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Byzantine Empire under the Palaiologos

dynasty
1 Background

The Byzantine Empire under the Palaiologoi dynasty


is a period of Byzantine history spanning from 1260 to
1453 AD, from the restoration of Roman rule to Constantinople by the usurper Michael VIII Palaiologos to the
Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire.

From the start, the rgime faced numerous problems.[1]


The Turks of Asia Minor had since 1263 been raiding
and expanding into Byzantine territory in Asia Minor.
Anatolia, which had formed the very heart of the shrinking empire, was systematically lost to numerous Turkic
ghazis, whose raids evolved into conquering expeditions
inspired by Islamic zeal. With a decreasing source of
food and manpower, the Palaiologoi were forced to ght
on several fronts, most of them being Christian states:
the Second Bulgarian Empire, the Serbian Empire, the
remnants of the Latin Empire and even the Knights Hos- After 1204, the Byzantine Empire was partitioned between varpitaller.
ious successor states, with the Latin Empire in control of Constantinople

The loss of the land in the east to the Turks and in the
west to Bulgarians was complemented by two disastrous
civil wars, the Black Death and the 1354 earthquake at
Gallipoli, whose destruction and evacuation allowed the
Turks to occupy it. By 1380, the Byzantine Empire consisted of the capital Constantinople and a few other isolated exclaves, which only nominally recognized the Emperor as their lord. Nonetheless, Byzantine diplomacy
coupled with the adroit exploitation of internal divisions
and external threats among their enemies, and above all
the invasion of Anatolia by Timur, allowed Byzantium to
survive until 1453. The last remnants of the Byzantine
Empire, the Despotate of the Morea and the Empire of
Trebizond, fell shortly afterwards.

Following the Fourth Crusade, the Byzantine Empire


had fractured into the Greek successor-states of Nicaea,
Epirus and Trebizond, with a multitude of Frankish and
Latin possessions occupying the remainder, nominally
subject to the Latin Emperors at Constantinople. In addition, the disintegration of the Byzantine Empire allowed
the Bulgarians, the Serbs and the various Turcoman emirates of Anatolia to make gains. Although Epirus was initially the strongest of the three Greek states, the Nicaeans
were the ones who succeeded in taking back the city of
Constantinople from the Latin Empire.[2]
The Nicaean Empire was successful in holding its own
against its Latin and Seljuk opponents. At the Battle of
Meander Valley, a Turkic force was repelled[2] and an
earlier assault on Nicaea led to the death of the Seljuk
Sultan. In the west, the Latins were unable to expand
into Anatolia; consolidating Thrace against Bulgaria was
a challenge that kept the Latins occupied for the duration
of the Latin Empire.

However, the Palaiologan period witnessed a renewed


ourishing in art and the letters, in what has been
called the Palaiologian Renaissance. The migration of
Byzantine scholars to the West also helped to spark the
Renaissance in Italy.

In 1261, the Empire of Nicaea was ruled by John IV


1

2
Laskaris, a boy of ten years.[2] However, John IV was
overshadowed by his co-emperor, Michael VIII Palaiologos. Palaiologos was a leading noble of military standing and the main gure of the regency of John IV, who
had used this role to propel himself to the throne, and set
the stage for his becoming sole Emperor of the restored
Byzantine Empire.

2 MICHAEL VIII PALAIOLOGOS, 12611282


tals, hospices, markets, baths, streets and churches were
built, some with private patronage. Even a new Mosque
was built to compensate for the one burnt during the
Fourth Crusade.[4] These attempts were costly and crippling taxes were placed on the peasantry.[5] Nonetheless,
the city grew new cultural and diplomatic contacts, notably with the Mamelukes. Both had common enemies;
Latin aggression, and later on, the Ottoman Turks.

2 Michael VIII Palaiologos, 1261


2.2 Foreign policy
1282
The Sultanate of Rum was in chaos and decentralized
ever since the Mongol invasions in ca. 1240.[6] As a result, the greatest threat to Byzantium was not the Muslims but their Christian counterparts in the West
Michael VIII knew that the Venetians and the Franks
would no doubt launch another attempt to establish Latin
rule in Constantinople. The situation became worse when
Charles of Anjou, brother of the King of France, conquered Sicily from the Hohenstaufens in 1266.[7] In 1267,
Pope Clement IV arranged a pact, whereby Charles would
receive land in the East in return for assisting a new miliHyperpyron of Michael VIII
tary expedition to Constantinople.[7] A delay on Charles
end meant that Michael VIII was given enough time to
Main article: Michael VIII Palaiologos
negotiate a union between the Church of Rome and that
of Constantinople in 1274, thus removing Papal support
In 1261, while the bulk of the Latin Empires mili- for an invasion of Constantinople.
tary forces were absent from Constantinople, Byzan- Unfortunately for Michael VIII, the new union was
tine General Alexios Strategopoulos used the opportunity seen as a fake by the Clements successor, Martin IV.
to seize the city with 600 troops. Thrace, Macedonia The Greek Church was excommunicated, and Charles
and Thessalonica had already been taken by Nicaea was given renewed Papal support for the invasion of
in 1246.[2] Following the capture of Constantinople, Constantinople.[8] In order to counter this, Michael VIII
Michael ordered the blinding of John IV in December subsidized Peter III of Aragon's attempts to seize Sicily
1261, so as to become sole emperor.[2] As a result, Pa- from Charles. Michaels eorts paid o with the outtriarch Arsenios excommunicated Michael, but he was break of the Sicilian Vespers, a revolt that overthrew the
deposed and replaced by Joseph I.
Angevin King of Sicily and installed Peter III of Aragon
as King of Sicily in 1281.[8]

