L EATHER.
I O . For the various kinds of cloths, wearing apparel,
etc., see DKESSand the related articles, and for their
manufacture, see E MBROIDERY, L INEN , T ENT , W EAV -'
ING, W OOL . In connection with this trade mention
must be made of the FULLER and the dyer (Mish. yax ;
see generally COLOURS).
11. Considerable attention was paid to the body.
T h e use of perfumes and perfumed unguents necessi-
tated the apothecaries ' and ' confectibnaries ' (in AV) ;'
see I NCENSE , O IL , SPICES. Barbers were an indis-
pensable class (see BEARD, H AIR ). The bath-man
( M H ih),and the i i j (Phcen.), ~ who scraped the skin
with a strigil, first appear at a late date.
12. Finally must be enumerated the most domestic
of all arts--that of cooking; see B AKING , B READ ,'
C OOKING , FISH, FOOD.
Among dwellers in the desert whose wants are few,
and who derive food and clothing from their herds, a
5. General knowledge of handicrafts cannot be expected
remarks. to flourish. The women do more than their
o L ) , share of the work, and owing to inter-tribal
co-operation outside aid is rarely needed. Doughty,
however, speaks of a tribe of nomads who travelled as
workers it is not improbable that there were nomad
craftsmen, the ancestors of the siny and soZu66y of
to-day.l
It is among a settled population living in towns and
villages that need for special craftsmen arises. Outside
help was needed by Solomon in the building of the
temple ( I K. 5 6 [zo], see G EBAL i. ), and the intercourse
1 That the Kenites weresuch aguild (Sayce, RacesofOT, 118)
rests upon the slenderest of bases ; see AMALEK, B 7 n., and cp
METALS.
1954
 HANDKERCHIEF
not without its influence on the religious history of Israel
(.Neh. 13 16 2.3, c p H ORSE , 5 3 ) .
With the increase of trade special places for the trans-
action of business sprang up. The ’ shop ’ (niin) is first
mentioned in M H (on the text of Jer. 3716 see C ELLS ) ;
.the Gk. [~3150a5(TUVTOTWXLU) occurs onlyin a Palmyrene
inscription. The usual custom, no doubt, was to carry
on business out of doors, in the streets (nirrn, see especially
I K. 2034), and, as is still so frequently the case, special
localities would be set apart for certain trades. Hawkers
and pedlars, however, were not unknown. B i b & Bathra
zzu mentions the itinerant vendors of perfumes who
visited cities to sell toilet requisites to women, and the
Tadmor fiscal inscription of 137 A. D. imposes a tax on
all peripatetic dealers in old clothes ( p a >T ~vnin* ...
twin>, 11 Gk. ipunorrijhai perupbhor ~ w h [ o 1 7 v ] ~ ePvs $
Tbh€l).
In Alexandria there were streets reserved for the goldsmiths
silversmiths, coppersmiths, etc. (Succah, 5 1 4 , similarly in Damas:
cus (cp Baed. PaLPJ 348 ; see also J ERUSALEM). On the ‘valley
of craftsmen or sorcerers’ ( I Ch. 4 14), see GE-HARASHIM.
The classification by trade and the formation of guilds
doubtless arose at a n early date (cp EPHESUS, col. 1305,
n. I). Guilds of goldsmiths and perfumers are mentioned
in Neh. 3 8 , l possibly also temple-masons in POCHERETH-
HAZZEBAIM.
If so the family was a hereditary guild similar to the later
families of Garmu and Abtinas who tenahously retained the
secret of baking the shew-bread and preparing the holy incense
in their respective families (I‘8m83 11). Guilds of potters and
weavers seem to he referred to in I Ch. 4 21. A n ~ j 3 nn*>of
the coppersmiths is mentioned in Shal.6. I J and a N ’ I ~ 3 1 Nnjn
(smiths’ guild) in a Palmyrene inscription ’of the t h i z century
A.D. It was possibly as a sign of membership that each artisan
used to wear something distinctive of his calling ; the scribe, a
pen in his ear; the wool-carder, a woollen thread; the tailor
(awn), a needle in front of his dress etc.
No encroachment of trade wa; allowed (Mass. 24a) and
to avoid competition two butchers would agree together Lot to
kill on the same day (Bd66 Batha, ga; see i6. 8 a) Each
baker adopted a particular shape of loaf to distinguis8 h:ls work-
manship from that of others.
All labour was looked upon as honourable. Ex-
ceptions were few. The sailor, herdsman, driver of
asses or camels, and barber were regarded with dis-
favour. T h e tanner was obliged to carry on his evil-
smelling craft outside the precincts of the city (Bdbd
Balhru z j a , incidentally confirmed by Acts l O 3 2 ) , and
the low esteem in which his calling was held was only
exceeded by that of the skinner of carcases (Phdch.
113a). The trades closed to the high priest were those
of the weaver, fuller, perfumer, barber, tanner, leech,
and bath-man. Apart from this the practice of some
trade or other was recommended to all. ‘ Great is work,
for it honours the worker ’ (Niu‘dr. 46b). To neglect to
teach one’s son some handicraft was tantamount to
bringing him up to robbery (@id. z9a). Not all trades,
as we have seen, were estimated alike. BZrikh. ( 6 3 a )
advises every man to teach his son a clean and light
employment, such as, for example, tailoring, because
the stitches form neat, straight lines like the furrows of
the field. Many Rabbins, renowned in their day, were
not ashamed to earn their living by the labour of their
hands; R. Johanan as a sandal-maker, Hillel as a
wcod-cutter, R. Jehudah as a baker, R. Simon as an
embroiderer - and many other instances could be
given.2 It is quite exceptional, therefore, when Ben-Sira
elevates the literary profession far above all trades, and
refuses to concede the possibility of the artisan’s acquir-
ing wisdom (Ecclus. 3828J). See EDUCATION.
S. A. C.
HANDKERCHIEF ( C O Y A A ~ I O N )Acts 19x2. See
N APKIN .
HAND MIRROR (I\$), IS. 323 RV, AV GLASS.
See LOOKING-GLASS.
1 The idiom n3aym- 3 etc., may perhaps he the source of the
B TOG T C K T ~ V O S ut& (h!t.)1355; contrast Mk. 63). See JOSEPH
(H USBAND OF MARY).
2 e.g. Paul ; cp CILICIA, 0 3 (end), TENT, $ 3.
I955
HANES .
HANDS, LAYING ON OF, The same English
phrase ‘ t o lay hands upon’ is used in the AV to render two
distinct Greek phrases-viz. xcipas ;rrr@a‘hhe~vto lay hands on
with violence, and xeipas ; m d E I v a L , to lay hahds on to convey
some gift. With the latter phrase corresponds the d?riOetrrs
XapOv of Heb. 6 2 I Tim. 4 14 z Tim. 16. From it again
must be distinguished the verb X E L P O T O V C ~ V (Acts 14 z i ) , whicd
properly signifies simply ‘to appoint,’ so, e.g., in the Diducht
chap. 15 ‘Appoint for yourselves ( X ~ L P O T O ~ ~ U 2awois)
~TF hishop;
and deaions’ : though at a later period X F L P O T O V ~ is~ regularly
used as a synonym of x ~ ~ p 0 0 e u i a .
In the O T we find ‘ laying on of hands ’ practised ( a )
by privileged individuals, of their own free will, and ( a )
by religious officers as a legal act. In the N T we find
(c) Jesus and the apostles using it at their pleasure
in acts of healing or in benedictions ; we also find it ( d )
as an ecclesiastical rite. In all cases we must suppose
the laying on of hands to be accompanied by words.
If the words partake of the nature of a spell, the laying
on of hands must also be said to have a magical char-
acter ; our juclgment on the one act conditions our
judgment on the other (see BLESSINGS AN D C URSINGS ).
For an instance of ( a ) see Gen. 48 1 7 8 ; for instances
of ( 6 ) Ex. 2910 15 Lev. 14 32 44 813J 22 1524 29 33
1621 (see A ZAZEL, § I ) 2414 Nu. 810 12 2718 20 Dt. 139
177 ; cp also Ecclus. 5020. See SACRIFICE.
The later Jewish stmmikhd is the lineal descendant of this OT
rite; but by the fifth century A.D., the symbolic act of imposi-
tion of hands had entirely disappeared from the Jewish ordina-
tion of religious teachers. (See Schiirer’s note G]l/(SJ 2 199
LGIVPJ 2 152 ET 3 1771 ; andarticle ‘Ordinirung’inHamburger,
RE,Aht. 88nzfi).
For instances of ( c ) see Lk. 440 (the parallels in Mt.
and Mk. are silent), Mk. 823 E16181 1016 (blessing
children) Acts 9 17 288. The several passsages in Acts,
however, need separate consideration. In Acts 8 16f:
we rkad that Peter and John, after prayer, laid their
hands on those who had been baptized by Philip in
Samaria, and they (for the first time) received the Holy
Spirit. That the action was in no degree magical is
shown by the incident related in Acts 1044. Similarly
in Acts 196 Paul lays his hands on disciples of John the
Baptist (see J OHN , DISCIPLES O F ).
Instances of ( d ) occur in Acts 66 (imposition of hands
on the Seven), 133 (Barnabas and Saul), I Tim. 414
522 z Tim. 16. It is everywhere apparent that only
certain privileged persons are able so to perform the rite
of imposition of hands that the ~ d p t u p aof office may
be communicated, and it is this communication of a
Xcipiupu which constitutes investiture of office.
Once more the non-magical character of the rite is
manifest. In I Tim. 414 the imposition of the hands
of the presbytery is in close connection with prophetic
utterances (cp I Tim. 118). In z Tim. 16 the description
is condensed into ‘ t h e gift (xcip.) of God which is in
thee through the laying on of my (Paul’s)hands.’
The meaning of I Tim. 5 22 is not quite plain. ‘ Lay hands
suddenly (or, hastily) on no man’ might refer to the appointment
of church officers ’ hut the following words, ‘and he not partaker
with other men’s’sins,’ hardly seems favonrahle to this. The
laying on of hands was afterwards employed in the reception of
catechumens and in the restoration of offenders. The ealtleurs
x a p i v of Heh. 6 z is closely connected with ‘baptisms ;1 but we
are unable to define the precise meaning. See SPIRITUAL
GI*TS.
HANDWASHING. See W ASHINGS , M EALS , 5.
HANES (D>Q; on the versions see n. z ) , a place in
Egypt (Is. 304 to which v. 5 belongs). M T is generally
rendered thus : ‘ For though 2 his princes are in Zoan,
1 Barnyp0-i 2nlfiuls T E x a p i v corresponds to bvn’uraurc
velpo” Ka‘ K p L p a OLOY‘OV.
2 If MT of v. 41: is correct, ???,*J milst be taken as con-
yessive (‘for though .. .’). His princes cannot mean
Judah’s princes for Pharaoh has just been spoken of (see Di.
Jes.0 ed. Kittei). @ differs in several points from MT. It
presupposes n w , n d m , for iw, i 4 n ; also i y am ~
( p d ~ q v~ o r ~ a ’ u o u u r[BUAOQ])
v for lY’3’ Din; and W N m 53 is
unrepresented. So far as Din for m n is concerned, we cannot
pronounce BBNAOQ’s text an improvement. See, however no. 3.
Jerome keeps Hanes, hut guesses badly at ‘ ultimam’ juxta
1956
 HANES
and his messengers go as far as Hanes, none wins aught
but disappointment,' etc. (so SBOT, 'Isaiah')-ie.,
however far the rule of the Pharaoh may extend, none
who has anything to ask of him fails to be disappointed
(Di., Duhm, Che.). If this is correct, Hanes must
have been at some distance from the royal residence, so
that the Pharaoh communicated with it by messengers
or envoys. Our first object will be to illustrate by
Egyptology what the critics pronounce the most prob-
able view of the Hebrew text ; we therefore disregard
a t present the different interpretation of EV.
I. W e may well be cautious in seeking to identify
Hanes, considering the failure of 6 to recognise any
Egyptian name resembling it. But we may at any rate
reject the view put forward by Dumichen, who identifies
both Hanes and the Assyrian @z'nin(!)Si with
- historical and mythological facts).
n @'
the capital of a district E53 with a sanctuary
T ' Zoan ' and ' Tahpanhes ' are very naturally combined.
knmtt ( ' house of the nurser?). Dumichen held this
city to be Daphnze, and Daphnz to be HeracZeopolis
pama, but without any other reason than the an-
alogy of this alleged ' g e n e s ' to the southern Hnes
(wrongly read &'enensuten by Diimichen). Unfortu-
nately, the reading genes is a guess of the highest
improbability. Naville ( A h n a s el-Medineh, 4) admits
it to be doubtful, and prefers to emphasise the fact that
in ASm-bki-pal's account of his war with Tarku
(Tirhakah) HininSi occurs among the names of cities
all of which belong to the Delta. I t is clear, however,
that this circumstance will not justify us in accepting
Dumichen's identification. It can only suggest that
ASur-bhi-pal's HininSu was probably a city in the
Delta, which is, in fact, all that Naville contends for.
2. W e have next to consider the view prevalent among
scholars from Vitringa's time-a view that is at any
rate in harmony with the generally accepted interpreta-
tion of Is. 504. This identifies Hanes with Heracleopolis
(magna), a city of Middle Egypt, W. of the Nile,
near the place where the Bahr Yfisuf branches off into
the Faiyiim. The spot is now called Henassfye -or
Henassiyet-el-Medineb, 12 mm. W. of Beni Suef; on
the unproductive excavations there see Naville, Ahnas
el Medineh (11th Memoir of EEF, '94). Earlier
Arab writers called it A h n i s ; l the Copts HnZs (or
Ehnes) ; the ancient hieroglyphic name was g a t
(;.e., 'house,' cp n-s), Henen-suten (or seten?) ( i . e . ;
' abode of the royal youth ' ). This name seems to have
been shortened to Hne(n)s(e)in the vulgar pronunciation
(cp Ass. @ininSi?).
The city was the capital of the twentieth nome (or
county) of Upper Egypt, which formed an island
surrounded by the main Nile and the present Bahr
Yiisnf (? Ptol. 125, Strabo, 789, 809, ~ I Z ) , or at least
by a similar branch of the Nile (called Menhi in Coptic
writers). The chief god was HarSaf(y), 'Apuaq%js-i,e.,
'Horus the valiant' (cp Plut. De Zs. 37), whence the
Greek name of the city (the ram-headed Hnumu being
identified with Heracles), or according to an earlier
etymology ' the one on his lake ' (vocalize&+SeiJ) ; but
most likely the name (Hr-Fy) meant originally only
'the ram-headed.' The sacred animal was the ich-
neumon. The city and its chief temple played a great
part in Egyptian theology, and deep cosmogonic sym-
bolism was found in the ceremonies of the great local
festivals of 'hoeing the ground,' of ' lifting the heaven,'
etc. The story which in Egyptian mythology takes
the place of the Deluge-story (see D ELUGE, § IS)
Bthiopas et Blemmyes Egypti civitatem.' Saad. renders
l ; his rendering of Lehabim in Gen. 1013 ( p n j ) .
~ b i i l ~cp
.
But this is Eg. Pemse Pemdje Greek IICrq or ' O ~ u v p u y ~ o s .
1 The orthography'Akhnas,'found in some books, has no
authority.
"AJ-Pm
D
6 Brandt, Evangel. Gesch. 180). Diodorus (532) says of the
I957
HANGING
represents the destruction of mankind as having begun
here.l Politically, the city took the highest rank under
the ninth and tenth dynasties (Heracleopolitan), and
again we find it important in the eighth and sevei.th
centuries. The Ethiopian P'an&y(commonly miscalled
Pianchi) mentions the ruler (nomarch) of Heracleopolis,
as the chief adversary of the powerful prince of Sais
(EGYPT, 6 5 ) . The Assyrian king Ah-bHni-pal speaks
of a ruler of @ininSi (=Heracleopolis?) whom h e
called X a @ i (but see above). Herodotus (2 137) knows,
something of a blind king Anysis (!) R-ho in the
island-city "Avuuis (=A&-&) held out against t h e
Ethiopian invasion for fifty years (a confusion of some
W.M. M. ,
3. But is the text on which recent critics have worked
correct? I t is very difficult to think so. Gratz (Emen-
datz'anes, '92) and Cheyne (JQR July '98) have inde-
Ht- pendently suggested omsnn as an emendation of D I ;, ~
D J at
~ any rate is wrong, thinks the latter ; D J ~ Nwould he
possible (cp the Coptic name Ehnes); but the appearance of 7'71-
4 and 5, both in MT and in @, suggests that more than o n e
letter may have fallen out of the text. w " j 3 5 2 also appears
to him wrong. There is a &E w'?h (see Ginshurg) ; hut this is
artificial. Krochmal, Gratz, and Cheyne read qg &J-
' they all bring presents.' p ? ~n*j&
, (so B ) for vi$*,y&
removes all the ground for dispute between EV and the recent
critics ; Cheyne's 315 for 3'c may also be right, unless the cor:
ruption is more deeply seated. Verses 5 and 6 thus become
parallel, and within v. 5 itself the parallelism between ' Zoan t
and ' Tahpanhes is as perfect as it could he (see TAHPANHES):
Cp Ruben, JQR 11448 ['gg].
W. M. M. ( I , 2)- T. K. C . (3).
HANGING. T h e Hebrew terms employed to denote
deaths of this or of a like nature require to be carefully
distinguished.
