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TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES)

(I Tim. 6 IZA)is connected in one tradition with wild orgies down the moral criteria (see E DUCATION, #E 16J) of ejiscopi
in vogue possibly a t the local festival of Diana, the mob having (3 2-7) and diacari (8-13,incidentally deaconesses are included)
clubbed him to death for protesting against their licentiousness. and closing the whole section 1 with a lofty stanza or fragmen;
J. Mo. of a primitive confession upon the incarnate Christ (3 14-16).
The second section (4-6), which resumes the tone of polemic
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES) is thrown into the form of rules for the personal conduct and
ministry of Tim. in view of serious moral aberrations fostered
Contents of epiatles (Pa 1-3). Secuid imprisonment (8 IO). by the ascetic tendencies of certain Christian teachers ; these
Period and oLjcct (F, 4). Gencsis of pasturals ( 8 11). sophistries and su erstitions he is authoritatively to refute
The errorist. (1 5). Critical :iti:ilysib (rig 12-14). (4 1-16). He is furtter advised upon his attitude to the practical
Paulinism (S 6). Order of coniposition (8 IS). problems created by differences of age and sex within the
Sub-Pauline elements (8 7). Author (5 16). membership of the churches ( 5 I$), and some space is devoted
The faithful sayings ($ 8). Pseudonymity (8 17). to the maintenance and control of two special classes of officials-
Style and diction(# y). Bibliography (8 18). widows2 (3-16) and presbyters (17-25). After3 a word on the
These three epistles commonly form a group 1 in the relative duties of slaves and masters (6 IJ), the epistle comes
round to lash the errorists, attacking them with considerable
NT canon,2 a n d the general similarity of their diction, vigour for making a trade of religion. Naturally this suggests
aim, a n d atmosphere makes it convenient to discuss a warning to Christians in general4 against the passion for
them side by side. Their contents are as follows :- money (?IO), and with an impressive charge addressed to the
‘man of God,’ the epistle dies away in a doxology(ir-16).6 In
I Tim. is somewhat loosely knit together; the a postscript, some words to rich eople are appended, together
contents are miscellaneous rather than orderly, as if the with asupplementary warning to kmothy against contemporary
Tim. writer had had no single topic dominant in y v & u ~ s(17.21).
1. his mind. But in spite of this desultory In z Tim,, after the greeting, Paul gives thanks for Timothy’s
inheritance and experience of faith (1 1-5). H e then warns his
character the general trend of the epistle is not obscure. friend against false shame, urging his own life and
After the usual greeting (1 IJ) the epistle opens by describing 2. 2 Tim. teaching to the coiitrary(6-14),6as well as a recent
the commission already given by Paul to his lieutenant a t example of energy and fearlessness on the part of
Ephesus and now urged afresh upon his attention that he may an Asiatic Christian called Onesiphorus (1-18). Especially for
be able to counteract local errorists of antinomian proclivities. one who like Timothy is heir to the Pauline trust and tradition
This commission enforces sincerity and moral earnestness, endurance for Christ s sake and adherence to the Pauline gospei
according to the Pauline stnndard presented as an apostolic (of which, indeed, endurance is a note) form a pressing duty.
trust and tradition to which Timotheus is naturally heir (3-11). the former is certain of a reward (2 1-13), whilst the latter is th;
Here a digression occurs, suggested by the closing words of
.
n. TI Paul claims to be the staunch though unworthyrepresenta-
tire bf this evangelical standard, and stimmons Timothy to
unflinching loyalty (1z.m) in view of some recent instances of
aberration (HYMENAXIS and ALEXANDER). The epistle then
passes away from polemic and personal allusions into the first of anline gospel, even when they involve suffering and obloquy
its two sections ( 2 A). Directions are laid down for the and at the same time adhere to the OT scriptures (10-17) ;? the;
regulation of church-life in general : (a) for whom (2 IA) and follows a risunti containing his final charge and the swansong
by whom (8) prayer is to be offered in church-hoth paragraphs of his own confession (4 1-8). Data of ersonal information and
expanding into slight digressions upon the universality 3 of private messages close the letter (4 2f.
salvation in the Pauline ospel (3 7) and upon the subordinate After a somewhat eyiborate greeting (1 1-4) the
place of women (9-3 I). %e write; then roceeds from Christian 3. Titus. epistle to l‘itus opens by reiterating Paul’s inskuc.
worship to the more vital question of 8) organisation, laying tions with regard to the choice and duties8 of
1 As ‘personal’ letters (‘pro affectu et dilectione,’ Murat. 1 The personal reference elsewhere in the N T (Gal. 2 g, Rev.
Can.) they usually share with Philemon the last place in the 3 12) does not justify Bois in bracketing ‘which is the church
list of Pauline epistles. After the Murat. Canon, where for pf the living God ’ (& . . . <&mas: 3 14-16) and connecting
pillar’ (urGhos)with the suhject of ‘ behave’ (Lvau.rpC+ruOar).
some reason Titus precedes the other two, the normal arrange-
ment is I Tim., z Tim., Titus. 2 The concern to kee the widow-class under the bishop’s
2 The allusions and citations in early Christian literature control is thoroughly sup-apostolic (cp Ignat. ad Po(yk. 4, 5).
simply prove the existence and (by no means unanimous) See MINISTRY. $ 41, and Hastings’ D B 4 916A
acceptance of these epistles during the second and third centuries. 3 The inte olated remark (523), if not an aside suggested by
Neither their rejection by writers and leaders outside the ‘pure’ ( i y v 6 3 may have originally lain between 4 3 and 4 4 or
catholic church, nor their welcome within it, can he supposed to 4 12 and 4 13. from which it has got displaced (instances of this
throw independent light upon the question of their actual origin in Hist. New Tcst.P)pp. xxxix 676 ; also Jahn on Juv.312 16 and
and authorship. Errorists usually refused to admit what was Che. on Is. 38 22). Its insertion after 5 2 2 , which must have taken
in more or less plain conflict with their own tenets and one has place very early, would thus be due to a copyist who read the
always to suspect the bias of moral dislike (Clem.’Alex. Strom. sentence as a qualifying definition of ‘pure ’ (dyviv)-Christian
2 1 1 ) behind their so-called literary verdicts upon authorship. pyrjty being no Essene-like abstinence. Epictetus (Diss, 3 22)
But as little do the employment and the approbation of such similarly regards bodily health as a necessary part of the true
writings by church-authors tell in favour of their reputed Cynic’s religious equipment ; ‘ for if he has the appearance of a
authorship. When admitted to the canon as documents bearing thin perron, his testimony has not the
Paul’s name, they were judged healthy in religious tone, and Bacon group mi. 23-25 together
practically serviceahle to the church ( in honore ecclesiae to 23, 24 to 22, whilst Calvin plausibl;
catholicae in ordinatione ecclesiasticae discipliuae sanctificatae su gested that zzc-23 was a marginal note of the author.
sunt ’ Murat. Can.), and enerally congruous with the Pauline 8 In particular to teachers who found Christianity a lucrative
tradition and temper. #hose who thus stamped them with trade (cp Did. IIA,Barn. IO, Ignat. E j k s . 7, Tit. 1 13).
approval had no independent knowledge of their composition ; 6 The absence of any greetines to members of the Ephesinn
it was enough that the epistles contained nothing which jarred church together with the paucity of personal allusions, shows
with what was judged to be apostolic or Pauline. and the early that tde epistle is not a letter in the strict sense of the word.
Christian attitude towards ‘Hebrews’ is abundlnt evidence of The author is writing with his eye on the Christian church of
how loose that judgment could be. The modern critic is there- his own day, as the phrases ( 2 Tim. 4 zz Tit. 3 15 I Tim. 6 21)
fore justified in going behind such ecclesiaqtical tradition in rove for all three epistles. In Philemon, the one genuine
order to face directly problems of origin and authorship which, ‘private’ note of Paul extant [cp however, PHILEMON], the
in the nature of things, could hardly have been present to the ‘your’ (;p&v) in w. 25 refers to the’different persons associated
consciousness of those who with sound instinct preserved with Philemon in the introduction. Cp also the variant ‘know
writings handed down by religions usage from the past. No ye’ (yrv+qrere : Lachm.) in 2 Tim. 3 I. The alternative open to
one would dream of challenging the verdict of the Homeric the traditionalists is the gratuitous assumption that passages
p ~ i < o v m r simply
, because in common with antiquit generally like I Tim. 2 1-3~ 3 etc.,
, were meant to be communicated by
Aristotle (with the same facts before him) found no h i c u l t y in their recipients to wider circles (Zahn) ; which of course destroys
treating the Iliad and the Odyssey as products of the same the character of the writings as private letters. Cp I Tim. 2 a
mind. And the identification of canonicity or worthiness with (I Cor. 7 17).
direct apostolic authorship, which tacitly controlled nearly all 6 On the contents of 1 6 see below (B 7): But even if ‘ us ’ in
early Christian discussions upon the primitive literature of the v.7 referred to Paul and Timothy (which is not absolutely
church, is a literary convention which it is needless at this time certain) it would simply allude to them as the persons immedi-
of day to spend space in refuting. Consequently, in the case of ately under consideration, not as officials. The passage there-
the pastoral epistles, there need not be any hesitation in con- fore, does not in itself betray the narrowing of the Sp&t to a
centrating attention upon their internal evidence when problems class ; and the contents of the Spirit are distinctly ethical :
such ac pseudonymity are raised. This is just one of the vi our issuing in love to others and in self-control.
instances in which the naive presuppositions of early Christianity f On 3 13 cp Arktides6 16 (Wendland, R k i n . Mus., 1894,
imposed limitations upon its judgment, when that judgment was
exercised upon the remote literary and historical sources of its 4 9 8 b e curious antipathy of the writer to second marriages on
treasures. the part of presbyters, e iscopi, diaconi, and ‘widows’ &+a,
3 J. Tunnel ‘Histoire de l’interprkt. de I T i m 2 4 ’ (Rrvuc see WIUOW),is quite un-f’auline, but corresponds to the more
GHist. et de Lift. R t l i s rgoo, Sept.-Oct.). general cast of feeling prevalent in the second century throughout
5079 5080
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES)
presbyters or episcopi in Crete 1 in order to sharply check internal evidence as well a s to the data afforded by
erroneous teaching and immoral bractices on the part of some more or less contemporary literature. T h e latter point
Judaising propagandists who were upsetting the churches
(j-!6).9, Titus is then instructed how to enforce the moral is minor though real. Their literary affinities are
obligations of Christianity upon aged men (a IJ), aged women,3 beyond question with Lk.-Acts,l Clem. Rorn., Barnabas,
and married women ( 3j), younger men like himself (6-8), and and the epistles of Jude and 2 Pet., as well as with the
slaves (9J) Paul insir.ts on this moral life as an essential of the
Christian faith (11-14, see P ECULIAR PEOPLE), and urges Titus fourth book of the Sibylline oracles (Asia Minor, cirf-a
to press home the positive duties of obedience to authority and 80 A . D . ) which, like 4 Maccabees. reiterates the term
of pure conduct, instead of wasting time over controversialists and * pious ’ (e;ueg$s). Unlike Paul, the author also makes
sectaries (2 15-3 I I ; cp E XCOMMUNICATION , D 3 ; H ERESY, $ 2). copious use of the vocabulary of z Maccabecs, and, at
With some brief persor,al notices (‘2.15) the epistle closes; the
mention of the jurist Zeuas and the evangelist Apollos is perhaps least in Titus and I T i m . , there are traces of acquaiut-
intended to suggest that it was conveyed by their hands to its ance with I Pet.
recipient. T h e distinctive element, however-ie., the promin-
T h e cluster of problems offered by these epistles is ence assigned to Timothy and Titus, is intelligible only
intimately connected with the dual nature of their upon the supposition that the author had specially in
4. Period contents. Within a setting and alongside view the ulterior end of vindicating the legitimate
and object. of material which, upon all available evangelic succession or contemporary episcopi and other
criteria of internal evidence, must be office-bearers in provinces where this was liable for
pronounced distinctly sub-Pauline,4 the reader meets various reasons to be challenged. T h e pastorals were
passages apparently alien which have high claims to be composed, says Tertullian, to expound church affairs
considered as directly due to the apostle whose name ( ‘ de ecclesiastico statu’). T h e craving (visible in Clem.
the letters bear. T h e task of criticism is to d o justice Rom.) for continuity of succession as a guarantee of
to both of these elements. T h e sub-Pauline element authority in doctrine ( a n d therefore in discipline 2 )
is primary, and in vimew of it any reasonable appreciation underlies the effort of this Paulinist to show that
of the whole question, not merely of isolated details, Timothy and Titus were genuine (yvSuioc) heirs of
leads almost inevitably to the conclusion- one of the Paul, who himself (as the author goes out of his way to
best established in PIT research- that the three epistles repeat and assert) was a divinely commissioned herald
are pseudonymous, composed by a Paulinist in Asia of the gospel. Inferentially, the successors appointed
Minor not earlier than the close of the first century, by Paul’s lieutenants possessed the true central deposit
and not later than the second decade of the second of the faith. Conscious of this inheritance, and alive
century, based in part upon genuine fragments from the to its value, they are urged even as novices t o instruct
apostle’s pen as well as upon more or less reliable oral the churches personally upon the faith in a peremptory
tradition, and intended to express and instruct the and positive manner,4 instead of allowing converts to
common Christianity6 of the day in terms, as far as lie exposed t o unreliable teachers or false leaders.
was possible or useful, of the great Pauline tradition. Such teachers and leaders abound. Indeed, one note
Substantially they were written and circulated early in of the age is the flaunting confident temper of the
the second century. : I S is evident from their employment errorists ( z Tim. 2 2 3 5 313 43f: Tit. 1105310 I Tim.
in the epistles of Ignatius and Polycarp. During the 1 7 4 1 5 524 Acts2Ozgf. Jude8-101~19 Rev.220 I J ~ .
period 90.120, and during that period alone, they possess 415 z Jn. 7 3 Jn. g ; Ign. Ephes. 7, Tt-aZZ.6, etc.).
a career and object which corresponds to their own Open attempts as well as cunning intrigues ( z Tim.36
Judeq), are on fdot to exploit the principles of the faith, and
the churches (:E., Athenagoras, Leg. #YO Chvisf. 33, ‘respect- the new tone of overbearing petulance, among
able adultery ~ h p e p~o rjp i~a Herm. M a d . 4 I 4; Clem. 6. The other traits, answers to the tradition preserved
Alex. Strom. I). See Jacoby, ksufesf.Efhik (1859), 378-399. emofists. by Hegesippus (circa 160 A . D . ) ~ that such a
1 The concrete and bitter description of the Cretan character phase occurred first of all during Trajno’s reign
-with its prevalent traits of falsehood, avarice, drunkenness (Eus. HE3 32), previously to which the church6 had remained ‘a
and restless sedition4oes not favour the ingenious hypothesi;
that Cretans in this epistle are an allegorical equivalent for
Philistines ( K ~ ? T E s ,cp CRETE), whom tradition occasionally 1 Cp von Soden, TlreoZ. Ahhadlungen, 133.135 (1892). A
connected with the island. There is n o evidence for soch comparison of the pastorals with Lk.-Acts, etc., establishes not
personification in the pastorals as would represent the church their priority or literary filiation, so much as the relatively late
nnder the figure of the twelve tribes scattered in the dispersion pefiod at which all were composed. Diction, ideas, stand-
(Jas. 1I) and opposed by enemies of the true Israel. point-all indicate unmistakably the sub-Pauline period, with
2 In B. 16 6poAoyoGu~v(EV ‘ profess ’) is (as Heb. 1113) ‘to its stereotyped expressions and current phraseology.
make public avowal,’ especially when called upon (I Pet. 3 15). 2 The concern of the pastorals, less avowed yet non? the less
The writer’s point is, not that the errorists made extravagant real than in Ignatius and Clement, is to vindicate the authority
claims hut that they d;d not act up to the normal profession of of the elders or bishops over the enthusiasts and ascetics in the
the Cdristian faith. church ; the second century reveals this perennial Struggle
3 For rpsu@Ba.rrr in early Christianity see Achelis, Zn/TW, going on particularly in Asia Minor. Hence this Paulinist is
rgoo, pp. qz,f; ’young men’ ( Y E J T C ~came
O L ) to mean ‘laymen,’ forward to claim Paul’s authority on behalf of the organised
as ‘presbyters’ (qxut3Bircpor) passed into an official term (see discipline of the churches.
M INISTRY $43). 3 The prominence given to ‘teaching’ qualities shows that
4 It is ohly fair to the ascertained results of criticism to adopt one danger of the contemporary churches lay largely in the
!his position, although one still meets statements like the follow- vagaries and crude speculations of unauthorised teachers (Did.
ing: ‘ I t may he asserted without fear of contradiction that 151). The author’s c u e is simple. Better let the episcopus
nothing really un-Pauline has been proved in any of the dis- himself teach ! Better let those in authority themselves he
puted epistles ’ (Sanday, Inspirafim,- 3 3 8 3 363f: 3 7 9 5 , 1896, responsible for the instruction of ordinary members ! Evidently
discussion characterised by Dr. Hincks of Andover thus : teaching was not originally or usually (I Tim. 5 17) a function of
General assertion, bolstered up by the opinion of those like- the presbyters ; but abuses had led hy this time, as the DiduchP
minded-this is not the way in which an intelligent man, who proves, to a need for combining teaching with organised church
has solid arguments at his disposal, maintains an imperilled authority. A contemporary spirit of contempt for young
cause ’). episcopi (Ignat. M a p . 3 etc.) is answered hy the repeated
5 Cp von Dobschiitz, Die uvchrisfZichenGenreinden, 127-139 encouragements of Paul in z Tim. 2 22f: Tit. 26f: I Tim. 4 I I , ~
(IF.), Harnack, Ausb.reif. a! Christ. (1902)461f: 5 I ; these are effective from the writer’s standpoint, though
6 The motto of the pastorals lies in a sentence like (RV)‘For such a tone would have been singularly inappropriate from Paul
the grace of God hath appeared, bringing salvation to all men to lieutenants of mature experience. Here, however, they are
&nu bvOpJjrrorS nar6riov.m +&I +
instructing us ’ (Tit. 2 11, arre$dy kp ~ d p TO% r BeoS uumjpcof
In their age Christianity
had to fight for its life against a subtle spirit in the air rather
tyges of loyalty to the Pauline mospel. that is all.
Timothy (zTim.45), e g . , & not An evangelist, but he is to
do an evangelist’s work as part of his full service. See E VAN-
than against civil persecution ; visionapes and sophists were GELIST, M INISTRY , 5 3q6, and Dieterich in ZNTW, r p , pp.
more deadly than proconsuls and lictors. Thanks to the 336-338. The whole evidence from the allusions to ecclesiastical
moderation and steady sense of writers like the author of the organisation points to the period immediately preceding that of
pastorals, however, ordinary Christians came safely through the Ignatius (M INISTRY, p 54).
struggle with four trurhs as a secure possession ; the unity of 6 Also to the statement of ClemAlex. (Sfvom.7 17) that
the Creator and the Redeemer, the unique and, suffiFient value Gnostic heresies first became threatening ahout Hadrian’s reign
of Jesus for redemption and revelation, the vital tie between whilst the apostolic age and teaching ended with Paul’:
morals and faith, and the secure future assured to the church of ministry under Nero.
God. 6 Emphasis on the visible church as a bulwark of morals

5082
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES}
pure and incorruptible virgin ' (nap06vor K ~ O + .ai IGr&#,Oopor) dilections (like the prohibition of marriage among the Encratites
her seducers lurking somewhere in obscurity (& i G j A o TO: of marriage and flesh among the Saturninians and the Mar:
uKdrfr). This comparatively virgin purity of the church tasted cionites), which as usual bordered on antinomian license, to an
not merely till the death of the apostles, but till the close of the aristocratic exclusiveness (opposed in non-Pauline fashion, I Tim.
next generation, 'of those thought worthy to he immediate 2 4f: 4 IO), to a semi-philosophic evaporation of primitive beliefs
listeners to the very words of the divine wisdom' (rGv a6ra;s --e.g., on the resurrection 1 (2 Tim. 2 18. so Menander and Dosi-
& o a k n j s ZvOe'ov uoc$Ls Z T ~ K O S U ~Kar&rwpdvov),
L when the theus), to indulgence in superficial thedries and rhetoric, and so
deceit of teachers of other doctrine (TGY I ~ C ~ O ~ C G ~ V cpK ~ Aon. W VTo , our author's eye these errorists were heterogeneous.
I Tim. 1 3 6 3) produced impious error in the communities. ' For there are many insubordinate people, chatterers an:
'Since none of the apostles survived, these [ h s p o & 8 n ' ~ ~ ~ a h o r ]cheats, es$ecial& those who have come from the circumcision
now attempted, unabashed and openly to preach 'so-called (Tit. 1 IO). The mischievous feature about them was their
gnosis ' (I$V +euGJvupov yvGorv ; cp I Ti;. 6 20) in opposition to presence within the churches and their combination of plausible
'the preaching of the truth (ri rijs MqOdas ~ q p d y p a ;r ~cp errors with apparent, even ostentatious, fidelity to the principles
z Tim. 4 17 Tit. 13). Of these Mircion 1 was the foremost. of the faith-a trouble elsewhere reflected (Acts2029J) in
I n the pastorals, as in Jude and z Peter, this move- connection with the Ephesian church towards the close of the
ment in its incipient stage is met by equally frank first century.
methods, which seem denunciatory merely because we Even if the author had any single system of error in
no longer possess any statement of the other side and mind (which, in view of the contemporary fusion of
are, therefore, prone to forget that such rough and paganism and Judaism, is unlikely),
6.
decisive ways are at times the soundest method of con- the vague and somewhat indiscriminate
serving truth. Popular applications of gnosticism were, fashion in which he endeavours to confute their pre-
a s a rule, brilliant and poisonous fungi. Instead of tensions, renders it impossible to reconstruct any
writing a botanical treatise on their varieties, this writer coherent picture of his opponents. Several traits
felt the simpler and more practical plan was to make suggest influences similar to those which fostered
people either avoid or destroy them. I t was a short Essenism ; others recall the picture of Cerinthus
and easy plan, and probably effective a t the time, sketched in later tradition, others again the errorists
although its expression in literature runs the natural Carpocrates. Menander, and Dositheus. T h e two in-
risk of being reproached for containing more heat than disputable facts are, that the collective evidence of the
light. Firmness and even ridicule have their own place early Christian literature, as well a s of later tradition,
as ethical weapons of defence, and the opening of the places the origin of such phenomena (upon any con-
second century offered Christianity some admirable siderable scale) not earlier than the close of the first
occasions for their use. century, and that their Zococus was primarily Eastern, in
T h e physiognomy of the errorists is indistinct, for Syria and particularly Asia Minor, where we find the
several reasons. T h e author had to preserve the veri- pastorals, like the Ignatian epistles, pouring a scattered
similitude of a Pauline situation, for one t h i n g ; and fire upon manifold forms of antagonistic theosophy.
the desire of avoiding undue anachronisms prevented Against the seductive influences of local paganism,
him from being more explicit about the details of errors with its ethical miasma and religious cravings, the
which had arisen in his own later age. Besides, the author assumes a moralistic standpoint based upon the
errors were familiar to his audience and might be taken popular conception of Paulinism.
for granted on the whole. It is even probable that he No writer after Paul's death could maintain, even when-as
in Marcion's case-he happened to sympathise with, the deeper
abstained purposely from confining his range to any one aspects of the apostle's thought, which survived mainly, so
set of visionaries and opponents, inasmuch as his letters far as the subsequent literature was concerned, hut in altered
were intended (like I Peter, James, and z Peter) to be form throughout the Fourth Gospel. As a general rule
Paulinism was either misunderstood or modified. The suh-
manifestoes to the church in general, rather than homi- Pauline epistles, like the Roman symbol (Kattenbusch, Das
lies for any local audience. T h e numerous forms of ApostoZische SymboZ, 2 4pf: 5 g 6 x 720 [1900l), show instances
opinion and conduct in and around contemporary of both attitudes, and the pastorals are a vivid proof of how
Christendom, which by a sound instinct he regarded a s even a devoted Paulinist had io alter the emphasis at many
poivts of his master's teaching upon religions and practical
a menace to the faith, had certain common features; topics3 in a restatement of it for some later age-being forced,
and to describe these as due to a syncretism of Gnosti- for example, to meet the common objection to Paul's severe
cism and (Tit. 1IO$ 3 9 I Tim. 1 7 ) Judaism, is to go a s view of the Law, and to admit the high estimate of its value
throughout the diaspora as an ethical code and check ( I Tim.
far as the evidence of the pastorals warrants. 1 j-11),4 as well as to correct abuses and misunderstandings of
The environment (as in Rev. Z J , and the Ignatian epp.) is certain Pauline ideas (e.g., the resurrection, 2 Tim. 2 18).
marked by the incipient phases of what afterwards blossomed T h e author rightly felt that Paul was essentially anti-
out into the Gnosticism of the second century : an amalgam of
Gnostic, and that the tenets of the incipient Gnostic
tendencies towards dualism2 and docetism ( I Tim. 2 6 3 16, as in
I Jn.), the multiplication of media between God and man
(1 Tim. 2 5,?), a distinction between the God of creation and
., sub-pauline theosophy would have been repugnant
to the man who had theoretically and
the God of redemption ( I Tim. 4 3.5, cp Herm. Vis. 13), a practically attacked its precursors at
depreciation of the OT ( 2 Tim. 3 16),3 and a penchant for magic
andsuperstition(2Tim. 3813; cpActs89-24 191r-19forEphesus Colossz. But his own^ practical bent -and prudent
136-12 for Cyprus). These tendencies were allied to ascetic prei sense of the situation prevent him from developing in
reply Paul's peculiar theory of gnosis a s a special
(2 Tim. 2 1 9 3 etc.) is accompanied by its elevation to the rank endowment, superior to faith, and mediated by the
of foundation (BqdALar), hitherto reserved for Christ (I Cor.
3 11)) or, at least, for the prophets and apostles (Eph. 2 20). The 1 This notion is either ultra-spiritualist (cp Jn. 524, qualified
church now takes her place in a fairly stable world; the old carefully by 528,?, etc.) and due to Gnostic tendencies or
anxious outlook for an immediate return of Jesus is no longer chiliastic-the reign of Christ eternal life, has already beinn ;
central. The really pressing questions concern not the next therefore there can be no mariying (Lk. 20 35f: I Tim. 4 3).
world but the present, and institutions are brought forward as a a If Cerinthus and Carpocrates really rejected the virgin-
means of moral discipline and religious settlement. birth (Iren. Adv. h w . i. 26 I 25 I), it is strange that neither the
1 Marcion's omission of the pastorals from his canon tells author of the Fourth Gospel nor the author of the pastorals
heavily against their origin as preserved in tradition. Philemon defended this point. The former, probably, had reasons of his
was accepted by him, though far more of a private note than own ; hut the latter, who had no semi-philosophic christology
any of the pastorals ; and the presence of elements antagonistic to state, seems to have omitted the virgin-birth from his
t o his own views need not have made him exclude them, since rhythmic summary ( I Tim.3 163) owing to his genuinely
he could have easily excised these passages in this as in other Pauline standpoint. This adherence to the older view is all
cases. the more remarkable side by side with the eager insistence on it
a C von Dobschiitz 180.187, 189. in Asc. lsaire 11 2-22, and Ignat. ad Ejh. 19 (where a Pauline
3 T1e lack of homoieneity in the descri tion of the errorists citation occu& I Cor. 2 a), both contemporary writings.
prevents this trait from telling against t i e reference (GENE- 3 Note, e.g., the varying proportion of the two currents-one
ALOGIES $ ?; Hart, Judaistic Christzaftity, 135x) of the spont?ne?us and prophetic, the other veering towards order and
'genealdgies (ysvcahoyiar) in Tit. 39 I Tim. 1 4 to legendary organisation. The former is in some writings of this age almost
pedigrees of Jewish heroes. But the phrase came to have a wholly subordinated to the latter (Clem.Rom., Past., even
conveniently appropriate colonr afterwards in view of the Ignat.) ; in others it is dominant, almost exclusively important
interminable series of ieons and emanations developed especially (Barnahas, I Jn., Rev., Jude, z Pet.).
hy Gnostic sects like the Valentinians. The Jewish legalism of 4 Antiphanes (Fragr,r.Corn. Graec.), ' H e who does no wrong
Tit. 114 3 g I Tim. 1 7,? recalls Cerinthus decidedly. needs no law ' (6 p$iv IGCKGW obdavbs Geirar vipou).