2.1 Restoration of Constantinople


The Fourth Crusade and their successors, the Latin Empire, had done much to reduce Byzantiums nest city
to an underpopulated wreck.[3] Michael VIII began the
task of restoring many monasteries, public buildings and
defence works.[4] The Hagia Sophia, horribly looted in
the Crusade of 1204, was refurbished to Greek Orthodox tradition. The Kontoskalion harbour and the walls
of Constantinople were all strengthened against a possible new expedition by the Latin West. Many hospi-

For the remainder of his life, Michael campaigned to


drive the Latins out of Greece and the Balkans, and secure his position versus the Bulgarians. He was largely
successful, regaining several islands in the Aegean, and
establishing a foothold in the Peloponnese, that would
grow to become the Despotate of the Morea. The downside however was that Michaels eorts in the West absorbed most of the Empires manpower and resources,
and neglected the Asian provinces, where a new and fateful threat was rising: the beylik of Osman I, who by 1263
had captured Sogut. Nevertheless, the border was kept

3
relatively secure, and no signicant losses occurred in tium on the road of recovery, but his achievements were
Asia Minor during Michaels reign.
still perilously fragile, as events would soon show.

3 Andronikos
12821328

II

Palaiologos,

Main article: Andronikos II Palaiologos

Middle East c. 1263[9][10][11] KEY: Dark Green: Ottoman domain by 1300s, dotted line indicates conquests up to 1326 Purple: Byzantine Empire Light Green: Turkic lands Blue: Cilicia
Red/Pink: Latin states

2.3

Domestic policy

Michael VIIIs foreign policy relied heavily on


diplomacy;[8] nevertheless, his construction projects
and military campaigns against the remaining Latins
were extensive as well as expensive; the Nicaean army
was modeled around the Komnenian army, and while
it was not as eective, it was just as burdensome on
the treasury. The result was that heavy taxes were
levied on the peasantry,[5] something that the Ottomans
would later use to their advantage, winning over these
poverty-stricken peasants with promises of lower taxes.
The Second Council of Lyons and the ostensible union of
the two Churches did little to avert Catholic aggression,
while at the same time the Orthodox population, led by
large parts of the priesthood, denounced Michael VIII as
a traitor.[8] His death in 1282 came as a relief to many,
and his body was denied an Orthodox funeral, as a result
of his policies towards Rome.[8]

2.4

Legacy

Michael VIII was a very energetic, ambitious and capable emperor, who had enlarged and preserved the Empire
and had once again made Byzantium a power to be reckoned with in the region. His army however was still small,
and diplomacy was relied upon more than ever. An extortionate tax system supported his ambitious and successful foreign policies of expansion, as well as his numerous
bribes and gifts to various potentates. He had put Byzan-

Andronikos II was the son of Michael VIII. He ascended


the throne in 1282, at the age of 24.

3.1 Foreign policy


Andronikos II was tied down with events in the West and
the East. The Serbians under King Stefan Uro II Milutin had begun invading the Balkans and took Skopje
in 1282[12] and raids against Macedonia were launched
throughout the 1290s. Byzantine counter-attacks failed
to stop these, and as a result Andronikos was forced to
resort to diplomacy, marrying his 5-year-old daughter to
the Serbian King[12] and conceding a number of forts
from Ohrid to Stip to Strumica as a dowry. Nonetheless, the Serbs continued their expansion.
Unlike his father, Andronikos II recognized the gravity
of the situation in Asia Minor,[12] and tried to drive out
the Turks, utilizing a variety of methods. His rst action was to move his court to Asia Minor, where he could
better oversee the construction of fortications and raise
troop morale.[13] His General, Alexios Philanthropenos,
was an able commander, campaigning with some success
against the Turks in the Meander Valley. Unfortunately
Byzantium was robbed of his services when he staged an
unsuccessful coup, leading to his blinding.[13] Next Andronikos sent his son, Michael IX, and the Heteriarch
George Mouzalon to attack the Turks who were laying
siege to Nicomedia, but they were beaten at the Battle of
Bapheus in 1302.
Not giving up, Andronikos hired the 6,500 strong
extquotedblCatalan
Company
extquotedbl
of
Almogavars, led by Roger de Flor.
Originating
from Catalonia, these hardy mercenaries were used to
skirmishing against the Moors in Spain and now, for an
extraordinarily high price, they drove the Turks back
in Asia Minor.[13] Once again, these successes were
nullied when their leader, Roger de Flor, was assassinated on his way to meet Andronikos; the Catalans then

4
revolted against imperial authority, and began pillaging
and raiding cities in Thrace, leaving Asia Minor open
to Turkish incursions. After this, Andronikos turned to
diplomacy, asking the Ilkhanids of Persia to send troops
to attack the Turks, but negotiations for such an alliance
failed.[13]