I. I n the cases of Ahithophel (z S. 1723) and Judas
Iscariot (Mt. 275) death by strangulation (pin, @ana#;
drdyXeuOai) is a mode of suicide. Another reference
has been found in Job 715, where, after describing
some of his distressing symptoms, Job says, according
to RV,
So that my soul chooseth strangling,
And death rather than (these) my bones.
It is very improbable, however, that a righteous man
like Job should be thus represented, and either t h e
' strangling ' must be one of the well-known symptoms'
of leprosy, or, much more probably, the word rendered
' strangling ' (pin3 ; so Aq. &yx6v7)v) is corrupt. It is
at any rate certain that there is a reference to suicide
by strangling in Tob. 310, and to a violent death
caused thus in Tob. 23, also in Jos. Ant. xvi. 117 (two
sons of Herod U T ~ U ~ V~ ~~ s~[ vVo v ~ u i ) .
In later times, according to the Talmud, this form of death-
was the ordinary mode of execution (Sanh. 11 I ; cp 7 3); some
form of the garrotte such as is still used in executiorx in Spain
and elsewhere, is intended hy the expression.
2. The word rendered ' hanging' in EV (& tdih,
~ $ 5 ,tiZi' ; Kpefikreiv, ~ p ~ f i l iKpepavvdvai,
v, in Esth. 79
UTUIJ~OGV; suspendere [appendere, affigere] in patibulo
[ligno, cruce], or super stipites, or super trabem, or
cruci) seems invariably to mean some form of impale-
ment or crucifixion.
( a ) I t has been doubted whether the references i n
Esther (y$p a)? 514 6 4 7gf: 8 7 9 1 3 3 25) refer t d
impalement or ta crucifixion (after death). I t is true,
impalement (dvauKoXorileiv, Herod. 1128) would have
been the correct punishment to specify,s the scene of
the story being laid in Persia (cp Schr. KAT(2)378,
1 Inscription I. 19(Naville TSBA 8 415).
2 The whole) verse seems tb need careful restoration. See
Che. Ex$. T., May '99, 381 6.
3 Both bvasrohoq"w and bvaosavpoiiv mean either
or to crucify. In Herod. 3125 buausadpoosv is used of the
to impale
punishment inflicted by Orcetes the Persian on Polycrates, and
here there can Be no doubt that impalement is intended.
Lucian, however (De F'emp-. Morfe, II), speaks of rbv 6v .li
l l a h a i u r i v n avao~ohorrio8(vra,-i.s., Jesus Christ (quoted b y
1958
 HANGING
6 ~ 5 )but
; we must not expect minute accuracy (see
ESTHER, I $ ). Further, the description in 5 14 seems
inconsistent with impalement. Both here, and in the
other passages referred to, EV has ' gallows,' but in 2 2 3
'hanged on a tree ' as elsewhere. At any rate, the
impalement of the living body seems to be meant in
Ezra 611, RV 'let a beam (yx) be pulled out from his
house, and let him be Zifled up ( ?I) and fastened
(xnnn?) thereon' (@B* LSpOwpQvos T?&~+UETUL [ ~ u y ? j - (Pfleiderer, PuuZz'nism, 199). H e was therefore a
QETUL, A], 6s' UbTOF, bL 6pf?WO+UETUL KUL TUy?)UETUL).
We may compare the Ass. phrase ina zakiji aza&if: zakipu
i s the ordinary word for 'pale, cross ' ; cp Aram. \&O! ' cross' object being to overthrow the legal religion by terms
(same verb in Heb. in Ps. 145 14 146 8).
(6) Beyond all doubt it is the impalement or gibbeting
of the offender (or part of the offender) after death, for
propitiation to God or warning to man, that is meant
in Dt. 2 1 z z A 1 (see below), Josh. 8 2 9 (king of Ai) 1 o z 6 f .
(the five kings), and 2 S. 412 (Rechab, and Baanah's
hands and feet ; so Klo.). Probably also in Gen.
401922 4 1 1 3 (cp Ebers, Bgypten, 334, and EGYPT, 5
28). Similarly Nicanor's head and ,shoulder (2 Macc.
15 35), Holofernes' head (Judith 11 I), and the princes D'FII, bdt(t)2)im, z K. 23 7, RVmg. 'tents, Heb. houses [for the
hanged up by their [enemies' ?] hand (Lam. 5 12).
3. Closely allied to the usage of (6) is that which
apparently underlies another word (ypv), which is taken
by EV (after Syrnrn. and Pesh.) to mean hanging.
I t occurs in MT only in Nu. 25 (where @ has rrapa8rty-
&
p a r l u a i ) and in z S. 2 1 6 9 xg(where has l.$'qA~d{eiv,GL in v. 6
d.$'rAauiip@Oa; Vg. cruci figere; cp ZI. 14 @BA jAra&rv, Vg.
affigere). Probably however the same verb ought to be read
also in I S. 31 I O (so,' after La;. Prov. p. iv, Dr., Bu., L6hr).
T h e etymology is difficult. WRS, R e l Sem(4 419,
thought of precipitation, and reminds us of the many
cases in which precipitation from a rock was a mode of
execution ; but this hardly suits the context. Dillmann
on Nu. 2 5 4 takes the meaning to be to expose with
dislocated limbs. This seems to have been the mean-
ingattached by @ (cp ruptz&qpud& in Heb. 6 6 ) . I n
all cases the reference is to a solemn presentation of
the dead body with piacular intent-in the sun (Nu.
2 5 4 ) . before Yahwi: (z S. 2 1 6 Nu. 2 5 4 2 S. 2lg)-0n
the 'mountain' of Gibeon or the walls of Bethshan,
until the falling rain showed that the divine wrath had
been appeased.
4. In spite of the fact that crucifixion was not a
Jewish punishment, we find Paul in Gal. 3 1 3 expressly
asserting that the death of Christ made him ' a curse'
o n the ground that 'every one who hangs on a stake
.(EV a tree, .$liXov, up) is cursed' (Dt. 2123, quoted
freely from 6).I n Acts 5 3 0 1 0 3 9 (cp I Pet. 2 2 4 ) is- Handkiya, three days' journey N. from Medina (so
foiind the very same Hebraistic phrase for crucifixion,
together with the ascription of the responsibility of the
act to the Jews. Evidently those who wrote thus con-
sidered crucifixion to have a piacular character, and the
only wonder is that Paul could have represented an
innocent person as attracting to himself the divine
punishment by an act which was a judicial error. I t
shoiild be observed, however, that Paul qualifies the
term ElrrKardparos by the preceding expression yevbpevos
d d p $p&v K U T ~ ~ U' being , made a curse for us.' I t is
true, K U T ~ ~ 'Ucurse ' may have been suggested by the
Heb. a))?, which corresponds to B T L K U T ~ ~ U T O Sin Paul's
free quotation from Dt. (@ has Krwrqpupdvos d r b TOF
Gauls robs KLV(OUPVO+S dvauKoAorri{0vuL rois &ais, and Strabo
(1g8), speaking of the Druids, says KLIIL BAAa 82 bvflpwrroOvut&v
,ZSq-A&yma& * KO.; y i p Karevi.$'ev6v n v a s K a i dvemadpouv du TO%
L€poLs.
1 Jos. B/ iv. I, z [$ 3171, referring to this law, has dveurauDw.
p&vous.
2 Cp also Ar. waka'a 'to fall,' and note the statement 'they
fell seven together" (2's. 219). The words 'before Yahwi:'
(v. g), however, hardly hvour this view. The word seems to
be a religious synonym for n h ; for ?bJ in z S. 21 g read
(with Klo., Che.) hg;!, 'and they remained hanging there'
(a" ~ K E Z ) . ' Hanging' with a piacular intent is what is meant ;
before Yahwi:' and 'before the sun' (Nu. 254) are synonymous.
When the divine wrath had been ap eased, the bones of ' those
who were hanged' were collected a n i buried (a S. 21 13).
I959
HAPHARAIM
&OD). Bearing in mind, however, the parallel abstract
term b p a p ~ t uin 2 Cor. 521 ( ' made him to be sin for
us,' 3 d p ~ P & Vd p ~ p ~ hwe ) , cannot help supposing
that there is another more important reason for the
choice of the term K U T ~ ~ U .' Christ was not personally
accursed, but only came to stand in the place of such
an one before God, inasmuch as he suffered the
accursed death as a vicarious expiatory sacrifice '
' curse,' but not ' cursed' in the same sense as any
justly condemned criminal would have been. Paul's
derived from the law, we cannot hold that this minute
distinction is a mere quibble. H e deliberately avoids
6 ' s expression as liable to misinterpretation. Cp Holtz-
mann, Neutest. Theol. 2 1 0 5 8 See also Lightfoot's
note, GuZatiansP), 1 5 0 8
HANGING. For ( I ) 7CQ mEsEAh, Ex. 2636, RV
' screen.' AV sometimes covering,' ' curtain ' ; and for ( 2 )
P'y)?, &eZri'im, E x . 2 7 9 etc., see T ADERNACLE . For (3)
Asherahl' ; see ASHERAH, I DOLATRY , $ 4 , also DRESS, B 8.
HANIEL ($8 : q, 1 c h . 739 AV, RV HAHNIEL,2.
HANNAH (il?n, 'graciousness,' 5 51 ; A N N &
[BAL]: Vg. A N N A ) , wife of Elkanah and mother of
the prophet Samuel ( I S. 1). On the probable date
of Hannah's prayer or song (I S. 2 1-10), see S AMUEL ,
ii. J 7.
HANNATHON (OQn ; & M a e [Bl, €"&ewe
&NA. [L]), a city on the N. border of Zebulun (Josh.
1 9 14). Perhaps for Anathon =Beth-anath 'i @ L ' s read-
ing (cp bLavuOwu, I Ch. 7 8, for Anathoth) favours this
view. There was a Beth-Anath in Zebulun, and not
far off a !(art-'Anat or Kirjath-Anath (WMM As. u.
Bur. 195). In Ani. Tab. 1 1 1 7 1 9 6 3 2 we find a city
called Hin(n)atiini in Kinahhi; but h in Assyrian
sometimes represents y, e.g., Qazitu='Azzah (Gaza).
T. K. e.
HANNIEL (\KWl, 'favour of God,' 1111 21, 28; __
& N [ E ] I H ~[BAFLI):
I. A Manassite prince Nu. 3423 (P).
2. AV H ANIEL , in a ienealogy of ASHER (I 4 ii.), I Ch. 7 39.
HANOCH (*3Q, 735 ; F N W X [BADEFL]).
I . Third son of MIDIAN[ p . ~ . ] ;Gen. 25 4 ; also I Ch.
1 3 3 [AV HENOCH]. See E NOCH, 3. Perhaps the mod.
Knobel). See Doughty, A?: Des. 2x83.
2. Eldest son of R EUBEN [ p . ~ . ] , Gen. 46 9 Ex. 6 14
Nu. 26 5 (Gentilic, Ranochite, '?iF ; o EVWX [BAFL]),
I Ch. 5 3. Perhaps the clan thus designated was of
Midianitish. origin.
HANUN ()U?#'pitied [by Gad],' J 56 ; A N N W N
[B], A[N]WN [A] i n z S . ; A N A N [BHA], but also
A N N A N [K in 1 C h . ; ANNAN [L] in both places; cp
Hanunu, the name of a king of Gaza mentioned by
Tiglath-pileser, KA TP)257= C O T 1249).
I . Son of Nahash, king of Ammon, who went to
war with David, after insulting his ambassadors (z S.
1 0 1 8 I Ch. 191 8 ) . I n z S. 10 I Wellhausen and
Budde (see SBOT) omit the name ' Hanun ' ; but see
H. P. Smith. See A MMONITES , J 4 ; NAHASHii., z ;
ISRAEL, 19.
2. In list of wall.builders (see N EHEMIAH , $ xJ, E ZRA ii.,
58 16 [I], 15 4, Neh. 3 13 ( a v o w [I" ; om. L]), 30 (avoup
[BNI, avwp [AI, avwv [Ll).
HAPHARAIM, AV Haphraim (D!T@? ; possibly
'place of a 'well or moat' ; on form of name see
N AMES , § 107; areiN [Bl, A ~ ~ P A ~[AI, I M AM-
~ A P A I M[L]), in Issachar (Josh. 19 19).
Mar Miiller(As. ZL. Bur. 170) compares the Eg. Ha-pu-ru-m-$
AFcording to Eusebius and Jerome (OSW 223 61 94 28) Haph-
raim (aic$paLp) lay 6 R. m. N. of Legio. Perhaps the site is
eL-P'arriyeh,N W . of Lejjim (Conder);
1960
 HAPPIZZEZ
RAPPIZZEZ, AV APHSES(p$@?; AC$ECH [B], TCH
[A], -CCEI [L]), the name of the eighteenth priestly
course (I Ch. 24 rg), corrupted probably from PASHHUR
[u. I.
i(i)nwn became, by accidental transposition of letters, $))w3n,
and this became yran,'] and y, n and 7 being confounded. The
corruption of nD3n into liBD [see DANCE, 5 4 (+)I is partly
analogous. T. K. C.
RARA (K??), mentioned with Halah and Habor as date
a place where Israelitish exiles were settled by Tiglath-
pileser (I Ch. 6 2 6 ; om. @E* ; appAN-i.e., p y [L]). relates that he rebuilt the temple of Sin (the moon-god)
From a comparison of z K. 176 it is clear that ~ 1 is 2a at HarrLn on the foundation-stone of Ah-bHni-pal,
mutilated form of some longer phrase. Most critics
think that it represents the 3 2 '?J? ~ ( ' cities of Media ')
or perhaps rather y p q? ( ' mountains of Media '), or
y y ('river of Media').l I t is possible, however,
that the original document had some name of a place
such as Barbar, a city and region on the border of
Media, near Ellip, conquered by Sargon, and colonised
Sy him with captivesfrom other countries (KB 2 61).
It is noteworthy that among the families of Nethinim
mentioned in the great list in Ezra2 Neh. 7 and I Esd. 5 ,
occur the b'ne Harhur (Harhar). Out of *lni ~ lnlnxr? y 'and
in Harhar a city of Media "all the various readings of M r and
@ ma+ hive arisen. (@&A, in z K . 176, has K ~ OPT L yqSwv,
where opq is not='>?, but is corrupt. @L ev O ~ L O L [F = O P C Q L ; had long been forgotten' ( K B 2 53, cp 41); it would
see Mal. 131 p q b v , which is a conjectural correction.)
T.K. C.
EARADAH ("12Q ; XapaAaO [BAF], -ah [Ll), a
stage in the wandering in the wilderness (Nu. 33 2 4 j ) .
See W ANDERINGS , 5 113
HARAN (175 ; x b p p [BADEQaL]),~ ~ or, as we shall priest of Sin. During the invasion of the Ummanmanaa
here call it, for distinction from the Haran properly
so-called, HARRAN(CHARRAW,Acts724 AV), is, in
P, the place where Terah and his family halted in their
migration from Ur Casdim and where Terah died (Gen.
113 1 3 12 46 5 ) ; whilst J represents it as the birthplace
of Abraham (Gen. 12 I 2447 ; cp 2743 28 IO 29 4, xappas
[E]), and gives it the name of the ' city of Nahor' (Gen.
2410). J also describes it as the home of LABAN evidently stands in connection with the restoration of
(q.v.), and introduces it as such into the story of Isaac
and Jacob ; he places it in A RAM - NAHARAIM . There
2
are, however, great difficulties in this view, and it is
not improbable that ]in in Gen. is miswritten for pin,
Hauran ; not Harran, but the chief city of Hauran was
the home of the Laban clan (see NAHOR). At any
rate there is no doubt that Harran is mentioned in
zK.1912 (see below); reference is made (11 Is.3712,
~ a p a v[K"]) there to its conquest by the Assyrians, and
in Ezek. 27 23 (xappa [BQ]) to its commercial intercourse
with Tyre. Nor can any one fail to see the certainty of the
restoration Q * J ; ~ for o y x j in Is. 26 which (if we adopt
also two other appropriate corrections) produces this
complete picture,
For they are full of diviners from the east,
And of soothsayers like the Philistines
And with the secret arts of the Hirranians they practise
enchantments.
Harran, Ar. garrrin, is situated about nine hours'
journey from Edessa, on the small stream called JullZb,
a t the point where the road from Damascus joined the
great highway from Nineveh to Carchemish and Arpad.
The commercial and strategical importance of its position
may account for its name (Ass. &arrcinu,' road ').4
1 At any rate the phrase, whatever it may have been, was
first omitted and then restored in the wrong place.
2 This is the ground of identifications such as that of Beke
(/. ofR. Geoz. SOC.32), who thinks of H a h n el-'AwEmid, 16 m.
E. of Damascus where there is a so-called well of Abraham, and
morerecent theAries of HalCvy (see Literature, and cp ARAM- (PYOZ..,
NAHARAIM ). Several places bore the name HarrEn ; but on the
above theory we need none of them.
3 '&3? for '15'3 (see Ex. 7 11) ; ?P@j for lp'eb'. The
latter is due to Krochmal. Cp HAND.
4 Winckler, however, questions the connection between the
words.