5083 5084
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES)
spirit. Such methods would not have been appropriate. Similarly the church to this unmystical author, is no longer
Popular Christianity had always been wider a n d more fhe bride or fh60dy df Christ but Gods building, or rather a
familia dei, quite in the neo-catholic manner. It is beginning.
varied than Paulinism. even during Paul’s lifetime, a n d to assunie the place occupied by the Holy Spirit in Paul’s
the new period which found Christianity in fresh re- theology, the latter doctrine having become liable to abuse as
lations with the wider empire in the generation following well as proving too profound for later generations. As in hooks
like the .4pocalypse, Jude, and 2 Peter, the Spirit in the
Paul‘s death, stimulated fresh energies a n d fresh methods pastorals is essentially prophetic ;1 as a means of union between
of esprcssion, native to the a g e but more or less a n the individual and Jesus, it is almost if not entirely ignored.
advance upon all previous conceptions. To the author The exceptions-and they are apparent or partial exceptions-
of the pastorals, loyal to the apostolic a n d especially are Tit. 3 5f: 2 Tim. 114 ; even the personal relation of the
believer to Jesus is not cardinal ( z Tim. 1 12 2 IIJ).
the Pauline tradition, but none the less free t o interpret
These a n d other items of the creed, now rapidly
afresh his Christian consciousness, G o d appears-in
crystallising in Kame a n d Asia Minor, are conveyed
un-Panline fashion--as a Saviour ; Jesus not as the son
partly in hymnal fragmcnts‘ which, like
of G o d but as a mediator,’ or rather ihe mediator ; 8. The
baptisni (Tit. 3;) as almost a sacrament of salvation,
‘faithful those in the Apocalypse of John, sprang
from the cultus of the churches; partly in
the Law simply as a useful code of morals. Anthropo-
morphism is carelully avoided, as in the Fourth Gospel ;
sayings’’ the shape of aphorisms such as the terse
a n d w-eighty axioms called the five ’ faithful sayings’
God is t h e Absolute-his unity, awe (I Tim. 616, c p
(cp Ps. 1117J). These are like proverhs ; they m a r k
En. 1 4 2 r J ) . a n d eternity, his universal purpose, but
not his fatherly love, being prominent.2 The pressing
a comparatively advanced stage of experience. ex-
pressing in concentrated form the outcome of prolonged
question of religion is the consolidation of the churches
rather than the extension of the gospel to those as yet reflection.
(i.) 2 Tim. 211-13a.-Here the ‘faithful saying’ (rrrmbs
unreached. We are in the age of the Epigoni, when h6yoc)3 resembles a fragment of some primitive hymn or con-
the creative genius has almost disappeared a n d is fession, if it is not-like the rhythmical snatches (cp also Rev.
yielding place to practical activities which are mainly 21; 226, h i p m w ~ o i )in the Apocalypse-an outburst of the
Spirit-raptures in the early church (cp Weinel, Die W i d . des
devoted to conserving ground already gained. The (;eisfcs, 80J [r8991). (ii.) Tit. 38.-As the phrase implies a
spirit of defensiveness has increased. Christianity is condensed and pregnant statement it seems better in Tit. 3 8 to
now more self-conscious than ever. Her outlook is not find its contents in u. 7 rather thaiin 4-7, which it is sometimes
eschatological so much as secular, directed t o a useful supposed (e.g., by von Soden, Bernard, Weiss) to recapitulate.
(iii.) I Tim. 1 xg.-Here the phrase not merely is expanded by
though troubled career in the world. The church has the non-Pauline addition4 ‘and worthy of all acceptation’ (rai
behind her a sound body of religious truth, which it is r d q r iroGopjc d&oc; as in 49), hut also precedes its contents
her business t o teach a n d enforce ; a n d this is presented which are in this instance introduced by ‘that’ (&). (iv.)
I Tim. 3 I-The use of the phrase in this verse, which of course
by the writer in brief, crystallised phrases a n d para- refers hack to 2 r; (‘saved in child-hearing’ ; Chrysost. Erasm.
graphs, which recall the incipient liturgies and symbols etc.)-a wife’s salvation being worked out In her own sphere of
of the church.s Faith consequently is tending to become motherhood (despite the associations of Jewish tradition), not
more than e v e r j d e s PUCE creditur. I t is predominantly in ecclesiastical position-is remarkable for the variant (accepted
byZahn.EinZ. 1482) ‘human’(bvOp&rrrvor)5inD*g (Amhrosiast.
the confident apprehension of the truth or the conviction Sedul.). In 1I; as here, ‘save’ (oii{etv) has an indirect eschato-
that the gospel-message is authentic, sometimes the logical reference. (v.) I Tim. 4 9.-In this verse (which Bois and
virtue of fidelity ; but neither the author nor his age h a s
any intelligent s y n q n t h y with Paul’s characteristic idea conciliation. He ‘could no doubt have said all this’ (i.e., Tit.
of faith a s t h e warm tie between Jesus a n d the re- 3 4-7) alco, hut ‘probably he would have said it otherwise and
not all at a time.’ Practically it is the use of such stereo<yped
deemed Christian. Nay more, the old Pauline anti- and almost formal language which makes it reasonable to say
thesis of faith a n d works (like the idea of justification that ‘St. Paul was inspired, but the writer of these epistles is
by faith, or of salvation from sin’s guilt) is put into the sometimes only orthodox’ (Denney, Ths Deafh of Christ, 1902,
background, evidently as misleading o r apt to b e mis- P. 203).
1 In I Tim. 1 1 8 414, where a symbol is trembling into a
understood. ‘ Piety,’ nourished by sound’ teaching, sacrament (cp Acts 2028, not 13 1-3 which denotes a commission
is the root out of which all human virtnes spring ; a n d for some special service), divine inspiration prompts the Christian
the conceptions of reward, a good conscience, a n d the prophets, of whom Paul is one, to select men for office in the
church, and to confer upon them a supernatural charism
value of a respectable reputation, come to t h e front. (X6.pprupa) by means of the rite of impasition of hands (see
In effect, this is practically the ethical result of HANDSLAYING O N O F and S PIRITUAL GIFTS also MINISTRY
Paulinism. But how differently 5 the apostle a n d the 5 37, 6, L). The idea o i such a special rite, ev& in the form
2 Tim. 1 6 ( I Thess. 5 IS/),
d
could hardly have come from the man
later church reached even the same conclusions ! H e r e who wrote I Cor. 12 4 (diversities of gifts), I I (dividing to every
eternal life is t h e boon granted to good works, and man), and represents the water-mark of later Catholicism ; the
‘faith’ ( r r i m r s ) is a man’s relation to t h e ‘ truth’ of semi-officialtinge lent to a primitive ceremony is palpable (see
‘ the teaching.’ Gunkel’s Wirkungen des heiZig. Geistes,P) 7 [1899], and especi-
ally Weinel’s Wirk. des Geistes und&er Geister, 140-142, 216-
2x8 [18991, with the conveyancing of influence through physical
1 Sub-Pauline idea (Heh. 8 6, etc.). In Test. Dan. 6, the contact as traced by Volz in Z A TW 21 93f: [ I ~ o I ] ) . The other
an el of peace is the mediator between God and man. function of the Spirit in the prophets-ie., prediction of woes
8 The heaping up of predicates, especially in the negative, and perils (I Tim. 4 13z Tim. 3 XJf-is naturally referred by the
recalls earlier attempt; by Jewish thinkers (e.g., Philo and sub-apostolic age (Acts 20 29J Clem.Rom. 44 I Jude 1 7 3 2 Pet.
Josephus) to define God semi-philoso hically, as a reaction from 2 I ) to the apostles. They foresaw what their successors suffer.
the earlier realism and its love of tgeophanies. Passages like Hence the pseudonymous pastoral epistles credit Paul with
I Tim. 1 1 7 6 16 mark the sub-Pauline transition from this to the anticipations of the errors current in their own age.
later efforts of the Greek spirit, as in the ‘ Preaching of Peter’ 2 In I Tim. 3 16 the statement of the resurrection (I justified in
and Aristides. The pastoral ‘Trinity’ corresponds, however, the spirit,’ i S t ~ a ~ & @
& rrvcI;IIan) is an un-Pauline development
to the apocalyptic ( e g . , Rev. 1 4 Lk. 926, etc.)-i.e., God, Jesus, of Rom. 1 4 (cp Iren. ii. 32 3 3 ) after I Pet. 3 18 4 6 and Jn. 16 10
and the angels (elect); while Christ’s appearing ( I Tim. 6 1 4 3 ) as that of the incarnation is un-Pauline and distinctly Johannin;
is stated in Pauline terms of subordination, and with the substitu- ( I Jn. 3 5 8 , cp I Pet.120); ‘seen by angels’ is a sub-Pauline
tion of epiphany (;rL$&ta) for the Pauline parousia(rapovda). development (Eph. 3 io I Pet. 1 1 2 3 I B J ) ‘world’ ( K ~ U ~ O S )
3 The pastorals, like Ephesians, are absorbed in an un- appears to have its suh-Pauline emphasis ’of ‘evil,’ and ‘was
Pauline devotion to the church which ignores the local churches. taken up in glory’ (bvfA$pgOq & %en), if an allusion to the
This trait, absent even from Ignatius, significantly illustrates Ascension, is thoroughly un-Pauline. On the Messiah as the
their authorship and real aim as tracts for the officers of the copestone of this new temple of Truth, see Briggs, Messiah of
Catholic church. Timothy and Titus are portrayed as receiving AposfZes 228-232 [ I t i g ; ] .
instructions and ideals which were to control the contemporary 3 The’reference is neither to u. 8 (Weiss) nor to what im-
teachers and other office-hearers of the author’s age. mediately precedes (Chrysost.) hut to 116-13a which like Tit.
4 This un-Pauline use of Gyraivfrv in GdaowAla Gyraivovwa 3 8 and I Tim. 4 9 , looks 0111 d’irectly upon the future‘and final
(‘sound doctrine ’) is anticipated in the Philonic phrases ‘ sound hope of the Christian disciple. 136 is probably an explanatory
learning ‘(Gyraivwua pi.9quts), and ‘sound words ( 0 ; iyaivovrer comment ; hut there is no need to regard 13 (with Ewald, Hesse,
) ; tends oc,,casionally to become almost equivalent to
A ~ ~ o L it Hilg.) as a gloss or interpolation.
‘rational,’ or ‘ sane. 1 Cp ,En.,941, ‘the paths of righteousness are worthy of
6 Paul could have written Tit. 2 I I 14 : but he would have acceptation.
had something to say also about peace with God and re- 5 So r (humanus), 1 I;.

5085 5086
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES)
Ealjon delete) the contentsof the ‘saying’ (A6yor) might be either Still further proof in corroboration of their un-Pauline
ZI. 8 (Chrysost. Weiu. Hilg. Weiss, von Soden, Horton) or z). IO
(Bengel, Schleierm. Holtzm., cp ‘for’ [yip] and bydv. 2 Tim. origin flows in from the impossibility of placing the
211). It is noticeable that of these senfcntirp (i.) alone is in The second epistles within Paul’s lifetime. With
thought and style somewhat parallel to Pau1,l who never as. imprisonment. practical unanimity1 defenders Z of the
sociates ‘heirship’ or ‘hope’ (as Tit. 3 7f;) with ‘eternal life’ traditional hypothesis abandon all
(<w+ aldvror). The colouring of (iii.), as of Tit. 3 5 (2 Tim. 1 IO
I Tim. 2 4 2 6 13f: Tit. 1 1 3 16) is Johannine, whilst (iv.) contains attempts to fix them previous to Paul’s Roman imprison-
the pastoral triad offaith, Zove, and so6erness, and the &I. Aey. ment ; but their conjecture of a release, followed by a
cAda%ean.ng,which is besides an idea generally strange to Paul’s further extension of activity and a second imprisonment,
mode of thought (particularly if childhirth is considered as a is quite gratuitous and hardly furnishes a more tenable
means of salvation). In (v.) characteristically un-Pauline terms
abound (e.g., ‘bodily ’ [uwpa~ir6rl,‘ bodily exercise ’ [yvfivauia], ground for the pastorals. It is not indeed bound up
profitable’ [i+CAiporl, 7,. 7f: ; uo+p of God, ZI.10). The with the acceptance of their Pauline authorship ; the
faithful sayings,’ therefore, not merely are characteristic of the two positions are independent and maybe held separately.
pastorals, but betray an essentially un-Pauline conception of the
reg ula3dei.3 But even apart from the evidence of the pastorals (which
This difference in ground-work is endorsed by the never mention Spain, nor allude to so momentous a tour
difference in style and diction between Paul and the in the Western Mediterranean), the evidence for this
9. Style and author of the pastorals, an argument which second imprisonment must be pronounced inadequate
a cumulative and almost final proof (C HRONOLOGY , 7 9 $ , P AUL , 31).resting mainly on a
diction. forms of the sub-Pauline origin of the epistles. vague rumour (Myor E X E L ) reported by Eusebius, and the
Out of the 176 hapax legomena, a proportion two or three times allusion in the Muratorian Canon (possibly derived from
as great as in the Pauline epistles, nearly 80 are in LXX and were apocryphal Acta) w.hich is simply an expansion of Rom.
therefore consciously neglected by Paul. Favourite Pauline 1524 28-the devout and imaginative fantasy of later
phrases and words are totally wanting (e.g., ‘ unjust’ [d&r~or]!
‘uncleanness ’ [&rat’apuia],‘adoption ’ [urot’euial, ‘our Father tradition being convinced that because Paul proposed a
[rarip jpGv1, ‘covenant ’ [ 8 r a e j ~ q l‘reveal’ ,~ [bro~ah6rrrerv], visit to Spain, he mnst have carried it out. N o such
‘free ’ [rhclit’aporl and compounds, be operative ’ [ i v c p y ~ b ] , tradition lingered in Spain itself, whilst the express state-
‘perform’ [~ampyd<eut’a~l, ‘boast ‘ [~au~&rOarl, ‘folly ’ [pwpia],
‘tradition ’ [ ~ a p d o u t r l‘persuade
, ’ [rereeLvl, ‘abound ’ [rcptu- ment of Acts 2025 38 and the significant silence of Clemens
U B ~ ~ L Y‘do
] ’ [rrpduuerv,=rrorr;v, in past.], ‘perfect [~iAeror],, Romanus imply that the tradition nearest to Paul’s life
‘be g r k o u s ’ [ x a p i < e d a ~ ]‘think’
, [+poveiv], with ‘ordinance knew of no return t o Asia Minor. T h e very passage in
[6rraiwfia],‘ greater ’ (fi4“wvI, ‘ small ’ [prfip&rl,‘ body ’ [&;pa],
‘good’ [xpq,m6cl, etc: ; also particles like then’ [d a], ‘where- Clemens Romanus (s), which has been supposed to refer
fore’ [&&], because [ ~ L & T‘Lthen’ ] , [&ELT~], ‘stilf’ [&], ‘be- to this western journey, tells against it. Charged with
hold ’ [&, ;6061,etc., etc., prepositions like ‘ with ’ [ w ’ v = ~ ~ Tof& rhetorical feeling, as Banr pointed ont, it narrates (like
astoralsl, ‘instead of’ [bvril, ‘until’ [ d ~ ~ ‘before’[&‘;p~pouOrv],
l , Rom. 15 19)the sweep of Paul‘s career from Jerusalem
‘beyond ’ [r a d acc I). Many fresh terms are coined, new com-
pounds and k i n i s m s are introduced whole families of words to Rome : ‘after teaching righteousness to the whole
appear for the first time (cp those in i privative, Gr8aur-, oko-, world, and reaching the limit of the West, and bearing
uw+p-, +tho-, etc.), and others are used with unwonted frequency testimony before the authorities, so he left the world.‘
(e.g., rdh-). The extent and significance of this change in
vocabulary cannot adequately be explained even when one Paul’s sun had ended its course (Acts 1347). Clement
assigns the fullest possible weight to such factors as change of is speaking from the standpoint of his Eastern readers
amanuensis, situation, or topic, lapse of time, literary fertility, who would naturally take ‘ the limit of the west’ ( A
o r senile weakness ; for the wider evidence of syntax and style ~Ppparijs &krw~s)as the Imperial capital (cp ‘east ’
tn be felt even through a translation, comes in to verify th:
impression already made by the vocahulary. Particularly where [bvarohijs] and ‘west ’ [Gliurr] of Syria and Rome in
the writer is most himself and least de endent on previous letters Ignat. Ront. z),and incidentally clinches the proof by
(as in I Tim.), the idiosyncrasies o f his composition appear adding that the Neronic martyrs of 64 were ‘ gathered
neither accidental nor trivial by any means. The comparativ; unto Paul and Peter,’ implying that the latter had
ahsence of rugged fervour, the smoother flow, the heaping up
of words, all point to another sign-manual than that of Paul. already died. Were the ’ earlier ’ chronology adopted,
In short, the relative proportions of likeness and unlikeness which brings Paul to Rome early in the.sixties if not
(especially to Romans and Philippians) between the style of even earlier, space would of course be won bcfore 64
Paul and the style of these three letters, are explicable only upon
the hypothesis that the writer of the pastorals modelled his for the two or three years’ interval required by the
diction in part upon that of his master, but not slavishly- traditional hypothesis of the ‘ pastorals ’ (C HRONOLOGY ,
certainly not to the prejudice of his own originality and cast of 64-66). Otherwise no time is left, and it is almost
thought. These proportions are precisely what we should expect incredible that the ‘ pastorals,’ if written after 64, should
in such a literary relationship. Upon any other hypothesis they
do not seem credible or reasonable. Questions of style are pro- breathe no hint of the shock produced upon the Christian
verbially delicate, but the linguistic data of the pastorals and consciousness of the age, especially at Rome, by Nero‘s
the Pauline epistles may be said to resemble those of the Apoca- massacre which outraged even the Roman conscience.
lypse and the Fourth Gospel ; both ratify the conclusion that we
have to do with kinship, not identity, of authorship.4 But even chronological resetting only makes the hypo-
1 Yet ‘ deny ’ (&pvs;ut’at) is non-Pauline, and the stanza reads
thesis possible ; its acceptance or rejection rests on other
like a popular version of Paul’s own words, adapted to the grounds, and- to put it mildly- these d o not seem a t
re uirements of R martyr-period. See Denney 202. any point secure.
2 The knowledge of God or of the truth=s&vationoreternal T h e genesis of the pastorals is therefore sub-Pauline.
lifeun. 17 2f: 17); cp Jn. 17 3 with I Tim. 2 5, the same combina-
tion of monotheism as against polytheism, and of Christ’s To account for the Pauline, or presumably Pauline ele-
unique and sufficient position as against Judaism or Gnosticism, ll. Genesis of ment, including not merely phrases and
besides (‘the man Christ Jesus’) a Johannine protest against conceptions such a s could be gathered
the Gnostic or Docetic tendency to resolve Christ into a phantom pastorals. from the extant letters of the apostle
of abstract spirit. On the Christology of the epistles ( I Tim.
3 16), see A. Klupper in Z W T (1902) 339-361. or from tradition, but also private details and personal
3 No possible change of circumstances could make Paul matters affecting about sixteen new figures (some of
o!>livious (through three separate letters) of God’s fatherhood, whom are not mere names)-recourse must be had to
of the helieving man’s union with Jesus, of the power and
witness of the Spirit, or of reconciliation. They might be taken theories. of compilation, whose common feature is the
for granted? But surely in enforcing the ethical requirements presupposition that the author was in possession of
of the pastorals, Paul would never have demanded the blossoni genuine relipui@ PauZirm. No doubt a pseudonymous
without urgently pressing the need of these spiritual facts as its writer would endeavour to stamp his figures and scenery
root !
4 There is no ground for the idea that the prosaic tone of the upon the reader’s mind by means of circumstantial
pastorals is due to their preoccupation with the practical steps
oforganisation, whilst in Paul’s earlier letters he had been mainly 1 Bartlet, Bowen (Dates ofPastoraZleiters, IF), and Lisco
employed in sketching the ideal of the church. A letter like (Vincula Sancfomnt, 1900) are the chief exceptions recently.
I Cor., to say nothing of passages in the other letters, is enough a Especially Spitta in Zur Gesclr. und Litt. des Urchnkf.
to refute this explanation and to show how Paul would have 12-108 ; also Lightfoot (Bi6ZicaZ Essays, zr5-233), Zahn (EbZ.
dealt with the problems of organisation and church order, had 1435f:), Steinmetz (Die zweife T ~ J J Z . Gefang. des Apostels
these met him in an acute form. It would have been different PauZus 1897) C. H. Turner (Hastings D R 1421 etc.) and
from the method of this Paulinist, for Paul ever came down upon Frey (& m e & r8m. Gefumg. und das TLdesjahr dck Apdstds
ethical tasks from a spiritual height. Paulirs, ~ g c e ) .
5937 5088
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES)
details, especially when ( a s in this case) the authentic ~ could hardly have doubted it, a t once reveals the real

quantum of personal matter-though in the sub-Pauline evidence afforded by all three epistles, especially by
letters ( E p h . , Heb., I: Pet. ) this quantum is noticeably I Tim. a n d 'Titus. They are not private letters a t all,
small. But, while it is conceivable that this may be not even semi-private, and the very form of a private
sufficient to account for I 'Tim. it fails to afford an letter is not strictly preserved. They resemble rather
adequate rationale for 2 'Tim. T h e latter is flooded with ' pastorals ' in the modern sense of the term, a n d find
items which by n o means fall under the category of their real audience among people (primarily teachers
romantic ornament or literary vraisemblam.e, and lift the a n d officials, it may be) inclined to doubt the validity
letters quite above the level of later Pauline romances. and misunderstand or misapply the tenets of the Pauline
Even when such passages do not part from their context, they gospel. As even Liddon admits ( Explan. Ana[i,sis .f
suggest to a critical inquirer the advisability of admitting that I Tim., 1897, ad Zoc.), of Paul's apostolic authority
they are based upon authentic tradition and that they reproduce ' Timothy did not require to be reminded ; St. Paul has
wiih more or less freedom, information still accessible to th;
immediately sub-Pauline generation. It may be allowed, still other readers of the epistle- perhaps false teachers 'J_
further, t h a t genuine notes have heen incorporated, although in view.' Behind 1%-60 lies a tradition of Timothy's
these cannot any longer be deciphered. But the advocates of temporary absence (Phil. 2 19 f:) from Paul during his
compilation attempt the subtler task of actually separating
original notes from the strata in which they lie embedded,l upon last captivity; but neither here nor elsewhere is it
the hypothesis that, whilst the author's direct aim wa5 to instruct feasible in 1 3 - 1 4 to disentangle any written source. On
and move the church of his own day and not t o preserve literary the other hand, 115-18 is perhaps a displaced (after 410
relics, he was able to use certain Pauline notes in the composition
of 2 Tim, at least and even Titus. The preservation of such McGiffert, 4 1 3 K n ~ k e ) and , ~ a t any rate a genuine.
letters is far from incredible.3 Paul was the first 'man of letters fragment, probably written from Paul's Roman captivity.
in early Christianity and the extant canonical collection repre- So most editors a n d critics (Lemme,' Hesse,6 and
sents only a part of Ais actual correspondence. In the nature of Krenkele omitting rather needlessly i g b a n d 1%).
things private notes would he more likely to remain overlooked
t h a n dthers, unless, like the letter of recommendation to Phaebe Again, Zf: hardly seems homogeneous' ( c p 216 313
(Kom. 1ti 1-20), they were attached hy late editors to some larger with 3 9 ) ; 22 seems a gloss (om. Hesse, Hilg. Z W T ,
epistle. 1897. pp. 1-86); 214J is awkwardly introduced, a n d
I n addition to this, the pastorals have suffered accre- the thoroughly un-Panline passage 3 1-9 may well be a
tion as church documents, a n d thus three stages of their later insertion, d u e to the process of accretion. 310-12,
composition must be distinguished : (i.) the primitive however, is an interpolated genuine fragment ; its iso-
notes from Paul's lifetime, (ii. ) the incorporation of these lated position and contents mark it off from the surround-
by the author of the pastorals in his epistles, substantially ing context. Furthermore, the bulk, if not the whole,
composed about forty years after Paul's death, a n d (iii.) of 4 ( 6 )9 8-zz is generally allowed to have come directly
glosses added to these epistles by subsequent copyists from Paul's own hand (9-180, except 'having loved this
to render them more suitable than ever Cor the nerds of present world' Cdyas-iluusr~vvCvaiDva] 1orr6,Uahnsen ;'
the second century. T h e last-named process naturally 9-15 19-21, Ewald ; l o9-18,Imrner ;I1 9-21, PHeid.). Nut
ceased by the time that the letters passed into the canon. it is not homogeneous ; evidently r r a and 216,like 6-8
Whether the letters are substantially Pauline a n d only and 9-15, reflect different situations in Paul's life, a n d
interpolated by some e d i t ~ ror , ~ whether--as is highly the whole passage offers an admirable proof of the
probable, in the case of I Tim. at any rate-the Pauline composite character of even the directly Pauline strata
element, such a s it is, has been submerged in later work, in the pastoral epistles. Following the various dates
cannot be decided till each letter has been separately a n d moods, one can detect approximately in 115-18
examined npon the principles of literary morphology. 46-12 16-19 a note (or part of a note) written after
As the amount of presumably authentic material is Philippians : the situation has become more grim, a n d
obviously largest in z Tim. a n d least in I Tim., it will Paul pines in loneliness for his younger ally. Again,
b e advisable to clisciiss the epistles in that provisional 413-15 21-zza go b a c k l a to a still earlier period, when
order.
Second Timothy.--Although the address of z Tim. 1 'Les communautes vaudront ce que valent leurs con-
Pauline, the strange ducteure : voila l'idCe gknkrale qui se degage de ses instructions'
12. Tim.: (1 I f: ) is fairly
emphzsis on the fact a n d purpose or stand-
(J. Reville).
2 Cp Asc. I s . 3 2 0 ~ 5 (before 100 A.D.) for the contemporary
ard of Paul's apostolate ('according to feeling that an apostasy would precede the latter days, when the
the promise ' [KaT' <lsayyeXlav])in a letter to one who disciples of Jesus would desert 'the pro hecy of his twelve
apostles and their faith (cp I Tim. 1 19, etc.j)and love and purity
1 I Tim. 13f: might be developed from the hint in Philem. z z ( I Tim. 4 19) and there shall he many sects, etc.' ( r i v apo+qrelau
(the Asiatic locus being shown in the failure to use the companion 7i)v 66Sc,a daomdhov a h o P V u s r v [cp I Tiin. 1 19, etc.]
T ~ d
allusion in Phil. 224 to a return visit to Macedonia). The *ai T$V iyva'aqv aGri)v, rrai T$V iyv&v air-v [I Tim. 4 121 rai
personal matter here is principally meant to furnish a suitable Euovrar ai&err wohhai K.T.A.). '
setting for an epistle dealing with general questions of church 3 P d t i s c h - t h d . c07PZm. zu den Pasf. 1887-188
life and work in the Asiatic provinces, and reflecting that cardinal 4 Das echte Ermahnunpsschreiben des AQ.Paui)rls an Tim..
importance of Ephesus as a centre of early Christianity to which 1882.
1,isco has rightly but extravagantly called attention (Roma 5 Die Enfstch. der NT Ffirfendriife 1889.
Pereprina, 1901). Cp Harnack Ausdreifung, 333 462 482. 6 Beifr. ZUT Aujhellungder Gesch. And der B r i k ! des A j .
2 Berhaps z Pet. alsocontains Laterial worked up from earlier Pauhs, 395-408 t + o l .
sources * certainly it has incorporated parts of Jude. And the 7 Chap. 2 contains two passages paralleled in Epictetus (Diss.
canonich 2 cor. is a compilation of two separate letters in reverse 3 IO, 'God saith to thee, Proye to me whether thou hast contested
order. But even were the pastorals, as compilations without according to requirement [ e l vopipor $SAquasl= 2 Tim. 2 3
any analogy in the NT literature (cp, further, JAMES [ ~ P I S T L E ] , ['good soldier']; and 3 2 2 where, as the Cynic is in an army
$ 5), this would not of itself discredit the analytic hypothesis. arrayed for battle, it is urged that he should not he 'entangled
The pastorals present quite unique features, and it is only [iprrcaAeypivovl but wholly devoted to God's service-cp z Tim.
reasonable that the complexity of their structure should demand 9 A I' entanrleth himself.' durrAiraTarl-and free from distraction :
I .