3.2 Domestic policy

ANDRONIKOS III, 13281341

Emperor.[14] Andronikos IIIs brother had been murdered


and his father (Michael IX), the son of Andronikos II,
died of shock. Andronikos III did not take his disinheritance lightly organizing an armed opposition, he
succeeded in drawing support with promises of generous
tax cuts, even beyond those enacted by Andronikos II.[14]
Andronikos II was powerless to stop the young usurper;
he granted him Thrace as an appanage in 1321,[14] the title of co-emperor in 1322,[14] and after a small war where
the Bulgarians and Serbians played the two sides against
each other, Andronikos II was forced to abdicate and retire as a monk to a monastery, where he died in 1332.[14]
Despite the calamities of the civil war, Andronikos III
was about to revitalise the Empire.[14] Though Asia Minor was at this point destined to fall to the Turks, it had
been in a worse position in 1091 and yet still recovered
by Byzantium.

Andronikos IIs debasement of the Byzantine currency, along


with his co-rule with his father, his son and his grandson as well
as his own sole rule, resulted in the minting of several dierent
coins during his reign.

Andronikos II ordered the Union of the Orthodox and


Catholic Churches to be canceled, a move which pleased
many. But he also ordered drastic reductions in the military, and eectively disbanded the navy,[12] which his
father had worked hard to build up. As a result, tax reductions throughout the Empire were possible,[12] earning him greater popularity while seriously undermining
Byzantiums abilities to deal with its opponents. He debased the hyperpyron currency[12] and heavily taxed the
military elite of the pronoiarioi, thereby further reducing Byzantiums military capability. Whilst these solved
some problems that Michael VIII had left for his son, it
unraveled his fathers attempts at restoring the power of
the Byzantine Empire; where Michael VIII had attempted
to deal with problems outside the Empire, Andronikos
aimed to solve the internal problems resulting from his
fathers reign.

3.3 Civil War and abdication


Andronikos IIs policies were not successful in dealing
with Byzantiums external problems; however, it would
be threats from within the Empire that led to his abdication in 1320 Andronikos III, the young (in his twenties) grandson of Andronikos II was disinherited by the

3.4

Legacy

Andronikos II attempted to solve Byzantiums internal


problems more than his father had. The solutions he
chose however had severe repercussions. They undermined the military and nancial basis of the state, and
the disasters suered by his foreign policy failures further
worsened the situation. Dissatisfaction from his failure,
his old age and a reckless grandson culminated in his
abdication.[14]

4 Andronikos III, 13281341


Main article: Andronikos III Palaiologos

4.1

Foreign policy

The rule of Andronikos III is characterized as the last


genuine attempt to restore Byzantine fortunes. His attempts came close to fruition, but the many hostile neighbors of Byzantium eventually took their toll on an Empire
in decline.
His rst concern was that of Asia Minor. Nicaea, until
1261 the capital of the Empire, was under siege by Ottoman Turks. In the summer of 1329, Andronikos III
launched a relief attempt which culminated in a defeat at
the Battle of Pelekanon on June 10,[15] and in 1331, the

5
IIIs death would be the coup de grce for the Empire
his 10-year-old son was led by a regency that was torn
apart in dynastic rivalries which would lead to a civil war
from which Byzantium would never recover.[15]

5 The rise and fall of Kantakouzenos, 13411357


Byzantium at the beginning of Andonrikos IIIs reign.

city fell. Not wishing to see Nicomedia or the other few


remaining forts in Asia Minor suer the same fate, Andronikos III sought to pay o the Ottomans with tribute
the Ottomans did not stop at this and seized Nicomedia as well in 1337.
Despite this, Andronikos III scored a few successes as
well in the Aegean: in 1329, Chios was recovered,[15]
and in 1335, Andronikos arranged an alliance involving nancial indemnities with the Turkic Emir Bahud-din
Umur, Bey of Aydin, and was able to recover Lesbos and
Phocaea from the Latins.[15]
In Europe, Andronikos III had mixed results; Thessaly
returned to Imperial rule in 1333, but Serbia once again
began expanding southwards: led by the Byzantine renegade Syrgiannes Palaiologos, Serbian forces took ve key
forts from Byzantium in 1334 and forced it to recognize
the new borders.[15] Nevertheless, Andronikos was able
to bring back Epirus into the fold in 1341 through the use
of diplomacy.[15] The result was that whilst the Empire
was reduced to its European territories, it had succeeded
in bringing much of Greece under its control. Unfortunately for the newly expanded Byzantium, Stephen Dusan
(ruling Serbia from 1331) decided to take these lands as
well from Byzantium. The death of Andronikos III and
the resulting chaos left the Empire in no position to ght
back.[15]

4.2

Legacy

Though ultimately unsuccessful, the reign of Andronikos


III was one of the last bright spots in Byzantine history,
as the Empires position was becoming increasingly precarious. Diplomacy became less useful, as Byzantiums
enemies realized that the Emperor had not the military or
even economic might to back his word. Whilst there was
a general decline in the Empires fortunes, Andronikos

By 1350, the territorial extent of the Byzantine Empire (red) had


been reduced to Thrace, the Morea, and the cities of Thessaloniki
and Constantinople.