1961
HARAN
The site was first explored by a party detached from
the Euphrates expedition,*and the disinterment of a
fragment of an Assyrian lion a t Harriin preceded the
discoveries of Layard in Assyria proper, N o inscrip-
tions have yet been brought from HarrHn itself; but
the Assyrian and Babylonian texts throw some light on
its history. The ' country of HarrRn ' is mentioned in
the Prism inscription of Tiglath-pileser I. (KB 139),
and in another inscription believed to be of not later
(3 R 41 I 19f:). In 5 R 64 Nabana'id, the most
scrupulously religious of the later kings of Babylon,
who discovered the foundation-stone of Shalmaneser
( I I . ) , son of A&r-na+ir-pal. T h e cultus of this deity
had its chief home and perhaps its origin a t g a r r a n ;
%*sibbarrLni ('inhabiter of HarrBn') is a title of Sin
under Ah--biini-pal (1 R 8, no. 2, Z. 13), and Nab@-
na'id tells us that Sin had had his dwelling-place a t
HarrLn from remote days (PSBA, 1883,p. 7).
Hence it has been fancifullyconjecturedthat Terah may haye
halted at €Jarran because the moon-god had attracted his special
reverence at Ur (Uru). $0 Tomkins (Lve of Abraltam),
Hommel ( A N T73).
Sargon 11. also mentions HarrBn. H e states that he
restored its privileges (as well as those of AHur) ' which
seem therefore that HarrLn had taken part in the
rebellion of.ASur in the year of the great solar eclipse
763. Ah-bHni-pal, who had been crowned in
HarrHn with the crown of Sin', was not less friendly
to this sacred city. He rebuilt its temple (see above),
and raised his younger brother to the rank of ,high
(i.e., here, the Medes ; see CYRUS,5 z) much damage
was done to HarrLn and its temple.
An inscription of Nabii-na'id discovered by Scheil gives a
second account of that king's restoration of the temple of Sin
fifty-fouryears after its destruction (see Messerschmidt, MVG
1896, and cp the cylinder inscription described at length b;
Del. Calzuer Bi6. Lex. (21, S.W. ' Haran ').
The conquest of Harriin mentioned in 2 K. 1912
privileges spoken of by Sargon 11. When the rebellion
of ASur and &miin was suppressed, these places were
doubtless deprived of their ancient rights.'
It only remains to be mentioned that at Carrhae (=Hatran)
Crassus was defeated and slain by the Parthians (53 s.: ) and
the emperor Caracalla murdered at the instigation of Macrinus
($17 A.D.). The place long continued to be a centre of idolatry,
and especially pf moon-worship. Its principal temple remained
in the hands of the heathen Harranians till the eleventh century
A.D., and was finally destroyed by the Mongols in the thirteenth.
The commercial importance of HarrLn in the sixth
century B . C . is attested not only by Ezek. 27 23, but also
later by Pliny, who enumerates among its specialities a
certain odoriferous gum ( H N 12.40). Josephus (Ant.
xx. 22), too, speaks of its plentiful production of
aniomum. (There are also in it, he adds, the remains
of Noah's ark. )
See Mez Gesclt. derStadt Haw&, '92; Wi. GBA and A O R
1 7 5 8 ; Sichau,Reis#, 2 1 7 8 ; Ainsworth,PSBA,I8~r,p.3878
(on the ruins of various dates). Chwolsohn,
Literature. Die Ssa6ier undderSsisa6ismus, dk. i. (a history
of HarrZn and the Harranians); HalCvy, MdZ.
7 2 3 , Rev. Sdm. 1894 (HarrBn, in Syria, seven days' journey to
the N. of Mt. Gilead). Noldeke 'Harrln,'ZA 11 ropiog ('96),
questions the importahce assigned by Winckler and Hilprecht
to the primitive Barran. T. K. C.
HARAN (]2?; [AL in I Ch.]). I. Brother of
Abraham, and ( P adds) father of Lot (Gen. 1 1 2 8f .
[J] ; , 2 6 3 31 [PI ; appa [A], - N [ADEL]). According
to M T (v.29) his daughters were MILCAW ( I ) and ISCAH.
Wellhausen thinks that Haran was originally I;IarrBn.
ET, 313),and YLkiit, the Arabian geographer,
mentions the opinion that flarvrin was named after
1 These privileges were probably connected with the reverence'
paid to the ancient sanctuaries. One of them probably was that
of immediate dependence on the king; we never hear of a ,
governor of qarrgn (Wi. AOF 194). '
1962
 HARAN
Haran, Abraham’s brother (2231, ap. WIez, garrun,
24). If Milcah=Salecah (of which M T s Iscah must
b e another corruption) all becomes plain. The city of
Salecah might equally well be called the wife and the
daughter of Hauran. J, doubtless, reconciled these
Statements (which lay before him in a corrupt form)
b y inventing a Haran.): :1( That P understood the
Terahites to have sojourned in Harran on their way
from ‘ Ur-kasdim ’ (?) to Canaan, is, of course, not to
b e questioned.
2. h. Shimei, a Levite ( I Ch. 239 ; a d a v [B*], lid Abv (sic)
WI). T. K. C.
lln;
HARAN (I?? ; cp Sab. pr. n. D H M Epig.
Denk. 56), the name of a Calebite family, I Ch. 2 4 6
(AppAN [BAI, W P W N [L]).
HARARITE, THE (’717Il, BDB Lex., doubtfully
4 mountain-dweller ’ ; 0 apax[~]l [L]), an unknown
ethnic applied to certain of David‘s heroes.
1. Shamniah h. Agee, 2 S. 23 11 (‘27 b,apouxaros [BA]);
more rohahly an ARCHITE ( ~ J . v .see
) ; SHAMMAH, 3.
2. ghammah, 2 S. 23 33a (6 apoS6m)s [BAl)= I Ch. 1134
(6 a p a p [B*bl, apap[cl~[BabNAl, apopc [Ll), properly the same
as ( I ) above, see SHAMMAH (4).
3. Ahiam h. Sharar, 2 S 23 33b (‘72%: [Ba. for common ’t$];
R V ARARITE ;uapaovpswqc [BI, apap. [AI apcpLpa [LI) where
we may read with Marq. (Ru~d. 21) Ah& b. S H A R A ~
(4.v.)
the ‘Aradite’ (? ’ :?:) or ‘Adorite’(‘?lQ; cp A ~ A D .
HARBONA (R!i?n ; eappa KAI BC&ZH [BRLP,
om. La], oape Bwa [A]), or as in Esth. 7 9 Harbonah
( a $ ~ p ; BoyrAOAN [BALB], -ea [K*l -razaN [K“~”],
ayaOar [La]), a chamberlain of Ahasuerus (Esth. 1IO).
In Jos. Ant. xi. 6 I I the name appears as ua@ovXa8as, uagou-
Cavqs, and the latter stands for I;aflou<ivqr (so for pmpa<q above,
rend pa@o<q)-i.e., NIi?>in, a name on the analogy of ptt’po-
@ov<aqs, etc. ; see SHETHAR-BOZNAI. So Marq. ( R u d . 71).
8 ; Aacyrroyc [BAFL] [vv. 5 and 6 in
g apparently changed places]), Lev. 11 6
Dt. 14,f. The hare is included amongst the unclean
animals, on the ground that it chews the cud and does
not part the hoof; cp C LEAN A N D UNCLEAN, 8. T h e
idea that it chews the cud is an error, probably to be
accounted for by the peculiar and constant twitching of
the hare’s upper lip when feeding, which, to a superficial
observer, has somewhat the appearance of the motion
of the jaws when the cud is being chewed by ruminants.
Five species of hare (Leyus) have been described by
Tristram from Palestine, where, he states, they are
highly esteemed by the Arabs a s food. The rabbit,
L. cuniculus, is not found in the Holy Land. Cp
CONEY. A. E. S.
- . HAREL ($&l)l), Ezek. 4315 EVmg. See A RIEL , 2,
n. 6, and A LTAR , 4.
HAREPH (915,‘sharp’ ; 5 57, cp H ARIPH ), a
.Calebite, was the father of BETH- GADER [g.v.] (I Ch.
251 ape1 [AI. -EIM P I , A ~ H MP I ) .
HARETH (RV Hereth), THE FOREST OF (1YJ
n?iJ), apparently the place to which David went after
leaving Mizpeh of Moab, I S. 22s ( e ~rrohsi
.
.CAPBIK [BIB . capix [LIB EN TH IT. aplae [AI,
,CAPIN [Jos. Ant. vi. 1241). Conder (PBFQ, 1876,
p. 44) adopts y y , ‘city,’ instead of i y * , ‘forest,’ and
.finds Hareth (Hereth?) in the hill-village of KhFirFis,
near the valley of Elah. W e should most probably read
[oily] nyp (from n y ) - i . e . , i y ’ and nln are two frag-
ments of niya. Adullam was David‘s refuge. See
HORESH. T. K. C.
HARHAIAH (?:?ln, so the best edd., others read
‘?l;r3n?n(?l:illp), Wll?j,see Baer, Ginsb., ad Zuc.; BRA
,[ed. Sw.] om., apaxloy [Tisch. ; cp H-PI, Bbp. [L],
L+ &a[Pesh.], ARAIA [Vg.]), the name given to the
father of U ZZIEL , 6 (Neh. 38). Its genuineness is
1963
HARLOT
Loubtful ; the M T P ~ 8 m Y n - p 5uvy can scarcely be
lefended (in spite of Be.-Rys.), and after the analogy
,f pnpia-jz n’31n (26. ) we should read simply o’mi8-p ‘y.
The origin of the intrusive nvnn may perhaps he explained.
ts close similarity to the equally unnecessary ?inn in v. 20
BNAL om.) suggests that vv. 8 20 originally stood opposite one
mother in parallel columns, and that a marginal note has found
ts way.into both passages, suffering corruption in the process.
rhe note in question was a> ;: (‘to the mount’), a gloss upon
!4??? (the turning of the wall) in v. 196.1 It still survives in
5 L ; where ELF ~b 6poq is inserted bodily between bniuw and a h 0 0
= i + l n v.
~ zoa) and has been transplanted, hut not yet cor-
.upted, in the $g. readjng of v. 20 (‘post eum in monte Zdifi-
:wit’). A somewhat similar fate (according to We. TBS 151)
ias befallen another marginal note in z S. 166 17a (cp We.,
Dr. ad roc.) ; see Ex$. T. 10280 (Mar. ’99). S. A. C.
HARHAS (DflTn), ancestor of SHALLUM(z).,2 K.
2214 (apaac [B*], a p A [Bb
~ certe], apac [AI, abpa
IL])=zCh. 3422 H ASRAH ( g . ~ . ) .
HARHUR (l%ll?, 3 74, ‘fever’ [?I, or, rather, a
dace-name [see HARA] ; apoyp [BA], apoyap [LI),
gmily of N ETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see
E ZRA ii., § 9, Ezra251)=Neh. 753 ( ~ P O Y M [BK])
= I Esd. 531 AssUR, RV ASUR(acoyp [BA]).
HARIM (Pl?, ‘ inviolable ’ ? cp Nab. and Sin. mln
and Ar. and Sab. name kara‘m ; or = HARUMAPH ? see
N AMES , 66; HPAM [BRA] HIPAM [L]).
I. One of the twenty-four (post-exilic) priestly courses ; I Ch.
248 (yapqg [B], -qp [AI, Xerpap [Ll), whose head in the days of
Joiakim (see EZRA II., IS 6 6 TI) was Adna; Neh. 1% 15 (opcp
-uc.amg.inf.] peoup [Ll, BN*A om.). I t is mentioned in the
ireat post-ehc list (see E ZRA ii., 5 g), Ezra239 (om. B, q p ~ p
rapip [L]) = Neh. 74a (qpa [N] capeLp [LI) = I Esd. 5 25
[k?ppq [BA], ?pap [L]); and in the ’list of those with foreign
wives (EZRA I. 5 5 end), Ezra 1021=1 Esd. 921 (@BA om.
name); and wks represented aniong the signatories to the
covenant (see E ZRA i., 5 7), Neh. 105 [6] ([elipap [BNA]),,
2. A lay family in the great post-exilic list (see E ZRA II I 9)
I Esd. 5 16, EV AROM (apop [BA] ; but see also HASHUM);’mis-
placed (from between m. 16 and 17) among names of towns (so
Bertheau) in @I.and in the 11 Ezra232 ( ~ q p p p[Ll)=Neh. 735 ;
mentioned also in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA
i. 5 5 end) Ezra1031 (pepapei [L]) and in that of wall-builders
(s’ee NEHEMIAH, IJ, E ZRA ii., si16 [ I ] 15d) Neh. 3 II (qppa
[A]), as also among the signatories to the coveiant (see E ZRA i.,
s 7), Neh. 10 27 [zS] (qpap [BNvid.], peoup [A], aeipap [Ll).
HARIPH (qPl??, 5 57). ’The B’ne Hariph, a post-
exilic family, Neh. 7 24 (apei+ [BN], -eip [A], mpqe [Ll)= Ezra
2 18 J O R A H [q.7!.1 (oupa [BI, LOP. [A] i w p q ~[L])=I Esd. 5 16,
AZ~PHURITH RV ARSIPHURITH (apu&uparB [B] apw+povpsLB
[A], opar [I,!), on which see J O R A H ; representid among the
sienatories to the covenant (see EZRA i.. S ,I. Neh. 10 IO~. 1201
~
(ai[6]c+ [BHA], apq+ [L]); cp the gentiiic Hariphite (‘Dln,
Kr. ’?’a [so Ki., Kau.1; xapai+ci [BN], apou+i [AI, Xap4,r
[L]) I Ch. 12 5, a designation of Shephatiah (4), and the Caleb-
ite k A R E P H . 3
HARLOT (?I@, z h i h , ~ O P N H; ildl?, kTdZFa‘h,
‘one consecrated’ [cp CLEAN, 5 I], kp66ovhos, cp Ass. kadGtzi;
a 6 p q LGen. Dt.], ~ e r s h e r p & a i[Hos.], ‘those initiated,’ cp the
masc. form “e, AV ‘sodomite,’ n o p v s h v [Dt.], Bv8iqAAayp6vos
[I? 2246 (47) A], TehsTai ‘sacred rites or mysteries’ [=+??,
mzkdci; I K. 1512 @I- u ~ ~ h a cKa8qUdp l [B] Ka8qU[€]iV [AL]
[z K.23’73, ~ ~ p d l \ O [hB4A L I K.’16 281, cp &alia [Judg. 1121).
T h e difference between the Grzeco-Roman and the
early Israelitish (and indeed Semitic) conceptions of
marriage must be borne in mind when we consider the
prevalence of harlotry attested by the OT documents.
T h e Semitic conception is closely bound up with the idea
that a dead man who has no children will miss some-
thing in ShGl through not receiving that kind of worship
which ancestors in early times appear to have received
(cp Stade, GVH2),3908). Theobject of marriage thus
regarded is not the obtaining of legitimate heirs ; a son
of a afinuh, like Jephthah, is brought up in his father’s
1 So Be.-Rys., who, however, do not notice its connection
with vain.
9 A connection u-ith Talm. lhlp, ‘coulter,‘ Ass. &av&arrc,
'bucket'(?), does not help us.
3 Hariphite and son of Hareph may be synonyms.
1964
 HARLOT
house with the legitimate children (Judg. 11z), and can
even under certain circumstances succeed to the throne
(Judg. 918; cp KINSHIP, 5 6). Social and religious
progress (cp ESCHATOLOGY, 5 sf: ) necessarily led to the
rise of a higher conception of marriage (cp Gen. 2 2 4 ) ;
but in countries where the reproductive forces of nature
were deified-in short, where the worship of the Baby-
lonian goddess IStar had been introduced-harlotry
became so deeply rooted that it taxed all the energy of
the Hebrew prophets of the eighth century and their
adherents to overcome or at least to restrain it. For
there is sufficient evidence that the worship of IStar was
‘ saturated ’ with this shocking practice (see Jeremias,
Izdubar-Nimrod, 5 9 3 ; Jastrow, ReZ. Bab. and Ass.
485), and at the local shrines of N. Israel (see Hos.
4 14) the worship of Yahw& was deeply affected by
Canaauitish practices derived ultimately from Babylonia.
Even in Judah the consecrated harlotry of both sexes
was not unknown (see I K. 1512 22461[47]) ; but we
must not be too prompt to draw historical inferences
from I K. 1 4 2 4 (uliv8eupos [BAL]), vv. 21-24 being a
redactional insertion, nor must we infer from passages
like Ezek. 16 15-34 23 5 3 , that licentious religious rites
were universally prevalent in the closing years of the
Southern king don^.^ I n the original text of Am.43
‘there was probably a distinct reference to the temple”-
prostitutes in Assyria (see HARMON).
This religious. prostitution was prohibited in the
Deuteronomic code (Dt. 23 17 [18] f: ), and the Levitical
legislation (Lev. 20 23) represents Canaanitish abomina-
tions as the chief reason why the Canaanites were
.exterminated. Lev. 21 7 (.old?) forbids a priest to take
a harlot to wife, 1,ev. 2 1 9 directs that the daughter of
any priest who ’ profanes herself by playing the harlot-’
-shall be burned.
In the Wisdom Literature there is no trustworthy
reference to the religious prostitutes.