somewhat unique and exceptional methods of treatment. k&p~&va'~%& I Cor. 7 5) Five parallels to the pastorals in
'j E.g.,the correspondence of Cicero and Atticus, the letters Seneca are cited by Ligttioot, Philz@ians, zgo.
of King Agrippa 11. Uosephus), etc. See Peters, Der Brief in 8 Upon the difficulties of geo-aphy in n. IO, see CRESCENS,
dw riiinischen L i f f e r a t u r (19or), 27 f: 78 A, and Wehofer D A L M ~ T IGALATIA A, S 32. -The figurative ex ression in v. 17
' Untersuch. zur altchridiche Epistolographie' (SWA16': phiZ..! is aralleled by an old proverb that one shoud'visit the poor
hisf. Klmse, 143, 1901). in %is affliction and speak of him in the Sultan's presence and do
4 MCnCgoz, for example ( L e PLcM c f la Rkdenrptiotr, 5 3 ) one's diligence to save him from the mouth of the lion ' (Rende!
treats them as authentic, but supposes that copyists under th; Harris, Story of A&i&ar,p. lxvii). The conjecture ' Melira
direction of hichops subsequently added glosses ; these, however [ M c h i T q ] for ' Miletus ' [Mrhjso]is neither probable nor helpful.
affected only questions of discipline and order, leaving th; 9 It.' Timotheus (1876).
genuinely Pauline spirit unimpaired. 10 .Tidwn .TP%dwhwi&=n ~ ... .... IrR-rn).
6 The insertion of ' mercy ' between ' grace and ' peace (so
~~

11 Theologie des N T , 399'i;877).


2 Jn. 3)isun-Pauline. Deletingit amongother phrases Hausrath 12 These 'commissionsandcautions'at least are'unlikeadying
(iveutesf.Zeitgeschichte, ET, 1895, 4 160-163) finds a genuine man ; the writer is in a hurry for Timothy to come simply because
letter to Timothy in 1 rf: 15-18 49-18, Sabatier in 11.18 46-22. he is old and lonely,' not because he fears his friend will be too
5089 5090
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES)
Paul had left Troas o n some journey; 420 ( c p Acts of Paul, written shortly after he left Crete ; it has been
2 1 2 9 ) seems to belong to Acts 1 8 1 8 J , though the his- expanded by the addition of passages which, although
toricity of Acts 2 1 2 9 is not above suspicion ( c p AAcrs, rising out of the original text (with the possible exception
9 11. ‘rROPHIMUS ; with J. Weiss, Lieder die Absicht u. of 2 ) , are intended a s a proviso against heresy. Simi-
d. iiterar. Charakfevder Ap.-gesch. 39J [1897]). larly M‘Giffert regards the canonical epistle as a redacted
A dual analysis of 2 Tim. has been carried through by several version of some letter ( 1 1-6 partly, 3 ‘-7 1.f: ) written to
critics from Credner onwards. Hesse, e.g. (pp. 1 7 0 5 ) ~regards Titus before Paul reached Corinth in Acts 202. T h e
it as the compilation of a genuine brief letter of recall (13c-4 1 6 5
1s6c 4 y z z a ) with a later pseudonymous letter (1 1-36 5-10 2 3-8n alternative to these dual hypotheses is to reconstruct
14-26 3 1-8 136-17 4 1-5). Lemme’s reconstruction of the genuine (with Krenkel) out of z Timothy and Titus three letters
letter underlying z Tim. is even more intricate (see 0. Holtz- of Paul ; f a ) one written to Titus at Crete, perhaps from
mann’s critique, ZWT, 1883, pp. 45-72) and less convincing
( = l r - g except ‘pity’ [ZhoaFJ 23666, ‘and a sound mind’ [ c a i Illyricum during Paul‘s second journey to Corinth (Acts
uu+povr~poir] 7, ‘in Christ Jesus hefore the world began’ [ l v . .
l IO, except ‘but is now made manifest by the appearing’
c l ~ v i w v9,
. 201-3)zTit. 312 z Tim. 420 Tit. 3 1 3 ; (6) another, from
his Caesarean imprisonment, t o Timothy a t or near
1 pavepoe&av, .
. . l a r + a v d a s ] , I c except and a teacher ’ [ K a i
Gr&duraAorl, 12 exce t ‘against that day’ [cis
except ‘that good tfing which was committed’ [+
... . . qpepav], 14
. 9Qh.1
Troas = z Tim. 4 9 - 1 8 , subsequent to Colossians a n d
Philemon ; ( c ) a third = z Tim. 419 l r 6 J 186 4 2 1 ,
iga 16f: 18bc 2 I 3-5 8a 9 5 , except ‘with eternal glory’ [ p d written from his Roman imprisonment to Timothy a t
SQtqs alwvioul, 4 6 8 except Zv l ~7 ..i.,g e z ) , while Hilgenfeld’s Ephesns. T h e Caesarean date of Colossians, however,
analysis of the epistle into two sub-Pauline notes is quite in the
air ( A = l 15,except ‘according to the promise of life which is is untenable ; and otherwise this ingenious resetting of
in Christ Jesus’ [ r a i .. . ’ 1 7 7 ~ ~ 03a4 ~5-10, except ‘hefore the the fragments fails to explain satisfactorily how such
world began ; hut is now made manifest by the appearing of our notes came into their present curious position.
Saviour Jesus Christ, who hath abolished death and hath brought
life and immortality to light’ [ a p b xp6vwv ... &9apuiav], II
First Timuthy. -In spite of its unwieldy anacoluthon
(cp Rom. 1 1 - 7 ) I Tim. 1 is probably a unity as it stands,
1za 16-18a 2 I 3-8n 9-12 19-26 3 1-4 10-12 ‘ 4 3 4 ~ f6-8 . 19-22 ; B=
11636-4 gc-IO 121-15186 2 2 s6 13-rE 3 5-9 13 16f: 4 3- j g-18). More Tim.: modelled on Pauline letters and tradition,
is to he said for M‘Giffert’s hypothesis that the epistle is a 14. though vv. 12-17 resemble in part some-
redacted version ofone written by Paul towards the close of his analysis. thing more definite. Certainly 13-11 and
Roman imprisonment (1 1-12 2 1-13 41% 5-8 16-19 216 IO 115-18)
(50 Clemen for 115.18; from Rome 61 A . D .), whilst 2 Tim. 4 9 118-20 hang together. After 1If. a thanksgiving would
11-18 z o e i a re resents an earlier note written from Macedonia naturally follow, in the Pauline manner ; but when the
before z Cor. wiich was composed (1I ) after Timothy had obeyed thanksgiving does come (v. 12-17) it is occasioned nbt by
bis summons. Similarly Bacon places 4 9 11-18 2o-zia 226 in the
period immediately previous to 2 Cor. 2 1 2 3 , when Paul was in the person addressed but by Paul himself. Even the
Macedonia whilst von Soden takes 115.18 49-19 216 22 as a note ‘therefore’ ( o a v ) of 2 1 , resuming either 13- 11 or 12-17
written aft.& Phili pians from Paul’s Roman captivity. Hitzig or 18-20, forms a loose transition ; but it illustrates the
had already founga letter of Paul written about 58 A . D . from
Caesarea in 1 I j 4 13-16 2 0 - 2 2 4 (so Clemen : 4 9-18, about 60 A.D. ?), zigzag course of the epistle rather than any phenomena
and another letter written from Rome ahout 63 A.D. in 46-12 19 of compilation. Similarly with subsequent passages
116-18 4 2 2 6 ; whilst Rartlet recently has distinguished (in 49-13 like 266-7, which has a poor connection with its context
zi-zza) a note written between Ephesians and Philippians, the
rest of 2 Tim. being the swan-song of the apostle. Less probably and only repeats the protestation of 112-17 (so Holtzm.,
C!emen puts 4 1g-21 into 57 A . D . (from Jerusalem, previous to Hesse, Hilg.), 29f. (the odd juxtaposition of rules for
his imprisonment), dating the epistle as a whole slightly earlier prayer with a sumptuary regulation for women) 41-8
than Titus (circa 100 A.D.), which again preceded I Tim. (100- which would readily part from its context, and 5 which
r r o A . D . Asia Minor) and the author’s interpolations in 2 Tim.
(1 1 3 3 2 14-26 4 1.8) and Titus (1 7-11 3 1-11). has suffered accretion towards the close. No fragment
Titus.- The attempts to find in Tit. 1 1 - 4 a genuine of the epistle can be referred, however, to the apostle
address interpolated by some redactor are not con- himself with much confidence. T h e incidental allusions
But, even when the epistle as a to Paul’s personality ( 3 1 4 f . 4 1 3 ) merely betray the
13. Titus : vincing.
analysis. whole is taken as sub-Pauline, 1 7 - 9 certainly writer’s consciousness that there was a certain awkward-
appears a further gloss (so 0. Ritschl, ness in such elaborate commissions and instructions
TLZ8 ’85, 609; K u o k e ; Harnack, Chruz. 710J ; upon the commonplace regulations of a Christian com-
Clemen, and M’Giffert). T h e sndden transition from munity being addressed to one who was not merely
presbyters to episcopi, and the general contents of himself in mature life but e r ?zyputhesi separated from
the passage, mark it off as the insertion of some later his superintendent only for a short time. In such
editor who was interested in promoting the monarchical touches we feel the author’s literary conscience and his
episcopate. Hesse and Clemen carry the gloss on to tactful attempt to preserve the vmisern6lmce of the
the end of II ; but, although IO connects with g (which situation or to justify the existence and point of such a n
partly explains the insertion of the gloss at this point), epistle.
12 w-ould be abrupt after 6, for KaKI 8. a r e not a n As it stands, in fact, I Timothy is a free composition ;
antithesis to d v u r r . , nor ‘slow bellies ’ ( y a a d p e s d p y a l ) it consists of a sub-Pauline letter which has been subse-
t o ‘ r i o t ’ (daorias), much less ‘ l i a r s ’ (t,kGu.rac) to quently enlarged by interpolations, especially in chap. 6.
‘ faithful ’ ( T L U T ~which here= believing, not reliable or 6 17-21 is plainly an addition (Harn. ), in thought and
trustworthy). T h e passage 7-9, then, was inserted, per- diction perhaps the least Pauline paragraph in all the
haps from the margin, in the original text which ran : pastorals ; its contents and context are against it as a n
a unruly, for there are many unruly ’ (dvurr67aKTa. integral part of the letter. T h e antitheses ’ of 6 20 are
E t i v y b p rroXXol d v u a h a K r o L , K . T . ~ . ) . No man could not the casuistic subtleties of dialectic in the Halacha.
discharge a presbyter’s duties effectively, if the members but the tabulated passages from the O T and the gospel
of his own family were tainted with the local disease of arranged by Marcion to prove the diversity of the two
insubordination and profligacy. 2 1-14 and 2 15-3 7 are dispensations and the superiority of the later. Such
somewhat parallel (cp 25 and 3 2 , 214 and 31) ; but n o arguments are dismissed as secular and verbose a n d
analysis of the passage into a Pauline a n d a later source pseudo-scientific. See z Tim. 3 16, ‘ avry scripture,’ etc.,
is plausible. T h e ’ genuinely Pauline ring ’ of much in and the significant collocation of an OT sentence and
3 1 - 7 (M‘Giffert) is not very audible, though Sabatier an evangelic saying in I Tim. 5 18. Another in-Pauline
detects genuine material in it and 312-15. T h e latter element is of course the connection between eternal life
passage certainly, 3 12-13 [I.+] 156, contains an authentic and almsgiving (uv.17-79) as already between salvation
fragment, as is admitted upon almost all hands (e.g., and religious work or personal conduct (215 3 1 3 ) .
Weisse,’ Ewald, Krenkel, Knoke, Hesse, von Soden, Hence, like Tit. 1 7 - 9 and some other passages in
Clemen, M‘Giffert). Hesse (pp. 150f.) finds further 1 The motive of this section is to throw the glorious gospel
in Titus (1I$ 4-6 12-1312 16 3 1-6 x z f . 15) a complete letter into relief against the unworthiness and weakness of its original
bearers, as in Rarn. 5 g : ‘ he chose for the preaching of his gospel
late (G. A. Simcox, Ex~30.s.
T 10 430-432. finding in Heh. 13 also his own apostles &war ;a&p m i u a v d p a p r i a v ~ U O ~ W T ~ ~ Othat
V V ,
two commendatory letters). h: migpt show he had not come to call the righteous but
1 Pkilosop/z. Dogmatik, 1146. sinners. See Wrede, Das Messiasge/reimnis (‘go,), 107f:
509 1 5092
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES)
I ality to the sheer authority of the apostle, the gradual increase
Tim. ( 3 1 . 1 3 ~517-20?) or e v e n 2 T i m . ( 2 2 0 - 2 6 ? ) , 617-21
of severity towards errorists, evident as the epistles proceed-
shows the process of accretion familiar i n documents these and other traces form a cumulative and sufficient argument
bearing on church organisation a n d discipline. for this order of composition. When the author wrote 2 Tim.
Here again Hesse, admitting (like Schleiermncher) the he had considerable Pauline material at his disposal. Even in
irregular course of the ,epistle, attempts acxtius guam verius the epistle to Titus, he falls back on genuine tradition, and
to disentangle an original letter of commission (1 1-10 18-204 1-16 Pauline material preponderates though to a less degree. But
63-16 *of:) containing the duties and rights of an episcopus at in I Tim. the situation has become more advanced ; he writes
Ephesus. This is conjectured to have been enlarged by the more freely and less under the influence of hii master, confutes
addition of independent pieces bearing on the work of the errorists with greater sharpness, assigns more dictatorial powers
episcopate: e.g., 111-17(iustifying the apostolate to the Gentiles), to the officersof the church, and elaborates the various ecclesias-
arrangements for the worship (266-7, so Hilg., and 296-10, tical canons with unprecedented care. The third epistle (I Tim.)
glosses) and the officials of the church (3 rq-15a, a further is thus as Schleiermacher was the first to point out, an expansion
insertion to justify the author dilating on such topics ; 3 156.16, and inkome respects a repetition of the others, further from their
to connect with 4 IJ), a. general mandate for bishops (5 : 5 23, Pauline background of reminiscences and tradition, but more
however, being genuinely Pauline), and extracts(6 1.3 17-19)from characteristic of the writer himself. The superiority of z Tim.,
a table of ethical duties, Knoke pushes the epistle much nearer with its ample personal allusions and less formal tone, is quite
Paul by his hypothesis of two letters from Paul‘s pen, one-an obvious; and superiority means here priority. That it comes
instruction (aapayycXia) written to Timothy from Corinth (1 3,f from the same pen as the others, need not be doubted, although
18-20 2 1-10 4 12 5 1-3 4c-6 11-152 19-23 24f:?), another-more in it the writer is more of an editor than an original author.
doctrinal in character-composed in his Caesarean imprisonment The general sub-apostolic style and spirit of all three is fairly
(112-17 314-16 4 1 - 1 1 1 3 - 1 6 212.15 57f: 617-19 15-11 62c-16 uniform and affords no adequate evidence for suspecting a
*os?). These have been combined with an un-Pauline church- plurality of writers.
directory (3 1-10 1 2 3 2 I I 5 9f: 16 4 a 6 17 6 I&), whilst passages Like most of the N T writings, the pastorals have a
like 3 11 and 5 18 are to he regarded as marginal glosses. It is
not easy, however, to see adequate psychological motives for communal origin. In them a current of the age be-
this sort of extensive compilation, and the criteria of style are 16. Iluthor. comes articulate, a n d hence the incon-
by no means equal to the inferences drawn from them. spicuous personality of their author l
Hypothetical a n d contradictory a s such conjectures cannot be rightly deduced from his writings. It was
m a y appear to be, however, a not inconsiderable agree- an age when, a s in the days of Haggai, men had to
ment prevails even amid the most independent analyses ‘ fetch wood a n d build the house,’ while others had to
of these epistles. All partition-theories presuppose a n encourage a n d direct their efforts. To furnish such
editorial function which certainly is unexampled i n inspiration m a y not have been a very heroic task, de-
previous early Christian literature, even in Acts a n d the manding writers of exceptional insight and pioneering
Apocalypse. But this is not a n insuperable objection ; ardour like Paul, but it was timely a n d serviceable ; a n d
a n d whilst it is idle t o dogmatise upon the particular after all ‘ edification’ (oiKoi3op&) was the criterion a n d
and original setting of verses, or at every point t o dis- aim of early Christian literature. This Paulinist h a d
tingiiish precisely between redactor, author, a n d source, singular capacities for the labour of instructing the
t h e composite nature of these epistles a n d (within general churches of his day. Thoroughly convinced that he
limits) the main strata of their contents have been sub- had a message for it, or rather that in Paul’s teaching
stantially proved. %ch analytic criticism is upon the a n d life lay the pattern for true doctrine a n d godliness,
right lines. a n d as a working hypothesis it is historically he addressed himself t o t h e duty of curbing a n d stimu-
superior t o the conjectures which attribute the writings lating his contemporaries in the spirit of his master,
en 6Zuc t o Paul or a s unpromisingly set down the Pauline writing like a shrewd a n d experienced m a n of affairs
element to vague tradition or the inventiveness of a who feels (unlike his contemporary, the prophet who
literary artist. wrote Rev.2f.) that the moral plight of t h e age de-
4 s the titles formed no part of the original autographs, manded consolidation- consolidation as opposed t o
t h e early church naturally argued from the internal speculation i n belief or looseness in organisation. If
18. or&, of evidence t<at z T i m . , with its reflection he lacks the authority of intuition, he a t least possesses
composition. of a cl>max a n d rich individual references, the intuition of authority. He has much in common
represented the last phase of the apostle’s with the unconciliatory element i n Paul. Unlike the
life, a n d that I Tim. was earlier. -But the comparative later apologists, he refuses to discuss points of disagree-
study of the epistles suggests that 2 Tim. is the earliest, ment o r t o meet objectors on their own ground, but is
a n d I Tim. the latest production of the a ~ t h o r . ~ content with the more congenial method of insisting in
The relative amount of hapax legomena (46 in 2 Tim., 28 in a rather dictatorial fashion upon the fixed truths of the
Tit 74 in T Tim.), the increasingly sub-apostolic colour of
‘fa$h’ ( T ~ U T L Sand
) ‘saviour’ (urnrip), the diminution of fresh- faith. In this h e is a precursor of Polycarp, yet in all
ness and intimate feeling in the allusions to Paul, the predomi- likelihood the majority of his opponents, perhaps even
nance of ecclesiastical intereits and church organisation in Tit. of his readers, were none the u-orse for being somewhat
and T Tim.,4 the gradual shifting of emphasis from the person- sharply reminded that the ultimate proofs of religion
lay open t o faith and the moral sense ; there may have
1 Among the qualifications of the Jewish &?&:& ?ihbilr(~~$W
been an effectiveness in the resolve of this censor to
Ta‘?, the man who on any given occasion offered common assert a n d enlighten, not t o argue. T h e genuine faith
prayer in the synagogue) were : ‘to have many children and no is t o him a ‘tradition’ (rapdsouts) or a ’ deposit’
.
money . . to be of sound age, and humble, popular, well-
mannered .. . to be practised in the study of the law, the ( r a p a / h j K v ) , 2involving ‘ testimony ‘ ( p a p m p i a ) , u-hich
prophets, and the psalms ; able to expound the allegoric mean- lays a moral responsibility upon the officials of t h e
ing, traditions, and hiitories, etc.’ (R. Jehuda, quoted by church especially. The tone of his instructions t o them
Selwyn, ChristiaB Prophets, 2083).
2 The dificulty of + a v 8 6 o v o r (v. 13) would certainly be e a e d reminds one often of Butler’s famous Charge to the
by the adoption of the attractive conjecture Aav8dvovc’ (Hitzig, C h g y (1751)not to trouble about objections raised b y
Naber, Baljon, Clemen). ‘ men of gaiety a n d speculation.’ hut to endeavour to
3 See ACTS s 16 and MIN~STRV 5 31. Besides Mangold
De Wette Riuss ( t u Bible 7 2432 307f:) and some others’ beget a practical sense ‘ of religion upon the hearts of
.he main idvocates of this &der are denot6d by an asterisk i; t h e common people.’ This task demands moral purity
the bibliography at the close of the present article. It is of above all things, together with teaching ability in the
course possible that the author himself rearranged the epistles higher officials. T r u e to his master, this mentor is
in this order, having written them otherwise, as Vergil is said to
have composed the various books of the B’neid irregularly (e.g.,
the third before the second) and subsequently placed them. 120, and the heightening scale of 2 Tim. 2 23 Tit. 3 9 I Tim. 14,
4 The pronounced element of ‘ecclesiasticism in I Tim., of 2 Tim. 1 I I and I Tim. 2 7. f i ., of
’ of 2 Tim. 3 I and 1 Tim. 4 I -
which in several passages is simply a manual of church order, Tit. 1 7 and I Tim. 3 2.
betrays its more advanced situation. For some not insignificant 1 The pastorals in fact voice a tendency of popular Christianity
details of style, see ‘certain men’ (TL& a‘m?porror), or ‘certain rather than any individual writer’s cast of thought ; cp Wrede,
) times in I Tim., never in others], ‘faith’ ( T ~ U T W )i;
( T L V ~ S [7 tibe-pvAufgde undilfethode der sog. NT Thedopi, 35f: (1897).
objective sense (4 times in I Tim., once in Tit. 14), ‘saviour Authorship is here quite subordinate to function.
( o w n j p ) of God alone in I Tim. (in the second-century piety ‘ no 2 Cp Herod. 9 45 : ‘ Men of Athens, I leave these words with
one could any longer be a God who was not also a set& ’ Harn., you as a trust’ (6v8pss ‘Afivaror, aapa@+qv 6+;v T; &ea ,Me
Dogmeng., ET, 1 I IR) ; cp also 2 Tim. 2 17.20 as precediAg 1 Tim. r i 8 q ~ K.T.A.)
a~ with 2 l i m . 1 I Z ~ : ,etc.
5093 5004
TIMOTHY AND TITUS (EPISTLES) TIN
utterly indifferent to the sacerdotal heresy 1 which was merely justified but obliged to sanction and support his
already beginning to tinge unhealthily the primitive message by his master's nanie. Not long before, another
ideas of the church ( b f I N I S T R Y , 5 59a. PRIEST, 1 8). ' Paulinist ' had composed speeches for Paul which
I n resisting incipient Gnosticism with its attempt t o were based on oral tradition a n d yet were indubitably
Hellenise the faith into a n evaporated intellectualism, free products of a historian who had skill a n d sympathy
the pastorals refuse to employ the tendency, which enough to give fairly faithful transcripts of the situation
ultimately secularised the Catholic church, of Hebraising in question (Acts 1316-41 1722-31 2018-35, etc.). It was
t h e religion of Jesus by means of a retrograde movement but a step from this to the other recognised method cf
to ritual a n d priestly conceptions. Indeed the impres- literary impersonation, which chose epistolary rather
sion made by these letters is revealed in nothing so clearly than historical expression to gain'its religious end.
as in the fact that they came t o be cherished by those Since Schmidt and Schleiermacher almost a century ago sug-
who more or less unconsciously were either ignoring or gested a sub-Pauline date for T Tim., a con'e'ture which Eich-
horn amongst others speediiy(I8rz) extended to
modifying or defying their principles under the con- 18. Litera- all three epistles, there has been a remarkable
straining influence of the Zeitgeist. ture. continuity of criticism starting from *F. C.
Like the authors of Matthew's gospel, Barnabas, Baur (Die sogenannlerr Pastoralbn2fi des
Hebrews, the Fourth Gospel and z Peter, the author of Aposfels PauZzu, 1835). For the critical work up to 1880 see
*H. J. Holtzmann, Die Pastoralbnk e knttscli und e q v t i w k
l,. Pseudo- the pastorals belongs to the great anony- bcliandelt (1880) a nionograph whicif is far. from being super-
seded. SuhseqAent contributions in general support of Baur
nymity. nisus period of early Christian literature.
T h e religious life of the primitive church, and Holtzmann, with modifications and adaptations, have come
along three main lines :-(aj editions : *H. von Soden ( H C iii.
as of anciect Israel, was ' at certain periods very intense, 1 i55-z54 (21 1893)' *Moffatt ()(istor. New Testanrent,('4556-575
and a t these periods the spiritual energy of the nation [ I ~ o I ] ) ;b. Cone IZnternaf. Hd6ks. to
expressed itself almost impersonally, through men who monographs and essays on-(I) general
forgot themselves a n d were speedily forgotten in name
by others' (Dav. 306, lxviii.). His work, too, was
5'S.PauZ, xxiii.-lii., rkg-fiseChrPtienne, c
ogre, 480-485,7m-711); *Pfleiderer(Paulininismus,ET, 2 I 6 214,
Das ffrchristentum, 801-823 [16671) : *M. A. Rovers (&ijuw.
pskudonymous.2 To write under Paul's name was, for test. Lctterkunde, 1888,F) 66-78) ; van Manen (OLD-CHRIST.
a Paulinist, quite a legitimate literary artifice ; and al- LIT., P AUL ); 'Bruckner (Die ChronoZ. Reihnfol e der Brirfc
des NT 277-286 [r89o]); Prof. E. Y. Hincks, J,fL '897, p r
though pseudepigrapha in the second century -that 4-117,kcville (Les oVi ' m s de I'P#isco&t 1 2 6 2 / ) and t e
period rich in rhetorical forgeries (Jebb, Homer. 87)- %T introductions by a g e n f e l d (1875); H. J. HoitmannV)
(272-291 [189zlj; *S. Davidson,P) 1-75 [IS 41 B. W. Bacon
ranged from mere fabrications to high-toned composi-
tions, the pastorals, like 2 Peter, belong to the latter
(127-139 [I~OO]); Baljon, Gesckiedenis z). kl i.
150-174 ; "Jiilicber ((41 r36-156 [~gor]) and Sabatier art.
d. NV (1901)
class, breathing not a crude endeavour to deceive but Pastorales,' L'ency. Sciences rei., 10 2 5 0k (2) textual feaiures :
self-effacement and deep religious motives. Hence the Henri Bois, JPT (1888) 145-160 'zur xegese der Pastoral.
oblivion in which the writer chose to work and has been briefe' ; *Clemen, EinheitZ. d. paul. Bnkfe, 142-176 ['E941 *
P. Ewald, Proba6ilia detr. d. Text des I Tim. (1901). (cj
allowed t o remain. I t was due not merely to the Discu+o?s on special phenomena of epp. :-(I) ecclesiastical
necessity of throwing a certain air of mystery round the organisation : See under MI~ISTRV and add (to lit. there cited)
situation in order to secure the circulation of letters long defences of conservativestandpoint in Hort, Chnitian Ecclesia
(1898), 189.117 and J. W. Falconer From Apostle t o Prirst
after their putative author's death, but to a sort of 1 9 1 4 6 ( I 00): against Kiihl (Die Gemeinrfe-ordnung in de,;
Pythagorean feeling that unselfish piety required a Pastora&dn, 1885) see Hilgenfeld (ZWT, 1886,pp. 456-473) ;
pupil's work to be attributed to his master-a canon of and on their connection with Apostol. Coirstitutions Harnack
T e x f e und Untevstdz. ii. 549f: (ii.) the errorists; 'Hilgenfrli
literary ethics not unfamiliar to early Christianity itself ( Z W T 1880, pp. 448-464) : Havet Le Chnktianisrze et ses
(Trrtull. adv. MUYC. 45). This author wrotefrom what on.ginbs, 4376-380 (1884); and Bodrquin, &tude cn'tique sur
h e conceived to be the standpoint of P a d 3 But it would past. Ppltres, 51-64 (1890). (iii.) general setting aud religious
be unjust to estimate him by the measure of the nian standpoint : Hatch (EBP), articles ' Paul ' and ' Pastorals') ;
"Beyschlag's Nerfest. Z h o l . (ET, 1895), 2 507-5'7, Holtzmann's
whose spirit he endeavoured to propagate a n d apply in Neufest. TheoZ. 2 259-281 (18 7) ' 0.Cone (Gospdandits Inter-
his own way. T h e correct standard is t o b e sought in pretations,327-338 [1893]); 3. Mackintosh(Nat. Hist.ofChnit.
Re(. 465.490 [18qq]) ; Weizs. Das. Apost. Zeitiilter,P) (ET)
the sub-Pauline literature. And if the author of the
2 163-165 3 a g g ; *A. C. M'Giffert, The Apostolic Age, 398-423
pastorals is inferior to the genius who wrote the fourth (1897); E. Gould BibL Theol. of N7' 142-150 (1900) also
gospel, even in appreciating some of the more inward Harnack, Dogmen&ckichte (ET)1156-16: 189-192 2 1 5 ~ i5z 3 J
aspects of Pauline thought, he is superior in range a n d and Wernle, Die Anfange unsererReligron, 34?-368,,380$(1901):
penetration to those who wrote Barnabas, Jude, the Although the general critical position outlined 1 0 these con-
tributions, is unquestionable, it is unhaipily not unquestioned.
Ignatian epistles, the Christian section of Ascensio Lsnie, The traditional view survives, with more or less hesitation and
a n d z Peter. T h e prevailing deference shown to the a far from uniform presentment, in the editions of KSlling (1882-
apostles and t o Paul by contemporary and later writers 1887 ; on I Tim.),Weiss(-Meyer, (611893 alsoDie Pauli#. Bnkfe
16J, 604-682 [1896]), Kiggenbach-Zbciler (1897), and Stellhor;
who disclaim all pretensions to equality with them, as ( ~ g w ) , and in the representative N T introductions of Weiss,
well a s the fact that mere literary ambition was utterly Godet, Zahn, and Belser ; so still most English commentators
foreign to the early Christian consciousness a t this (Ellicott, Plummer, J. H. Bernard, Horton, J. P. Lilley)
period, may serve to guarantee the ethical honour of the writers on NT introduction (Salmon, Gloag, and Adeney), and
others, e g . , G . G. Findlay (appendix to E T of Sabatier's
pastorals and to corroborate the impression left by them- L'apdtre Paul, 341-402 [1891], Hastings' D B 3 71@716), and
selves that their author ti was right in feeling himself not Rams. Church,P) 248J9 Expos. 4th ser. 81roJ5, etc. Add
Bertrand (Essai cn'tique mr f'authenticitd des dppltres Past.,
1 Louw, Het onfstaan van l e t Pripsfevschmp in de Chris- 188b), Rue g (Aus Sckri, t und Gzschichte, 59-108 [1898]) ; Roos
ielzyke Kerk, 32f: 62f: 79f: 110-126 (1892). (Die B n > j de! a$. Paufusunddie Reden d e s H m / e s u , 156-
2 See EPISTOI.ARV LITERATURE, (i 4 ; MINISTRY, 35 d ; and, Zosj, G. H. Gilbert's Ltye o f P a u l , z z 5 - z y (1899); and G. T.
to the literature cited in Zfist. New Test. 597f.'. 619-624, add Purves, Christianity in Apostolic Age, 170-176 (I-). Also
W. Christ, Pliilologische Studien zu CZenc.AZex. 30-39 (rgoo), (published since this article was writtell) Locks studies in
and (for the pseud-epigrapha, main1 Gnostic, of the 2nd cent., Hastings' DB 4 on the epistles. J. MO.
etc.) Liechtenhan in ZiVTW, 1902, hefte 3-4.
3 He is least successful in reproducing what would have been (5
TIN 973, . : 82d.2, lit. ' that which is separated ' [from
Paul's tone and temper to colleagues like Timothy and Titus. The precious metal], see Is. 1 2 5 , where render 'alloy' [RVmg. Che.
curt, general instructions put into the apostle's mouth are often see @] ; r a u u i r r p o p [4 times], p6A~@[6]os[twice], stannum), Ezek:
incongruous with the character of their rimitive recipients as 22 18 20 (Israel to be cast into the furnkce like one of the baser
well as with the situation presupposed by t i e epistles in question. metals), 27 12 (exported from Tarshish), Zech. 4 IO (material of
4 B.g., Ignat. Rom. 4, ' I do not order you, as did Peter and plummet, rauorriprvoc), Nu. 31 22 (cleansed by passing through
Paul ; they were apostles, I am a convict' ; also Acta Phoc. 4, fire).
a& Iravro@oAG ri/s TGY b r o a 6 A w v 705 @eo5 e t a p e u d a s .
5 His success, undoubtedly deserved, becomes all the more method so much as for employing it to promote notions w-hich
remarkable where failure was so easy. The Asiatic presbyter the common-sense of the church rejected as alpably alien to the
who halfa century later composed the Acts o f Padand Thekla faith. Pseudo-Pauline epistles (' fictz ad Eaeresim Marcionis I,