The Byzantine Empire entered into a new era of decay in 1341. The Empire was ravaged by every possible disaster[16] alongside wars and civil wars, renewed epidemics of bubonic plague swept through its
diminished lands. The rst outbreak occurred in 1347,
and between the 1360s and 1420s, eight further outbreaks of plague are recorded. Cities were full of social unrest between the corrupt wealthy (who had been
exploiting the tax system for their own benet) and the
countless landless peasants burdened by the demands
of the government.[16] Religious controversy, the cancer
of Byzantium in the 7th and 8th centuries, once again
emerged in the form of the Hesychasm controversy,[16]
which eventually became a doctrine of the Eastern Orthodox church. There were numerous earthquakes, destroying Byzantiums infrastructure the fortress of Gallipoli
was destroyed in 1354 by such an earthquake[16] and the
Ottoman Turks lost no time in taking it and establishing
a bridgehead in Europe. Meanwhile, the Serbs continued
pressing south, removing any nominal Imperial control
in Epirus. The Empire shrunk in size and when the civil
war ended, Byzantium would be a petty city state, hanging on to life through the respites of her foes, and soon

5 THE RISE AND FALL OF KANTAKOUZENOS, 13411357

to-be protectors.

5.1 The civil war of 13411347


Main article: Byzantine civil war of 13411347
John V, ten years old at his ascension, was guided by a
regency consisting of his mother, Anna of Savoy, John
Byzantine coins showing John V and his co-emperor & guide
VI Kantakouzenos and the Patriarch of Constantinople
Kantakouzenos during their peaceful co-existence
[16]
(John XIV Kalekas).
The Patriarch, aided by the ambitious Alexios
Apokaukos, sparked the civil conict when he convinced the Empress that John Vs rule was threatened by
the ambitions of Kantakouzenos. In September 1341,
whilst Kantakouzenos was in Thrace, Kalekas declared
himself as regent and launched a vicious attack on Kantakouzenos, his supporters and family.[16] In October,
Anna ordered Kantakouzenos to resign his command.[17]
Kantakouzenos not only refused, but declared himself
Emperor at Didymoteichon, allegedly to protect John
Vs rule from Kalekas. Whether or not Kantakouzenos
wished to be Emperor is not known, but the provocative
actions of the Patriarch forced Kantakouzenos to ght to
retain his power and started the civil war.
There were not nearly enough troops to defend Byzantiums borders at the time and there certainly was not
enough for the two factions to split; consequently, foreigner mercenaries were brought in. Kantakouzenos
hired Turks and Serbs his main supply of Turkish mercenaries came from the Bey of Aydin, a nominal ally established by Andronikos III. The Regency of John V relied on Turkish mercenaries as well. However, Kantakouzenos began to draw support from the Ottoman Sultan
Orkhan, who wed Kantakouzenos daughter in 1345. By
1347, Kantakouzenos had triumphed and entered Constantinople. However, in his hour of victory, he came
to an accord with Anna and her son, John V: John V
(now 15 years of age) and Kantakouzenos would rule as
co-emperors, though John V would be the junior in this
relationship.[18] This unlikely partnership was not destined to last long.

Matthew became more remote as the two grew older and


more independent. John V wed Kantakouzenos daughter, thus becoming his son in law,[18] in a move designed
to bind the two families, but it was destined to fail.
In 1353, Kantakouzenos was still hopeful that peace
would be maintained, but in that year, John V launched
a military attack on Matthew,[18] thereby re-igniting the
civil war. John V was demoted and exiled to the island
of Tenedos, one of the few islands in the Aegean still
under Byzantine control, while Kantakouzenos made his
son Matthew co-emperor. John V would not give up so
easy however, and in 1354 Ottoman troops began crossing over into Thrace in his support. The citizens of Constantinople became gripped with fear and in November of
that same year, John V launched a successful coup with
Genoan aid. Kantakouzenos now abdicated and retired
to a monastery, where he would write his memoirs and
thoughts until his death in 1383.[19]
Matthew Kantakouzenos, no doubt disappointed with his
fathers failure, continued to resist John V. Since the Ottoman Sultan Orkhan was his brother-in-law, he was able
to obtain troops from him, but had barely begun his campaign when he was captured in the summer of 1356. He
was forced to renounce his claims in 1357 and exiled to
the Morea sometime between 1361 and 1383,[19] though
other sources indicate 1391 a possible date. At 25 years,
John V had managed to establish himself rmly as ruler
of the Empire, at the cost of bleeding out all its resources.

5.3

Turkish immigration

5.2 Reign and fall of John VI Kantak- The lands ravaged and depopulated by the civil war were
lled up by arriving Turks who colonised the land through
ouzenos, 13471357
a mixture of conquest and trade.[19] The result was that
Kantakouzenos had a son, Matthew Kantakouzenos Byzantiums power was undermined beyond all recovery
and any hope of keeping peace between John V and two hundred years ago Byzantium could rely on the

6.2

Ottoman vassalage of John V

people living in the lands of Anatolia, Greece, Macedonia and several large islands like Cyprus and Crete.
Now the population under its control was limited to the
few remaining cities in Byzantine possession, namely
Thessalonica and Constantinople and the surrounding
countryside, and the Despotate of the Morea. The immigration of Turks would be decisive in the survival of the
Empire as it gave her most dire enemy, the Ottomans, a
new power base, not in Asia but now in Europe.