In Job 8614, where RV gives, ‘And their life (perisheth)
among the unclean’ (mg. ‘sodomites’), the usual explanation is
so far-fetched, and affords so poor a parallelism, that emendation
of the text is indispensahle.3
Ordinary harlots are, however, referred to, and
comparatively high ground is taken in the Prologue
to the Book of Proverbs 4 (Prov. 2 16-19 5-7)
in dealing with their immorality. Harlotry had
‘become a social evil of a new sort, and had to be
encountered by new arguments. Paul, as might be
expected, reaches the highest point of Christian insight
( I Cor. 6 13-19), and our first Gospel contains the
interesting notice (Mt. 21 31f:’) that the harlots, equally
with the publicans, listened to John the Baptist whilst
the hierarchical leaders turned a deaf ear t b his call.
This circumstance is not indeed referred to in the
accounts of John the Baptist’s ministry ; but it is possible
that the ‘ publicans ’ are mentioned there as representa-
tives of the most degraded classes.
On the singular term ‘ dog,’ Dt. 23 18 [19] see DOG, fa 3 fend),
IDOLATRY, B 6, and cp Ur. Dmt. 264. ’. HalCvy’s attempt
1 The ‘ harlots ’ intended in I K. 22 38 (see RV) may perhaps
though zanbtlz is the word used, be religious prostitutes (sd
Kittel). The clause however is a very late insertion.
2 The diflicult pdsage, Eiek. 20 z9, is commonly misunder.
stood. Neither of the explanations cited by Dav. will stand:
’ ~ N J is’plainly
? corrupt, and this throws suspicion on the whole
passage. Read probably, ‘what are the loves (O*?$.V?) which
ye pursue (O’?qen) there? So the name of the land was called
Ahzbim (i.e. “1oves”)unto this day.’ The meaning is, Unto this
day the laid is given to idolatry. Cp the symbolic names
AHOLAH, AHOLIBAH.
3 I n v. 14a for lyl>, ‘in youth,’ read >ti>! ‘by famine’(cp
Pesh. in 6), and in 6 for p w ~ J, p ‘among the &&?iZm,’ read
n‘?$m, ‘by pestilence.’
4 On the exceptional use of ?;?l; (EV ‘ a stranger ‘) for a
‘harlot ’ in Prov. 2 16 5 20 6 24 7 5 23 27 see Toy on Prov. 2 16 :
Bertholet, StelZung, 195. The dissolute women spoken of were
probably often non-Israelites ; hut the wise men had thrown OR
a narrow nationalismto such an extent that the origin or birth.
place of an adulteress or a harlot is of no moment to them.
’ 1955
HABOD, THE WELL O F
‘RE]0 [‘84], 186) to show that Ass. kaaXfu (ZLs’lP) can mean
:he legitimate wife, and that Herodotns (1 19; ‘misunderstood
and misrepresented a perfectly innocent matrimonial custom,
ias not met with acceptance.
See further HOSEA, 0 6, MARRIAGE. T. K. C.
HAR-MAGEDON (ApMArahmN), Rev. 1 6 1 6 RV,
AV A RMAGEDDON (4.v. ).
HARMON. I n Am. 4 3 RV has and ye shall cast
~yourselves]into Harmon,’ where-AV has ‘ and ye shall
cast [them] into the palace,’ for n$D???J 34&1$??).
The text is undoubtedly corrupt. Probably we should
read nidltg ;l?\h$nl, ’ and ye shall be ravished among
the temple-prostitutes ’-i. e . , ye shall be devoted as spoil
of war to the goddess Istar (see Crit. Bib.). Cp
HARLOT.
@’s als ~b Bpos ~b poppav aB1; peppau [AQ*l) supposes
an unlikely reference to Rimmon ; Tg.’s ‘beyond the’mountains
of Armenia ’ (cp Sym.)postulates too early an acquaintazke with
Armenia. Theodot. has rb 6++.bv Bpos. Heilprin (Hisforical
Poetry of the Hebrews, 2 75 [‘So]) and Kijnig (Lehrged. 2 459,
n. 5) suggest a reference to Mt. Hermon ; cp C’5 1Qmg.I apwwva.
Hitzig and Steiner see a reference to the heathen sanctuary of
Hadad-rimmon. Zech. 12 T I however is most obscure and
HADAD-RIMMON [q.v.] is its’elf corrupi. So much, at ’least
these critics have seen more clearly than most, that somi
extremely pointed expressions must have closed the prophecy.
T. K. C.
possibly of Egyptian origin,
Marquartl; c p ia1ii&in an old
5 , and for compounds of Horus
[with ;lnot n] cp, with caution, Aram. iiyin, ‘ Horus helps ’and
$>m?,‘Horus is a confidence ’ [see Cook, Aramaic Glos)sary,
s.v. in]. avap+ap [Bl apva+ap [AI, apra+fp [Ll) a name in a
genealoiy of ASHER(&., I 4 ii.), I Ch. 7 36.t C$AHIRA,HUR,
and note the connection between Egypt and ASHER[q.v., 5 I].
S. A. C.
HARNESS, equally with ‘armour’ (see I K. 102s
z K. lo,;), is given by AV for ?$I (see WEAPONS). In I K. 22 34
11 2 Ch. 18 33, ‘the joints of the harness’ is a vague paraphrase
of a difficult phrase (cp A V w and RVmg., and see BREAST.
PLATE i., col. 606).
HAROD, THE WELL OF (?ID ]‘u, ‘the fountain
Of trembling’ [?I, CP v. 8 ; T r H r H N ApAh [Bls T H N
r H N lA€p[Al, T H N H N Apmh [L]), Judg.71, andper-
haps originally I S. 2 8 7 29 I I K. 2030. The fountain
‘ above ’ which Jerubbaal encamped.
I . Judg. 7 I.-If Moore is right inreferring this passage
to^ a different stratum of tradition from 6 3 3 (which makes
the Midianites encamp in the vale of Jezreel), we shall
have to conjecture that ‘En HkrBd is the name of some
fountain near Shechem. Certainly the two other pas-
sages in which MOREH [q.v.] is mentioned, localise the
name near Shechem, and Ophrah, the home of Gideon,
was probably not far from that town ; hut ( a ) the word
Moreh = ‘ soothsayer ’ was, of course, not confined to
Shechem, and (6) Moore’s view of the origin of Judg.
7 1 is not quite satisfactory. I t is safest to hold with
Budde that 7 I is the continuation of 6 33 (cp MOREH.
H ILL O F ), so that the Well of Harod must be sought
in the vale of Jezreel; and since there are only three
wells or fountains which can come into consideration-
viz., the ‘Ain el-Meiyiteh, which is at the foot of the hill
of Jezreel, the ‘Ain Tuba‘iin, which is out upon the
plain, and the ‘Ain JHliid, close under Gilh’oa-and since
a position by the first or second of these would have
exposed Gideon to the attack of the Midianites, G. A.
Smith (HG397f.)appears to be right in assenting to
the plausible traditional view that the third is the foun-
tain referred to. Its waters well out at the NE. end of
Mt. Gilboa from under a sort of cavern in the wall of
conglomerate rock, and spread out into a limpid pool
or lakelet 40 or 50 ft. in diameter ( B R 3 1 6 8 ) . From
this pool and from the ‘Ain Tuba‘on (the Tubania of
mediaeval writers), which is some little way off, the
Nahr JHlfid flows down past Bethshan into the Jordan.
With its uansually deep bed and its soft -banks it formed
a natural ditch in front of the position which both
Gideon and Saul appear to have taken up on the plateau
1g66
 HARODITE
of Gilboa, and rendered it possible for those encamped
on the plateau to hold the lakelet below against an
enemy on the plain. See G ILBOA , 3 (6).
It is true, Budde (who denies that ‘En HHrBd is ‘Ain Jaliid]
objects that the Nabi Dahi (with which the ‘hill of Moreh
Judg. 7 I [MTI, is generally identified) is too imposing an
eminence to be called a ‘ hill,’ny2, ; but (I) loftier heights than
the Nabi Dabi (e.g., probably the Tell el-Fiil, is., Gibeah of
Benjamin) can be called nu>], and (2) the text of Judg. 7 I is
evidently in disorder. I t may, in fact, he regarded as certain
that originally ZI.16 harmonised with v. 86 ; there must also (as
Budde allows) be some omission in v. la. The omitted words
probably are ‘and passed on to Mt. Gilboa’l (which were after-
wards transferred with an alteration to ZI. 3) ; and the description
of the position of the Midianitish camp in v. 16 should most
probably run thus ‘and the cam of Midian was to the N. of
them, beneath d. Gilboa, in t l e vale.’a CPGILBDA5 3
MOREHHILL OF. We can thus dispense with the hypdthesii
of Schdarz and Grove that ‘Gilead ’ ( v , 3, MT) was the name
of the NW. part of Gilboa, and that there is a trace of this in
the name ‘Ain Jilod.
2. IS.391.-It has usually been held (e.g., by
Robinson, Stanley, and W. Miller) that ‘ the fountain
which is in Jezreel ’ (so MT), beside which Saul’s army
encamped, is the ‘Kin Jaliid. T h e expression, however,
will hardly bear this interpretation. ‘ The fountain in
Jezreel,’ pur exceZZence, can only be the fountain below
Zer‘in now called ‘Ain el-Meyiteh ( ‘ the dead fountain ’).
This shows the necessity of basing biblical geography
on’ a revised Hebrew text. A word must have fallen
out of the text, and this word must be ii5. For MT’s
liy? we must therefore read ?in py3. This view is
supported by bB Pv a e h v and @* Pv aevc?wp--i.e.,
i i n p 3 (Klo.). T h e ‘Ain Jaliid (=‘En Hsrrdd) is, in
fact, little more than a mile from the E. of’ the foot of
the hill of Jezreel, and could therefore fairly be described
as being ‘in [the district of] Jezreel.’ ‘It was on the
plateau above this that Saul’s army was posted, unless
M T is very far wrong indeed (see S AUL ).
3. I S. 287.-Did Saul really go 7 or 8 m. to visit
the so-called ‘ witch of Endor ’ ? I t is shown elsewhere
(ENDOR),with as near an approach to certainty as is
possible, that Endor is an error for ‘En Hared. T h e
wise woman lived at only ten minutes’ distance from
the Israelite camp. See ENUOR (a), bnt cp S AUL.
4. I K. 2030.-Did Benhadad attempt to hide him-
self < in an inner chamber ’ ? Does iin2 i i n really mean
this? Perhaps we should read ‘ b y the fountain in
Harod.’ See G ILBOA , 3 (6). T. K. C.
HARODITE (’i10, p o y h a i o c [Bl, a p o y h a t o c
[A], aA~pl [L], z S. 23zSn), a designation applied
to Shammah, one of David‘s heroes; in v. 256 Elika
is also called a Harodite; but v. q b is probably an
interpolation (see E LIKA ). The situation of Sham-
m a h s native place depends somewhat on that of the
home of his fellow on the list, for the names are given
in couples. If we omit Elika, the companion of Sham-
mah is Helez the Paltite. B ETH - PALET [q.v.] was in
the far south of Judah, which forbids us to connect
‘Harodite’ with En-harod ( H . P. Sm.), and suggests
1 YtS>?? l r s f lLy!!. For attempts to explain 8. 3 with the
minimum of change in the text, or even with no change at all,
see Moore’s commentary and the article ‘ Gilead Mt.’ in Has-
tings, O B 2 176a (Dr.). To the present writer icseems useless
to ‘ heal the hurt’ of the text ‘lightly.’ The view maintained
by him is that an editor transferred the words to v. 3 to form
part of the address to the ‘fearful and trembling,’ but with an
alteration. The text now stands l$)e? l?P %!!I; but 1%
(‘to plait ’) cannot mean ‘ to turn aside ’ (Ges.-Buhl) ; there has
been both corruption and editorial manipulation. An earlier
reading was almost certainly 1;tn l’iY!, ‘and let him
pass on from Mt. Gilboa.’ What the editor did was to alter
id! into l?n, to adapt the words which he transferred to
their new position. The emendation ‘ Gilboa ’ for ‘ Gilead ’ is
adopted from Clericus(1708) by Hitzig, Bertheau, Gratz, Reuss,
Driver, etc. ; but it is not sufficient alone.
2 For minn nyxes, ‘from the hill of the soothsayer,’ read
y35m i n s nnnn, ‘beneath Mt. Gilboa.’ pV23n is composed of
thefirst two letters of nnnn and three of the letters of y>s~n.
~n mnn comes from nn, and mi from ins.
1967
HARSHA
reading w y for ?(y ? n are often confounded).
andi?
Shammab then becomes a man of A RAD (9.. ., I ). So,
in the main, Marquart (Fund. IS), who identifies this
Shammah with one of David‘s brothers. Cp D AVID ,
5 I, n. 2. T. K. C.
HAROEH (n$lq). Shobal I the father of Kirjath-
jearim ’ had sons : ‘ Haroeh, half of the Menuhoth ’;
1 Ch. 252 (nin3n;I v n miil ; a i w eueipa p w v a i w [B], apaa
EUEL appavie [A, om. L]). For we should read
~’N’I. See R EAIAH , I ; cp also M ANAHETHITES .
RARORITE (’*lc), so I Ch. 1127 for H ARODITE
[q.v.]. See SHAMMAH, 5.
RAROSHETH OF THE GENTILES (alisn nghn ;
aP€lCC& [ T U N & N U N ] [Bl, AC€lpUt% Ap€lCW%
A p y ~ o y[T.S.] [AI, A C H p U e , A p l C & L A p y ~ o y
[T.B.] [L]), the place of residence of Sisera, a powerful
king (see Cooke, Hist. and Song of Deb. 4). whose
oppression roused six Israelitish tribes to common
hostile action ,against him (Judg. 42 13 16t). I t has
been identified by Thomson (with the assent of Conder.
G. A. Smith, G. A. Cooke, Socin, Buh1)l with mod.
el-Harithiyeh, on the right bank of the lower Kishon,
NW. of Megiddo. This is ‘an enormous double mound,’
situated just below the point where the Kishon in one
of its turns beats against the rocky base of Carmel,
leaving no room even for a footpath. A castle there
effectually commands the pass up the vale of the
Kishon into Esdraelon, and such a castle there was
on this immense double teZZ of Harothieh [HHrithiyeh].
I t is still covered with the remains of old walls and
buildings’ (Thomson, LB 437). The situation is well
adapted for an oppressive chieftain, and is not to b e
rejected on the ground of the remoteness of Jabin’s
city of Hazor, for Sisera was no mere ‘captain of t h e
host.’ The place-name, however, does not occur in the
Amarna tablets, and textual criticism favours the view
(first suggested by the names Shamgar and Sisera) that
Sisera was a Hittite king. If this is correct, his place
of residence must have been Kadesh on the Orontes ; in
fact, recent textual criticism of Judg. 5 reveals to us the
Kadeshites and Hadrachites fighting against Israel
under Sisera. More precisely, the Hittite city K ADESH
[q.v., 21 bears a fuller name in the true text of the Song
of Deborah-viz., Kadshon or Kidshon.
Now, looking at n&n, we notice that two of its letters recur
in p i p , for 7 and resemble each other so closely in all the
alphabets as to be often hardly distinguishable. Moreover n, 1,
and p are sometimes confounded through phonetic similarity,
while the corruption of 21 (the final forms of letters but slowly
established themselves) into n is easy.
The conclusion we reach is that the otherwise un-
known ‘ Harosheth of the nations’ should rather be
‘ Kidshon of the nations.’ I t was so called to dis-
tinquish it from places of the same name in Canaan.
This view is substantially that of Marquart (Fund. 3).
and Ruben (JQR10554); but these scholars did not
remark the existence of the termination -on appended
to the fundamental element Kudsh. Whether t h e
corrupt name T AHTIM -H ODSHI [q.v.] may be com-
pared, is doubtful. T. K. C.
HARP (ljS?, Ps. 332 etc.; Din’?, Dan. 35 8).
See M USIC , § 7 3
HARROW. For Job 39 IO (Vlb)see A GRICULTURE ,
$ 3 beg. and § 4. For z S. 1 2 3 1 ~ 1Ch. 203 (iiim:, .sin) see
AGRICULTURE, § 8, n.
HARSHA (K@?n, ‘deaf,’§66, cp also TEL-HARSHA),
afamilyof Nethinim in the great post-exilic list(see EZRA ii., § g),
Ezra 252 (apyua [BA], apaua [Ll)=Neh. 754 (a8auau [BNA],
a8aua [L])=I Esd. 532 EV CHAREA (Xapsa [A], om. B, @cam
[L?]).
1 J. S. Black, however, in 1892 and (at greater length) Moore
in 1895,expressed themselves d&btfully. See their respective
commentaries.
1968
 HARSITH
HARSITH,in ‘ T h e gate Harsith’ (Kr. n”p7np
but Kt. n l b l n i l ’V), Jer. 192 RV, AV ‘THEEAsr
G ATE ’ (as if from ~7.n. ‘ sun,’ cp mg.), RVmS the gate
of potsherds.’
Although B’s xapu(e)d favours Kre, this may be merely due
to an early corruptlon or conjecture. Harsith cannot easily he
explained. Most scholars (see BDB) render as RVmg. but the
ending -iih constitutes a difficulty; Hitzig renders Sherhen-
fhzmz, KSnig (2 205 [a]) Scher6enei, but improbably. Read
perhaps niew! ‘I;the Dung-gate seems to be meant. See
HINNOM, VALLEY OF, 5 4 (z), JERUSALEM, 5 24, col. 2423.