no doubt acted with a sincerity equal to his affection(idse amove were widely circulated during the second century ; the superiority
Paxlifecisse), but failed to appreciate the vital elements of of the pastorals to all such is a difference of degree rather than of
Paulinism and was deposed -not for using an illegitimate kind.
5095 5096
TINKLING ORNAMENTS TIRHAKAH
Being a component of bronze, tin was used as a metal of the Thracians ( 0 p d ; Jos. Ant. i. 6 I). But after
from a very early date (see COPPEK). A ring from a removing the Gk. nom. suffix s, we get a form which
tomb at Dnhsh.2r (dated about the third dynasty) contains has no similarity to ‘I‘iras. Hence Tuch, Noldeke
8.2 per cent of tin ; a vase of sixth dynasty 5.68 per (<L 5 s r ~ f . ) ,and W. Max Muller (As. u. Bur. 3 8 2 J )
cent of tin. When the unalloyed metal was first think of the Tyrseni, who are spoken of not only as
introduced cannot b e ascertained with certainty. All Etruscans but also a s pirates on the B g e a n Sea (cp
we know is that about the first century the Greek word TARSHISH, 0 6,and note quotation from E. Meyer on
~a.raLreposdesignated tin, and that tin was imported the probable distinction between the Etruscan Tyrseni
from Cornwall into Itply after, if not before, the invasion and the TuruSa of the Egyptian inscriptions). This is
of Britain by Julius C z s a r . From what P h y says certainly plausible, and has suggested ( t o the present
( H N 3 4 1 6 3 3 9 ) , it appears that the Romans in his time writer) that after correcting o l n in 0. z into onn, the
did not fully realise the distinction between tin and latter word should be substituted for u9wn in v. 4. T h e
lead ; the former was called plumbum aZbum or order of the names in z). 4 seemed to favour this, and
candidurn to distinguish it from pZum6um nigrum (lead granting that “Tarshish’ is the Hebrew name for
proper).l T h e word stunnu7iz definitely assumed its ’Tartessus or S. Spain, no better course seems to be
present meaning in the fourth century. (See Jer. on open, for one cannot expect Tartessus to be inclosed
Zech. 410). between Elishah ( L e . , S. Italy and Sicily [Lag., D i . ,
Kau.]), and Kittim (Le., Cyprus?). T h e Tyrseni.
TINKLING ORNAMENTS (Q’D??), Is. 3 1 8 AV,
however, might naturally enough be so grouped. How
RV ANKLETS (g.v.). easily Tiras (or Tures?) and Tarshish might be con-
TIPHSAH (lli2pg; wanting in the true d but founded is suggested by the fact that in Judith 223 [13]
pa,$~l[B] in I K . 246 f. ; [A]; ta(zppis-i.e., Tahp- Vg. actually gives pZios Tharsis where Vet. Lat. gives
anhes [Pesh.] ; thapbsa [Vg.]). Jilios Thiras et Ran’s. C p R OSH . A better view,
I. A place in the Eber-han-nahar (see E BER) men- however, can possibly be found (see 2).
tioned as the NE. boundary of Solomon’s empire (I K. Jensen connects Tiras with the Hittite T(a)rS= Tarzi
4 2 4 [54]), corresponding to Gaza in the SW. It is (so Shalmaneser 11.)=Tarsus (Jensen, T L Z , 4th Feb.
generally held that Tiphsah is the ancient Thapsacus, 1899,col. 70),but see T A R S H I S H0, 6.
and that Solomon’s occupation of this place was con- The increasing evidence (see Crit. Si6.) that many parts of
nected with his commercial enterprises, Thapsacus the OT, which came down to the late editor or editors in a
being the great zeugma, or place of passage, of the 2. A cormp- corrupt form, have been manipulated by him in
accordance with incorrect views of geography
river Euphrates alike for caravans and for invading tion Of and history, compels us to consider, as we pass
armies. Asshur 7 been through the Table of Nations, what may have
It was there that the Ten Thousand first learned the real the original form of each ethnic or place-
object of the expedition of Cyrus the Younger, and crossed the name that w e find there. It has already been suggested by
stream (Xen. Anab. i. 4 11). There too, Darius Codonannus others(see APHETH ) that Japheth in the original legend meant
crossed after the fatal hattle of Issus and Alexander after him. either the Jhcenicians or the Philistines. It may be added here
In the sixth century A.D. it passed d t of knowledge. that there is great reason to doubt whether either the J portions
or the P portions of Gen. 10 in their original form extended their
T h e true site was identified about the same time by range beyond Palestine and Arabia.
J. P. Peters (Nation, May 23. 1889) and B. Moritz I t is a characteristic of P’s lists (and to P m.2-4, according to
(Ber. der Bey.?. A k a d . , July 25, 1889) with *zZ‘ut t h e critiral analysis, belong) that he in naive ignorance repeats
Dibse, a small ruin ’ a t the bend of the stream where it the same name in different corrupt and independent forms.
Thus I ’ Tiras ’ in 2). a is ultimately the same as ‘ Tarshish’ in
changes from a southerly to an easterly course, 8 m. 7’. 4 ; Gomer ’ ‘ Magog ’ ‘ Madai,’ ‘ Javan,’ and ‘ Togarmah ’ are
below Meskene, and 6 below the ancient Barbalissus.’ ;I1 most probhycorru& and independent forms of‘ Jernhmeel.’
Among other points in which the situation of Dibse Tubal’ (cp TABEAL), as the connection in which the name
occurs in Ezek. 8226 ought sufficiently toshow, is a Palestinian or
agrees with the statements of Xenophon and Strabo is
rather a N. Arabian name.1 ‘Meshech’ (Y@) should be
the existence of a ca.mel-ford at this very spot. There
is no philological objection to this combination, hut ‘Cusham’ (B$?&-i.e., the N. Arabian Cush (see CUSH, 2).
‘Elishah’ inc7,. 4 should, be ‘Ishmael,’; ‘Kittim’ probably
excavations still wait t o be made ( c p Peters, Nippur, comes from Rehahothim . ‘Dodanim should be Dedanim.
1 9 6 8 1. If these emendations are in‘ the mnin right-and the evidence
referred to above would seem to make this a reasonable contention
At the same time, there are good reasons for testing this theory
afresh. The realm of Solomon was not as extensive &F a tradi- -it follows that ‘Tiras’ as well as ‘Tarshish’ (see TARSHISH,
tion based on incorrect readings of the text has represented (see 0 7), is most probably a corruption and distortion of the N
SOLOMON, $9). Tiphsah and ‘Azzah are most probably places on Arahian ethnic name Ashhur or Asshur (=Geshur). Cp
the frontier of Solomon‘s dominion in the Negeb. The former GESHUR, 2. T. IC. C.
may come from Tappuah (=Nephtoah), the latter may perhaps
represent the strong city Zarepbath. These points are doubtful. TIRATHITES (Dnqln), I Ch. 2j5. See JABEZ.
2. A town in Ephraim which opposed the pretensions
-of Menahem, and was punished by him ( 2 K. 1516+), TIRE. I. b*$lilC‘, iahdr8nim, Is. 3x8 Judg. 82126
identified by Conder with Kh. Tafsah, on an old site 6 ni. RV ‘crescents.’ See NECKLACE, 2.
SW. of Shechem (PEFXiCwz. 2169). T h e ‘ Tiphsah ‘ P. l??, j i ’ 2 7 , Ezek. 24 17 (AV), 23 (EV) : see T URBAN, 2.
of MT is as much conjecture as the ‘ Tirzah ’ (Bcpua) 3. V V , <it; Ezek.1610 R V w . translates ‘[a tire ofl fine
o f 6”(Barpa [A]). T h e right reading, a s many think, linen.’ A headtire seems to be meant. See T URBAN , 2.
is that of BL--via. T APPUAH ( T U + W E ) . S o Thenius, 4. pa Judith103 1G8 (AVw. ‘mitre’) Bar. 5 2 (EV
Klostermann, Rerian (Hist. 2450). Kohler (Bib?. Gesch. ‘diadem’). See DIADEM.
3 3991, Guthe. There were a t least three places called
Tappuah (or Nephtoah). Whether this Tiphsah or TIRHAKAH (?R?7g; BapaKa [A in z K., B in
T a p p u a h was really in the neighbourhood of Shechem, Is.], eapeaK [I>], -pa [B in zIC.1, -p&a [KAQ* in
and not rather in the Negeh (cp I), is one of the most 1. Name. Is.], Vg. Thnruca). According t o Is. 379
recent critical problems. See Crit. Bi6. on z K. 15 16. = 2 K . 199, theAssyriangeneral(rab-shakeh)
T. K. C. had heard that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia (6of [the]
TIRAS (D7’n; B [ E ] I ~ A C [RADEL]), son of Japheth, Ethiopians). was coming forth to fight against the
mentioned after Gomer, Magog, Madai, Javan, Assyrian armies occupying Judah before the siege of
1. A northern Tubal, and Mgshech, Gen. 10; (P).
Jerusalem (701R. C. ) in order to assist Hezekiah.
I Ch. 1 5 . I t is usually assumed that This is the third king of the twenty-fifth (or Ethiopian)
he must be the representative of a dynasty of Egypt (E GYPT , 3 666). His name is written
northern folk. T h e older commentators mostly think

1 ‘Elam ’ of course shouId he Jerahmeel ’(as probably always
1 So in 65 the distinction between raooirspor and p6Aq30g is in OT), and most probably (if not certainly) ‘ Zidonians ’ should
uncertain. be hliyites.
5097 5098
TIRHAKAH TIRSHATHA
in Hieroglyphic signs Ta-h-ru.&.l T h e vowels (a and Karbanit (near Canopus?), and forced him to retreat a s
u ) are written quite constantly, although they appear to far as Thebes. T h e cities Sais, Mendes, and Tanis
us unintelligible and useless. T h e cuneiform tran- were cruelly punished for joining the Ethiopians ; prince
scription is Turk&. Manetho gives Turkos or Tamkos, Necho, however, when sent to Nineveh a s a prisoner,
Strabo, i. 321, Tearko (he strangely makes the king a obtained a pardon and his dominion. Evidently, the
great conqueror, who reached the pillars of Hercules ; Assyrians needed his influence. They even gave the
cp Megasthenes, Fragm. 20, in Strabo, 686). T h e city of Hathribis to his son Psametik and thus furthered
biblical rendering would seem to need a transposition ; the rise of the next dynasty (the Saitic). Taharko, in the
Teharko, Teharka (npinn). meantime, fortified a camp near Thebes and, while the
T h e king seems to have been an usurper,2 who Assyrian troops were engaged in the Delta, forced this
legalised his crown afterwards by marriage with the city to surrender. At first, the prince of Thebes seems
2. Date. widow of king Shabako. When the usurpa- to have closed the door to the fugitive Ethiopian king.
tion took place, can be determined with Preparing for a new invasion of northern Egypt,
certainty (see So). Tirhakah reigned, according to a Tirhakah died there. His step-son Ten(wa)t-Amon
stele of the Serapeum, twenty-six complete years ; (Tandamani of the Assyrian reports), son of Shahako,
according to Assyrian sources he died in 668/67; became king, and made the last attempt to expel the
consequently his accession to the throne was in 694/93 Assyrians (668/67).
B.C. This shows a t once that in the biblical account On the Egyptian monuments, nothing of this warlike
there is an impossible conjunction of facts. Either the activity of the king can be observed. Tirhakah left
I

original form of the text did not give the name of the many buildings and restorations, especi-
‘ king of Ethiopia ’ referred to-later scholars would data. ally in his residence Napata (mod.
then attempt to identify the king and insert Tirhaka- Gebel-Barkal) and a t Thebes. North
Taharko instead of Shabako who reigned in 701 (see, of Thebes, the difficulties caused him by the nomarchs
however, So on the improbability of Shabako’s attack- seem to have prevented him from building much ; but
ing the Assyrians)- or Taharko was mentioned as the inscriptions bearing his name have been found a t Tanis,
Ethiopian governor of Lower Egypt, and the later re- and a t Memphis his name is represented a t the burial of
cension made him a king. Otherwise, we should have a n Apis bull in his tenth and twenty-fourth year (directly
to acknowledge a confusion of the events of 701 with before the Assyrian conquest ?). Nominally, also, the
others of the time between 6 0,- s and 676 B.C. T h e first two years following 668/7 seem to have been counted
3. to him in Egypt, so a t least later by Psammetichus I.
Assyrian fxpedition of the Assyrfans against Egypt, At Thebes, the nomarch Mont(u)-m-hE‘t was in the time
data. in 676, was in all probability caused by
such a Drovocation as militarv aid from of the. Assyrian invasion practically independent (he
Egypt to Palestinian rekels against Assyria. Esarhaddon built considerably a t Karnak) and does not seem to
mentions indeed that Ba‘al, the king of Tyre, was in- have always been faithful to his suzerain in Napata (see
dnced t o rebellion by TarkQ. This may have occurred above).
earlier ; but 693 is, a s has been said, for Tirhakah the A (rather conventionalised) portrait of Tirhakah is
superior chronological limit. given elsewhere (E THIOPIA , fig. I , right-hand picture) ;
Tirhakah, however, could not really play the part of the Negro blood is more strongly indicated in several
a n aggressor in Syria. T h e difficulty of maintaining oth’er portraits; the full Negro type on the Zinjirli-
Egypt and keeping the nomarchs in subjection must as stele of Esarhaddon is therefore no caricature.
a rule have absorbed his whole strength. An Assyrian [The view expressed elsewhere (SENNACIIERIB, 5 )
army penetrated into Egypt in 676 and seems to have a s to the possibility of a confusion between an Assyrian
occupied a considerable portion of it. but in 675 and a n Asshurite ( N . Arabian) invasion of Judah may
was annihi1ated.l In his tenth year, 671, king Esar- possibly require a reinvestigation of the meaning of
haddon secnred the road to Egypt by an expedition vi3 T b in z K. 1 9 9 = I s . 3 7 9 . ‘ C u s h ’ may be, not
against the Arabs, invaded (then, or by another army?) Ethiopia, but a region in N. Arabia (see CUSH, § 2).
Egypt by way of a city in the desert called MagdaZi or If so, npnin (Tirhakah) will have to be admitted into
Migdol (see M IGDOL ). and met and defeated the forces the group of personal names which have (according t o
of Taharko near a place called Zshupn’. T h e Ethiopian the new theory) been modified by redactors to suit their
king had finally, after losing the third battle, to withdraw own limited historical knowledge. See Cn’t. Bid. on
from Egypt. T h e Assyrians marched a s far as Thebes, 2 K. 199 and other parts of z K.] W. M. M.
which capitulated and was mildly dealt with. T h e TIRHANAE (n!gln; eapaM P I , eapXNa [AI,
country was divided among twenty nomarchs, descend-
BapaaNa [L]), a son of Caleb by his concubine
ants of Libyan generals. Some of these may have called
Maacah ( I Ch. 248).
in the Assyrians to tree them from the Ethiopian yoke,
and submitted to the Assyrian supremacy without resist- TIRIA (N27’g ; om.
B, eHplA [AI, €€)pia [LI), the
ance. Nevertheless we read of a conspiracy with name of a son of Jehallelel ( I Ch. 4 16),may have arisen
Taharko against the Assyrians by the three most influ-
ential leaders (NikQ-Necho I. of Sais and Memphis,
from in3 in the following verse. .
Sarludari of Tanis and Pakruru of Pi-saptu). Evi- TIRSHATHA (NQt$?g ; either = tar?at& Pers.
dently, they felt too weak to resist the Ethiopians when partic. = ’ feared ’ [Meyer, Ryssel, and most scholars],
these threatened to invade Egypt again, and therefore or an official title from Old Pers. antare-kshathra, ‘ royal
tried to maintain good relations with them. In point representative in the province,’ Lag. Symmicta, 1 6 0 :
of fact Taharko invaded Egypt again in 669. Esar- aeapaceac [L generally]), a title like ‘Your Excellency’
haddon hurried to the rescue of his vassals, and died on (Meyer), or an official title (Lag., Stade) of the Persian
the expedition. His army, nevertheless, entered Egypt, governor of Judah, or perhaps a corrupt form of a
defeated Taharko’s army, coming from Memphis, a t personal name, or of a gentilic, of Semitic origin. T h e

If--U article is always prefixed.