John V, 13541391

7
Fortunately for John V, he had other European connections his mother was Anna of Savoy, and her nephew
(being John Vs cousin) was concerned for the safety of
his Greek counterpart.[20] Sailing from Venice in June
1366 with dreams of initiating yet another Crusade,
Amadeo VI of Savoy arrived at and seized the fortress
of Gallipoli from the Ottomans and handed it back to the
Byzantines, hoping that this would stem the tide of Turkish emigration into Thrace.[20] However, the Turks had
by now rmly established themselves in Thrace. Amadeo
and John spent much time between 1367 and 1369 thinking of ways to stave o defeat. Amadeo returned to
Europe via Rome and brought with him Byzantine envoys. The Pope again was uninterested, but called for
John V to visit him.[20] In 1369, when the Ottomans
nally captured Adrianople (though some sources indicate 1365),[20] John V rushed to Rome and confessed his
Catholic faith both privately and at a public spectacle.[20]
Nevertheless, in 1371 John V returned empty-handed,
having humiliated himself and done nothing to improve
the deteriorating situation in the Balkans.

6.2 Ottoman vassalage of John V


In 1371, the Serbs mustered their strength and prepared
to launch an attack to drive back the Turks from Thrace.
In a crushing victory, the Ottomans annihilated the Ser[20]
and in its aftermath,
Byzantium (in red) in 1369, after the Ottomans conquered the bian army at the Battle of Maritsa,
many
surviving
lords
submitted
to
the
Ottoman Sultan
city of Adrianople
Murad I. Byzantium was in no better position and after
John V Palaiologos now had to face the serious threat taking Serres from the defeated Serbs, John V swore althe Ottomans posed to Byzantium. In the 1360s, the legiance as a vassal to Murad.[20][21]
Turks continued to drive through Thrace, taking Byzantine, Bulgarian and Serbian settlements.

6.1

Plea to the West

Like his predecessors Alexios I Komnenos and Michael


VIII, John V now turned to the Pope and oered the
promise of a Union of the two Churches in the hopes of
receiving military assistance. As a guarantee of compliance, John V oered his son, Manuel. In the past, Byzantiums cry for assistance were answered with mixed results pillaging Crusaders would sack both friend and
foe but the First Crusade had been largely benecial and
no doubt John V envisioned a repeat of such a Crusade.
This time, however, the Papacy was unmoved by the
calamity facing the Byzantine Empire.[20]

7 Third Palaiologan Civil War,


13731394
Main article: Byzantine civil war of 13731379
John Vs rule was an unhappy one, resulting in his vassalage to Murad I. However, it must have been all the
more worse when his eldest son and heir to the throne
Andronikos IV Palaiologos rebelled against his father in
1373.[21] Curiously, this rebellion coincided with the rebellion of Murad Is son, Savci Celebi[21] and the two
worked towards fomenting revolution in their peoples.
Consequently, both the Byzantine and Ottoman rulers

MANUEL II PALAIOLOGOS, 13911420

were facing their sons and as a result, coordinated eorts


were made to defeat both.[21] John V had his eldest son,
Andronikos IV, along with the latters son, John VII, partially blinded, while Murad I defeated his son, Savci, and
had him executed.[22] Manuel, the second son of John V,
was made co-emperor and heir to the throne.

also received aid from the Knights of St. John stationed


at Rhodes, where he donated religious relics made of
precious metals to them for their support.[23] John refused
to give up his right to rule as Emperor of Byzantium until
his death in 1408. By then however, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid had recognized Manuel II Palaiologos as coand
Unfortunately for John V, Andronikos IV and his son emperor of Byzantium alongside his father John V,[24]
nally,
when
John
V
died
in
1391,
as
sole
Emperor.
John VII escaped. With Genoan and Turkish aid, they
returned to Constantinople and succeeded in overthrowing John V, imprisoning him and Manuel.[22] In exchange
for Ottoman aid, Andronikos IV handed the fortress of 8 Manuel II Palaiologos, 1391
Gallipoli over to the Ottomans, thus rendering the only
1420
genuine European aid, provided by Amadeo of Savoy,
useless. Again, prison break became the next event with
John V and Manuel escaping Constantinople, oering For more details on this topic, see Manuel II Palaiologos.
the Ottoman Sultan higher tribute than normally paid, Manuel IIs reign saw another temporary respite for the
in return for help in taking over Constantinople.[22] Andronikos IV, having been beaten yet again, evaded capture and slipped into the Genoese district of Galata with
his family and hostages. John V, only interested in securing his throne and stability, came to conclude a pact
with Andronikos IV in 1381, recognizing him as heir with
John VII as heir apparent,[22] thus removing Manuel from
the line of succession.
Naturally, Manuel felt betrayed by this move which
demoted him from co-emperor. Returning to Thessalonica in 1382, he rebelled and established his rule
over Thessaly and Epirus, thus expanding the Empire,
at least nominally, and thereby catching the Ottoman
Sultans attention.[22] Murad I besieged Thessalonica in
1383, beginning a siege that would last until 1387. Meanwhile, Andronikos IV died and his son, John VII, began
quarreling with his grandfather, John V.