T.K. C.
HART, HIND (PK, n$:g ; shaaoc [BKAQRTFL]).
T h e animal intended is probably the fallow-deer (Cervus
damn, L.), which is still to be found in the neighbour-
hood of Sidon (Tristram) ; see R OE , 4. As the name
Aijalon shows, the ayyd must have been found in very
ancient times far to the S. of this, and Dt. 1 2 1 5 2 2 1522
proves that it was quite common game. I t was regu-
larly supplied to Solomon’s table, according to I K.
4 2 3 [ 5 3 ] . In Dt. 1 4 5 it is enumerated among the clean
animals. Hebrew poets delight to refer to it. Its
slender but powerful build, the swiftness and sureness
of its motions, suggested a pleasing comparison for
warriors or for the victorious people of Israel ( 2 S. 2 2 3 4
=Ps. 1 8 3 3 [34] Hab. 3 1 9 , BLS UUPTPXELW [BKAQ]), and
in Gen. 4921 (UTQXEXOS [BADFL]), if M T is correct,
Naphtali is likened to a nimble hind, with reference
to the swiftness of its heroes (see, however, below.).
The horns (a figure for rays of the rising sun?) of the
ayyZi1 have been thought (wrongly) to be referred to in the
title of Ps. 22 (see RVmg.) ; but cp A IJELETH - SHAHAR .
Its languishing condition when deprived of pasture is
referred to in Lam. 1 6 ( K ~ L O[BKAQ]);
~ its disregard
of its young under these circumstances in Jer. 1 4 8 ; its
eager panting for water in Ps. 421 [.I.’ An image
of feminine grace and affectionateness IS derived from
the elegance and the gentle gaze of the hind (Prov.
5 1 9 : cp Cant. 2 7 3 5 [dv ( T U ~ S )iu~6aeucv TOG (i-ypoG
(BAKC in both verses)]) ; and a lover may be likened
to a young hart, Cant. 2 1 7 8 1 4 (n+;ttt i@).
Two passages remain which have to be taken together Job
39 1-4 and Ps. 299. In the former passage the ease with dhich
the hinds bring forth appears as one of the wonders of creation :
in the latter, a phrase used in Job 39 I of the travailing of the
hinds is employed, but with a causative sense, of the effect of
thunderclaps in hastening the parturition of hinds. It must be
admitted, however, that the reference to the accelerated pangs
of the hinds is not quite what we should expect in this grand
storm-piece, nor does it suit the parallel line. n l i y , ‘forests,’
seems to require ns to point n h , ‘terebinths’ (so Lowth,
Gratz, Thrupp, Che.); the suspicious-looking $sin?should rather
be !’&e;, ‘shakes’ (Che.P)). On the analogy of the former
emendation some (Bochart, Lo;vth,’Ew., Olsh., Di., etc.), would
point n\w, ‘terebinths,’ in Gen. 49 21 instead of h!, ‘hind.’
See NAPHTALI.
HARUM (a??, cp Sab. Din, ilDTl [DHM, Ep.
De&. 591, Ar. &w also HORAM) father of Aharhel, a name
in an obscure part of’the genealogy’of Judah ; I Ch. 4 8 ( l a p a p
[BA] :,om. L, see AHARHPL).
HARUMAPH (IDiln, prob. = 78 Daln, ‘with
pierced nose,’ # 66), father of Jedaiah in list of wall-builders (see
NEHEMIAH, 8 IX; E ZRA ii., $5 66, 16 [I] 15d), Neh. 31ot
(epFpopa0 [Bl, -$ [ALI, aimpa0 [HI).
HARUPHITE (’Pllil Kt.), I Ch. 125. See HARIPH.
HARUZ (ySla,‘eager’? ‘gold’? 566, apoyc [BAL]),
of Jotbah, father of Meshullemeth, king Amon’s mother
( 2 K. 2119).
HARVEST (?’up,
Gen. 822 etc. : eepicMoc, Mt.
937 etc.). See AGRICULTURE,55 I 7 ; Y EAR , 5 4.
HASADIAH (ilJ?Pn, ‘ Yahwi: is gracious,’ 5 28),one
of the’ children of Zerubbabel ;I Ch. 320 (acabla
P A ] , -BIA [Ll).
1 Read with Olsh., Che., We., Du., n$fi (MT $ 1 ~ ;
follows).
r969
HASHBADANA
RASENUAH (np?p?),I Ch. 9 7 AV, RV HAS-
SENUAH. See H ASSENAAH .
HASHABIAH (9ilJq@Q, in I Ch. 2 5 3 2 6 3 0 2 Ch.
iliq@n; ‘ Yahwi: has taken account of,’
3 5 9 ; elsewhere
see N AMES , 5 3 2 ; ~ C A B I A ( C ) [BKAL]), a name so
common in post-exilic times that the identity or differ-
entiation of the individuals bearing it is sometimes
uncertain. On Nos. I , 2, 4,7, cp G ENEALOGIES i.. § 7
[ii. d].
I. A Merarite Levite ( I Ch. 645 [30] U U ~ ~ [[BA]).
F]L
2. b. Bunni, a Merarite Levite in list of inhabitants of
Jerusalem (see E ZRA ii., $5 5 [d], 15 [I] a), I Ch. 914 Feh. 1115
(aua@ov [Nc.amg. SUP.] om. BN*A).
3. One who with his brethren ‘men of valour,’ 1700 in number
was overseer in Israel ‘beyond Jordan westward’ (I Ch. 2 8
30) ; see H EBRON ii. I .
--+ A musician, a ’son of Jeduthun’ (I Ch. 253 and 19 apra
WJ).
5. A Levite, son of Kemuel (;.e., Kadmiel? I Ch. 27r7), per-
haps the same as 3.
6. A Levite according to the Chronicler of the time of Josiah
(2 Ch. 359). i n I Esd. 1 9 his name appeirs as ASSABIAS,RV
SABIAS(uaptas [BA]).
7. A Levite in Ezra’s caravan (see EZRA i. $ 2 ii. 5 15 [I] d),
Ezra 819 (ausp[rlra [BA] auua/3ra [L]) I Esd. S i 8 AsEnIA, RV
ASEBIAS(om. B auepLa; [A]). cp Ezia 824 ( u a p r a [Av’d.l)=r
Esd. 854 ASSAN~AS, RV AssAini~s(auuaprav [B], alra. [AI.
auapiav [L]), see Kosters, Hersf. 44, n. 2 ; signatory to the
covenant (see E ZRA i., 5 7) Neh. 1011 [IO] (om. BN*, euspras
[Wamg. AI) ; 1122, auapsra [HI (see Herstel, 105 ). The name
also appears among the Levites in Zerubbabel’s L n d (see E ZRA
ii., $5 6 6 11) Neh. 1224 ( a p r a [BH*]).
8. ‘Rder of half the district of Keilah ’ mentioned in list of
wa!l-b_uilders (see NEHEMIAH, $ I A, EZR; ii., $8 16 [I], ~ s d ) ,
N en. 3 17.
9. Head of the houseof Hilkiah EZRA ii., $8 66, TI), Neh.
12n1 (Wamg.inf., om. BN*A).
HASHABNAH (il??W?, 5 32, probably to be read
il;9@’tJ-z’.e . , Hashabni-jah : see H ASHABNIAH ), sig-
natory to the covenant (see E ZRA i., 5 7) Neh. 1025 [261
(€CABANA [BKA]. acB. [Ll).
HASHABNIAH, RV Hashabneiah (ilJ:&, or
perhaps, if the text is right, as suggested in 32,
il:J?Yn-i.e., HBshabni-iah, ‘ Yahwi: has taken thought
of m e ’ ) , a Levite; Neh. 9s (BRA om., C A B ~ N I ~ Cor
UEXEVLUS[L, the order of the names is different]) ; the
name also of the father of HATTUSH( 2 ) ; Neh. 310
(MBANAM [B”], -NEAM [Bab(vid.)l. - B N ~ A M [W
-ANI& [A], CABANIOY [L]). T h e I, however, seems
due to a scribe who thought of rp12w. Names of the
type Hashabniah ’ are generally corrupt. Probably
Hashabiah is right. T. K. C.
HASHBADANA, RV Hashbaddanah (il?@n,
probably, if original [see below], a corruption of il’J2Vnn
Hashabni-jah : 5 32). one of those (probably Levites: so
Kosters, Herstel, 88) present’ at the reading of the law
under Ezra ; Neh. 8 4 (om. B, ACABAANA m ~ dextr.
. 1,
-BAAMA [A], A B A A N ~ C [L])= I Esd. 9 4 4 (L OTHASUBUS
+ NABARIAS +
: AwebcoyBoc NABAp[€]l&C [BAI,
LICCOM K M ~ ~ A A A N A [Ll).
C Their number is
doubtful.
According to L (in both Neh. and I Esd.) there were seven
standing on each side of Ezra ; according to Neh. MT, 6 on his
right, and 7 on his left; according to Neh. HA, 6 and 7 [Nc.aAl re-
spectively : Neh. B, 6and 4 : I Esd. BAand RV, 7 and 6 ; I Esd.
AV, 7 and 5.
The MT seems to have suffered somewhat from the 11th
name onwards ; the last two names lack the connective ‘and,’
and the preceding name is surely corrupt. Hashbaddanah may
in fact have arisen, the first half (>en) from a repetition of the
preceding Hashum (own), and the second (n112) from a repetition
of the following ?&). The corruption has taken another
course in I Esd., xwni becoming 3wnj(’7), Lothasubus, and
~ * T J ?becoming n+y~], Nabarias. We thus lose no doubt the
two heptads desiderated by Kosters (Hersfel,&3 ; so also’Be.-
Ryss., Guthe), hut we get twelve names, corresponding to the
tribes. See HASHUM. S. A. C.
n
1 Neh. 8 46 may be due to the Chronicler (Kosters, HersteZ, 8SL
1970
 HASHEM, THE SONS O F
HASHEM, THE .SONS OF, the Gizonite (I Ch.
1134, 0 . v ~'27; Bevvaras b Zqpohoysvvouvarv [B], utor Auap' d
r r w u v r [A], Bwveas b Bopoyevuouviv [N], d o i Auop 708 Zevv
.[L w. 341, Ebpauab b rovvr [L w. 331 ; but see JASHEN).
HASHMONAH (@@n ; C ~ A M W N P~L I , acsA- serve us. But it has perhaps a family likeness to the
N A [AF]), a stage in the wandering in the wilderness ;
Nu. 3329,ff. See W ANDERINGS , I I J , and cp M AC -
CABEES i., § 2.
HASHUB (>$Bjn), I Ch. 914AV; R V H A S S H U B ( ~ . V . ) . The key to the mystery must be sought elsewhere.
HASHUBAH (n@I; cp HASHUB),one of the
children of Zerubbabel ; I Ch. 320 (acoyBe [B], AC&A
CAI, hACABae [L]).
HASHUM (a??, vocalisation doubtful; cp a'sread-
ings and Meyer, Entst. 144, who suggests @!; cp the name
D't@n; a[u]uop [BAL]), a family in the great post-exilic list (see
E Z R A ii., $5 g, 8 c), Ezra2 19 ( a m p [Bl, a m u p [A], amwp [Ll)= see J ERUSALEM ,
Neh. 722 (quap[cl [BNAI)=I Esd. 5 16 ARontl (apop [BAj),
represented among the signatories to the'covenant (see E ZRA I.,
$ 7), Neh. !Or8 [191 (qua@[BNAI). Various members of it are
mentioned in the list of those with foreign wives (see E ZRA i., 5 5
end) Ezra 1033 (qu[rlap [BN] auIu1qp [AL1)=1Esd. 933,Aso~. which M T gives ;riwn (RV, conjecturally, ' the second
Thehame is borne apparentl; by an individual in list of Ezra's
supporters (see E ZRA ii., $ 13 V.1; cp i. $ 8, ii. 5 16 [5], ii.
$ 15 [I] C), Neh. 84 (om. BK", wrap [Nc.amg.dextr.Al)=~Esd.
944, LOTHASUBUS (AwOduoupos [BA]). See HASHBADANA.
HASHUPHA(K#VQ), Neh. 746 AV, RV HASUPHA.
HASMAAH (ngP@;l), I Ch. 1 2 3 AVmg., E V
SHEMAAH (q.~.).
HASMONXANS. See M ACCABEES i., 2.
HASRAH (n?qn), ancestor of S HALLUM (2),2 Ch.
3422 (XEAAHC P I . ECCGPH [A], acsp [L]). z K.
2214 has H A R H A S - ( ~ . V . ) .
HASSENAAH (Neh. 3 3 ) , or SENAAH (Ezra 235 Neh. 1023 [24].
Neh. 738), or$[? Esd. 5231 RV S ANAAS , AV ANNAAS,
nF!pO, n@D; CENNAA [AL]).
I n Neh. 738 uavavar [B'], uavav2 y'(the y'is n;merical)[Ba.],
uavava [HA]; inEzra umva [El ; in Neh. 738. auav[B], auavaa
[HI, auava [AI ; in I Esd. uapa [B], uavaas [A].
(a)The name, which only occurs with the prefix q, auo+epsO [L])=I Esd. 533 AV AZAPHION,RV ASSAPHIOTH
* sons of.' was formerlv regarded as the name of a citv.
1. Current the ikhagitants of which returned in
explanatione. large numbers (3930in Neh. 738 ; 3630
in Ezra 235 ; 3330 [A] or 3301 [B] in
I Esd. 523) with Zerubbabel, and rebuilt the fish-
gate at Jerusalem (Neh. 33). This is the first stage in
the quest of the true meaning of the phrase b'ni hasse%ddh
or 6'ni slnddh. But where is there a city with a name like
Senaah? The Magdalsenna of Eusebius and Jerome
(OS 2928150zz), 8 or 7 R. m. N. of Jericho, is surely
not what is meant. (6) Schlatter (Zur Topoav.21.
Gesch. Pal. ) and Siegfr. -%a. therefore suspect that
a Benjamite family (cp I Ch. 97) may be meant.
No such name, however, occurs in the list in Neh.
1 0 14-27. (c) Hence a third view : Senaah, or rather
Hassenaah (with the art.), may be wrongly vocalised.
I n I Ch. 97 Neh. 1 1 9 we meet with a 'son of
Hassenuah' (in Ch. aava [B], auavoua [A], uaava [L] ; 746t. See A XE , 3.
nsana [Vg.]; in Neh. AV S E N U A H ;auava [BRA],
auevva [L], serilna [Vg.]) ; cp H ODAVIAH , 2. That
I Ch. 97-9 contains material derived from a post-exilic
list, has long been recognised.2 Ed. Meyer, t h e r e f ~ r e , ~ zite, I Ch. 4 q t . Probably the word is a fragment of
does not hesitate to regard Hassennah (misread Has-
senaah) as a post-exilic designation, and to explain it
from post -exilic circumstances. Among those who
returned with Zerubbabel, or, perhaps rather,4 who
after Ezra's arrival formed the KdhdZ or ' congregation '
of true or genuine Israelites, there must have been many
who had no landed possessions. The popular wit
1 But see also HARIM (21
a See Herzfeld, Gesc?z.'Tzgg ('47).
3 Enst. 150, 154,156. J. D. Michaelis partlyanticipated him.
4 Meyer, however, takes the former view.
1971
HATITA
may have described such as 'children of the slighted
wife ' (;r?slD= n9ip ' hated,' ' slighted ' ; see Dt. 2 1 IS$,
Is. 6015).
This theory is ingenious, and might provisionally
explanations one finds in the Midrash, and to the
edifying vocalisations of names in the Chronicler. Is
not ' Praise-Yahw6, the son of the slighted' an un-
natural combination ?
I t is to be found in the problematical term M~SHNIIH
2. New theory. [q.".], the current explanation of which
IS purely hvpothetical. An examination
of the passages in ;hick this word occurs with reference
to Jerusalem suggests that underneath it lies the term
' the old city '-Le., the city which existed before
Hezekiah built ' the other wall without' (2 Ch. 325 ;
23). Hassenaah (ny;m) or Has-
senuah ( y m ) and Senaah ( n p ) are probably corrup-
tions of n;hc, ' the old city '-the city which is referred
to under that title in three or rather four passages in
quarter'). T h e 3000, or more, people mentioned in
Ezra 235 Neh. 738 at the end of the list of town popu-
lations are the 'sons ' or people of the ' old city,' or
quarter, of Jerusalem. Now we understand the relative
largeness of the number. T. K. C.
HASSHUB (>st&, ' thought of [by God]' ; ACOYB
[BKAL] ; but [BA] in Ch. ; coy5 [K*] in Neh.
323 ; ACOY? [BK]. in Neh. 10 23 [%$I).
I. A Merarite Levite (I Ch. 914 Neh. 11;s [AV HASHUB]).
2. AV HASHUB, b. Pahath-moab, one of the repairers of the
wall (Neh. 3 11).
3. AV HASHUBanother of the repairers of the wall (Neh. 3 23).
4. AV HASH$, signatory to the covenant (see E ZRA i., $ 7 ) ;
I
HASSOPHERETH (nagba, I scribe' ? OT=ZARE-
PHATH?auo+ppEO [L]). The B'ne Hassophereth agroupof 'Solo-
mon's servants' (see NETHINIM) in the great post-exilic list (see
EZRAii., 3 g), Ezra 2 55 (am+qpae[Bl, -+opaO[Al)=Neh. 757with
article omitted, Bne SOPHERETH (nlBD; ra+apaO [EA], -Or [N],
(auua+eiwO [E], aoa++i. [A]). It is plausible to read n m i
,, ' men Of ZAREPHATH' (q.W.). T. K. C.