(a) Ezra263 ( d s p u a a [B], -ads [A], .auOaq [L])=Neh. 7 6 5

k m A n
a See Maspero, Histoire, 3361, on this point. The words of
( a u e p r d a [B], d s p . [RA])=x Ed.540 (see next small type);
(h)Neh.770(orn. B , a e ~ p u a a a [ ~ c . a m g . A (c)Sg;
]); ( d ) l U ~ [z].
T h e sense i6 ( a )E z r a 2 6 3 = N e h . 765=1 Esd. 540 and
the inscription of Tanis (de Rouge in MpIangcs SArchJoZogie (6) Neh. 7 70 depends on the critical view adopted a s to
Egyjtierrne, 1 2 1 , etc ) ‘he went to the Delta at the age of
twenty years ’ do not point however to a revolution necessarily. the origin of the list of ‘sons of the province.‘ If, with
3 Cp Winckler in K A h ) 93. Why he places (p. 87 and Meyer, we admit it to be a list of exiles who returned
A O F 1482) his accession to the throne in 691,does not appear.
4 SeeKAT(3)88,forthe reportof the ‘Babylonian Chronicles.’ 1 So far after Winckler’s arrangement, K A TP)90-94,
5099 5=m
TIRZAH TITHES
with Zerubbabcl, the Tirshatha will of course be Zerub- There are three current identifications. (I) Robinson
babel ; to Kosters, however, it is a list of post-exilic and Van d e Velde thought of TaIliiz.2,' a picturesque
residents in Judah and Jerusalem, and the Tirshatha is village on a hill 2040 ft. above the sea-level, E. of
Nehemiah. Samaria, and slightly N. of Mt. Ebal. T h e phonetic
Cp I E d . 5 40 (=Ezra II63) where we find Y. [ b ] ra'r n d a p a s resemblance, however, is but slight, and the description
(BA), asapadas [L], ATH&&AS, KV ATTHAKIAS). of Thersa quoted by Robinson from Brocardus ( ' on a
In (c) Neh. 89=1 Esd.949 and ( d ) Neh.101 [ z ] , high mountain, three leagues from %maria to the E.')
Nehemiah is nientioneccl by name as the Tirshatha, but suits Tub% (Thebez?) better than Talluza. (2)The
is it certain that the text is correct? Guthe (SBOT) Midrash represents Tirzah as Tir'an (cp CAXTICLES.
points out that I Esd. 9 49 ( = Neh. 8 9) gives simply Kai 5 14, note) and the Targum as Tar'itha. Hence Buhl
&rev arraparq ([B], ar8aparqs [A], a8apauBas [L], ( P a l . 203) suggests that Tirathana, a village close t o
ArTHARATEQ)-Le., ' a n d the Tirshatha said,' and Gerizim (Jos. A n t . xviii. 41),may be intended, and
infers that K>;I a'nni is a gloss. Smend, however (Listen, he (doubtfully) identifies this with e(- Tireh, on the U '.
18). prefers to omit ' t h a t is, the Tirshatha' (so d side of the plain of Makhneh. But this is not a
[BXA] in Neh.), whilst Meyer (Entst. zoo) omits both sufficiently important site. ( 3 ) Conder ( P E F M 2 216)
' Nehemiah ' and ' Tirshatha.' In (d)Guthe (SBOT) suggests the village TeyRsir, 1 1 m. N. of Shechem, and
and Wellhausen (CG,V, 1895,p. 177) omit ' t h e Tir- 12 m. E. of Samaria (see ASHER, 2). T h e site appears
shatha,' because it separates the proper name from the not unsuitable ; but nothing can be based on the name.
patronymic (aBK*,
but not bL,supports this). Very Rut is the name Tirzah really the correct form? Is it likely
to have been corrupted into Zeredah or hq-gZredah? And is it
possibly here as well as in (c) both 'Nehemiah' and the most natural name for an important fortress? Add to this
' Tirshatha ' are intrusive (cp Marq. Fund. 34). T h e that another corrupted form of the same original may be ZARE-
two laymen, Nehemiah and Zedekiah, are very isolated T H A N (q. v.). The problem is to find a name out of which all these
just before the nanies of priestly classes (see Z EDEKIAH ). forms can have been corrupted. Such a name is 11s n.2 ' Beth-
Nehemiah's usual title is a;?, 'governor.' It is not zur ' (see col. 2405) ; such a name, too, is nsl:, ' Zarephath.' It
certain that Nehemiah had yet returned. To this it so happens that all the OT passages referred to above most proh-
ably, in their original form, referred to the Negeb (Cant. 6 4 of
may be replied that Nehemiah's change of title may be course is excluded). It will therefore he safer to pronounce in
connected with a limitation of his jurisdiction during favour of Zarephath.
2. One of the five daughters of ZELOPHEHAD-the fifth (Nu.
his second period of office t o matters connected with
2633 27 I [om. Ll Josh. 173). or the second (@BL the first),
a religious reformation. For the grounds of this hypo- Nu. 36 11, perhaps=Zarephath. T. K. C.
thesis see N EHEMIAH . On the name see, further, Crit.
Bib. T. K. C. TISHBEH OF GILEAD (wh r2dn ; EK e e c B w ~
TIRZAH ( 3 Y ~ ~ ? ' a g r e e a b l e , 102;
'§ eEpca[BAL]; THC r. [B.+l. 0 EK €l€CcEBwN T H C r. [L]), I K. 171
RVmE., ,4V ' inhabitants of Gilead,' RV ' sojourners of
but in Josh. 12 24 B a p u a [13F] B a p p z [A], in I K. 14 17 y;iv u a p r p a
[A ; see ZARETHAN], in 2 K.'15 14 e a p u e r h a [B], B c p u c h a [a], in Gilead. ' See TISHBITE and reff.
Cant. 6 4 e&doria [BNA], in Targ. Kn'YXl). TISHBITE ('JVn;' &CB(E)ITHC ;3 Thsdites),i.e.,
I. An ancient city of Mt. Ephraim (see below) which a native of Tishbeh. I K. 1 7 1 2117 28 2 K. 1 3 8 936.
had a king of its own before the Israelitish conquest See E L I J A H , 5I, and n. I ; JABESH, I ; and especi-
(Josh. 1224),and was the residence of the N. Israelitish ally PROPHET. 5 6, and Crit. Bib., where it is conjec-
kings from Jeroboam to Omri (I K. 1417 1521 166 8.J tured that Elijah and Elisha both came from Zarephath
15 17 23). According to Klostermann's emendation of in the Negeb, then perhaps the extreme limit of the
has-SCrCdah in I K. 1126 (and of the uaperpa of d in southern dominjons of N. Israel. Cp THISBE.
I K. 12). Jeroboam was a native not of ' Zeredah' but TITHES 4 (TWqO, pl. ilh'@t?;AEKATH ; decimn).
of Tirzah, which place he fortified while still nominally
in the service of Solomon (see JEROBOAM, I, Z ARETHAN , '' T h e tenth, as a rate of taxation, secular
; or religious, is found among many ancient
2). Shortly afterwards we read ( I K. 1224f:) that histoq* peoples.
on Jeroboam's return from Egypt he built a castle See Ryssel, PREP) 17428J, and for the Greeks Pauly-
(XdpaKa= ~ ~ 1 a3t )Siuira. Whether Klostermann is Wissowa Real-Encycl. 4 2423J'. Romans id. 2306#.:)Cartha-
ginians, b i o d . Sic. 20 14 ; Justin, 18 7 ; hg;ptians, Maspero,
right in h o k i n g Tirzah to be the original form of the StruggZe of Nations, 312 (spoil of war, tribute, etc., to Amon)'
name of Jeroboani's city, will be considered later ; a t Syrians, I Macc. 10 31 11 35 ; Sahzzans, Plin. NI-11263 ; Lydians:
any rate, we may follow him in his statement that H e r d . 1 9 ; Nic. Damasc. frg. 24 ( F f f G 3 3 7 1 ) ;Babylonians,
Zeredah (;I??,!), or has-SCrSdah, uapeLpa, and Tirzah are Jastrow, Religion of Bahylonia and Assyria, 668 ; Chinese,
Legge, Chinese Classics, 1119, etc.
fundamentally the same. T h e next fact recorded of T h e oldest use of the word seems to have been
Tirzah is that, when, after a reign of seven days, Zimri secular, designating a tax or tribute in kind levied by a
saw that he could not hold Tirzah, he burned the ruler from a subject or vassal people, or from his own
citadel, and himself perished in the flames ( I K. countrymen. T h e obligatory offerings to the gods were
16 17 18) ; the usurper Omri then took u p his abode in drrapXal, p i m i t i e , Heb. rZEtk, bikklirim. W h e n
Tirzah. Even after Samaria had supplanted Tirzah as these offerings came to be regarded as a tribute due to
the capital, it contirued to be a fortress of strategic the deity as the ruler or the proprietor of the land, the
importance. Menahem b. Gadi won Tirzah first and name ' tithes ' was applied to them also. T h e dedica-
then Samaria, when he slew Shallum b. Jabesh and tion of a tithe of the spoils of war, an early and wide-
mounted the throne of Israel. From the context (on spread custom, may have contributed to this extension
z K. 1516 see T IPHSAH ) Tirzah appears to have been of the use of the term.
not far from Tappuah (in Ephraim, but on the border T h e tenth,' doubtless, originally roughly expressed
of Manasseh). In the Book of Judges too there is one the proportion exacted; and in later times also, for
more reference in the narratives, which, if based on fact, example in Sicily under Roman rule ( Pauly-Wissowa,
should come first in chronological order. Nor must we 42307 fl), was the actual rate of taxation; but fre-
omit a famous poetical reference in the ordinary text. quently the notion of tax or tribute predominated, so
In Cant. 64,as given by M T (6, however, has ds d d o d a ) , that the term ' tithe ' might be used in cases where the
we find the Shulammite compared to Tirzah. But 1 Prohahly the Tarlusa of the Talmud (Neuh. G4ogv. 268).
whether a methodical criticism can accept this reading, 2 Kiinig (Ex$. 7' 12 38: [1901l) explains the 9 in the Gilerrdite
is doubtful (see C.kwrIcLES, 5 14, and cp R OSE ). W e place-name 73wn as a radical ( d , , ~ )
need not therefore discuss the question whether Tirzah 3 A om. in I K . 17 I, BAL om. I K. 21 28 ; @ has Beup(+sqc
really was a s beautifully situated as the ordinary text of also in I K. 18 27 [BAL], 29 [Ll Mal. 44 13 231 [BNAQrl.
T h e tithe in relation to other sacred dues is discussed else-
Cant. 64 seems to imply. It is enough to find out where where (see TAXATION ; see esp. $5 9 8 , to which the present
this northern city lay. article is supplementary).
5101 5102
TITHES TITHES
rate was different-as in Moslem law the ' tithe' is for their support (4430). Ezekiel's programme was
sometimes &,or &,-or where there was no fixed per never put into operation, but in the Persian period the
cent. Thus in the religious sphere tlxapxai and &K&TUL tithe seems to have been converted to the use of t h e
are often synonymous : so, e.g., in Dion. Ha!ic. 1 2 3 3 , temple (Mal. 38-10). Some such provision must have
cp &K&muuis, ib. 24, for the payment of a vow of first- proved necessary, not only for the support of the priests
lings ; so Philo calls the tithe which was t o be paid the but also for the maintenance of public worship.
priests out of the Levites' tithe, d x a p ~ l j scixap~.il(De In P all sacred dues, under whatever name, go t o
m u t a t . nom. 1607, Mangey). the support of the ministry (Nu. 188-20); the ' t i t h e ' is
Similarly in the O T : to exact a tithe from the grain- specifically the portion of the Levites (vv. 21-24) ; of it
fields, vineyards, and flocks is a royal prerogative ( I S. they in turn make over a tithe to the priests ( w .25- 32).
81517). T h e oldest laws prescribe that the aparchae See N UMBERS, J X I . According to Neh. 1 0 3 7 8
(r2fLfb)of the first fruits of the land shall be brought t o (Chronicler), the plan was for the Levites to collect their
the house of Yahwk (Ex. 3426,' cp Dt. 184 262 Ezek. tithe in all the cities and villages, under the supervision
4430). T h e term ' tithe' was in use, however, in the of a priest, and then deliver the tithe of the tithes into
northern kingdom in the eighth century for religious the storehouse in the temple for the priests. There is com-
dues (Am. 44, c p Gen. 2822, E). In Dt. the word plaint, however, that the tithes were not paid, so that
occurs repeatedly (1261117 1 4 2 2 8 28J 2 6 1 2 8 ) ; the the Levites had t o support themselves (Neh. 13106).
tithe of grain and wine and oil is to be brought to It is impossible t o say whether this system was ever
Jerusalem and-as in Amos-used for a feast ; in the actually worked. I t is often inferred that Neh. 1037f.
third year, however, a tithe is to be reserved for charity represents the practice of the Chronicler's own time;
(see TAXATION, (39 9,f). Together with the tithes but it is quite a s likely that it is one of the many pia
Dt. 126 X I 17 names the t h l m a ' h (tlrzimathy4dkd ; EV desideria which he projects into his ' history as it ought
' heave offering ' ; more accurately ' reserved portion '), t o have been.' T h e fortunes of the Levites in these
by which it is commonly thought that the first fruits are centuries are involved in dense obscurity (see LEVITES,
intended (see Dillm. in loc.), but this is doubtful ; more J 7). W h a t is certain is that a t the beginning of the
probably the terms are t o be taken as synonymous; Christian era the tithes were collected by the priests for
cp Nu. 1824. In Ezekiel we find r&th and #lrzimih themselves (Jos. Vita, 12 1 5 ; A n t . x x . 8 8 92). This
(2040). which are assigned to the priests for their departure from the law is recognised in the Talmud :
support (4430); but no mention of tithes. There is Ezra took the tithe away from the Levites because so
nothing on the subject of tithing in H. few of them were willing t o return to Palestine ( K l t h t i -
I t seems probable, therefore, that the name 'tithe ' bith, 26a ; Yiba'mith, 8 6 a b ; HuZZin, 1316, etc.).
was employed at some sanctuaries in the period of the T h e deuteronomic laws name grain, wine, and oil
kingdoms, while elsewhere other names were in use. a s subject t o tithe ( E r 7 , c p 1422 Nu. 1827); Lev. 2730
It is not improbable, moreover, that the nature and 3. Things is more general : ' all the tithe of the soil,
quantity of the obligatory offerings, and the use made of of the seed of the ground or the
them, differed at different places a s well a s times.
tithed. whether
fruit of the tree, is YahwB's.' T h e general
When the fragmentary remains of old sacred laws were rule of the Mishna is : ' Everything that is eaten and is
brought together with later rules ( P ) in one code, these watched over and grows out of the ground is liable t o
various terms were treated as so many different dues, tithe ' ( M . iWa'&&ith, 1 I ). T h e scrupulosity of the
and combined in one system of religious taxation. Pharisees in matter of garden herbs--' mint, anise, and
T h e critic, on the other hand, sometimes falls into the cuminin '-is commented on in the N T (Mt. 23 23 Lk.
hardly less serious error of assuming that all the laws 1142); the Mishna and the Palestinian Talmud go into
lie in one serial development. minute details and discussions of what should be tithed,
Until the aparchae were offered to God, the crop and when, and how. T h e tithe of agricultural products
might not be used by men in any way (see, e.g., Lev. paid to the Levites or to the priests, is called by the
T h e presentation was the natural Jewish writers on the law ' the first tithe.'
a. Use
the of occasion
tithe. 2314). of a feast a t the holy place. This Lev. 273zJ puts by the side of the tithe of seed crops
is the use of the tithe in Dt. (126 1423). and fruit (vv.3 0 5 )a tithe of animals of the flock or herd ;
T h e portion dedicated t o the deity may at some time every tenth one, as the flock is counted, shall belong to
have been actually consumed upon the altar ; or, a s in the Yahwh. T h e complete parallel between vv. 30f: and
case of the voluntary rnin&ih, a representative part may 32,f naturally suggests two inferences : first, that it is
have been thus consumed ; but in the rituals we possess the increase of the year that is to be tithed (so M.
the offering is symbolical (cp the wave sheaf and the Blkdriifh, 9 3 8 , etc.); and, second, that the tithe of
two loaves, Lev. 2 3 9 8 1 5 8 ) ; God ceded his share to cattle, like that of the fruits of the earth, was to go
the priest (Nu. 1811). At the feast given by the offerer to the priests. This is the view of Philo ( D e p r a a - m i i s
the priest had a place by cnstom ; and thus from early sacerdol. J 2, 2234, Mangey; De c a d . J I O , 2391);
times the offerings of first-fruits or tithes indirectly so also Toh. 16 (cod. K ) and- what seems not to have
contributed to the support of the clergy. T h e poor, been noted- Jubilees,32 15 (on Gen. 2822) : ' all tithes of
also, shared i n the feasts by a religious guest-right. neat cattle and sheep shall be holy t o God and belong
T h e deuteronomic reformers foresaw that the sup- to his priests, who eat them year by year before him.'
pression of the village high-places would deprive both On the other hand, the legal authorities unanimously
the country priests and the poor of the community of no take the wholeepassage, Lev. 2730-33, to refer t o the
small part of their living. They provided, therefore, that 'second tithe' ; the animals were sacrificed by their
every third year the land-owner, instead of taking his owners a s thank offerings (tida'h),or as 'joyous peace
tithe to Jerusalem, shonld set it aside for charity a t his offerings' ( f a l m i timhdh) at the feasts.' Modern critics
own home. Here, again, it is not improbable that they generally assume that the chapter is a late supplement
found a precedent in earlier custom; there are many to the : Priests' Code,' and that the tithe is therefore t o
examples, e.g.- among the Arabs- of sacrifices left be understood in accordance with Nu. 18zrfl But if,
wholly to the poor, this being a work of superior piety. as is more probable, it be a supplement to a body of
T h e new model of Ezekiel provides for the support of law which included Dt., the rabbinical interpretation is
public worship, including the feasts at the great seasons, -qually possible (cp z'v. 9-15). There can be no doubt
by the prince, out of the proceeds of a general tax that the Mishna and Siphre represent in this particular
(tPi-Jmdh, 4 5 1 3 8 : ) a t a fixed rate. T h e old r Z t h the practice of the first century. And it is not difficult
bikktirim and t h 2 m d h are all assigned to the priests
1 S i p W Dt. I 6 * M H?g&Eh 14' M. MZnE&bth 15
Ltc. See kchiirer, 2h'f3)'? &r n. 20also Maimonidcs, &hi:
1 Ex.23 19 is brought over by a redactor from 34 16. md the Mishna commentaries.
5'03 5104
TITLE TITUB
to conceive that the claim of the priests to all the Tile textual problem raised by the omission of 01s 06% (Gal.
firstlings-once the accompaniment of the tithe of corn 2 5) in some webtern MSS is not serious (cp Lightf. Gal. 121-123,
aird Klostermann's Probleme im A#ostebtrxte L16631, 54 f;);
and wine and oil ( D t . 126, etc.) -made it necessary to besides, even were the external evidence more considerable, the
make some other provision for the sacrificial feasts ; the internal probabilities of the case put the matter beyond doubt.
tithe'of cattle is a natural form for this provision to The curious silence of Acts upon this notorious controversy
(Acrs, $ 4 ) is due to the irenical tendencyof the author or of the
take. It is, therefore, not so certain as has sometimes sources which he edited at this point of his story. Even if he
been thought, that Lev.27323 is the last monstrous did not know the Pauline Epistles, Titus must have been familiar
demand of a greedy priesthood or the fiction of a n to him, as fitniiliar a t any rate as several of the minor figures
imaginative scribe. who flit across his pages. But by the time he wrote, the circurn-
cision-question was obsolete, and he probably deemed it prudent
On the basis of the Pentatewh as a whole, the system to pass by allusions which might revive unpleasant memories
included three tithes: the 'first tithe,' a tax of one better left unstirred. Some such explanation is distinctlyprefer-
tenth of all edible vegetable products collected by the able to Ramsay's hypothesis that the Antiochian Luke omitted
the name of Titus because be was his relative (Si.Paul, 389J).
4. Jewish ministry for its own support (Nu. 1821-24); Further, the disinclination to report so discreditable and un-
system of the ' second tithe ' of the same products, edifying an episode as that of the local dispute at Corinth natur-
which, together with the cattle tithe (Lev. ally led to the omission of any later reference to Titus who thus
2732 f . ) , furnished a feast for the owner and had the misfortune to be sacrificed to the special'aims and
interests of the first hiatorian of the early church.
his guests at Je;usalem (Dt. 14~1-27);and the ' p o o r
Three or four years elapse before Titus reappears, in
tithe,' set apart every third year for charity ( D t . 1 4 2 8 3
connection with the Corinthian church.' His lack of
2612). T h e last. in the original intention of the law
probably only a particular use of the tithe every third
a.at Corinth. circumcision would naturally prevent
him from being a suitable companion
year, was in later times made, at least by some, a
during Paul's second tour (49-52A . D . ) which embraced
' t h i r d tithe' falling twice in every seven years, in the
as a rule-for so much is visible even under the religions
third and sixth years of the Sabbatical cycle (Tobit,
pragmatism of Acts-an initial attempt upon the syna-
1 7 J ; Jos. A n t . iv. 8 2 2 ; Trg. Jer. D t . 2 6 1 z f . ) ; see
gogues in almost evkry city. But, since Titus is found
Geiger, UrschriJf, 1 7 6 8 ; Schiirer, Gf VI3)2 2 5 2 .
Spencer, De lecidus r.'hruli6us, lib. 3, diss. I , cap. 10 ; Selden, a t Paul's disposal in Ephesus, it is possible that the
History of Tifhes: Reland, Axtiquitufes sacm, lib. 3, cap. 9, apostle took him from Antioch, after the dispute with
reprinted with extensive notes by the editor Peter (Gal. 211-21), upon his third tour through Galatia
6. Literature. in 'Ugolini Thesaurus, 2 10318: J. C. and the Phrygian highlands as far as the Asiatic metro-
Hottinger De decimis Hedrccmrmr, also in
Ugolini Thesaurus, 2'0283->90 p l u a b l e for its RFbhinical polis-a ' carefully planned stroke of policy,' accord-
erudition): Riehm, NWB, art. Zehnten '; Ryssel Zehnten ing to Ramsay, which effectually answered the unfair
hei den Hebraern,' P R E P ) 17 4 2 8 8 lit. i6. 444)' A.' S. Peake deductions drawn by Judaisers in favour of Judaic
'Tithe' in Hastings' D B 4 7 8 0 3 : ; W. R. Smiti, Rel. Sem.(zi Christianity from Timothy's circumcision previous to
z + & ; Nowack and Benzinger, H A ; Schurer, G/VO) 2 5 0 3
G. F. M. his promotion. Be that as it may, the keenest interest
TITLE. I . rl'v, ~iyyzin,2 K. 23 17 RV ' monument.' shown by Titus was in the Achaian Christians, an interest
See M A SS E B A H , § I ( e ) only equalled by that of Paul himself ( z Cor. 8 16), who
2. TfThOs, Jn. 191sf: see CROSS, 4. stamped him a s ' my comrade and fellow-worker in your
interest' ( z Cor. 823), ' my brother' ( 2Cor. 2 13), and a
TITUS (TITOC : on the accentuation see Winer- colleague actuated by the same high motives ( 2 Cor.
Schmiedel Gmmm. Th. i., 62) is the name of a rather 1218)-an estimate borne out by the record of what
enigmatic minor figure in the apostolic age, who is known transpired during the Corinthian episode, where Titus
almost entirely from Paul's allusions to him (in Gal. proved himself a prudent, active, and reliable com-
and z Cor.) as a friend and trusty lieutenant. H e is missioner of Paul. His connection with the Achaian
not associated with Paul in the address of any extant Christians appears to have begun upon the occasion of
epistle, and nothing is known of his birthplace, age, or a visit paid either at the despatch of I Cor. (which he
nationality, except that he was a pagan by birth ( "EXhqv
may have carried, as one of ' t h e brothers ' : I Cor. 16 I I ;
GY)and apparently a native of Asia Minor (cp Gal. 21-5). cp 2 Cor. 1316)or shortly afterwards, when he set on
Later tradition (Tit. 14)may be correct
1. Foot arrangements for a local contribution to the great
Jerusalem. in hinting that he was brought over to
collection (cp Rendall, Expos.(') 8321-336, and E. Lom-
Christianity by Paul himself. At any
bard, Rev. d. ThdoL ef PhiZos., 1902,p. 113f:) o n behalf
rate he appears at an early stage of the apostle's puhlfc
of the J u d z a n Christians which Paul was negotiating
career (possibly in 49 A.D. : cp CHRONOLOGY, § 74,
throughout the Gentile churches, partly as a timely act of
P A U L , $ 16)as a private individual who accompanied
charity, partly as a tangible evidenge of sympathybetween
Paul and Barnabas (cp Acts 15z ) at the former's request the two branches of the church, and partly to show his
upon their visit to Jerusalem, evidently to represent the
3wn belief and interest in their unity. Acquainted with
success of the Pauline gospel outside Judaism. The
the instructions already given by Paul to the Galatians in
burning question at the conference of Jerusalem was the
this matter of the Xoyla ( I Cor. ISI), Titus was well
value and validity of Christian faith if unsupplemented
adapted for this financial work, which began in the year
by circumcision, an'd (as Paul had foreseen) the case of
previous to that in which z Cor. 8 IO 92 were written.
Titus inevitably came u p for discussion. Whether it
was made a test case or not, it led to bitter feeling 1 On the movements of Titus and Timothy at this period
between the conservative party and their challengers. see especially and variously Lightfoot (BibL Essuys 273 f;)
Schmiedel (IfC ii. 182-86 267-269), Heinrici (Der zzueite'8riefak
Paul and Barnabas, however, stood their ground against z'ic Kor. [Meyer, rgoo], 46-51) and A. Robertson (Hastings'
the orthodox centre and repudiated any compromise in- DB 1492-497). The scantiness bf the available data rendersany
volving their companion ; ' not even Titus, ' says Paul mtline rather hypothetical at more than one point' upon the
whole the most satisfactory view of the e isode in ieneral and
triumphantly, was obliged to get circumcised '-much if its extant literary evidence seems to ge somewhere among
less (as the Judaising Christians appear to have insisted) -hose which are based upon an acceptance of 2 Cor. 10-13 as the
Gentile Christians in general, who were not (like Titus) intermediate letter' (literature in Moffatt's Hist. New Testa-
in direct daily touch with a circumcised Christian. tnettt,lg) igor, p. 174J).
2 In describing the collection of temple tribute among the
Nothing is said of what Titus himself thought and felt. rews, a ciistom which no doubt suggested to Paul the idea or
His attitude is passive. T h e natural inference, however, it least the form of this collection, Philo notices the periodical
is that he left himself in Paul's hands, sharing, or a t ssignment of the funds in each district 'to men of good standing
Nhose duty it is to convey them to Jerusalem. For this purpose
least sympathising, with that ' inward impulse ' of Paul's t is always men of the highest rank who are chosen, as a kind
spiritual nature, which ' went straight to the results of >f guarantee that what forms the hope of every Israelite may
its principles ... and thus carried him past a form of .each the Holy Cityuntampered with ' (De monumhiu, B 3, cited
~ySchiir. Hist. ii. 2 289). Evidence for such collections in Xgypt
Christianity which was simply another form of Judaism ' s displayed by Wilcken, Griech. Osfrruta ( I ~ w )1z53f;
, 615f:
(Baur). C p C OUNCIL OF J ERUSALEM , fj§ 4, 7. See DISPERSION,S 16, and Harnack's Alcsbreitung, 133.135.
5'05 516
TITUS TOB
As the context implies ( z Cor. 12 13-17) 2 Cor. 12 17f: (iffAco- upon his subsequentmovements is afforded by a remark two years
k K n p a ) refers to the collection ; neithe; in person, nor by my later in a genuine Pauline fragment preserved in 2 Tim. 4 IO,
agents (Paul retorts) did I overreach you. In view of this it from which it appears that l'itus, who must have turned up
seems inadequate to 'deny (with Zahn Einl. 1244 J ) that the during Paul's captivity in Rome had left (on a mission?) for
collection is the topic of 2 Cor. 86. .is Titus had previously DALMATIA (q...) . The trustworhiness of this notice need not
made a beginning (rrposujptaaro) with this bounty so (Paul urges) he doubted, although the phrase 'this present world ' (rbv VSV
let him coniplete it now in addition to (La&> the &her local tasks a&va cp I Tim. 6 17) is un-Pauline. Nor is a substantial hasis
-such as that of acting for Paul during the estrangement- to be'denied to the tradition (reflected in Tit. 1 5 ) that links
which, as z Cor. 1-9 implies, he had brought to a happy issue. Cretan Christianity to Titus at any rate (whatever may he
T h e n and there he won the esteem of the Corinthians. thought of the allusion to Paul), although the tendency and
object of the sub-Paulineauthor is naturally to suggest that the
Along with some other agent, he supported himself as anarchic condition of the local Christians ' was one considerable
Paul had done, thereby putting his disinterested zeal cause of the evidently low moral condition to which they had
beyond suspicion ; as Paul's language indicates ( 2 Cor. sunk' (Hart, Christian Ecclesia, 176), and characteristically to
lay stress upon organisation as a safeguard.
1218),he was evident!y the last man in the world whom Titus bas been occasionally but unconvincingly regarded as
the Corinthians would have dreamed of accusing (cp b
the author of the 'We-jouriih' in Acts (ACTS, 8 6)-e.g., by
J. H. Kennedy, The Second and ThirdBpz'stles of P a u l Krenkel, Kneucker, Seufert, Jacobsen, 0. Holtzmann ( Z W Z ,
to the Corinthians. 1900, p. 119). T h e business of the 1389, p. 409). and Bartlet (Ajost. Age, 69, r o o [rgwl). But
all that the curious silence of Acts enables us to adduce in favour
collection prospered famously ( z Cor. 9 I $ ) . But it was of such a conjecture is the wholly inade uate fact that Titus was
rudely interrupted by the painful, discreditable, a n d con- a companion of Paul, possibly-thoug% only possibly-during
temptible affair which led to a rupture beween Paul a n d par! of the time covered by the diary in question. Besides, it
IS significant that no writing, canonical or extra-canonical, is
the Corinthian church. A t this outbreak of bad feeling assigned to him in tradition, which is content to elahorate his
Titus in all likelihood returned to Ephesus, although connection with Crete and-hy a strange shift of fortune, after
this is one of several details which are far from luminous the Venetian regime-with Venice. The meagre allusion to
or coherent. I t is possible that h e contented himself Crete which happens to occur in the Epistle to l'itus, may quite
well rest upon a nucleus of historical fact ; but the luxuriant
with simply reporting the crisis. At any rate, he scems fancy of later generations proceeded among other developments
to have borne somewhat later to Corinth from Ephesus to make him the first bishop appointed by Paul over Crete (A#.
the vehement, severe letter (preserved in whole or part Const. 7 6, Euseh. H E 34, Theod., Theophylact, Jerome, etc.),
dying inAeed at Candia, as archbishop of Gortyna, in his ninety-
in z Cor. 10-13TO) which Paul precipitately wrote with fourth year (Fabric. Cod. Apocr. N T 2831 A). Cp Tozer,
caustic a n d passionate indignation, his aim being t o test Islands of the Egean, 6 5 s In the Roman legends of the gnostic
their loyalty a n d bring them to their senses ( 2 Cor. 2 13 qxi&rsTl&Aou,Titusis connected with Paul,and playsalong with
Luke a r6le in the Pnssio sancfi Pauli ApostoZiandMartyrium
76 f; 13 f.). T h e misgivings and apprehensions1 of Pauli, 114-117 (cp Lips. Acta A#ost. Aficyplr., 1891, 123-44).
Titus on this errand proved happily unfounded. H e Like Timothy he is of course reckoned among the seventy
was received and obeyed heartily by the majority, a n d disciples hy Ckron. Pasch. 420 (ed. Bonn), and, according to
eventually found himself able to rejoin Paul with good Acta Pauli et Tltecle, z x , he gives information regarding Paul
to Onesiphorus at Iconium. One of the epistles of the seudo-
news of the Corinthians' repentance a n d affection. Some Dionysius Areopagita is addressed to Titus as bishop ofcrete.
delay occurred, however, a n d meantime the outbreak a t The rather slight contents of the Acta T i t i (see Lips. Apocr.
Ephesus (P AUL , § 25) h a d driven the apostle to Troas. Ap.-g-esch. 3401-405) are as legendary as the panegyric on Titus
pronounced hy Andreas of Crete (ed. Paris, 1644).
Dismayed to hear a t Corinth of the grief produced by Like Timothy, Titus also has had some ado to presen'e his
his sharp letter ( 2 Cor. 7 8 ) , h e felt driven by restless individuality. But it seems needless to do more than chronicle
eagerness for further news across to Macedonia. There even the attempts made to identify him (see Wieseler) with the
a t last he met his friend returning by land, a n d in a n Titius ( T h v [NEl)Justus of Acts 18 7 or with Silas (Silvanus);
access of delight a n d relief a t his favourable report com- against the latter as advocated especially by Zimmer, see the
conclusive statement of Jiilicher, JPT,1882, pp. 528-552[, also
posed cor. 11-9 13 rr-q,which he concludes byplanning SILAS,$3 5 x 1 . J., :to.
to have the collection resumed a n d completed under TITUS ' (EPISTLE). See TIMOTHY AND I ITUS
charge of Titus accompanied by two anonymous but (EPISTLES).
able subordinates. T h e former was not only willing
but eager to return to Corinth (2'Cor.8 16 23), so satisfied TITUS JUSTUS ( TITIOC ,IOYCTOC [Ti. W H I ) ,
had he been with his recent experience of the church's Acts187 RV, AV JUSTUS ( q . ~ . 11.).
,
temper (2 Cor. 7 6 3 73-15). T h u s Titiis disappears from TITUS MANLIUS, R V Titus Manius (TITOC
the scene. He probably returned with the letter to MANIOC), 2 Macc. 1134. See M ANLIUS .
Corinth and reorganised the Xoyfa or voluntary assess- TIZITE ('Y'n?; o IBACBI [BK]. o e a c w [AI, o
ment throughout Achaia. For although no Corinthian
deputies are mentioned among those named in Acts 204,
&acl [L] ; Thomites [Vg.], all presupposing the form
?!\Wl) ; a gentilic attached t o the name JUHA ( I Ch.
it is evident from Roni. 1526 that the long-promised
liberality of the Corinthians ( P Cor. 95) had not been 11 45). David's warriors were presumably, like himself,
withheld, and that the financial labours of Titus (z Cor. from the Negeb. ' Shimri,' the name of Joha's father,
8 6 92) were crowned with success. Curiously enough, also favours this. If TIRZAH (4.v.) was really a place
among the virtues of the Corinthian church celebrated in the Negeb, we might suppose corruption from 'nxm
some forty years later, liberality (.1/8tov di8bvres +) hap- ' a Tirzathite.' T. K . C.
Puvovres) is reckoned as one of its leading a n d traditional TOAH (~WI),I Ch. 6 3 4 [19] ; in I S. 1I, TOHU.
characteristics (Clem. Rom. 1I 21).
The genuine fragment incorporated in Tit. 3 1 2 3 (cp C HRON - TOB (3iD ; TUB [BAL]), a region in which Jephthab
OLOGY, $8 68x,TIIOTHVA N D TETUS [EP~sTLE~], $ 1 3 ) pcohably a the Gileadite' took refuge (Judg. 113 5), a n d whence
belongs to the period after the composition of the Ammonites obtained allies in their war against
3. Later z Cor. 1-9.written either from Macedonia (see David ( 2 S. 1068, R V ; c p ISH-TOB). Sayce plausibly
tradition&. NicoPoLis 5 3) when Paul was on his way to identifies it with Tubi, a place conquered by Thotmes
Corinth or) on his wav back (Acts 20 2). How
the connection with Crete arose, and Ghether Titus managed to III., a n d mentioned a little before Astiratu-Le., Tell
rejoin him or not, it is impossible to say. The only light thrown 'ASter2 (RPP)5 4 5 ; c p Maspero, AX,1881,p: 124). This
does not, however, suit the original story whlch underlies
1 As a personal friend of Paul and as a Gentile Christian over Judg. 111-33 (see J EPHTHAH ) ; a district of HaurHn
whom an acrimonious feud had been already waged (Gal. 2 3J),
Titus cannot have felt comfortable at the prospect of confronting is not to b e expected here. Tubibi is much more
the Jewish Christian intriguers who were busy at Corinth. Prob- appropriate (see T IRHATH ) ; this very ancient city was
ably it was dislike of them if not their active malice that had probably in the Lebanon district, NW. of Damascus.
driven him away. At the iame time his d i + n a t i c q;alities, no T h e identification also suits the mention of T o b in z S .
less than his organising capacity made him evidently a more
capable man than Timothy to deh with a difficult situation of 1 0 6 8 in connection with .ZOBAH ( 4 . v . ) . T h e same
this kind, and Paul's generous confidence in the sterling qualititts region may b e meant by the land of TUBIAS(AV T OBIE;
of the Corinthian church (2 Cor. 7 14), as well as his sagacity in @ r o u p ~ o u )in I Macc. 513, the people of which appear
the choice of a new envoy, must have been amply justified by
events. to he called TUBIENI (z Macc. 1217 ; see CHARACA)-
5107 5108
TOB-ADONIJAH TOBIT
i . e . , the men of Tuk~or Tob. These identifications, TOBIT
however, only suit a fairly conservative view of the MT. Various recensions (5 I). 111. Conjectural reconstruction
If the Gilead originally meant in Judg. 11 and in 1. Interpolations (58 2-10). (5 '3f.').
I Macc. 5 be a southern Gilead in the Negeb, and if the Ahikar additions (8 2). Reconstruction ($ 13).
His;. ofAhikar story(s3). Hist. : time of greatest
Zoba originally meant in 2 S. 10 be Zarephath in the Various forms (8 4). vogue ($14).
Negeb, we m u t consider whether x i r ~may not be a Common matter (5 5). IV. Ultimatesources($S 15-20).
mutilated form of $>in (see T UBAL ). Stages of growth (0 6). Final redactor ($ 15).
The n in the Gk. and Syr. forms (Tou&-wouc [AI, rov@avovs Story foreign ($ 7). His work (S 16).
Ultimately mythical (5 8). Basis in folk-lore (5 17).
[VI, b A A s g ) i sclearly not radical. See GASm. H G 587, n. 5, Didactic additions ($ 9). Armenian form (8 IS).
who agrees It may be added, with Conder (Hetlr and M o d , Summary (8 IO). Feature common (8 19).
176) in iden;ifying Toh with mod. et-rayyiheh, NE. of Pella. 11. Uninterpolated text($ IIJ). Foreign origin ($ 20). ,
T. K. C. Not original (5 11). Bibliography (5 21)
H o w redacted ($ 12).
TOB-ADONIJAH (?l:"!ie2iD; ~wBbAwBsia[B]. Tobit ( T ~ B [ E ] I T [Bs4], TwBele [ R ] ; Tobias) is one
- A w ~ l a[AL]), a Levite temp. Jehoshaphat ( z Ch. of the books of the O T A POCRYPHA ( q . ~ . , 5, 3). In
178). Note that Pesh. omits the name and that of the the first sentence of the work itself it is called ' Book of
preceding Adonijah and Tobijah ; @"A omits the second. the words [=doings : see C HRONICLES , 5 I ] of Tobit,
If not a corruption (e.g., for m ~ or y nix i2L-y and son of, etc.' (plphos X6ywv Topet.r [BA ; K -p~+]).
L) are very similar in !Samaritan script) the name should More than in the case of the other apocryphal writings
probably be omitted ; a scribe may have begun to re- of the OT the investigation is complicated by our having
write i n q i ~and then invented the most suitable name various p o u p s of texts.
he could think of. [But cp Crit. Bib., ad Zoc.] I. To begin with there are three Greek forms: (a)that 0 .
S. A. C. @BA which the Sydac [Syr.]~followsdown to 7 9 ; (6) that of