Byzantium in 1389.[25] Thrace was lost in the previous three


decades.

Byzantines. For an Empire in such trouble, he succeeded


in retaking some territory and held it to the end of his
reign. His limited success largely came through the resurrection of Mongol Power in the East and the great friendship achieved between Manuel II and Mehmed I. HowWith Thessalonica surrendering in 1387 and his position ever, he lived long enough to see his son undo much of
rather hopeless, Manuel returned to John V and, with the his achievements.
Sultans assent, began making conciliatory oers to his
father.[23] John V realized that accepting his second son
back would cause his grandson to rebel in turn, and there- 8.1 Vassalage to 1394
fore he simply kept Manuel in exile in Lemnos.[23] Eventually, John VII did rebel against his grandfather news Manuel IIs rst priority was to establish an agreement
of Manuels arrival at Constantinople and John Vs rec- with Bayezid the Thunderbolt. John VII was a favorite
onciliation talks with him prompted John VII to head to of Bayezid so Manuel II was in a dangerous position.
Genoa and then to the new Ottoman Sultan, Bayezid the He eventually sealed an agreement. However, the Ottoman Sultan became infuriated by Manuel IIs attempts
Thunderbolt, to seek aid in order to topple John V.
to reconcile his nephew John VII.[24] Manuel was conJohn VIIs rebellion succeeded initially, taking Con- cerned that John VII might once again launch a coup
stantinople from John V,[23] but Manuel countered by against him so wished to end the threat diplomatically.
rousing the rest of the empire and its few remaining mil- Bayezid ordered Manuels execution, but then reduced his
itary assets and turned them against John VII. Manuel furious response and instead demanded that Constantino-

8.3

Ottoman Interregnum, 14021413

ple build another Mosque and that a colony of Turks be


established.[24]

8.2

Rebellion; Byzantium survives, 1394


1402

Manuels next steps were bold and seemingly foolish


not only did he refuse to pay the Sultan tribute, he refused
to answer the Sultans messages and Bayezid set about
laying siege to Constantinople.[24] In 1394, his siege began and would continue for 8 years. Manuel II realized
that whilst the City could endure a half-hearted blockade, it did not have the military assets to man the walls of
Constantinople. At rst, the situation was not so dire a
massive counter-attack by the West was to be launched as
the Crusade of Nicopolis.[26] In a titanic battle, Bayezid
force-marched his army to a stunning yet costly victory.
Thousands were killed, but now Bayezid was able to turn
his armies fully against Constantinople.
The situation was dire; so much so that John VII, Manuel'
dire opponent, was left in charge of Constantinople. He
made one grand tour of Europe in 1399, stopping at
Venice, Padua, Milan, Paris and London, where he met
the English King Henry IV; in England, he was well
received[26] and treated to a jousting tournament. However, Manuel was unable to secure any help from Western
Christendom.
In the end, it would be Eastern Islam that would come to
Constantinoples aid Timur, the Khan of the Chagatai
Mongols led his army deep into Anatolia, decisively defeating Bayezid and his exhausted army in 1402 near
Ankara. The defeat caused a panic amongst the Turks in
Anatolia, who frantically began crossing over to Europe,
albeit with hired Byzantine ships.
Manuel, who was still in Europe, arrived in 1403 to a
welcoming sight Constantinople free from Ottoman
siege. John VII remained loyal, handing back the capital
and even taking Thessalonica back from the Ottomans.

8.3

Ottoman Interregnum, 14021413

Manuel II lived to 75 years of age

Byzantium. The rst was a non-aggression treaty between the local Christian powers (who were also free
from Ottoman servitude), meaning that the disasters of
Andronikos IIIs later rule would not be repeated. Next
were a treaty between Byzantium and the successor of
Bayezid, Suleyman who was in Asia Minor, conrming
Byzantiums freedom from paying tribute. The Empire
also gained Mount Athos and coastal land of the Black
Sea from Constantinople to Varna. As an added bonus,
Imperial authority was asserted over a number of Aegean
Islands. The importance of the latter should not be underestimated as these would serve in the future as refuge for
any seeking to escape Ottoman expansion, even if only as
a temporary refuge.

The defeat of the Ottomans considerably changed the


mood within Constantinople. The rewards reaped by the
Empire were outstanding considering that only a short
time had passed since the city (and possibly the Em- Bayezids sons lost no time ghting each other for their fapire itself) stood on the brink of destruction. John VII thers shattered realm. By 1413, Mehmed I had emerged
appeared to have achieved numerous other benets for as the victor. However, the Byzantines had made sure to

10

JOHN VIII TAKES OVER

support the victor and Mehmed I did not forget the kind- 9 John VIII takes over
ness of the Byzantines and was able to control his Turk
subjects from expanding into Byzantine territory.
For more details on this topic, see John VIII Palaiologos.
Manuel IIs nal years saw his gains wasted and the Em-