HASUPHA (RDjVn, in Neh. ; acoy~$a[AL],
family of NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see E ZRA II., 5 g),
Ezra243(auou+e [Bl, auou+a~[Ll)=Neh.746 (au+a[Bl, auci+a
[NA], AV HASHUPHA)=I Esd. 5 29 (T?uet+a [Bl, atrsiQa[A], EV
ASIPHA). Corrupted to GISPA( q . ~ . )in Neh. 1121.
HAT. For( I)K$?l? (Aram.), kar6lZd, Dan. 321 AV
(4Vmg. 'turban,' RV 'mantle') see T URBAN 2 . and for (2)
vwauos, z Macc. 412(RV [Greek] cap '), see k ~ i .
HATACH, RVHATHACH($?? ; AXpA@AlOC[BRLp],
&os [A], om. La ; in Jos. A& xi. 6 7 axpaOeos), one of the
eunuchs of Ahasuerus (Esth. 4 5 f : [om. BNAL in w. 61, v. g [b]
apXOaOaros [N*A] ; v. IO). Marq. (Fund.7) makes this the 0.
Pers. Lu-~arfu*, 'well-made. C5 also inserts the name in 412
(apxaOaias [A]), 13 (aXOpOaiov [Nl, om. A).
HATCHET (Y@, ~ ~ A ~ K[BKR], Y C securis), Ps.
HATHACH(TilJ, Esth. 45 R V ; A V H A T A C H ( ~ . V , . ) .
HATHATH (nnn; A e A e [BA], -& [L]), a Keniz-
bnnin (see M ANAHATH ), a variant to 'n~ryo(seeMEONO-
THAI). The clan called 'nnin was Calebite ( I Ch. 2 54).
T. K. C.
HATIPHA (K?'grJ [Aram.], 'snatched ' ; ~ T [ ~ ] I @ A
[RNA] aTouc+a[L], see NAMES, 5 63) afamilyof Nethinimin the
great ;ost-exilic list (see E ZRA ii., $ g), Ezra254 (asou+a [B])=
Neh. 7 5 6 ; I Esd. 5 3 2 (are+a [BA]), EV ATIPHA,
HATITA (R@'pn, ' pointed ' ?); ,a-r[s]i~a [BA],
.<&<a[L]), a family of doorkeepers in the great post-exilic list (see
E z R A ~$g),Ezra242(aT?~a[Bl).=Neh.745;
~., IES~.~Z~,TETA,
RV ATETA(aq.ra [A], B om.).
1972
 HATTIL
- HATTIL ($+On, A T ~ ~ [L]).
A The B n e Hattil,
a group of ‘Solomon’s servants’ (see NETHINIILI) in the
great post-exilic list (see E ZRA ii., 5 9); Ezra257 ( a w m [B],
arrrh[Al)=Neh. 759 (cy+ [BN], w~qh[A])=~Esd. 534, HAGIA,
RV AGIA after @EA ayra.
HATTUSH (EhDn, ATTOYC [AL] ; in Ch. XATTOYC
[Bl, XETT. [Alp AT. [GI).
I. A descendant of Davld and son 1 of SHECANIAH [T.v.] ; he
went up with Ezra (see EZRA i. 5 z, ii. 5 15 (I) d),Ezra 8 z (TOUP
[B])=r Esd. 829, LETTUS,~ RV ATTUS(E om.), cp I Ch. 322.
. to the covenant (see E ZRA i... R- 7):
-priestly. sirnatorv
- .
. _ .(Neh.’
10 4 [5l, TOUS [BN*], amus [Ncq); also appears among the ‘priests
and Levites, who went up with Zerubbabel [see EZRA ii.,
5 6 dl (Neh. 122 [Wa(“‘g.),,om. BN*Al).
2. b. HASHABNEIAH rq.v.1 inlist ofwall-builders(see NEHEMIAH,
0 IJ,EZRA ii., 0s 16 [I], 15 d), Neh. 310 (a7ove [BN], auTous
[AI).
(Inn ; a y p a ~ [ e l i ~ i[BAQI;
c in n. 18
UPANITIC [AI, AWPANEITIC [Bl), a region mentioned
in connection with the ideal eastern border of Canaan
in Ezek. 47 16 18f. Of Hazar-enan (see HAZAR-IIATTI-
CON) we learn that it was on the border of Hauran (n.16),
and more particularly that it was on the border between
the territories of Hauran and Damascus (n. 18 ; see Co.’s
text of Ezekiel). Furrer ( Z D P V S 2 7 8 ; cp Grove,
Smith’s DB) places Hauran far away in the N. at
yaww,drin, between Sadad and Karyatin (Baed.(3)40j);
but it is a false assumption of his that Hauran is de-
scribed as N. of Damascus; it is the s. region that
%iekiel mentions first (cp v. 16$, first Damascus, then
-Hamath).
Nor is it safe to work upon an incorrect text. Verse 18 should
be emended with Cornill so as torun thus ‘And the east side ;
from Hazar-enan which lies on the borderbetween Hauran and
Damascus, the Jordan forms the border between Gilead and the
landyf Israel as far as the east sea, unto Tamar ; that is, the east
side.
If we adopt Cornill‘s emendation it becomes clear
that Hauran is the district which still bears this name,
with the addition of G OLAN (4.n.) which (the) HaurHn
adjoins. The name is also found in the Assyrian in-
scriptions (Hamranu = Havranu, K B 2 8 4 ; Havrina,
KB 2 2 1 6 ) ~and in the Mishna (Rtsh hashanah, 2 4).
Elsewhere it has been suggested that J and presumably also
E misunderstood the stories respecting ‘the patriarchs which
hy, written, before them, and misread ‘Haran’ and (in Gen.
34 IO) ‘ Nahor ’ for ‘ Hauran.’ The ‘ city of Nahor,’ or rather
of Hauran,’ will be some importqnt place (Ashtaroth?) in the
district between Damascus and Gilead called Hauran. Possibly
too ‘Aram-naharaim‘ (EV ‘Mesopotamia’) in Gen. 2410 was
misread by J for Aram-Hauran. See HARAN, NAHOR.
On the Auranitis of Roman times, see Schurer, GJV
1354 ; on the modern HaurSn see PALESTINE.
T. K. C.
HAVEN represents, in EV, ( I ) q h , ?zZph, G e n 4913
etc. (TQIl, ‘ to enclose ’).
2. nnn, m,d&tz,Ps. 1 0 7 3 0 , t primarily ‘ a large city’
(for Assyrian and Syriac usage see BDB, and cp Lex%.
of Delitzsch and Payne Smith), but in a special context
possibly ‘haven ’ (see, however, below).
. 3. Xip?fv Acts 27 8 12.
I t is doubtful, in view of the clearness of the Assyrian usage,
. whether ,inn can really mean ‘haven‘ ;improbable too that this
articular word would have been used in Ps.107. Cheyne
? Ps.(’4), on these grounds, emends the text of v. 30 reading
0’:: vnt, ‘for a beach of ships ’ (cp Gen. 49 13) ;Dn was written
twice over, and the first qn corrupted into inn. In Is. 23 IO
Duhm and Cheyue read I@ for n1D; but we are not obliged to
render inn ‘haven.’
On the harbours of Palestine, see M EDITERRANEAN ,
and on the terms of the Blessing of Zehulnn (Gen. 49 13)
see ZEBULUN.
._:perhaps explained by the Hebrews
HAVILAR (35VI,
*sand-land’;cp $\I7 ; s y ( e ) l A ~ ([BADEL]
~) ;H E m A
1 Emending MT in accordance with U I Esd. 829 (see Be-
Rys. nd &.).
2 ATTUS(AV LETTUS)is from a reading +arrauc, a scribe’s
error which could have easily arisen in an uncial MS for a r r o w .
8 ‘ The black land ’ (so Wetzstein, see Del. Hiod, 597), with
reference to the basalt formation.
I973
HAWK
except Gen. 2 1 1 HEFZLATN), a son of Cush, Gen. lo7
(P), I Ch. 1g ; of Joktan, Gen. 10 zg (J), I Ch. 1 2 3
(EYI [A]). The same name is given to a region
bordered by the river Pishon (Gen. 211 J) ; but where
the Pishon was, interpreters are by no means agreed
(see P AKADISE ). Twice again (if not thrice, for
Cornill restores the name in Ezelc. 2722, ‘ Havilah,
Sheba, and Raamah’), we find mention of Havilah.
In Gen. 25 18 [J] the limits of the Ishniaelites are ‘ from
Havilah unto Shur,’ and a similar phrase describes the
region within which the Amalekites were defeated, I S.
1 5 7 (but here the text is disputed ; see TELEM). ?’he
combination of all the data is difficult, and many critics
have been led to distinguish several Havilahs. It would
seem, however, that only absolute necessity would justify
this, and it is perhaps safest to hold that Havilah is
always the same region-of which sometimes one part,
sometimes another, is specially referred to. Del. (Par.
1 2 8 j78), E. Meyer (Gesch. J. AZt. 1224), identify
with the NE. part of the Syrian desert ; Glaser (SRizze,
2 3 2 3 5 ) , with Central and NE. Arabia. See G OLD ,
ONYX, TOPAZ.
Attempts to find an African Havilah ( ‘ A ~ ~ ~ \ ; etc.)
T u L are
,
therefore unnecessary, especially since the onlyother son ofCush
in Gen. 107 who can be probably identified points t o Arabia
(viz. Raamiih). I t appears that P regarded all (non-Ishmaelite)
Arabian tribes as connected with Africa. F. B.
HAVVOTH-JAIR, AV, less correctly, H AVOTH - J AIR
(T9KI nsn, errayheic iasip [BAFLI ; in Ch. KWMN
casip [B”l, K. iaeip [Ba.blpK. i ~ p e i p[AI, a y w e iasip
[L]; Auothiuir, Jer. [OS(2),S914]). This was the name
of certain towns (which arose out of tent-villages l) on
the E. side of Gilead. An early tradition respecting
them is given by J E in Nu. 323g4rf: (n. 40 is an inter-
polation) ; v. 41 47raliX~isravp [A]).
Bu. thinks that this passage originally stood after Josh. 17 14-
18 (Xi.Sa.87) ; hut surely the colonisation described in it belongs
to a later period (see Judg. lO3fi). Ageographicaldifficulty is
caused by Dt. 3 14 (avo0 L a e q [BAFL]) and JQsh. 13 30 ( K i p a L
~ a [ e ] i p[BAL]) which localise the Havvoth-jair in Bashan instead
of in Gilead Apparently the writers identify them with
the sixty fortresses (Dt. 3 4 I K. 4 13) in the former region --a
mistake into which only late writers could have fallen. ‘ (Even)
Bashan’ (l@:-fl$) in Dt. 3 13 isevidently a redactional interpo-
lation, and the reference to Havvoth-jair(EV ‘the towns of Jair’)
in 1K. 413 (om. BL., avo0 L a p p [Al)has been interpolated from
Nu.32 41. I n the post-exilic passage I Ch. 223 (om. Pesh.)
Geshur and Aram are said to have taken sixty cities (including
twenty-three belonging to Jair). Such is the account generally
given of the matter ; but a closer inspection of the text of various
passages referring to Gilead (where ‘ Gilead ’ should probably be
‘ Salhad ’) leads to a more favourable view of the writers who
localise the Havvoth-jair in Bashan, and to a comprehension
of the otherwise dark passage, I Ch. 223, respecting the conquest
of the Havvotb-jair by Geshur and Aram. See J A I R KENATH.
See Kue. Hex. 47 ; Di. Deul., and Bertholet, Diu>.,ad Zuc. ;
Moore,]wdges, 274f:: GASm., HG 551 n. 9.
HAWK (y!, n?:, iepaf [BKAFL]; ACCIPITER), men-
tioned only in Lev. 1116 (om. A), Dt. 1415 (AF in ZI.
14), as one of the unclean birds, and in Job3926 (see
below).
By the hawk no well-defined zoological species is meant ; the
term may be used of any of the smaller diurnal birds of prey.
These are common in Palestine the commonest being perhaps
the kestrel (TinnuncuZus aZuud&iks) and the lesser kestrel ( T .
cenclzris). Both were protected in Egypt as sacred birds. The
hawk (in Eg. &k) was especially the sacred bird of Horns
(the sun god) and it is the characteristic feature of solar deities
in Egypt that they are hawk-headed. The association of the
hawk with the sun is found outside Egypt. The Neo- Platonists
connect the two, and in O!. 15525 the hawk is called ‘the
swift messenger of Phebus. Such was their sanctity among
the Egyptians that they were kept in sacred groves in various
places along the Nile, and when dead their bodies were em.
balmed.
I n Job 39 26 the nZ7 is described as stretching out its
wings and flying to the south. This applies to the
migratory habits of many of the smaller kinds, such as
the lesser kestrel, which migrates to central and
southern Africa for the winter (cp Thomson, LB 326).
. A . E. S.-S. A. C.
1 Havvoth occurs only in this compound name. It is a legacy
from the nomadic stage of Hebrew life (see GOVERNMENT>5 4).
1974
 HAWK, NIGHT
HAWK, NIGHT (DQPn),Lev. 11 16. See NIGHT-
HAWK.
HAY. ( I ) 7’??, @isit-; Prov. 2725 (RV mg.
‘grass’), Is.156 (RV ‘grass’), see G RASS , I ; (2) xip.ror,
I Cor. 3 12.
HAZAEL ($K!Q, 2 K. 88, etc., or $&3!n, z K. 89,
etc., ‘ God sees,’ 5 32 ; ~ Z A H A[BAQL] ; A?s. @azu’z’Zu).
Successor of BENHADADI. (4.v.)as king of Syria.
Two great prophetic biographies referred to him. I n
I K. 19 15 Elijah is sent from Horeb to Damascus to ’ Gen.P), 586-590.
anoint Hazael king over Syria; in v. 17f: Hazael’s
victories over Israel are represented as the divine venge-
ance upon Baal-worshippers. I n 2 K. 87-15, however, we
read that ‘ EZz’sha came to Damascus,’ that he described
the cruelties which Hazael would practise on the
Israelites, and that when Hazael shrank in affected
humility from the prospect (see DOG, § 31,he answered,
‘YahwB has showed me that thou shalt be king over
Syria.’ I t would seem that two different accounts were
current, and that the redactor combined portions of
each. Historically, it is not important to determine
whether either or neither of these accounts is correct.
What is important is the light which 2 K. 87-15 throws
on the road which Hazael took to the throne. There
is no reason to doubt the accuracy of this narrative as
far as Hazael is concerned, and the natural impression
of the reader is that it was not the sick king, but
Hazael who I took the coverlet (RV), and dipped it in
water, and spread it on his face, so that he died.’ T h e
opposite view is no doubt reconcilable with the letter of
the n a r r a t i ~ e . ~Probably the redactor has produced
this indistinctness by the omission of some words, to
make it more difficult to accuse Elisha of complicity in
the deed. W h o Hazael was, we are not told ; but the
expressions used by him in v. 13 seem to preclude the
idea that he was the legitimate heir of Ben-hadad. H e
met the allied forces of Jehoram of Israel and Ahaziah
of Judah a t R AMOTH -G ILEAD ( z I(. 828f:; 914s).
and gained important successes against Jehu which are
referred to elsewhere (D AMASCUS , 8 8). So great
indeed was the stress of the affliction of Israel that it
was not till the reign of Joash b. Jehoahaz, that the
losses inflicted upon Israel by the Syrians were repaired.
I n the time of Amos the barbarities of Hazael were still
fresh in the minds of men (Am. l3f:). Hazael also
came into conflict with SHALMANESER 11. (4.v.).
Twice (842 and 839 B.c.) the Assyrian king says that
he marched against him and defeated him. Shalman-
eser does not, however, appear to have gained any
permanent advantage, and he troubled Aram of
Damascus no more. Thus Hazael was at liberty to
extend his dominion, and this accounts for the notices
in 2 K. 1032 1 2 1 8 [17] 1322 of his successesagainst Jehu
and Jehoahaz of Israel and Jehoash of Judah. Cp
GATH, and (on @’s insertion in 2 K. 1322) A PHEK ,
3 (a), K INGS , § 3 (2). Hazael’s successor was probably
Mari (see B EN - HADAD 11.). T. K. C.
HAZAIAH (;133Q, Yahwe sees ’ : oz[s]ia [BKA],
o<mu [L]), in list of Judahite inhabitants of Jerusalem (see
E ZRA ii., S 5 [b] $5 15 [I] a), Neh. 115.
HAZAR-ADDAR(T78 TYno EITAYAIC a p a h [BAL]),
a place on the S. border of Judah, Nu. 344.T In the /I
passage, Josh. 153, it is called m ~Addar
, (AV A DAR );
but probably the HEZRONr4.v. i.] which occurs close
by is a corruption of yxn (so Ges.-Buhl). Probably,
too, adopting necessary emendations, the geographical
statement in both passages is that the S. border of
Judah went round by the S. of K ADESH -B ARNEA (‘Ain
Kadis) and up to Hazar-jerahmeel (near ‘Ain Muwaileh),
and then passed along Azmon (Jebel Hela1 and Jebel
Read p m i nmi (CP @I, a h CP KINGS,B 3.