TOBIAH (VJiD), Ezra 260 ; see T OBIJAH, 2 .


TOBIAS (TWB[€]IhC-ie., ?ll>\D). I . T h e son of
'' @H which is for the most part that followed
by ;he Vetus L a f i n a [Vet. Lat.] ; and (c) that
recensions. of codd. dd. 10.1 (Toh. t i o 138). From
T OBIT (q...) . 1I to ti8 the"text'of ih&e codices airees with
@ A B ; and the continuation of the Syriac version ?from 7 IO
a. The father of HYRCANUS (0.7~).
onwards) coincides with it exactly.
TOBIE (TOYBIOY [AKV]), I Macc.513 AV, R V 2. erome's version is independent of all these; he tells us
T UBIAS. See TOB. that he made it from an Aramaic original ($r.pf:in zlers. Zi6i6ri
rob.). Here it is noteworthy that the whole story of Tobit is
TOBIEL ( T W B I H A [BKA]--i.e., $?2iD ; cp Tabeel), told in the third person.
the father of TOBIT ( f o b . 11). C p T O ~ I J A H . 3. The same is the case with an extant Aramaic text edited
by Neubauer.1 This text, however, to judge by its language,
TOBIJAH (?l!?\D, once 4?:2\D, 'Yahwt5 is good,' would appear to he recent4 and canno( therefore he identified
(5 28, but ultimately, like TOBIEL, perhaps from Tubali, with the M S used by Jerome, hut is to be classed with three
' a man of T I J H A L ' ;T W B I A C [AL]). Hebrew versions which are also extant, as productions of a later
date.
I. A Levite temp. Jehoshaphat ( z Ch. 178 ; i?*2ir~ ; om. BA).
All the associated names in 2 Ch. (Lc.)admit of being traced to T h e recent essay by Margarete Plath ' Z u m Buche
Negeh ethnics or gentilics. T o b i t ' (in St. K r . , 1901, pp. 377-414), which gives a n
2. EV TOBIAH, a post-exilic family, unable to prove its analysis of the book with special reference t o its stylistic
pedigree: Ezra 260 (ro,8cra [Bl, +oui3cov [LI)=Neh. 762 ( r w p r a peculiarities, will be found singularly helpful towards a
[BHA])=I Esd. 5 37 where the name is corrupted to BAN,R V w . right understanding of Tobit. As, however, it simply
B AENAN (Baevav [B], @ai,[A]), and he appears as the father of
Ladan (see DELAIAH).See GENEALOGIES i., 0 3, and note the takes @* for its basis without any discussion of the
place- names in Ezra 2 1j9= Neh. 7 61 = I Esd. 5 36 (e.<., TEL- originality of that text, this essay, which otherwise
MELAH, TEL-HARSHA), all of which may plausibly he viewed as might be regarded as final on the stylistic features of
Negeb-names. the book, a s a matter of fact is valid only for one of the
3. One of a party of Jews from Babylon (?),temp. Zeruhhahel
(Zech. ti IO 14; C3 translates xpquipw [-occl a h j r [Pv], Le., traditional forms in which it has reached us. Before
?..ib). See ZERUBBABEL. entering upon an analysis of style, therefore, it will be
4. E V T OBIAH (the form .rwp[e]ta is a constantly re- necessary to go into the question as to the original form
curring form for no. 4 instead of Twptas. T h e form ~ w p t s of the book. In the first place we must examine the
[W] occurs in Neh. 43 [9]). An ' Ammonite,' one of the versions and seek to ascertain the form of text to which
chief opponents of the fortification of Jerusalem by they carry us back ; next, this form will hare to be
Nehemiah (Neh. 2 I O , etc. ). Whether ' Ammonite ' is a examined with a view to testing whether it be original
race-name (cp AMMON. $ 8 ) or means ' native of Chephar- or whether rather it does not show traces of having been
Ammoni' (see BETHHORON, 5 4) is uncertain. T h e latter worked over ; the approximately original form will
view is superficially plausible through Tobiah's connec- then have to be analysed ; and finally the ultimate
tion with lending Judzeans (Neh. 617-19), from one of source of the materials will have to be considered.
whom--the priest Eliashib- he received a chamber in I. I NTERPOLATIONS
the temple formerly used by the Levites, for his own In the first place we may be sure that the Ahikar-
special purposes. Bat we incline to think that 'Ammon- episodes do not belong to the original form of the book.
ite.' as often, = ' Jerahmeelite' ; a connection between (a)In 120 we are told that all Tobit's goods were
nobles of Judah and Jerahmeelites is historicallyprobable. forcibly taken away and there was nothing left t o him
The title ' the servant' given him in Neh. 2 IO 19 ('the servant
the Ammonite '), but nowhere else, is explained as meaning ' th; 2. Ill?ikar- save his wife Anna and his son Tobias. In
officer of the government ' (Ryssel), or, 'one who had formerly 21, however, we read that on his return
been a slave' (Rawlinson). Both explanations are forced. i x y n additions' home these two were restored to him. T h e
is almost certainly corrupted from 'the Arabian ' which
the scribe in Neh. 2 19 (IBB* omits ?:ti% altogether) &ote as
a gloss on 'jnyn, 'the Ammonite.' From this passage it made
contradiction is manifest, but becomes explicable if we
consider how it arose : this good deed also had been
its way into Neh. 2 I O (through the harmonising of an editor), attributed to Tobit's protector ; and the supplementer
most probably also into Neh. 4 I [7l. ifa.>nyn n q i ?I; (regarded has betrayed himself by his incorporation of the Ahikar-
by Guthe an addition of the Chronicler: or a Eter gloss) 1s episode. T h e original sequence in 1 2 1 , though it has
miswritten for Tjnyn 'xiyn. In Neh. 2 io19 the senseless q l y n
became i l y n ; in 4 T 171 (as we have seen)it went throughanother been smoothed down in @A. is observed in @H : ' And
transformation. Later, in 4 I! p*inwwni (not in QBN*A) was Sacherdonos, his son, reigned in his stead- and in the
added, not by an ill-timed reminiscence of Neh. 13 23, but (read- reign of king Sacherdonos I returned to my home.'
ing '1,7l;'X?, ' the Asshurite'), as a second gloss on m y ? . Here,
1 The Book of Tobit n Chaldcc Text f r o m a unique M S in
as in Neh. (/.c.), not Ashdod, but Asshur (Ashhur), the name of the Aod?ciarr Libray, ;d. by Neuhauer, Oxford, 1878.
a N . Arabian district, is most probably referred to. Cp Che. 2 So Dalman Gramnz. des~&i.-palLstin.drnuziikh, 27-P
Das Refig. Lcben nach dem Ex& (by Stocks), appended note. 3 [On some sbecial points relative to the original form of t t e
T. K. C . text of Tobit, see Crit. Bib.,and cp THISBE.]
163 5109 5110
TOBIT TOBIT
Underlying this we have the truly oriental idea that a polations, we shall find that Jerome's original stands in contrast
new accession generally, an accession after a revolution mth that of all the others. The latter already has the Ahikar
interpolations. Whilst the paths by which A and B on the one
always, brings with it a complete change of system. hand, and Syr. and Vet. Lat. on the other, were reached are
By K , Ahikar is represented as having been cupbearer quite independent, N seems to represent a union of the divergent
and keeper of the signet, steward and overseer of the forms of the text at a certain stage of the development.
accounts, a s early a s in the time of Sennachereim T h e introduction of the Ahikar episodes shows that
(Sennacherib, 705-682),whilst @* and @" have it that his storv was widelv known : it was oossible to a d a
he first received his appointinents from Sacherdonos of weight to an admonitio; by a reference
fEsarhaddon, 682-669). K has the older reading ; that Apikar-story.
3. t o what had happened to him. Like
it is the older is shown by the whole structure of the the storv of Tobit. that of Ahikar ..
sentence. I n the other Greek text the statement that relates to the period of the exile.
-4hikar was, even in the reign of Sennachereim, the most The present writer has elsewhere 1 endeavoured to show that
among the Jews of the exile there gradually arose a cycle of
influential person in the kingdom has been deleted so exilic legends. The individual legends belonging to this cycle
a s t o avoid making Ahikar in any way responsible for have reached us not in original hut in revised form ; the persons
the expedition against J u d z a and the resultant cruelties figuring in them who of old maintained their fidelity amidst the
of the Assyrian against Ahikar's own people.. Thus we most trying circumstances are exhibited by the various editors
to the people of their own time, in circumstances of renewed
perceive that the original story of Ahilsar needed a distress, as conspicuous examples of Jewish piety and of Jewish
rectifying hand in order to connect it with the story of patriotism. Our attitude indeed may well be sceptical, a s
Tobit with a s little inconsistency as possible : again a regards the sources again and again cited-in Esther the
chronicles of the kings of Media and Persia, in Tobit the relater
proof that it was not from the first a n integral part of of the wonderful experiences in 12 zo-but we are not thereby
it. Our opinion of the text offered by Jerome may be justified in refusing to believe in the existence of widely circulated
a poor one, yet when we note that to all appearance the collections of legends from which the present texts had their
story of A h i b r seems to have had no place in the origin, especially when we bear in mind the passion for writing
which characterised those times.
authority that lay before him, we may perhaps venture T h e peculiar way in which the stories of Tobit and
to say that, even if it has been greatly manipulated,
Jerome's text still points back to, a form of the text
. . are worked toeether uoints also in the same
of Ahikar
4. Its various direct&. Th'e supplementer has made
which had not yet passed through the hands of the out the two men to have been kins-
supplementer. men : this was all the easier a s Tobit
(6) Ahikar, the protector, afterwards becomes the himself is represented's having once upon a time held
supporter of the blind Tobit. Here the episode is a n important position a t the Assyrian court. So also
brought in to lead up to a n effective climax; first a Ahikar, the son of Anael, is represented as already cup-
relative takes care of the unfortunate man, afterwards bearer, keeper of the signet, steward and overseer of the
his wife has t o support him by doing work for strangers. accounts under Sennachereim, and confirmed in his
In K even the duration of this p e r i d is given; it is offices by Sacherdonos. N makes mention of his
two years. In the same text, all his brethren are journey to Elymais (Elam) ; A and B, which make
represented as sorrowing for Tobit, though to judge by Tobit go there himself, present a n unwarranted altera-
the scorn shown by the neighbours at his burying of the tion of the text, and, we may be pretty certain, a r e
dead we should rather expect the opposite. In fact, hardly t o be corrected in conformity with Vet. Lat. with
the original story itself seems t o have been so con- which they otherwise in these episodes have but little
structed a s to exclude the notion of compassion by affinity. Perhaps the circumstilnce may be taken as a n
outsiders. His toiling wife is the blind man's only indication that both forms of the text come from a region
support, and when even she turns against him he longs where the allusions t o Ahikas would have been unintel-
for death. This Ahikar feature also is wanting in ligible, his story being unknown. T h e chief event of
Jerome. Ahikar's life is touched on in chap. 14 IO. It will be of
It ought not to surprise us if even so secondary an authority interest t o place in juxtaposition the various forms in
should still be able to show us something original. In other
cases as well as in that of the present book it will gradually which it is given.
come to be recognised that we must emancipate ourselves from
the gratuitous assumption that all forms of an extant text can
always ultimately be traced hack to one of these which must SYR. VET. LAT. B (A) N
accordingly be regarded as the original. _ _ ~
(c) Ahikar appears again in 1118, this time a s a
wedding-guest along with his nephew Nasbas. K So, my son, But now, my Bury me And now, my
afterthouhast son, do thou decently and child, leave

1 1
mentions Ahikar and Nabad as Tobit's nephews. T h a t buriedmeand IeaveNineveh. t h v mother thou Nineveh.
some wedding-guests should be specified ought not to and tarry nd w i b me, and and tarry noi
seem strange in a book that deals so lavishly in names ; longer here, dwell ye no here. On the
but on the day longer in day thou hast,
and if we consider how insecure the tradition of names
is, we cannot lay much stress on the fact that one of
the wedding-guests bears the same name a s Tobit's
quondam protector and supporter. Moreover, Jerome
gives Achior, like Syr. ( 1 2 4 , +-)). Perhaps, there-
for I see t i a i him how out For I see that I
fore, the mention of two wedding-guests by name there is much of 'light h e there is much]
may be original, one of them, however, having been unrighteous- brought him unrighteous-,
transformed into that of Tobit's patron and supporter.
(d! Lastly, the story of Ahikar is introduced in order
f o r happi-
ness ( P ) : for
ness there and into darkness
much decep- and how he
ness inherand
much decep- I
no cause did tion is prac- requited him; tion is prac-
to give Tobias an example of what compassion can he bring him tised, and her and indeed, he tised, and they
accomplish. So bA Syr. and Vet. Lat. adduce it a s down into the people will not saved (there are not asham- I
showing the depravity prevalent a t the time in Nineveh. earth. And be moved was saved) ed. Behold,
'Akab des- t h e r e f r o m . Achiacharus, mychild,what
K has it in both connections. One sees from this that cended into Behold, my I but that other Nadab did to 1
uncertainty was felt a s to the purpose of the story in
Tobit's discourse to his son, and that various con-
Garkness and
Akikar 'went
son
I
w h a t had his recom-
Nadab did to pense, and he
Achikaruswho 1
had nourished 1
jectures were made. T h e story was, therefore, no
original part of the organism. Here again Jerome
supports our inference.
forth'intolight
out of the
snare which
Ahikar who himself went
had nourished down i n t o
I
him, whom he d a r k n e s s.
him; was he
not brought
alive down I
The wording of his version leads to the conclusion that possibly
it goes back to a form of the text which bore no traces of the 1 Die P u n k s a g e in der Bi6eZ: Unfcrsuckungen llder das
work of the Ahikar supplementer. If we arrange the text Buch Ester und der Estmswe v e m a n d f e Sagen des spri'ieuen
recensions by reference to their attitude towards these inter- judentums (1900), 45-59.
5111 511~
TOBIT TOBIT
story though in different aspects of it. T h e important
thing to observe is that they are taken from different
forms of this story, and in point of fact, as the introduc-
tion of the various separate elements occurred a t differ-
'Akab had sei into theearth?
~ fo! him, anc And God re- ent dates, we are thus enabled to gain a n insight into
this one went quited his in- the history of the story amongst the Jews. First we
1 down into the ;od requited caped the famy to his find the story which tells of Ahikar and Nadab. T h e
earth. h a t man's snare of death face; and
wickedness be- which he had Achikarus, as- names are, to all appearance, foreign, and show a t once
ore hi; own set for him, cended into that this material had been appropriated by Judaism
.ace, and but Adam light, and comparatively recently. Next, the names, and especially
lhikar went (Haman) fell Nadab des- that of the hero, give place to Jewish ones, and so the
o;thintolight, into the snare cended i n t o
)ut Nadab and perished. eternal dark- process of appropriation is completed. N o r are the
v e n t down And now, my ness because new names insignificant or chosen at random ; Manasseh
nto eternal children, be- he gad tried to is the name of the husband of the brave heroine of the
larkness, be- hold what kill Achikarus.
ause Nadab mercy does, Since he Book of Judith, H a m a n is that of the notorious enemy
lad sought to and how showed mercy of the Jewish race. By the alteration of the names of
:ill Ahikar. righteousness to me, he es- the chief actors the story of Ahikar itself received a new
doth deliver. caned thesnare stamp of nationality. and so became a n integral part of
ofheath which
Nadah had set the cycle of exilic legends.
That the story of &il:ar is not native to Jewish soil
is shown by its wide diffusion (cp the literature of this
, t h e snare of
death, and he subject in T& Story of Abikav by
' (death) de-
@&ar-s$ory
of7.foreign oripin. F. C. Conybeare, J. Rendel Harris,
1 stroyed him. and A. Smith-Lewis, London, 1898).
'And now, my It is found in Syriac, Armenian, Arabic, Greek, and
I children, see,
Slavonic redactions, and is to be met with in the Arabian
Nights and in the fables of &sop (cp A C H ~ A C H ~ R U S ) .
ness
, it kills.
or
f
1 I t runs somewhat as follows :-
The vizier and privy councillor of the Assyrian king Sen-
nacherib, Ahikar by name, having no child of his own, brings
up his nephew Nadan and receives from the king the assurance
that Nadan will be his successor in the offices that he holds so
T h e various recensions agree in the following points : advantageously for the kingdom Nadan receives from his
Ahikar brings up a youth who, however, drives him uncle in wise discourse the ripe fruits of a rich experience.
B. Their down into the earth (darkness). Ahikar in Soon, however, he begins to abandon himself to a loose and
the end is saved, and the other has to suffer dissipated life, so that Ahikar finds himself compelled, with the
king's permission, to di&herit him. Nadan then begins to
Common the fate he had contrived for his benefactor. intrigue for the overthrow of his uncle, and a t last with success.
matter' T h e young man's name is given variously : by means of forged letters Al>ikar is made to appear a betraye;
'Akab, Nabad, Nadab, Adam, Haman. X and B un- of his country. The deluded Sennacherib condemns his faithful
vizier to death and charges an executioner to carry ont the
expectedly call Al?ikar Manasseh. 'Akab is probably a sentence in front of Ahikar's own house. But with the help of
corruption of Nakab and may perhaps go back t o one his devoted wife the vizier is able to induce the executioner, who
or other of the forms Nabad, Nadab, as also may is grateful for a former act of kindness, to spare him, and to
Adam. On the other hand the names Manasseh and substitute a criminal slave in his place. H e himself is hidden
in a cavity beneath the door of his house, and secretly fed by
H a m a n point to a separate tradition which, to all the executioner and his own wife, whilst overhead his ingrate
appearance, first came out in A and B. In this the intro- nephew begins a reckless life. At this juncture the king of
duction of the story of Ahikar has its motive in the refer- Egypt sends a letter to Sennacherib in which he challenges him
t o solve a problem. In the event of his succeeding, the king of
ence to the value of mercy. T h e characteristic phrase Egypt will pay him tribute ; should he fail, Assyria is t o become
of this variant is : ' the snare of death which was set.' tributary to Pharaoh. Sennacherib is to get a palace high up
This phrase must h.we had a definite meaning in the in the air built for him in Egypt (the same motive is found also
narrative as well a s that which occurs in the first : ' he among the Suaheli in a story of Abunawas).l In .4ssyria every.
one is helpless ; if only Ahikar were still alive ! Whereupon the
was brought to the earth (darkness).' This is shown executioner comes forward and tells the king the truth. Sen-
by the fact that, doubtless independently of A and B, nacherib is overjoyed. Ahikar is fetched from his den and
the other variant has also found its way into K ; this brought before the king : his unshorn, unkempt hair reached
down to his shoulders and his beard to his breast. His nails
becomes evident if vue consider that here it is plainly were like eagle's claw;, and his body had become withered and
not original. It has already been brought into con- disfigured. The fashion of his countenance was changed, and
nection with the story of Tobit ; what is accentuated is was like ashes (cp Dan. 430). Carefully tended he is speedily
that the showing of compassion has brought deliverance restored, takes the problem in hand, and sets out for Egypt
where he is able to meet cunning with cunning and Pharaoh i;
to 'Tobit. Moreover, the original names have given compelled to acknowledge defeat. Crowned with glory the
place to those which we now find. Along with this hero returns home, and- now condign punishment overtakes
variant the new motive for referring to the Ahikar Nadan. First h e is scourged, and next he is thrown into a foul
den near his uncle's door : and as often as Ahikar went in and
episode has made its way into the K text. Accordingly out, he railed at him, his words of chastisement still taking
6. Succes- we shall have to imagine the steps in the proverbial form. ' A s Nadan heard these words, in that same
sive stages process of interpolation somewhat as moment he became inflated like a leather bottle, all his members
W i t h the formula : ' Behold, and hones swelled. and he split open and burst. Thus he came
of growth. follows. to his end and died ' (cp as to this manner of death the account
my child ! ' a supplementer introduces a of Mardnk's triumph over TiZmat in the Babylonian creation-
Nineveh story with which he is acquainted. Afterwards myth ; Jensen, AssAa6. Mythen 21. Ejen, Berlin, 1900, p. 26
it is endeavoured to bring it into connection with the 8).
book of Tobit, first by means of the moral it supplies T h e manner in which the story is told in the Book of
a Such wickednesses are done in Nineveh,' and next Tobit points very clearly beyond the legendary form in
(with the view of securing a still closer connection) by
introducing a variant which lays stress upon the virtue
*. which it has been handed down to an
mythical. original which exhibited mythological
of compassion. motives. Some one is delivered from
Whilst the first variant deals with the ungrateful youth the snare of death- so a legend says. This is the latest
and with the punishment of his ingratitude, what is shape the material receives ; it is at the same time also
emphasised by the other is that an act of compassion a new interpretation and explanation. W e meet with
saves him who is lost. T h e two are not mutually ex- 1 Lieder und Geschichfen derSuaAeZi, transl. and introd. by
clusive ; both may have their origin in one and the same Biittner, Berlin, 1894, p. 8 9 8
5713 5774
TOBIT TOBIT
the characteristic colouring of myth, however, when w e are more concisely worded, and it is noteworthy that the advice
read of someone being brought down from light into to marry within one’s own kin is absent.
darkness, how he reascends to light, a n d how his T h u s there has been a gradual interpolation of this
adversary is plunged into eternal night. These are apparently favourite chapter of the Book of Tobit.
characteristic features of the original form which first People liked to read how the old m a n instructs the
are gradually smoothed down a n d then continue’to be youth. More a n d more words were put into his mouth,
carried along as a metaphorical manner of speaking for of the sort which the various redactors would like to
a considerable length of time, b u t finally the bold myth impress upon t h e minds of readers. I t is interesting t o
is toned down till it becomes a mere illustration of a see that the Ahikar story also exhibits the same mixture
popular proverb : ‘ He who digs a pit for others falls of the epic a n d the didactic styles. Certain of the actual
into it himself,’ or : ‘Behold, what mercy does, a n d words too in the rules of wisdom it contains echo those
how righteousness delivers,’ or : ’ Mercy delivers from of l o b i t . T h e following examples are a m o n g the most
death, a n d will not suffer him who practises it to go noticeable :-
___
igz:.RI I
into darkness.’
T h e appropriation of this story by Judaism through VET. LAT. JEROME. Aand B.
a change of names, depends on a primary affinity of ____ ~~~