8.4 Resumption of hostilities


Manuel II Palaiologos was 70 years of age in 1421 and
believed that the time had come for him to retire and give
his eldest son, John VIII, the opportunity to rule with a
more aggressive manner than he had done so. At the same
time, a far less restrained Murad II, son of Mehmed I,
came to the Ottoman throne in May of that year. With
two un-diplomatic men on thrones of Byzantium and the
Ottoman Sultanate, war was inevitable.
The Byzantines were the rst to make a move when John
VIII and his advisors made a risky decision by inciting a
rebellion within the Ottoman Empire. In August 1421,
they backed a man named Mustafa who claimed to be
a long lost son of Bayezid the Thunderbolt. In Europe,
Mustafas rebellion worked well and he gathered some
support. However in August 1422, Murad II had this rebellion crushed and Mustafa received the traditional execution (hanging) shortly after, something any rebel would
have expected. Murad II was enraged and had an army
sent to Constantinople and to Thessalonika, the latter
falling in 1430. Murad II was unable to take Constantinople by force. Nonetheless, the situation in the Capital was
dire enough for Manuel II to come out of retirement and
incite yet another rebellion in Asia Minor under Murad
IIs brother, Kucuk Mustafa. Initial rebel success, including a siege of Brusa was too much for Murad II to ignore
so the siege of Constantinople was lifted to deal with this
threat, and to the Byzantines greatest despair, dealt with
it indeed.
Manuel II was now out of tricks to save the erroneous
rule of his son, John VIII. In September 1423, Thessalonika was surrendered to the Venetians, no doubt hoping to draw in the Western Powers into crusading mode
and, if not, at least their wealth would enable them to
defend it better. In February 1424, Manuel II Palaiologos re-established Byzantium as a vassal of the Ottomans
300,000 silver coins were to be paid to the Sultan on
annual basis. That the Empire managed to accomplish
this at its lowest ebb is remarkable. Nonetheless until c.
1450, the Ottomans would not make any concerted efforts to overcome the walls of Constantinople; the city
retained a tenuous security for the next two decades.

Medal of the Emperor John VIII Palaiologos during his visit to


Florence, by Pisanello (1438). The legend reads, in Greek: John
the Palaiologos, basileus and autokrator of the Romans.

pire status quo ante 1391. John VIII was still hopeful that
he could emulate his Fathers success and more. Like his
predecessors, his attempts were in vain. And just like his
predecessors, he relied too heavily on a Pope not willingly
to give, only take; take that is, the Church of a wretched
state surrounded by the Ottomans, soon-to-be Christendoms direst foe.

9.1

Union with Rome

Uniting the Church of Byzantium with that of Rome was


a simple matter, since all the bargaining chips were in the
hands of the Roman Catholic West. John VIII, as the de
facto head of the Byzantine Church ordered the Byzantine Church to accept Papal primacy and declared that the
Filioque dispute arose from semantic confusion. Few on
Byzantiums side were impressed with the Union between
1438 and 1439 held in Ferrara and Florence, not only at
the terms at which the Byzantine Church had to stoop to,
but also at the non-existent aid to Byzantium. One can
safely say that the most notable eect of the Union was
the increased resentment between Byzantiums populace

10.1

Deance, defence and defeat

11

and the Imperial government.

9.2

Wasted opportunity: Varna

In the late 1440s, the Ottomans experienced diculty in


bringing their Christian vassals in the Balkans into line.
Hungary began launching successful campaigns against
the Turks in Serbia, leading to the Serbian Despot and
the Albanian resistance leader George Kastrioti Skanderbeg into direct opposition with their former masters. This
led to one of the last great Crusades of a united Western Christendom Crusade of Varna. Murad II was in
no position to stop these troublesome westerners since he
was overwhelmed with problems by easterners in Anatolia, the core of the Ottoman realm. Therefore, Murad hastily concluded a peace treaty in the Balkans. The
Hungarians soon broke the treaty, but at Varna a hastily
assembled Ottoman army crushed the Crusaders and left
the Balkans at the mercy of Ottoman vengeance.
John VIII died in 1448. His reign lasted two decades.
His achievement was the continued survival of the Empire. Yet Byzantium was now hanging by a thread. With
insucient military manpower for its own defense, an
economy ruined by years of warfare, a depopulated capital, and insucient territory to provide a basis for recovery, the Empires position was becoming untenable.
John was severely constrained by his circumstances, and
proved unable to improve the fortunes of the state. He Constantine XI depicted in semi-classical armour.
was succeeded by his brother Constantine XI. The new
emperor would be Byzantiums last sovereign ruler.

10

Constantine XI

For more details on this topic, see Constantine XI.


Constantines reign was short; from 1448 (some sources
say 1449) until 1453. Constantine XI, like many of his
predecessors who took the Union between Eastern and
Western Christendom seriously, lived as a Catholic. Not
much is known of his reign, except that he died with his
soldiers in the nal ght for Constantinople.