2 Read 1BlP (see BED, 5 3, n. 6).
3 Cp Wi. AZttest. Unfers.64-66.
‘975
HAZARMAVETH
Yelek), and so to the torrent of MiSrim (the WLdy el-
‘AriS). Thus the frontier line went southward from
‘Ain Kadis as far, perhaps, as the edge of the Tih
plateau, and then made a circuit to the Jerahmeelite
settlement near the sacred fountain (see BEER-LAHAI-
R OI , J ERAHMEEL ), and to el-‘Anjeh (E N - RIMMON ),
where Palmer noticed strongly-embanked terraces which
must once have been planted with fruit-trees, and thence
by the WHdy el-Abyad into the WHdy el-‘AriS. A less
probable view is learnedly set forth by Wetzstein in Del.
The two texts can hardly both be correct : some corruption
must be assumed. One emendation is suggested above. Azmon
( p y ) should probably he En-rimmon (jbT]’?)1’;became 1;
and fell out. It reniains to read 9 ~ n n - pfor i i u and for
ypipn <the latter occurs in Josh. 15 3). ( i i represents
~ 5~1.
ypip:, IS more nearly complete; it comes from ixoni by ordin-
ary corruption and transposition.) T. K. C.
HAZAR-ENAN (Q’g Tyn, ‘village (enclosure) of
springs’- -the second element is not Hebrew but
Aramaic ; in Ezek. ~ ~ A TOY H c &IN&( N) [BAQ], in Nu.
A p C € N A € l M [B 40. 91, - N [B 71. 101, -C€pN. [BaTbV. 91,
a c a p ~ a [ s ] [AFL
~ ~ v.g, and Barb v. IO]), is the ex-
treme E. point of the ideal N. boundary of Canaan in
Ezek. 4 7 1 7 (where it is p 1 9 ~ is?, Hazar-Enon), 4 8 1
(AYAHC T O Y NAAM [Bl, a. T. AINAM [QI). and also
in Nu.349 (cp v. IO), a passage which belongs to the
priestly narrative and depends on Ezekiel. Probably
Hazar-enon ought also to be substituted for HAZAR-
HATTICON (4.v.)in Ezek. 47 16. Its position is un-
known; but, from the passages in Ezekiel where the
territory of Damascus seems to be placed on the N.
side of the border and excluded from Canaan, the
conjectures which place it at KaryatEn or some other
point N. of Damascus appear to be illegitimate.
Identifications must he precarious, whatever view be taken
of the ideal northern frontier. Van Kasteren (Rm.bib., 30f:
[’95]) thinks of eZ-H&, to the E. of Biniris, near the road to
Damascus. As Buhl points out, however (Geog-. 67 240)~ the
name would be still more appropriate for BZniZs itself (BZni@s
not being the ancient Baal-gad). This may he only a plausihle
conjectnre; but it acquires importance from its complete ccn-
sistency with the description of the E. border in Nu.3410-12;
cp Ezek. 47 18and HAURAN. W. R. S.-T. K. C.
HAZAR-GADDAH (a13 >YQs 1 0 5 ; C E P ~ I[B?],
a c s p r a h h a [A], a c a p . [L]), a place on the Edomite
border of Jndah (Josh. 1527). Eusebins and Jerome ( O S
24535 ; 12728) identify ‘ Gadda’ with a village in the
extreme parts of the Daroma, overhanging the Dead Sea.
More than one site agrees with this description (see Ruhl,
Geog. 185) ; but most probably Eusebius and Jerome
are mistaken, and the village Hazar-gaddah lies nearer
to Beer-sheba than to the Dead Sea. Cp the name
Migdal-gad, and see H AZOR , I (end). T. K. C.
HAZAR-HATTICON, RV H AZER - HATTICON (ly?
fiYg?-i.e., ‘the middlevillage’ ; AYAH TOY C A Y N ~ N
[B], EYNAN hi T O Y ~ Y N A N [AI, 0”. AYAH
byhal TOY e l X W N [Qmg.]),
[QtJ
on the ideal N. frontier
of Canaan (Ezek. 47 16).
It is probable, both on external grounds and on the evidence
of @, that we should read Hazar-enon (p’y for p-,) (so Sm.,
Co.). Van Kasteren’s attempted identification (Em. Bib!., ’95,
p. 30) is therefore needless. See HAZAR-ENAN.
HAZARMAVETH(nlgyn,I 105 ; Sab. ncvmun ;
in Gen. a c a p M w e [A’], C a p M a e [A”], UahPJv [E],
A C A p A M w e [L] ; in Ch, b p A M a e [Alp om. B,
A c s p M u e [L]); the eponym of an Arabian clan, called
son of J OKTAN (4.v.) ; Gen. 1026, I Ch. lzo?. The
name (which cccurs in Sabaean, see above) represents
the mod. Hadramaut (or Hadramfit), the name of a
broad valley running for 100 m. or more parallel to the
coast, by which the valleys of the high Arabian table-
land discharge their not abundant snpply of water into
the sea at Saihut.’ A similar name occurs in Asia
Minor (A DRAMYTTIUM ) ; the final syllable was probably
1 Bent, Soufhern Aradia, 71 [I~w].
1976
 HAZAR-SHUAL HAZOR
-moth or -muth (cp AZMAVETH). T h e modern district proper Heb. term for ' almond' is T?$. See Low,
is less extensive than the ancient. The kings of Hadra- no. 319 ; Celsius, 1253J:
maut have left inscriptions which Glaser has larely dis-
covered. HAZELELPONI, RV Hazzelelponi (+3a$i$!g;
According to Strabo (xvi. 42), the xa7papwr;ra~wereone of the ECHAEBBWN CB1, E C H A A E A ~ W N [AI, & C ~ A ~ @ U N E I
four chief tribes dwelling in southern Arabia (their capital was [L]), sister of JEZREEL,I SHMA , and IDBASH
[qg.~.]
Salma or Sabata- (the S ABTAH of 2,. 7). See Glaser, Shizze, (I Ch.43).
2 20, 4 q f l ; Hommel, A H T , 77$, 80 etc., and cp BDB. Oiie of the oddest names in Chronicles mentioned in con-
Here dwelt the people who in v. 7 are called SABTAH nection with (the Judahite) Jezreel Etain'and (probably) Hur
b. Judah'(r Ch.43). Olshausen tLehyb: d. heby Spy. fj18)
IC v.I. explains, Give shade, thou who lookest upon me Curtis (in .
HAZAR-SHUAL ($d YWJ, § ' o s ) , a city, on the Hastings, D B 2 128 a) 'the Zelelponites.' Neither) view com-
mends itself. *JIB (poni)is a duplication of i j (pentd)
,extremesouthern border of Judah, assigned to Simon : Josh. 15 ~ in 5 ~ 1 3 3
(Penuel) which follows : 5533 is miswritten for S,&n, Halasel,
2 3 (phaucwha [ B L ] , awapaouha [A]); Josh. 1 9 3 (apawha [B],
the true original of 5 ~ 5 BEZALEEL
uipoouha [A], a[ua]pwoha [ L ] ) ; I Ch. 428 (Eqpfouha,8 [Bl, ~ 2 [ q ' . ~ . ] . Possibly Halqel
is the full name of
.euepaouah 1-41, auepaao0 (Ll) ; Neh. 1127 (om. BN*A, eaepaoaA Halusa (better known to ~ S ~ S Z I K L A G ) .
[ K C . a"'g.1 arJspaoah [Ll). The name would correspond to Jerahrneel (see REHOBOTH,
It is vbry probably identical with the h k y , ASAREEL J ERAHMEEL). T. K. C.
.of I Ch. 416, and SUEXWV, the drother of ' Ir-nahash' RAZERHATTICON, or ' the middle Hazer ' (7yiJ
(Beer-sheba), 6 I Ch. 4 x 2 . Conder identifies with'the ]\>+vq),Ezek. 47 16 RV, AV H AZAR - HATTICON [ q . ~ . ] .
ruin Sa'weh, on a hill E. of Beersheba But the name
-is almost certainly a Hebraised form of Ar. siydl, a HAZERIM (n'??in.acHhwe[B], a c H p w e [AFL]),
kind of acacia tree, which grows in Arabia (see Doughty, AV's mistake, derived from 6, for ' villages ' (so RV
.Ar. Des. 291). C p SHITTAH-TREE. T. K. C. Dt.223). See AYVIM.
RAZAR-SUSAH (nPlD TYQ), Josh. 1 9 d ' ; c a p - HAZEROTH (n'[UlYn; a c H p w e [BAFL] ; in Dt.
C O Y C E l N [B], AC€pCOyClM [AI, A[CA] PCOYCIN EL])) 1 1 translated &YAWN [BAFL]), an unknown locality
.also called H AZAR -S USIM (a
in Josh. ; and MT. mentioned in Nu. 1135 12x6 3317 J: Dt. 11. See
I Ch. 431t, P'DlD 'TI ; HMICYCECOPAM' [B"], W ANDERING, 9 7.
H M I C Y C W C O ~ A M[Bab19 H M I C Y ~ W C I M[A H M I C Y HAZEZON-TAMAR (l@ (Wp) Gen. 147 'AV,
points to a reading w~]),a c s p c o y c i [L], where a RV H AZAZON -T AMAR .
Simeonite village. T h e name apparently means 'station
of a mare.' But this is an early editor's guess, not a HAZIEL (Y&Vfl, 5 32 prob. =J AHAZIEL [p.v.], ' El
Tecord of Solomon's importation of horses (cp MARCA- [B], A Z I H A [AL]), a Gershonite Levite,
sees'; e i e ! ~ A
DOTH). Possibly a corruption of ivy i~;, HaSer 'aziz. temp. David (I Ch. 289).
'strong enclosure.' Kephar 'Aziz was a place in the HAZO (iQ, a z a y [ADL]), Nahor's fifth son (Gen.
province of I d u m z a where R. Ishmael, a contemporary 2222). T h e name resembles Ass. HazE (=?rn),which
.of R. 'Akiba, resided (Neub. Ghgr. 117). T. K. C. was a mountain region of volcanic conical hills (so Fr.
RAZAZON-TAMAR, RV, AV H AZEZON - T AMAR Del.) in N. Arabia (KB 2 131). See Buz.
(ypc fyyn [in Ch. ]wn], § 103; AChCdrN BAMap HAZOR (YiUiJ; acwp[BAFL]; A S O R ) , like H EZRON
[BAL], in Ch. &CAM 6 A M a p e PIP A N b C A N ,%MAP (q.v.), is a name corresponding, probably, not to the
[A] ; ASASOATHAMAR), mentioned as inhabited by Ar. &sur ( ' f o r t ' ) but to &n?iru ('sheep-fold,' cp
Amorites, and as conquered by Chedorlaomer, together C ATTLE , 5 6 n. jj), an enclosure of thorny branches or of
with the region of the Amalekites, after he had come stone. The name Hazor or Hazar occurs frequently
to Kadesh, Gen. 147. In z Ch. 202 it is identified as a place-name in the pastoral Negeb. the region of
with En-gedi, which was prqbably suggested by the the ' Hezronites '-nomads who dwelt within such en-
meaning of Tamar (date- palm), En-gedi having been closures (cp H EZRON ). T h e phrase ' the kingdoms of
fanions for its palms. But the situation of En-gedi
does not suit. Hence Knobel thought of the important
+
Hazor ' (Jer. 49 28 30 33 ; adh4 [BKAQ]) is a collec-
tive term for the region of the settled Arabs in the S.
.site called Thamaro or Thamara, and identified by or E. of Palestine (cp Jer. 2 5 3 4 Is. 4211) ; cp the Ar.
some with Kurnkb, NE. of 'Ain Icadis (see T AMAR ) ; /id$iir used (in the plur.) of the settled Arabs living in
b u t palms, we may be sure, have never grown at towns and villages as contrasted with the purely nomad
Kurnub. There must be a corruption in the text, Arabs (cp Rob. AR 1305 and Doughty, Ar. Des. 1274).
which in so ill-preserved a narrative need not surprise I. The Hazor of king JABIN (4.v.) lay near the
us. Probably we should read for ' (the Amorites that
dwelt) in Hazazon-tamar' ' (the fmorites that dwelt)
waters of Merom, not far from Kedesh (Jos. 11 and [an
auop, 6" auuwp] 1219 Judg. 42 17 I S.129; uuwp, -pas
i n the land of Miyim,' own y Jos. Ant. v. 5 I xiii. 5 6 3 ) . Its identification is doubt-
In truth it is difficult to L
;e how the N. Arabian land of ful. Wilson and Gu6rin think of the TeN Hurreh,
M q r i (see)M*zRAiM, 5 26) could have been passed over. The SE. of Kedesh, where there are extensive ruins. Conder
neighbourhood of Kadesh and Jerahmeel are probably thought
of. In I Ch. 202 the note 'that is, En-gedi' may fairly be and others prefer Jebel Hadireh (.' Mt. of the sheep-fold ' ;
taken as a gloss, and 'Hazazon-tamar' be explaiued as a con- cp the plain Merj-Hagireh), a little to the W. of DEshiin,
ventional expression for the country s. of Judza, derived from about three quarters of an hour S. from Kedesh (cp
,Gen. 147 in its already corrupt form. T. K. C.
Baed., 262). On the whole, Robinson's identification
HAZEL (195, Gen. Q037'f). This very interesting tree- with the Tell Khureibeh, 1680 ft. above sea-level,
name (ZUB) is wrongly rendered. 24 m. S. from Kedesh, seems the most suitable; but
Note ( I) that the scene of the narrative in Gen. 3031-43 is laid no ruins have as yet been discovered there.
i n Haran, whereas the hazel-tree is said not to grow in this As htrgava j - y y ) it seems to he mentioned on the old
region, and (2) that this tree is also not known in S. Palestine, Egyptian lis& of Thotmes and the p?pyrus Anastasi (WMM
to which the author of the narrative (J) belongs. As. u. Eav. 173)~and its importance in the foi:rteenth century
The fact that in Syr. and Ar. the cognate word means is perhaps revealed by the Amarna Tablets, where the king of
almond-tree,' strongly favours R V s rendering A LMOND Hasilra or Harura is mentioned several times ; it had smaller
dependent towns and its king is mentioned with the king of
(g,v.),which is also given by Vg. (amyp.daSnas) and Sidon (fromwhici Petrie infers that a Hazor 1 1 m. SE. of Tyre
is not hconsistent with the K U ~ U I V T V of &iABL, ~dpvov is meant).l
being a general term. 795 may be a foreign word ; the In Jos. 1936 ( P ) Hazor appears as a 'fenced' city
and is allotted to Naphtali. Its inhabitants were
1 QllDD9Sn: a simple transposition. carried off by Tiglath-pileser ( 2 K. 1529). I t is
2 p~became yn3 ; p'irn was corrupted into inn>r (nJ=
03). For an analogous corruption see Ps. 1204 (Che. Ps.P)). 1 Syvia and Egyfit, 94 173.

64 = 977 I978
 HAZOR-HADATTAH
mentioned in I Macc. 1 1 6 7 (AV N ASOR , vauwp [VA],
auwp [K]) and is the ASER, RV ASHER,of Tob. 1 2
(aol)p P A 1 auflllp [KI).
Whether the Hazor fortified by Solomon was really
the northern one seems doubtful ( I K. 9 15 om. BL, euap
[A] ; in 1 0 2 3 , auuoup [B], -6 [L], om. A ; XESER [Vg.]).
Althoughfollowed by Megiddo its mentionwith Gezer and
localitiesin theneighbourhood of Jerusalemdoesnotinspire
confidence, and both Jer. and Eus. ( O S 2 ) 97 IO, assure;
2 2 7 3 4 auuoup) actually locate it in Judah. This position
seems more natural, and in @’s addition to I K. 2 (35 i
auuoup [BA], auou6 [L]) Hazor and the other places are
followed immediately by Beth-horon and Baalath.
Which Hazor is meant, however, is uncertain. Jer.
and Eus. speak of a J u d z a n Aser ( O S 2 )9219 2 2 0 9 3 )
between Ashkelon and Ashdod ; and an Asor on the
borders of the former is by them (erroneously?) identi-
fied with H AZOR - HADATTAH . Perhaps Solomon’s
Hazor is the same as no. 3 below. Megiddo seems to
1
be a corruption of M IGDAL - GAD [ g . ~ . ] , unless for
‘ Hazor, Megiddo,’ we should read H AZAR - GADDAH
[g. v.l.2
2. A locality in Benjamin mentioned between Ana-
niah (Beit Hanina?) and Ramah ( Neh. 1133 K c.a nLg. L,
om. BIY*A). One might plausibly identify it with the
ruins of Hazziir near Beit Hanina (PERMiii. 8 114).
The mention of Zeboim, however, between Hadid and
Neballat (v. 34) makes it possible that Hazor may
mean B AAL - HAZOR (iiq5 p 2 S. 1 3 2 3 ,8arhauwp [B],
pehh? [A], pauehh. [L]), which in its turn is defined
as being ‘ beside E PHRAIM ’ [q.v., ii.]. This is Te2Z
‘ASzir-a hill I hour NE. from Bethel (which place is
mentioned in Neh. Il3r)-and lies ENE. of Jifni ( L e .