material which made it possible and easy. Manasseh


My son, P o u r o u t ! Place thy Dispense
in the Book of Judith, who is struck down b y a burning
wind in the days of the barley-harvest, a n d so deeply
lamented by his widow (Judith Szf:), a n d Haman the just
:kz
Out thy (funde) thy wine and thy
wine and thy b r e a d upon
rather bread on the the tomb of
freely thy food
at the burial
of the just;
persecutor of the Jews are both of them figures which tha,!, drink it Fombs of the the just; but but give not
with wicked just, and give eat and drink to sinners.
Judaism found a n d appropriated in foreign lands. They and base it (illud) not n d of it with
afterwards became typical figures for the whole cycle of people. to sinners. sinners.
exilic legends ; but originally it was between mythical I I I I I
figures that the struggle lay as t o which should thrust
the other down into everlasting darkness. T h e original meaning of this saying, which has refer-
From the fact that the Book of Tobit contains refer- ence to libations a t sepulchres, has gradually been
ences to the story of Ahikar, w e must not, with M. toned down until at last what has come out of it is an
Plath, draw the inference that the Tobit material is the exhortation t o prepare a funeral repast. T h u s w e ran
later : ‘ T h e story of Tobit is set forth in full detail clearly see that the counsels which b y degrees found
whilst the other m a y be taken for granted a s known their way into Tobit’s exhortation have in part a t least
already.’ On the contrary we here see in operation the been taken from the general oriental stock of quota-
natural desire to bring the characters of legend into tions. O n the other hand the accentuation of definite
relation with each other and with contemporary life. Jewish precepts of morality is deliberate. The time,
I n this way Judaism is exhibited, even by its legends from which their introduction dates, loved to inculcate
dating from those days of oppression which had become them a t every possible opportunity. Apparently it had
classical for subsequent post-exilic times, as a close a n d every need to d o so.
mutually coherent community i n which each individual The peculiar circumstance that the advice to marry
helps his neighbour. It is in a similar manner that, o n within one’s kin is wanting in K and Jer. raises the
German soil, the figures of Siegfried a n d Dietrich have question, whether this element, upon u-hich much weight
been brought into relation with each other in the ‘Great is sought t o be laid i n the history itself, be original.
There is the further fact that in 616 [ N ] Azariah reminds
Rosen-garden.’ But whilst the Jews help one another Tobias of it, although the admonition itself has not been pre-
the German heroes are at war. The former sort of viously recorded in this form of the text. The verse in question
legend circulates a m o n g a people that finds itself in must therefore have been introduced by way of correction from
adversity, the later in a nation that finds its delight i n the other forms of the text. We are confirmed in this infer-
ence when we observe that Jerome makes no mention at all
battle and tournament. of Azariah’s reminder. But as in the dialogue between Azariah
There can be n o doubt that the didactic portions of and Tobias, he deviates much from the other MSS, his evidence
would not be so weighty as it is if we did not read in the third
Tobit have also received interpolations ; Greek recension simply these words : Dost thou not remember
9. Didactic this is evident from the extant texts. all thy father’s commandments?’ thus without express allusion
additions. Chap. 4, which contains Tobit’s exhortations to the particular exhortation now in question.
to his son before his departure, is shortest in Further, the statement that Tobias is related to Raguel
N, fuller in Jerome, most copious in A, B, and Vet. Kat. disturbs the whole structure of the story. If Raguel would
Whilst in Jerome there is prefixed an exhortation to attend to iudeed become by the Mosaic law guilty of death shuuld he give
what is about to be said, and lay it to heart, in the other MSS his daughter to any other than Tobias,-an assertion of the
Tobit, starting from the actual situation, begins with an ad- angel’s which in point of fact is not correct,--then it becomes
monition to Tobias to attend to his father’s burial and care inconceivable how the narrator could possihly have found any
suitably for his widowed mother. This admonition is all the excuse for his having already previously betrothed her to seven
more effective, and eo ;$so shows itself to be an integral portion suitors in succession. Sara herself before abandoning herself
of the story, because shortly before the blind old man has to despair, must surely have had sohe thought of the one possi-
had to listen to bitter reproaches which almost,drove him to bility of escape from her sad predicament-that, namely, of
despair from the very wife whom he now so thoughtfully being married by the man whom the law required. Her prayer
remembers. Natural, too, in like manner is the admonition must have been that God should send her this deliverer. Nor
generalising as it were the fundamental thought of what pre) is it possible that Tobit in receiving his daughter-in-law into his
cedes, to be pions and to keep God’s commandments. The house, could have failed to recall the ties of kinship that united
prospect of a happy life is held out as a reward for such them. Raguel himself must have given thanks to God not
conduct. merely ‘for having had mercy upon two only children’ : he
The climax of the exhortation having thus been reached, the would also have had every reason for pointing out how a faithful
conclusion we expect is ‘Remember these commandments, and keeping of the law had found its reward.
suffer them not to be effaced from thy heart !’ Only N , how- Finally, the scene which above all others must determine as to
ever, closes thus ; assuredly it represents the original rounded the relationship between the two families, that namely in which
form. We cannot suppose any omission or shortening; for Tobias enters the house of Raguel, is not always rendered in
elsewhere p( is much the more detailed and copious. the same way. According to one version of the story the two
The other texts have forcibly introduced into this rounded travellers first meet with Sara and are afterwards led by her to
text manifold pieces of good advice : ( I ) Practise compassion the house, and according to another they first find Raguel
for this will give the best results. (2) Live chastely and ma& himself sitting at his house door, and are hospitably welcomed
within your own people as the Htriarchs did for this brings by him; according to the one Tobit’s loss of sight is already
great blessing in its train. ( 3 ) ffe not proiid h o v e all not to known to those in Raguel’s house, whilst according to the other
any of yourown people : pAde brings ruin ; (4$ Give the hireling they first hear of it from the travellers. A!so, N, shows a much
his wages; be well-bred in all your actions, and refrain from greater interest than A and B in the relationship (cp 6 18 and
doing to others what would be unpleasing to yourself; ( 5 ) Be- 7 IO), although it does not contain the exhortation mentioned
ware of drunkenness ; be compassionate ; (6) Walk with the above. The editor therefore. we may be quite certain, would
righteous and the wise. not have omitted it if he had found it lying before him.
Jerome has a like number of separate counsels, but they T h i s want of agreement shows clearly the smoothing
5115 5116
TOBIT TOBIT
touches of later hands. It is plausible t o conjecture all met with; but here too the various versions do not agree
that without all arriving a t one and the same result ( e g . , as to the ages of the persnns).
Once more, Tobit's loss of sight is given as the sole reason for
they all sought to incorporate the discovery by Raguel his impoverishment. After the return from the flight before
and his family that their new arrival was their nearest Sennacherib he can afford to have a rich meal repared ; thus
kinsman. This addition, intended to exhibit in con- his poverty is not the consequence of the conf?scation of his
goods by Sennacherib.
crete form by means of the story of Tobit the blessing Lastly, it is left wholly unexplained why it is that the neigh-
which such marriages of kinsfolk bring, must have been bours say oil the burial of the dead man at the feast of Pentecost
made in a time which was trying to set aside this that Tobit ' W ~ no F more afraid to he put to death for this matter.'

ancient Jewish custom. People a turned away with No mention has previously been made that the Jew referred to
had heen slain by King Sacherdonos. The corpse is lying in the
haughty minds from the sons and the daughters of their market place ; hut the Jews put to death by Sennacherib are
own nation, nor took they wives from amongst them ' not, it need hardly be said, left lying in the middle of the town ;
(213 [.%I). ' I n pritrte-such was the teaching of this they are thrown outside the walls of Nineveh. The saying of
the neighbours just cited, therefore, being irreconcilable with
addition-lies destruction and much confusion. ' On the narrative itself, and presupposing impossible conditions
the other hand the progeny of those who are true to the cannot be original. If not original, the things to which i;
customs of their forefathers 'inherits the land.' W e alludes, the Sennacherib story, are also brought into question.
see that political and religious hopes were believed to be W e shall be safe, therefore, in excluding from the
affected by such deviations from traditional practice. original text of the Book of Tobit, both this SennachFrib-
If we take a comprehensive survey of the work that story and the reference to the burials of the dead.
has been expended upon the Book of Tobit, so far as What we have here is simply a later reduplication of one
can b'ejudged from the extant forms of and the same motive-viz., that of the burial of the dead
10. Summary the text, it becomes plain that the intro- man-just as in the story of Esther the feast is redupli-
of foregoing duction of certain episodes points to a cated. In Esther the object is t o interweave the Mordecai
discussions. heightening of the didactic character of episodes by means of which the book read a t the Purim
the story, and t o a d e s i r e to give it more and more the festival was brought into harmony with the spirit of the
character of a family tale. In other respects, though a g e ; we may well suppose a similar motive to have
the various MSS vary from each other in many ways, been a t work in the case of the Book of Tobit. Preiss'
they never do so to such an extent that the course of has placed its date in the middle of the second century
events is changed. But copyists and translators seem A . D . , that is to say, immediately after the suppression
t o have treated their text with a good deal of arbitrari- of the Jewish revolt, and the annihilation of all their
ness ; they might almost be called redactors. They national hopes. If now we endeavonr to represent t o
have fully exercised what they deemed their own pro- ourselves what it was that the redactor of the original
prietory rights in copy or translation. T h e various text of the book of Tobit (possibly written in Hebrew)
forms of text thus produced were again compared a t a aimed at and has accomplished we shall arrive a t some
distinctly later period, and here and there we find un- such conclusion as the following :-
mistakable attempts 1.0 harmonise them. It is therefore T h e story, such as the redactor found it already
difficult to define in any brief formula the nature of reduced to writing, as a n edifying tale of family life,
their mutual relationship. W e can do so, however, 12. How was laid in the Assyrian times. The
quite definitely so far as their attitude towards the Ahikar redacted. redactor shows himself to be, for his time,
episode is concerned. a man possessed of a certain degree of
historical knowledge. H e was acquainted with the
11. U NINTERPOLATED TEXT almost legendary story of Sennacherib's fruitless ex-
At this stage there arises at once the question pedition against Judah ; and this he blended ~ i t hthe
whether the text to which the various extant MSS PO D
story of Tobit, perhaps after having first put it into a
ll. Not original. back presents us with the original Greek dress. With the adoption of so free a treatment
form of the Book of Tobit. I n t h e is explained also the stylistic character of the Greek test,
opinion of the present writer it does not. Various which led Noldeke to maintain its originality.2 T h e
indications go to show that what it offers us is a redac- redactor had along with his contemporaries passed
tion of a story previously fixed in writing. through the bitter experiences of the suppression of the
In the speech in which the angel makes himself known he Jewish revolt against Rome. It had been a life-and-
declares the art he has taken in the events in the life of Tohit death struggle. ' I n this conflict of races, that ended
(12 1.8). R e it was who brought the memorial of his prayer
before God ; who was by his side when he buried the dead ; in 135 with the complete subjngation of the Jews, the
likewise when he did n , x delay to rise up and leave his dinner fields were strown uith dead bodies ; nay (as Graetz has
in order to go and cover the ' dead ' (sing. in 8 . pl. in A). The it) ' ' the whole Jewish nation lay like one huge corpse on
allusion to Tobit's activi1.y in hurying the dead in the times of the gory fields of its native land " and in hIeclia alone
oppression caused by Sennacherib is abrupt ; to say the least it
stands in the wrong place, the events being enumerated in was peace any more to be found' (Preiss). These
reverse order of their cmccurrence. It has the appearance of ghastly experiences were introduced by the redactor into
being an element that has been introduced a t a late stage into an old tale of family life. H e threw them back into the
the text with the effect in z). 13 of making 'the dead man' into
' the dead' (pi.). If this impression be correct, the originality Assyrian time : and thus the old book with its limited
of the introduction would then come into question. And in horizon, with its personages who are ' n o heroes in
point of fact it is given as the hero's own account of himself in deeds, but heroes in suffering' (Lt. Plath) was adapted
the iirst person whilst everywhere else the hook is written in the to the times for which he wrote.
third person. At a very early date this difficulty was felt.
Jerome and the Aramaic (ed. Neubauer) give the introduction Tobit who, braving the wrath of the king. buries the
in the third person. 1M. Plath indeed points to the similar slaughtered brethren, thus receives a touch of the heroic d o u r
change between the first and the third person in the Aramaic of the fighters of Bar Kochba's time ; but, at the same time, by
version of the story of Ahikar. In the latter case, however his resignation and by his quiet patience and persistent hopeful-
it would seem as if we had to deal with an oversight or slip & ness he could also become a conspicuous example to the Jews of
the Chronicler rather than with a peculiarity of style. ' If the those days, disheartened as they were by the failure of their
editor of the Book of Acts skilled in literature as he w a s effort to shake off the Roman yoke. As they read the new
placed in immediate juxtaiosition the we-passages and thos; introduction to the old book, their hearts were captivated by
written in the third person,' his intention was that the impression this hold kindred spirit, to be guided by him forthwith along the
of dependence on ancient sources which gives his narrative the only road on which they could possibly find healing for their
stamp of authenticity might he left unimpaired. Thus M. grievous wounds. Perhaps therefore it was psychologically a
Plath's reference to Acts goes rather to prove the opposite of very skilful touch on the part of the redactor to introduce this
what is intended; the infirence is that here also as well as in the man at the ontset as speaking in projria#ersona. Possibly he
Bo3k of Acts the manner in which the subject is presented allowed himself here to be guided by his own feeling. I n any
enables ns to discern the traces of a second hand. case his intervention has impaired the compactness of the older
Again, the mention of the various Assyrian kings, and the narrative.
references to the history of that period altogether are quite un-
called for so far as the remainder of the narrative is concerned. 1 'Zum Bnche Tobit' inZWT, 1885, pp. 2 4 3
Only a t the very close of the narrative are similar allusions at AWBBA,1879, PP. 4 5 8
5117 5118
TOBIT TOBIT
T h e introduction of passages from general history into Jerusalem, the temple of God's glorious building, not t o
such a tale as this, dealing with events so domestic and be likened to any building of former times, not even to
private, strikes us as out of place ; we instinctively feel that of a Herod. I t is therefore a mistake to attempt
that here some extraneous element has been imported to determine from this passage the historical standpoint
into an already completed unity, that we have to do of the writer as if he had lived sometime within the
with the work of some editor, that a local and temporary period between the post-exilic building of Zerubbabel
interest is a t work which has no universality in its and the work of Herod (so Schiirer in PREIS 1644).
appeal. Rather are all temples of former times brought into
Our account of the redactor's interference with the contrast with this splendid structure destined to be
older narrative is not yet finished. In 1220 the angel, raised in the end of the ages. T h e writer of this
when taking his departure, bids Tobit commit to writing prophecy discloses himself by his simultaneous interest
all that has happened. T h e reader notes that the in the far East and in the West. A characteristic note is
matter is exhausted, and what he expects next to hear that he takes pains to make out the events of the future
is that Raphael's command has been carried out. a s fulfilment of prophetic prediction. W e can perceive
Perhaps afterwards the deaths of Tobit and Anna might from this how important the time in which he lived must
have been added, and the removal of Tobias into Media, have been for the text of our prophetical books. In par-
- a removal that considered in itself seems quite natural ticular we must attribute to it a large share in the
when we remember that his wife's relations live in enlargement by way of commentary of our book of
Ecbatana and are possessors of great wealth which Sara Jeremiah, the Hebrew text of which is much more
and her husband are destined one day to inherit. But copious than that of the Greek t r a n ~ l a t i o n . ~
instead of any such natural conclusion as this we have This peculiar method, of filling out the ancient story
in the first instance a thanksgiving prayer of Tobit's, of with the prophecies, hopes, and interests of a later time,
which we are told in A and B that it was put into strikes the reader just as much as does the introduction
writing by Tobit himself. T h e Syriac version has the of universal history into a tale of family life. The
same prayer in a shorter form. T h e other versions, mixture of styles resulting from this combination is
however, make Tobit's discourse rise to a climax in a n neither elegant nor pleasing. Beautiful or attractive it
apocalyptic prophecy of the upbuilding of the heavenly can have been only to an age which found reflected in it
Jerusalem. According t o this discourse G o d s tabernacle its own expectations and wishes. Here once more we
in Jerusalem is for the present destroyed, and thus the come to the conclusion that a redactor has been a t work
city taken away from the nation and from its God. whose inherent weaknesses escaped notice for but a
Tobit appears of course to speak from his own proper short time. T h e moment the interest which has dictated
standpoint, which has in view the destruction of Jeru- the procedure relaxes, we inevitably perceive the violence
salem by Nebuchadrezzar. I t need hardly be said, it has done t o the ancient story by the improbabilities
however, that in reality the prophecy relates to the time which it has forced upon it.
of the author. Now it might not be impossible to think 111. C ON J ECTURAL R ECONSTRUCTION
of the oppression of Jerusalem by Antiochbs Epiphanes.
T h e glowiiig colours, however, with which the rebuild- If we pursue our inquiry as to the original form of
ing of the holy city is depicted suggest a period when a the book of Tobit which lay before the
speedy natural restoration of the city and its worship 13' Recon-redactor a n d was operated on by him, we
was hardly to be expected. At such a period, when it struction* shall find the story to be somewhat as
is plainly seen that self-help is of no avail, men cling follows :-
to the hope of some miraculous intervention. Heavenly In Nineveh there lives a pious man, Tobit by name.: his wife
is Anna, and his son Tobias. He is one of the Jewish exiles.
powers shall build up Jerusalem (1316) ' with sapphires, On a certain occasion, at Pentecost, just before sitting down to
and emeralds, and precious stones, her walls and towers meat, he sends out his son to invite any needy one from among his
and battlements with pure gold ; a n d her streets shall brethren. Tobias returns with the news that a Jew who has been
strangled is lying dead in the market-place. lobit buries the
b e paved with beryl and carbuncle and stones of Ophir.' body, and as incidental to this loses his eyesight. He thus be-
A joyful expectation of this sort takes us beyond the comes dependent on his wife ; on one occasion a misunderstand-
times of the Maccabees. And as the opening of the ing arises between them and she caSts his alms and his righteous
deeds in his teeth. Deeply stirred, he falls into great sadness
book most probably emanates from one who had lived and prays for death. In Ecbatana, Sara the daughter of Kaguel
through the struggles of the second century A. D. it will is cherishing the same wish. An evil spirit, Asmodeus, has
be to him that we ought most probably to attribute not slain seven successive husbands of hers on the wedding-night.
only the placing of the story in a similar historical Her father's maidservants reproach her with having herself. put
her husbands to death. In answer to the prayers of Tobit and
background, but also the introduction into it of those Sara God sends forth the angel Raphael to cure lohit of his
ardent wishes and hopes regarding the future which a t blindness, and bring about a union between Tobias and Sara and
the timc of writing were stirring his own heart. By this thus deliver the virgin wife from the evil spirit.
supposition we are best able to understand on the one Such, in brief outline, is the scheme of the story ; the
hand the interest shown in events in the far East in the scene is laid at Nineveh and Ecbatana, and the theme is
introduction, and on the other in the rebuilding of Jeru- the deliverance from undeserved misfortune of two
salem and the restoration of its worship a t the close. families living in these two places. T h e solution is
For a contemporary of the Maccabzan struggles brought about by the direct intervention of God and
Palestine alone would have come into consideration. Raphael, the powers of the celestial world.
T h e interest felt at one and the same time in the far The occurrences in Nineveh are related at some length, but
only one scene is devoted to the story of Sara. At Nineveh we
East and in the city of Jerusalem finally reaches pointed are first of all introduced to the pious, benevolent Tobit. His
expression in the parting speech of Tobit to his son benevolence leads him to show an act of mercy to a dead man
(chap. 14). For a time' Jerusalem shall be desolate and this act of mercy in turn becomes the cause of misfortune
to himself. The development of this scene indicates that Tobit's
a n d God's worship be suspended there. During this misfortune is wholly undeserved. A pious man such as this-so
period ' i n Media there shall rather be peace for a the reader is given to understand from the very beginning-
season.' But a t last the fulness of time shall be ac- cannot possibly remain unhappy, if there is a righteous God.
complished, the Jews shall b e restored, and the gentiles In the second scene we see how poverty comes on the hack of
misfortune. Tobit's wife becomes dependent for her own and
turn from their idolatries. Jerusalem shall rise in glory her husband's support upon the kindnessof aliens. And strange
a n d with her the house of God, ' but not like unto the to say I to the benevolent Tobit who now finds himseif in the
first.' This prophecy clearly refers to the last times. same position as those whom be has SO often formerly befriended
T h e temple, which is to be built anew, will not be the there never occurs the thought of any possibility that his former
kindnesses may now he requited to himself and to his house.
production of hiiman hands, but iu contrast to the In the end Tohit, after the misunderstanding with his wife,
first will be God's own u-orkmanship. Jerusalem will 1 Cp Erbt, Jeremiu und seine Zeii, xgo?, and see J EREMI A H
be the splendid city of the latter days, the heavenly ii., 0 21.

5119 5120
TOBIT TOBIT
finds himself completely isolated. Where is he to look for either to make use of the journey of Tobias for fdfilnlent of
comfort or support.? The good deed which has been the his plans. But we must have patience.
outward occasion of his misfortune is cast in his teeth. Must First the father has to give wise iiistructions to his son; they
he remain an innocent suffererthroughout all the rest of his life? are he may well believe, the last words he will ever speak to
His prayer is the answer to either question ; it is thus of vital Tobias. We for our part know that Tobit is to be rendered
i m ortance for the c0urr.e of the narrative. Forsaken by men,
Toeit turns to God from whom alone comfort and help can happy once more by this journey, and thus, touched by the
come. He prays that death may come to his rescue. We are old man’s love we are tided over the delay in the action.
deeply moved by the spectacle of the aged sufferer. Any other Next, the fathdr provides for the safety of his son a i best he
man would have prayed for recovery. Thus our feelings are can : he chooses for him the most trustworthy travelling com-
kept in tension. In what way will God intervene? panion he can find. Again the narrator discloses too much.
The companion is no other than Azaria, the angel Kaphael in
T h e composition of the two scenes a t Nineveh can human shape. It is touching to read how strictly Tobit
alnrost be charactcrised as faultless. U’e are greatly examines the stranger, so strictly that he has almost to apologise
for his zeal. With our minds fixed on the blind father and his
moved as we see this pious man brought to misfortune affectionate solicitude,weagain forget that we are being detained.
by a n act of kindness. In the train of the original At last an agreement is come to, even in the matter of wages.
calamity comes poverty. It is the indirect cause of a A start can be made at last. The father gives his blessing, and
misnnderstanding between Tobit and his loyal wife. A wishes that the angel of God may go with his son. We smile
to ourselves, knowing that t h e father’s prayer is already fulfilled.
venial fault leaves the old man absolutely friendless ; it With the narrator the religious interest, that of showing his
instantly brings its own punishment, but a t the same readers how God Aides the destinies of men beyond all human
time drives him into the arms of Him who alone can thinking, redominates over the aesthetic interest which should
have taugRt him not to relieve the tension prematurely. At the
help. For the time being we are reassured, and free to parting, there are tears; the blind old man has faith in God
turn our attention to the other scene of action. and remains calm, hut not so the mother, whose one thought
Sara scourges her maicls, whether with reason or without, we is that her only child is leaving, and when she reflects that some
are not told, nor does it matter. Her maids know how to sacrifice has to be made if the money is t o be recovered, she
avenge themselves on her passionate temper. They reproach deems the present one too great ; ‘We have enough to live on.
her with her undeserved misfortune. Misfortune, scorn, and Has the narrator forgotten that Tobit is reduced to poverty?
open contempt ; we art! touched by the maiden’s fate. She Or is it his intention to touch us still more deeply by putting
wou!d fain lay down life’s burden; another proof of her into Anna’s mouth the sentiment that she would rather go on
passionate nature. The aged man bears his troubles quietly ; with her present life of care and toil, if only her dear son might
only when rhey pass the limits of endurance does he pray to stay at home? Tohit attempts to divert his wife from her
God to take away his life. For a moment Sara thinks of sorrow by ‘gently tryin t o excite her pity for himself; thine
ending her troubles with her own hand; but it is only for a eyes shall see h i m ! $e himself is blind: even should h;
moment : she is too good a daughter; she remembers her survive till his son’s return, still he will not see him!
father. In the one case, Tobit’s difference with his wife throws (AI. Plath).
him into the arms of God ; in the other case, the same effect is W e see how the author‘s main endeavour is to keep
wrousht hy the daughter’s reflection on what would be the up the reader’s interest by touching his heart. H e
sorrow of her father.
T h e narrator relieves the fatiguing similarity of the tries to reach his audience where it is most susceptible ;
two scenes by contrasting the motives. Sara’s prayer it is one of the artifices he employs to maintain the life
is framed after the same model as ‘Tobit’s : invocation of a narrative which has lost the element of suspense.
a n d adoration ; petition for deliverance from distress. T h e departure in its various scenes-the decision,
the parting instructions, the choice of a companion, the
Whilst, however, the prayer of the old man moves
quietly towards its climax, Sara’s emotion is manifest farewell-occursin Nineveh. T h e next scenes, describ-
ing the journey, naturally are laid in a variety of places ;
throughout. T h u s her prayer is much more concrete.
the most important are the encampment by the Tigris,
She had just been on the verge of suicide, and now she
and the stay a t Raguel’s house, so important that the
implores God t o let her die. But again the image of
original object of the journey, the recovery of the money
her father rises before her eyes. T h e love of life breaks
entrusted t o Gabael a t Rages, becomes a mere episode,
in once more upon 1:his passionate nature, the secret,
appended to the scene in Ecbatana. We know before-
muttered wish that God may help her in some other
hand the real providential purpose of the journey, and
way.
T h u s the narrator has still further prepared us for thus are not surprised a t the turn it takes. But that in
the end the angel, not Tobias, should fetch the money,
the divine intervention. T h e scene that follows is laid
seems a small but charming variation : ’ things fall out
in h e a v e n - G o d sends down Raphael to deliver the two
quite differently from what we imagine ’ (M. Plath).
petitioners ont of their distress. T h e reader a t once
Before going to sleep one night young Tobias bathes
perceives how the business is t o end. Our story is no
d r a m a that gradually unfolds itself before the eyes of in the Tigris. A fish leaps out upon him and snaps a t
his foot. A and B have aggravated the natural situation,
the spectator ; the various personages henceforth lose
their dramatic interest, for we know what the end must in order to make the story as marvellous as possible.
be. All that remains still unknown is merely the W i t h them the fish threatens to swallow the youth.
working ont of the details. W i t h disclosure of the And yet, at the angel’s bidding, he is forthwith able to
final issue the question is at the same time started as t o seize hold of it and to cast it on the bank so that there
is no real danger. At Raphael’s request he takes with
how God will bring it about. T o this the reader is
intended t o give his undivided attention. God’s him the heart, the liver, and the gall of the fish. T h e
pair continue their journey and draw near to Media,
wisdom has to show itself in the skill with which the
result is effected ; from this point onward the story will the true goal predetermined by God.
be an illustration of the wisdom of divine providence. T h e decisive stay a t the house of Raguel is led up to
by two preparatory scenes-conversations between the
And the illustration being so naive, our interest in it is
but small. T h e art of the narrator, which we were angel and Tobias in the course of their journey- and is
able to admire in the opening chapters, seems to leave followed by two others relating to the recovery of the
money from Gabael, and the arrival of the latter a t
him. This, however, is only because he has attempted
Ecbatana. T h e two dialogues, on the borders of
too ambitions a task and not kept within the bounds of
Media, before Ecbatana is reached, are intended to
his limited abilities. H e laboriously seeks to keep u p
our interest by a succession of minor artifices. shorten the long story of the journey and to relieve the
Tobit sets his house in order before his death to reader. Again the artist deprives us of all the pleasure
of suspense by elaborately describing beforehand every-
which he is looking forward. At Rages in Media he
thing that is going to happen.
has deposited a sum of money with Gabael, and Tobias himself gives occasion for this before Media is
Tobias must go and fetch it. W e are not now able to entered (so N ; A and B less effectively have substituted
say whether this element figured in the original form of Ecbatana) by his question as to the object in carrying with
the Book of Tobit. I n the present text we have word them the heart, gall, and liver of the fish they had killed on the
of it as early as in 1I.+. T o Rages the way lies through evening of their first day’s journey. When we learn that an
evil spirit can be driven away by the fumes of this liver and
Ecbatana ; we are thus able to divine that God is about heart, we at once perceive exactly how it is that Sara is to be
5121 5122
TOBIT TOBIT
delivered. All that remains in doubt is as to whether Tobias from the varying versions of it is the emphasis that is
will make up his mind to marry her, and whether Raguel is
going to give him his daughter in marriage. That the son everywhere laid on liaguel’s hospitality. In the end
however, should not think at once of his blind father when h i the betrothal comes about as planned by the angel.
hears that with the gall the malady Tobit is suffering from can Here again according to A and B, which may reproduce the
be cured, astonishes us, especially when we see later how oldest readink, Azaria takes the most important part, inasmuch
mindful Tobias is of his father : My father counts the days !’ a s it is he who communicates to Raguel the wish of young
are the words with which he sends the angel to Gabael. Nor Tobias. In N where exceptionally in these scenes the relation-
does he linger with his parents-in-law an hour beyond the exact ship between ’Sara i n d Tobias 1; particularly dwelt upon
time he had promised. Clearly the narrator took no special Raguel overhears the young man talking to the angel about th;
interest in the characterisation of his various personages ; his marriage, and is at once captivated by the idea.
main interest is in exhibiting and proving the wise governance of
God: ‘God rules supreme and rules all things well’ is his A marriage contract is drawn up in writing. There-
central theme. upon E d n a prepares the bridal chamber for her
T h e way having been prepared by an explanation of daughter. Again tears are s h e d ; the intention is to
the healing virtues of the various parts of the fish, the move the heart of the reader ; there is something
angel proceeds t o disclose his plans. They are now pathetic about the lot of the maid who has already
before the gates of Ecbatana (A and B again read, buried seven spouses. T h e effect of the scene, however,
wrongly, Rages). Their next lodging-place is to be has been destroyed from the outset a s we already know
Raguel’s house. H e has but one child, a daughter, of the impending happy issue. I n the bridal chamber
who is fair and wise. Azaria will speak to her father Tobias, at last, makes use of the angel’s prescription.
that she may be given in marriage t o Tobias. T h e T h e fumes put the demon to flight. That he should
wedding will be held after the return from Rages. be fettered by the angel in Upper Egypt is something
(‘ Afterwards things turn out differently from what had we were not prepared for. From all we have been
been thought.’) told so far, we should have expected the mere fumiga-
To Tobk more than to any other, does the right of inheritance tion to suffice for complete deliverance from the evil
belong. This proposition, which doubtless originally simply spirit. T h e prayer the young man now offers is specially
meant that Tobias the son of a poor but pious father was the
husband chosen fo; the girl by the wise counsel of God (‘she is Jewish. I n arrangement it resembles those previously
appointed unto thee from the beginning,’ 6 18) was only at a later recorded.
date thought out in the manner of commentary to the effect Meanwhile Raguel is digging a grave for his daughter’s
that the two were nearly related and their marriage as near betrothed. T h e bridal is to be in secret ; the unhappy
relations would be well-plexsing’to God and to the Jewish
nation. man dreads his neighbours’ evil tongues. This pro-
H a d Tobias known nothing of Sara’s misfortune, he ceeding shows that Sara’s latest betrothal does not differ
would now have consented on the spot. As it is, he in any way from those which preceded it. No relation-
pleads that, being the only son of his parents, he dare ship, therefore, between the couple is presupposed.
not lightly risk his life. In itself considered the plan For the rest, we are at a loss to understand the feelings
which the angel unfolds is not to be rejected. of the actors now before us who with cold hearts dig
H e is already strongly prepossessed in favour of it. The graves out of fear of their neighhours, who send a
young man’s love for his parents is most touching. H e thinks maidservant quickly into the bridal chamber to see
only of their sorrow, and does not fear the evil spirit except whether the grave shall be needed ; nor yet the feelings
on their account. That Sara’s story should be known even in of the readers who felt edified by the prayer of thanks-
Nineveh, presupposes a lively intercourse between the two
places. And such there may have been, not only in the giving offered immediately afterwards by the digger of
narrator’s own time but also in former days ; we must not fall the grave. Instead of a funeral there is now a wedding.
into the error of underestimating the trade of antiquity. I n the end it is the angel who has to collect the money
T o repel his scruples, the angel reminds the youth of for the happy bridegroom. Gabael himself comes t o
his father’s injunctions. Unquestionably his reference Ecbatana to the wedding. It is probable that K has
a t present is to the one injunction which bade him here the more original text ; in A and B the phraseology
marry a woman of his own kindred. Originally, is so curt as to be almost unintelligible.
perhaps, no such reminiscence may have stood in this Gradually the story draws to an end. Two scenes
place. prepare for the close. Again the narrator keeps his
Or possibly, as is also supported by tradition, the reference readers waiting. H e takes us first to Nineveh. T h e
may have been simply to the father’s injunctions generally. In old people are awaiting their son’s return in vain.
that case we shall perhaps have to think of some such precepts
as those in K : ‘They who practise sincerity shall be blessed in Whilst Tobit is patiently resigned, the mother in h e r
their works : and to all that work righteousAess, God shall give anguish spends her nights in weeping and her days in
good counsel. In this case the angel will have seen an act of watching the road along which her son had passed.
righteousness in the deliverance of Sara. To the present writer At Ecbatana, on the other hand, the son amid all his
this explanation seems the best.
happiness has not forgotten his lonely parents. Vainly
T h e argument brought forward by the angel consti- does the hospitable Raguel press him to tarry. Amid
tutes the main point to which the whole dialogue leads the blessings of his new relations Tobias takes his
u p ; the means exist, by which the evil spirit can be departure along with his wife and the angel. After he
driven away. has given his blessing, the father reminds his daughter
Once more we get a description of the virtue that lies in the of her duty to her parents-in-law. T h e mother, on the
heart and liver of the fish. The narrator tries to make it
interesting by giving Tobias at the same time precise directions other hand, urges her son-in-law to be kind to his wife.
as to the manner in which the remedy is to he applied. Tobias Shortly before Nineveh is reached the angel once
now changes his mind ; he is in love with Sara, or, we should more takes the part of a faithful adviser ; again, h e
say, he finds the proposed marriage with the fair and wise gives instructions to Tobias how to heal his blind father.
daughter of the rich man most acceptable. Such sentiments to
thq ancient conception furnish foundation enough for a happy I n a touching way the narrator brings before our eyes
union. the helplessness of the blind old man before he is healed.
T h e second scene before the stayat Ecbatana represents T h e cure accomplished, Tobit praises God, and to t h e
a dialogue of persuasion, the first one of instruction. great astonishment of the neighbours, himself goes out
Judged from our aesthetic standpoint the whole of the to bring his daughter-in-law home. A seven days’
preliminary scene ought to have been given in the form wedding follows. At this point, now that the angel
of a single dialogue of persuasion. T h e narrator’s has brought Tobias safely back, rescued his wife, re-
tendency is to break up the action into a s many scenes covered his money, and healed his father, his task seems
a s possible. In the discussion as to the derivation of done, and we expect him to take his leave. But first
the material, we shall hage to keep this consideration he must carry out his r81e as travelling companion t o
in mind (5 16). the end. As trusty guide he must receive his wages.
There is no agreement in the rendering of the principal Tobias proposes to share equally with him the wealth
scene, that a t Ecbatana. Ail that can be clearly seen he has acquired. Now a t last the angel reveals to them
5’23 5124
TOBIT TOBIT
his true nature. In a long discourse which, as M. contending spirits. Yet the men address their wives as
Plath has observed, recalls the style of the psalms and of ' sister,' in the Egyptian manner. Thus the flourishing
Sirach, he makes himself known after declaring that he period of Palestinian history under the rule of the
had been a witness to the burial of the dead. T h e y Ptolemies about 300 B .c., and the influence they
are bidden praise God and commit everything to writ- wielded, must have previously made itself felt. T h e
ing. 'After the angel's command to write in a book year zoo B.C., therefore, may be suggested as the
all the things that have happened, what we expect to approximate date of the original form of our book.
read is : And they wrote everything down, and here is I n the analysis given above (5 13) allusion has already
the book ' ( M Plath). been made to the tendencies shown by the individual
( a ) On a survey of the hook and its history, it be- who gave its final shape to the material before him.
comes clear in the first place that it must H e is fond of breaking up the story into short separate
le
of story : have greatly interested the reading world.
This is shown by the varying MSS.
scenes, of sharp contrasts, of elaborating particular
scenes. Let us now try, on the basis of these observa-
time of Each individual possessor, copyist, and tions, to ascertain what was the nature of his work upcn
greatest translator has by the introduction of the material handed down to him, and so to obtain
vogue' certain turns and small alterations which approxiniately some idea of the story as it was when he
commended themselves to him, given expression to his found it.
sympathy with the lot of those pious people who are the First of all then, our attention is claimed by the
subjects of our story. artistic composition of the opening. of the story. A
(6) Next we are carried back to a time in which this popular legend does not deal -in so
material was read with peculiar eagerness; the time, 16. comDlicated a manner with two seDarate
namely, about ~ j A oD . T h e failure of the Jewish scenes of action. T h e artful parallel compositionbf the
rebellion presented a temptation to abandon Jewish scenes in Nineveh and in Ecbatana is the narrator's own
peculiarities and the ancient manner of life altogether. work. T h e elaborate parting scenes in which we see
I t was at this time th.at the pious exhortations of Tobit the old man giving wise advice, the young man looking
were amplified, and the duty of cohesiveness was insisted out for a travelling companion, the anxious father, the
upon since pride towards one's own brethren brings only weeping mother. cannot he imagined otherwise than as
confusion. Quite recently these days of woe had been a narrative definitely fixed in writing ; it is impossible
made to throw their dark shadows on the very pages of to regard it as a tale popularly handed down by word
the book. Tobit the faithfiil Jew of the unhappy of month. T h e dialogues between the two travellers
Assyrian days, the pious sufferer in evil times, was the are also highly artificial compositions. T h e waiting
man to speak an earnest word to those of the Jews who parents as contrasted with Raguel hospitably pressing
had escaped the oppression of the revolt. At the same his guests to tarry, seem also to have been introduced
time he could also give them a word of comfort, by by the narrator. There remain, accordingly, only the
telling them about the Jerusalem of the final future. In following elements (which perhaps, however, might be
such manner was the original form of the hook modified still further reduced) to be noted as appertaining to the
so a s to adapt it to the needs of the time. material upon which the narrator has operated. ( I )
( c ) T h e original form must a t one time have had a T h e burial of a dead body, and the blinding of a head
separate existence- perhaps in a collection of legends, of a family; ( 2 ) impoverishment, so that the blind man's
since it represents a complete story, artfully constructed. wife has to work for their living; ( 3 ) a son, accom-
panied by a stranger, makes a journey to recover money;
IV. LJLTIMATE SOURCES ( 4 ) on the way they have a n adventure with important
consequences ; ( 5 ) a marriage with a rich heiress, whose
T h e form of a book depends on three Iactors : the lot has been made intolerable by the jealousy of an evil
character of the material, the personality of him who spirit who will not suffer her husbands to live : ( 6 ) the
16, Tendency gives it shape, and the wants of him healing of the blind father ; ( 7 ) the stranger declines to
who reads. There must have heen a accept the acknowledgement offered to him (half of the
r$ayr. public to welcome it if we find here a
melting story, with characters doomed
entire estate) in order a t last to disclose himself to he an
angel who has been a witness of the burial of the dead.
to suffer and to bear, to whom angels from heaven are Since the appearance of Simrock's work Der gute
familiar beings, whose lives are spent in prayer a n d Gerhard und die dankbamt Todten (Bonn, 1856)
pious contemplation:;. T h e readers rejoice over those
l,. in zealous efforts have continuously been
who are compassionate, hut only heaven can reward made to trace back the raw material of
them. T h e story is not w-ritten for the rich hut for the folk-lore. the Book of Tobit to a widely-spread
poor. These do not undertake long journeys: but they story of the gratitude of a departed spirit, of which
like to hear about them. They know well what anxiety several versions are collected by Simrock. A similar
a son's journey can cause to a father and mother. Armenian story has also heen unearthed (originally
T o be sure, everyone has heard of people who have published by A. v. Haxthausen in his Trunskaz~kasia,
travelled : these will be welcome as companions should Leipsic, 1 3 3 3 8 , and recently again by M. Plath). I n
necessity for travelling arise. Such things as these are dealing with the question whether the story of Tobit
not the staple in stones that circulate among traders and goes back to a tale of this sort, we have to bear in mind
merchants. In those stay-at-home circles there is belief that all the kindred stories hitherto brought forward,
in magical medicaments such as are supposed to be whether from Germany, Holland, France, Italy, Den-
found in foreign lands. In the great rivers of distant mark, or Armenia, have in every case passed through a
lands swim fish whose heart and liver can exorcise long development. They have been current in many
evil spirits, whose gall can heal blindness (cp 5 6). lands, and been told in many tongues.
Such readers are at the same time rigorously exacting. T h e Armenian tale knows nothing of the father of the
Each marriage has to be preceded by a written con- hero. T h e hero pays the dead man's debts with a view
tract ; money is not handed over without a document. ls. drmeniiLnto his burial and finally is himself re-
A reading public of this sort could have been found in
Palestine, but in Egypt, as also in Babylonia, the Jews f orm of tale. duced to poverty. Here the impoverish-
ment is not so well accounted for as in
were doubtless, for the most part, engaged in trade. the Book of Tobit. Just as in our tale the Armenian hero
Moreover, the knowledge of the regions of Mesopotamia also wins a rich but unfortunate heiress in marriage.
is by no means exact, and we read that the evil spirit is H e is aided in this by a man who afterwards makes
chained in Upper Egypt. Only a writer living sufficiently himself known as the spirit of the dead man whom he
far off could think of that country as the battlefield for had buried. T o him, too, half of the estate is assigned;
5'25 5126
TOBIT TOBIT
but, full of gratitude, he declines t o accept the gift. saint afterwards plays the part usually assigned to the helpful
Here, plainly, the tale is essentially simpler. There is sp1nt.
no journey. This last feature may have been intro- I n many forms of these stories the aged father of the
duced by preference in places where people liked to hear hero is retained, only he does not come so much to the
about such journeys into foreign countries. Elsewhere front as in the Book of Tobit. I t is he who sends the
this feature of the story came to be forgotten. In the son forth on a journey.
Armenian tale the inner connection of the parts is not Also the trait which represents the old man as blind
so close ; oral tradition is not so strict about details as and recovering his sight by the skill of the departed
one who writes down his stories. T h e spirit fights with spirit, occurs in one of the stories. W e may con-
his sword against a serpent that on the wedding-night jecture this point to have been a characteristic one
comes out of the bride's mouth and seeks to kill the in the old story. As the adventures of the son were
bridegroom. T h e serpent, we may safely take it, re- added, the father easily fell more and more into the
presents an evil being. A reminiscence of a similar background ; the same interest was no longer felt in his
struggle is found also in the Book of Tobit ; Raphael fortunes, he became a secondary character, until he
binds the evil spirit. W e are therefore led to the con- finally disappeared altogether in many variants of the
clusion that two variations can be shown ; in the one the tale. I n Tobit the development has tended in precisely
hero wins the bride by conflict with a n evil spirit, in the the opposite direction. T h e wife reduced to toiling for
other it is by a magical charm. T h e interest in magical strangers is also a favourite figure in these stories ; only
effects was particularly strong among the Babylonian it is the wife of the hero, often represented as reduced
Jews.' Possibly the tale may have acquired this feature t o poverty in winning her.
in the course of its journey westwards from the regions Finally, the spirit of the departed does not always
of the Euphrates. A third variation, of a specially appear in human shape ; some of the stories introduce
Jewish character, tells of the hero's effective prayer on him as a mere ghost. I n one of them ' a vast figure'
the night after his wedding. This variation, the most supports the hero, in another a tiny, wrinkled mannikin,
important from the Jewish point of view, has not been in a third a bird, in a fourth a raven, in a fifth a swan,
able to supplant the other two in the Book of Tobit, in a sixth a talking wolf. I n the Book of Tobit the
I n the Armenian tale the blind father is forgotten. rescuer appears in human s h a p e ; there are traces,
Popular tradition has thought only of the hero, whilst however, which might seem to indicate that a n animal-
in the Book of 'Tobit the narrator who, we might almost form appeared in one of the variations.
say, is constantly occupied with the endeavour to find a A dog follows the youth on his journey to and fro-in a
motive for each separate incident in the narrative, has meaningless way, one might almost say. Surely it would he
exaggeration at least to call this a: M. Plath does, ' a charming
endeavoured also to account for the father's loss of touch of naive miniature-paintin'g. W e should at least expect-
sight ; possibly it was he who gave to the story the turn on the homeward journey, that the dog would go before and
by which the father who buries the dead man is made t o make known the travellers' return. It was only in a late redac-
tion that this natural expectation was gratified (so Syr. and
become blind. I n that case we must suppose him to Jer.). Now, just as in the account of the maiden's rescne from
have attributed the meritorious work of burial to the the evil s irit traces are to be found of an older tradition, it is
old man. T h e son it is, indeed, who obtains the possible &at here alw we have a trace of the same sort. The
reward, but the old man recovers his sight, and, accord- dog which accompaniesthe hero when he starts may have been in
one of the variations of the tale the spirit of the dead man. In
ing to a truly Jewish notion, is rewarded in his son. another, which has a more historical air, there survives only
An important element may have been lost in transit-the a feeble recollection of this feature, to which afterwards increased
payment of the dead man's debts. But M. Plath is importance came once more to he attached.
right in pointing out that the Jews, who were painfully If we choose to lay stress on the fact that the demon
punctilious about such things, may have found them- bears the name of Asmodeus, which comes from the
selves unable to take any special interest in this feature Persian Aeshma daeva, wemight find further confirmation
of the story. Thus the Jewish narrator may willingly of the conjecture just offered when it is reflected that with
have dropped the point, seeking instead t o explain the the Persians a certain power over evil spirits was assigned
hero's impoverishment in another way-namely, as to the dog. T h u s we get four variations in the story of
caused by his loss of sight. the winning of the maiden, somewhat as follows :-
T h e stories collected by Simrock have one more (u)T h e myth of the fight of a radiant heavenly being
feature in common : the hero runs the risk of losine " his with a demon (cp on Persian soil the Sraosha's combat
19. Feature newly-won wife. She is restored to him against Aeshma daeva) ; (6) the story of a dog as a
by the aid of the spirit. W h a t we have faithful protector and travelling-companion ( c p the wolf
c?v?n here is simolv L ,
a favourite method of
amolifvine stories bv reDetition of the
in Simrock) ; (c) the story of the magic remedy against
the impure spirit ; ( d )the edifying tale of the pious prayer
. L 2 " , I

s a m e motive. People listened with such interest to the on the wedding-night. c p ZOROASTKIANIShl, 22.
story of the manner in which a wife was won, that they W e shall therefore have to attribute to the Tobit
were eager to hear it again and again. Hence the legend a foreign origin. Nor shall we be going too far
hero has to be in danger of nearly losing his wife ; by if we suppose that abroad numerous
some one-often a previous suitor, or several of them 20
?
;&e variations were already afloat. I n the
(here we find the circumstance still preserved that the story as it spreads by word of month, the
maid had many suitors)-the attempt is made to kill separate features get displaced ; many are forgotten,
the hero, drown, wound, burn him. Frequently it is new things are added. One idea, however, is firmly
only a t the crisis of these perils that the grateful deceased held : the idea, namely, that t o have pity on the un-
is brought into action, and helps in restoring the lost buried dead is a meritorious w o r k ; it is sure of its
wife to the hero by whom she has previously been won reward ; the buried one is grateful. T h e history of the
single-handed. T o the first successful effort to win the Book of Tobit shows us how even in remote times the
maid there was added another, and it was sought to make nations learned from each other, and how they worked
the repetition attractive by introducing variations. I n up the material they had thus acquired, each in its own
doing so, no hesitation was felt in omitting the spirit's way. T h e Jewish nation also, which we are erroneously
share in the exploit if this was thought desirable. T h e in the habit of regarding as so exclusive, takes up a
influence of Christianity also occasionally makes itself foreign legend, goes on repeating it until it has got it
felt. into fixed oral form, in order next to pass it on to some
In one form of the story the rebuilding of a ruined church of story-writer who is able t o shape it into an edifying
St. Nicholas takes the place of pious burial of the dead. The household tale, capable, in subsequent adaptations
1 See judisch-BahyZoonische Zawbeyfexte, ed. Stiihe (Halle, suited to the requirements of each successive time, of
1895). ministering comfort to many succeeding generations.
5127 5128

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