OPHNI); cp Bnhl, Pal. 177. See ESORA.
3. A town in the Negeb of Judah mentioned between
Kedesh and Ithnan (Josh. 15 23 auop [iwvuw] [B], auwp
[L.], om. A) ; Bnhl(2.c. 182)identifies with HuGZre, E.
from Hebron and NE. from Ma‘in. Cp below.
4. Another Hazor, alternatively called fil:! n i 3 y
(K ERIOTH - HEZRON , R V ; AV read as two) is enumerated
in the same group (Josh. 1525 ~ ~ X E auapwvL S [R], s b X ~ s
- p [A], ~ 6 X e i seupwp [L]) and is identified by Buhl with
mod. KaryatZn S. of Ma‘in, the place whence Judas per-
haps derived his designation ‘ Iscariot ’ (but see J UDAS ).
The modern form of Hazor survives in the Negeb in the forms
Hadira amount S. of Kurnuh, and a well, el-HuderE, inet-Tih
(cp Rob: BR 1223). See HAZOR-HADATTAH. s. A. c.
HAZOR-HADATTAH ( S O RV ; np?? -kq,--i.e.
LAram.1 ‘New Hazer,' acwp TH N K A I N H N [ L ;
om. BA], ASOR N O VA [Vg.]), a place on the Edomite
bqrder of Judah (Josh. 1525).
An Aramaic adjective, however, in this region is so strange
that the reading must be questioned ’ (Di.). nnin is probahly a
miswritten form of which follows ’ Hadattah should he
omitted. AV gives ‘And Hazor Hadittah. Eus. and Jer.
(OS 21731 908jplack this Hazor tdo far N., viz., on the borders
of Ashkelon, towards the E. See HAZOR, I. T. K. C .
RAZZELELPONI ($&Fa), I Ch. 4 3 RV. AV
HAZELELPONI.
HEAD is the equivalent in OT of dK7, rJ& and in
Aram. parts of Dan. of VK?, rZi& and in N T of
KE@AAH. I n I Ch. 1010 EV also gives I head’ for
n)>si, gu&keth. This passage furnishes a good starting-
point for our survey of some of the ideas connected by
the Hebrews with the head. n h h (guZg&th) does not
really mean ‘ head.’ The Chronicler misunderstood
I S. 31 IO.
The first part of the verse, relative to Saul’s armour, is a
parenthesis, and probably a gloss, but seemed to the Chronicler
to he the beginning of a statement respecting the trophies carried
offby the Philistines. If .this view was correct there was no
1 In I K. 9 15(lO 23) the readings are payaw [A], pasrav [Bl (cp
medam, OSW 140 34), payr6Sw [Ll ; in 2 35 payaw [Bl, -6w [AL].
2 A possible connection with MAKKEDAH may also be
suggested.
‘979
HEAD
choice hut to emend in:?? ‘his body’ into in$& ’his skull,’
in spite of the fact that, according to usage it ‘wai not merely
the skull, but the whole head of an enemy, :hat was the victor’s
trophy.
A critical translation of Chronicles would therefore
have to render, in 1Ch. 10 IO, ’ and they stuck up his skull
in the house of Dagon.’ Why the head was chosen as a
trophy (Judg. 7 2 5 I S. 17 54 57 31 9 2 S. 4 7 20 21f. z I<.
1 0 6 8 ) may at first seem to need no investigation;
was not the severed head a convincing proof of death?
I t may have become no more than this when the grim
narrative in 2 K. 10 6 8 was written. When, however,
we read of the Australians that one of the trophies
which they carry home after killing an enemy is the
kidney fat, and that this is kept by the assassin to lubricate
himself, because he thinks that thus he acquires the
strength of his victim,l we begin to suspect that there is
something more than we at first supposed in the custom
of decapitating a dead enemy. What is it, then? I t
is the idea that the head is a special seat of life (which
accounts for the phrase ‘ t o swear by the head,’ Mt.
5 36). Hence among the Iranians the head of a victim
was dedicated to Haoma, in order that the life,
represented by the head, might return to its divine giver.
That was not indeed the usage of the Egyptians or
of the Hebrews. Yet both peoples had a reverence
for the head. ‘There are twenty-two vessels in the
head which draw the spirits into it, and send them
thence to all parts of the body,’ is the assertion of the
Ebers Papyrus (Maspero, Dawn of Civ. zr6), and shows
what the feeling of the Egyptians was.
It is true Herodotns (2 39, quoted Py,WKS, ReL Sen& (2) 379)
states that the head of a sacrificial victim was not offered on the
altar hut sold to Greek traders, or thrown into the Nile; hut
this is opposed t o the clear evidence of the Egyptian monu-
ments.2
The Hebrews, too, doubtless offered the head, among
the other chief parts of the body, upon the altar, and
there is considerable improbability (see DOVE’S DUNG,
col. 1130) in the statement in the M T of z K. 6 2 5 that
heads of asses were eaten during a great famine in
Samaria,-first, because ass’s flesh was forbidden food,
and next, because the dried head of any animal being
used by the Semites as an amulet, it was not natural
fol‘ them to eat the head.3 (The eating of the head of
the paschal lamb was an exception.) It is also probable
that there is a sense of the sacredness of the head in the
statement of I S. 1 7 5 4 and I Ch. 1010 respecting the
head of Goliath and the skull of Saul respectively. In the
former passage the M T tells us that David took the head
of the Philistine and brought it to Jerusalem (ohii,),
but this anachronism is probably an error of the scribes
(Che. Eq5.T. IOs22 [‘99]); the true reading is to
‘ S a u l ’ (h~$)). Saul who had not stirred from his
place could not regard the head of Goliath as a trophy ;
but he may have valued it greatly as a supernatural
guardian or amulet. And so in I Ch. 1010 even the
Chronicler feels that the skull (representing the head)
of Saul may well have been affixed as a sacred object
to the wall of a Philistine temple. Possibly we may
connect his statement with the view certainly held in
Talmudic times that a mummified human head
(tlri$him) or even a human skull (’54,could give
the knowledge of the future.4
Among the various idioms in which the head finds a place a
few may he mentioned.
( I ) To ‘lift up the head ’ when spoken of another, most
naturally means ‘ t o raise to honour’ (see e.g. Gen. 40 13 2 K.2j
27). In Gen. 40 19, however, it meaus ‘ t o take off the head
as a punishment. It is one of those plays on words in which
Hebrew writers delight.
(2) Yahwk ‘will take away thy master from thy head ’(2 K. 2 3 5
EV) alludes to the customaryposition of pupils at the feet of their
teacher (cp Acts 22 3).
1 WRS Ral. Sew. (2) 380.
2 See Rawlinson Hevodotes, 2 71.
3 WRS Rel. Se& (21, 381.
4 For the references see Buxtorf, Lex. Talmud. z6Gofi;
Selden, De Dis Syris, 59; Levy, NHWB, S.V.
1980
 HEADBAND
(3) ‘They shoot out the lip, they shake the head ’ (Ps.22 7 181)
may strike us as a strange combination of phrases. With the
Hebrews, however, shaking the head is a sign of mockery (cp
Ps. 4414 [Is], z K. 19 21), though it may also be a gesture of
sympathy (Job 164).
(4) ‘ Thou shalt heap coa? of fire on his head ’ (Prov. 25 z z )
would most naturally mean, Thou shalt take vengeance upon
him by destroying him’l (Gen. 19 24, Ps. 11 6 171). Of course,
this does not suit the c:ntext nor can 2niq mean anything but
‘fetch,’ or carry away. H e k e the text must be out of order.
Read, ‘for (so) thou wilt quench coals of fire’z (i.e. evil passions,
Ecclus. 8 re). Certainly the reference to the head can be well
spared; the ethical gain is considerable.
In a Zend sdripture we read, after an exhortation to charity
on the ground that the Law begs for charity in the person of
thy brethren who beg for bread ‘Ever will that bread be
burning coal upon, thy head’ (Gistasp Yast, 36, in ~ O x f o ~ d l Psalmist must mean L asteady impulse towards all that is g.ood.’
Zendavesta, part II., by Darmesteter, ,338). The burning
coal on the head ’ seems to be a figurative expression for the
vengeance imprecated on him who refuses the bread of alms.
If so it suggests what the MT of Prov. 25 z z a ought to mean.
On 6 e phrase ‘to cover the head,’ etc. (in mourning), see
MOURNING. T. K. C.
HEADBAND. For ( I ) P’?$?, kiffgrim, Is. 320 AV
(RV ‘sashes’) ; see GIRDLE, 4 ; and for (2) ??!$ i#h&-, I K.
20 38 4 1 RV (AV ‘ ashes ’), see TURBAN, 2.
HEADTIRE. I. RV for 8;?9?2, mighi‘Eh9 the -viz. in Eccles. 1020, where the Hebrew text has the
priestly ‘bonnet’ of AV (Ex. 2S40 etc.). See MITRE, I. 2. RV
for lK?,pi~?r, in Is.Szo(AV ‘bonnet’), Ezek. 2417 (AV tire’).
See TURBAN, 2. 3. EV for KlSapLs, I Esd. 3 6 ; see CROWN.
HEART (35or 2;>, on the distribution of which re-
spectively in O T writings see Briggs, Kohut Memoria(
Stzldies, 94-105 (’97); ~ a p A l & ) .There ~ are some
interesting varieties in the biblical use of the term ‘ heart.’
Primarily the heart is the seat and principle of vitality,
for ‘ the life of the flesh is in the blood’ (Lev. 17 II), and
the receptacle of the blood is the heart.
Hence the expressions, ‘let your heart live ’ (Ps. 22 26 [:7]):
it reaches to thy heart (Jer. 4 18 ; cp z). IO ‘ to the soul ’) ; the strange expression ‘ the eyes of your heart ’ (Eph. 1x8).
whole heart is faint’ (Is. 15).
‘ Heart’ and ‘ flesh’ ( l ~ t @ )combined designate the for that ‘ reason ’ or ‘ understanding’ ( v o k or G ~ d v o r a )
whole inner and outer man ‘(as in Ass. S ~ Y Uand l‘i64u); which is the responsive element in man to the divine
see Ps. 169 73 26 (cp ESCHATOLOGY) ; and for ‘heart ’
in the sense of ‘ inner man ’ note the phrase so frequent
in Dt. (e.g., 42g), ‘ with a l l the heart and with all the
soul.
More special meanings are the following :-
(a)The seat of the appetites, emotions, and passions ; see,
e g . , Ps. 10415 Dt. 1 9 6 I K. 838 Is. 3029.
(6) Mind, intellect, qnrpose, metnory; so ‘men of heart’=
‘men of understanding, Job 34 IO 34 ; ‘ all the wickedness which
thine heart (=thy mind) is privy to; I K. 2 44 EV ; ‘ wisdom and
understanding exceeding much and largeness of heart ’ I K. 4 29
EV ; ‘it is in his heart (Le. pdrpose) to destroy,’ 1s; YO 7 ; ‘ the
heart (purpose) of Pharaoh was changed,’ Ex. 145 ; David laid
up these words in his heart,’ i.e. in his memory, I S. 21 12 (cp
Lk. 2 1951). So Ps. 31 12 1131. ‘a dead man out of heart’ would
mean ‘ a dead man, forgotten,’ if the Hebrew text were correct.
(c) Consciousness, conscience, character. .So Prov, 14 I O (a
fine passage even in EV; but ‘ intermeddleth with its joy’ strikes
a false note, for even a stranger feels some sympathy with simple
human joys) where read-
A hkart that feels its deep vexation
Cannot intermingle with the joy of a stranger.4
Hitzig would give the sense of ‘consciousness’ to the word
‘heart’ in the well-known phrase ‘a clean heart,’ Ps. 51 IO LIZ].
He supports this bya reference to Prov. 22 11a;aclear conscious-
ness-&. ,a joyous temper-would then be the boon sought for by
the speaker. But the reference is not tenable, for in the passage
referred to @ enables us to ,?tore an all-important word which
has been lost-viz ‘ Yahwk. A human king may he partial to
joyous-hearted su4ects, butYahw&loves those whose conscience,
or moral character, is spotless ; dya?rp^ xlipros buias K U P ~ ~ U S .
As to Ps. 51 IO [I.], the true sense of this religiously
1 Toy (Prow. 468) still adheres to the traditional view that the
pang of contrition is meant. But what unsophisticated Jewish
reader could so have interpreted the words?
2 ‘nq?n z i y Wt&y t?.
3 Lazarus (Ethik d.Judenthums 1,981, 231) notes that Talm.
tC15 has a narrower reference than the biblical 25, and desig-
nates the inward disposition as distinguished from external acts.
4 In b read, with Chajes, 27yil; Ei$ li iInnk+. Deep sorrow
incapacitates a man for sympathy with the joys of others.
Frankenberg reads (@ Bpp~s) for 1 ; but the result is not
: 2 Thefiame formoccursasanadj.=‘naked’inPs. 10217 [18];
simple enough for a proverb.
1981
HEATH
important passage is shown by Ezek. 11~ g f . 18 31 36 2 6 f . ,
where ‘ a new heart,’ or ‘ a heart of flesh,’ is the organ
of that new life which Israel is to lead in the ideal age.
A ‘clean heart’ is therefore ‘ a pure conscience and
character.’ The consciousness of being free from guilt
had often been possessed by the early Israelites tem-
porarily as a consequence of the due performance of
ritual forms; but the future Israelites would possess
it permanently, because they would have a moral organ
which would guard them against displeasing their
righteous and holy God.
h c h a ‘clean heart’ is otherwise described as a ‘steadfast
spirit’ (RVmg.; cp Ps. 788 37, EV ‘aright spirit’) by which the
For the sense of ‘ conscience’ see also Job 27 6, EV ‘ my-heart
doth not reproach me ’ (?),and especially I K. 8 8 where EV’s
rendering, ‘every man the plague of his own Ieart,‘ should
rather be ‘every man a stroke in (lit. of) his own conscience.’
The idea is that God not only strikes the body or the possessions
of a sinner, but forcibly touches his heart, or conscience, with
conviction of sin (see Klo., Ki.).
In the hooks admitted into the Heb. canon (for the
Apocrypha cp Wisd. 7 T I Ecclus. 4 2 1 8 [ K ] ) d has the
proper Greek term for conscience, cuvefIBquLs,only once
late word yin.‘ It is, however, common in N T , though
it occurs only once in the Gospels (Jn. 89 in a disputed
section). For the sense of ‘ character,’ see also Jer. 1 2 3 ,
’ Thou hast tried my heart ’ ; Ps. 79 [IO] I Thess. 24.
Here we find ourselves on the line of progress to N T
religion. The Pauline epistles give the heart a centra1
position in the moral nature of man. I t has the power
of immediate perception of the spiritual truths revealed
by G o d s spirit. God, we are told, has shone in the
hearts of Christians to give the light of the knowledge
of the divine glory ( z Cor. 46) ; we even meet with the
Here the ‘ heart ’ is in fact almost a Hebraistic synonym
spirit (cp G NOSIS , 5). The germ of this representa-
tion, however, is to be found in the teaching of Jesus.
‘ Happy are the pure in heart, for they will see God’
(Mt. 58). Indeed, theentire Sermon on the Mount im-
presses the necessity of keeping the ‘ heart ’ pure and in
constant contact with God and with heavenly things as
the condition of pure morality. This again is but the
clearer expression of the O T view that it is affinity
of character that brings a man near to God ; and that
the moral and spiritual life which produces character is
seated in the innermost part of man-Le., in his
‘heart.‘ T. K. C.
HEARTH. For (I) tie, ‘64 ( ~ c x ~ ;paar u b ) , Jer.
3 6 2 2 3 ; (z)li’?,h&wir, Zech. 126 RV ‘pan (of fire)’ (6ahds,
cuminum) ; (3) Y,?iD, ma&d, Ps. 102 3 141 (+p4ytov, cremiunz,
ie., dry wood), RV ‘firebrand’; plur. +i,yin, ?a8&d#, Is.
33 14, EV ‘ burnings,’ see COAL,$ 3.
Lev. 6 9 [ z ] is $fficult (see below); RV ‘on thehearth,’RVmg.
‘on its firewood ; neither is right. The small 13 proceeds from
an ancient corrector (cp the small j in Is. 44 14) and (as in Is.
Lc.) is conjectural. Read i&y, ‘on the fire’ (see 4); the
letters lip.? were accldently misarranged as mp?, and a
corrector changed 9 into 13 (suggested by SS).
4. lJp2, y&&zid, Is. 3014t (@BN*Qr om., uL [see Field]
Ka6uTpa, incendi?mt). ‘the fire burning on the hearth.’
On the ‘hearth of hod,’ Is. 29 I (RVmg.), see ALTAR, ARIEL ;
on the ‘cakes upon the hearth’ of Gen. 166 see BREAD, $ z ( a ) ;
on the ‘hearthstones’ of Ezek. 4043 (AVmg.) see HOOK, 7.
HEATH, RVmg. ‘tamarisk’ (‘uY‘&, ?$YIl ; 2 drrpio-
MYPIKH, Jer. 1 7 6 486f). T h e Heh. word may he con-
nected with &iy, signifying nakedness, and so point to
the stunted appearance of the plant (see below).
1 y y , however, in Eccles., Z.C., is probably corrupt ; Perles
reads $p;Q?, ‘.on thy couch.’
but cp Che. Ps.Pi
1982