10.1

Deance, defence and defeat

Main article: Fall of Constantinople

Constantine XI was the Despot of the Morea before his


ascension to the throne. From this position, he had continued the aggressive policies of his father and his brothers against the Ottomans and their vassals, the Duchy of
Athens, but had been forced to back down by Murad II.
In 1451, Mehmed II succeeded his father Murad. Upon
his succession to the throne, he received a demand by
Constantine XI for subsidies, coupled with a threat to
rebel if these were not met. Mehmed II responded with
these bold declarations by building a fortress on the European side of the Bosporus in order to better control trac
through the Bosporus.
Mehmed II assembled a huge army to assail Constantinoples landward walls some sources suggest 80,000 soldiers, whilst others suggest gures as high as 100,000 or
even 200,000, including camp followers. A major feature of the Ottoman army was its high-quality artillery.
Among others, it featured a number of super-cannons

12
built by Orban, a Hungarian engineer who had originally
oered his services to Constantine, who rejected them
for lack of money.[27][28] After the rejection of terms
of surrender by Constantine, the siege began on April 2,
1453, with Ottoman cannon ring from April 6. The defenders were few, but the mighty walls allowed them to
withstand the siege for some time. Finally however, on
May 29, the Ottomans achieved a breach, and the city
fell. Constantine XI charged at the oncoming Ottoman
army; the last Roman Emperor died ghting, and since
his body was never recognized, is assumed to have been
buried in a mass grave.

11 LEARNING UNDER THE PALAIOLOGOI


The Fall of Constantinople was marked by large amounts
of Greek refugees escaping Turkic rule into Europe via
Italy and thus accelerating the Renaissance.

11.1

Restoration of the Classics

10.2 Conclusion
Constantines rule is hard to assess due to the shortness
of his reign. As a Despot, he had shown ability, but the
fall of the Empire to the Turks was by his time inevitable,
no matter how able and energetic an Emperor sat on the
throne. What is most remembered of him is the stubborn defence of his city against the odds, and his death in
battle, through which he entered popular legend. Despite
his Catholic confession, he is viewed as a saint by many
Orthodox, and many legends were created about the ultimate fate of the last Constantine.

11 Learning under the Palaiologoi


For more details on this topic, see Renaissance.
Despite much chaos in the Empire, the Byzantines experienced a revival in culture and art within their domain. Towards the 14th century, as the Empire entered
into a phase of terminal crisis, such achievements became less valued. All was not lost for these seemingly
rejected scholars many in Italy who had been opened
up to Byzantium by the maritime expansions of Genoa
and Venice came to appreciate their achievements, facilitating the Renaissance. As such these scholars found
themselves in Italian institutions, expressing their GrecoRoman culture for pay. Immigration to Italy was made
less attractive by the idea of abandoning the Orthodox
faith to practice Catholicism. Nonetheless, a signicant and increasing number of Greeks began travelling to
Italy, rst temporarily to Italian colonies such as Crete or
Cyprus before returning to Byzantium, then as the Empire began to fail horribly, in more permanent manner.

Classical literature that was studied included mythical gures


such as Dionysus.

The Fourth Crusade saw the destruction of many homes


in Constantinople and much of the city on re. It is
dicult to determine what books were burned in the libraries of Constantinople, though one can only imagine
that few would be available today were it not for the works
of Demetrius Triclinius, Manuel Moschopoulos, Thomas
Magister and Maximos Planudes. New editions of poets,
such as Hesiod and Pindar, were made and their metric systems were reconstructed with competence. They
wrote about such works as Scholia and Pindar. Countless works are also included, such as the tragedians of
Sophocles and Euripides, Ptolemys Geography, Nonnus
of Panaopolis Dionysiaca, edits and rediscoveries on

11.3

Persian science enters, ca. 1300

Plutarch and the Greek Anthology of epigrams. Works


assembled by Theodore Metochites at the Monastery of
Chora can be found in the libraries of Istanbul, Oxford,
the Vatican and even Paris.

11.2

Greek Byzantium

In the past, the Byzantine Empire was composed of many


territories, stretching from modern-day Iraq to modernday Spain. As the Empires borders shrunk, so too its
cultural diversity. By the late 13th century, the Empire consisted almost exclusively of traditionally Greek
territory (inhabited by Greeks since Antiquity). Consequently, this Greek culture soon came to dominate the
Empire and the works of the Classical age such as those
of Sophocles and Theocritus were meticulously copied
and annotated.

13
Despite this, Persian works such as those on astrolabe
were translated into Greek as early as 1309. In 1352,
Theodore Metochites published his thoughts using Persian and Ptolemaic tables. Further works were translated;
Six Wings, a Hebrew text believed to have originated from
southern France, was translated into Greek.
Such works, whilst being non-Christian and in many
cases non-Hellenistic were cultivated by the Greek Orthodox ecclesiastics; George Choniades and Theodore
Metochites both found themselves positions in the Greek
Orthodox Church; the former becoming Bishop of Tabriz
and the latter the head of the Patriarchal school.

Notable philosophers include Planudes who characterized the interest in Science and Mathematics at the time.
Astronomy was also a eld of interest, as Nikephoros
Gregoras illustrates with his proposal to modify the calendar before changes were put in place by the Gregorian
reform.
Moreover, some prominent personalities also proposed
the change of the Imperial title to 'Emperor of the
Hellenes', instead of Romans. This enthusiasm for the
glorious past, contained elements that were also present
Plethons nal resting place was moved to this Church by his Italin the movement that led to the creation of the modern ian disciples
Greek state, in 1830, after four centuries of Ottoman
rule.[29]
Not all thinkers were welcome in Byzantium and naturally some of those who opened their minds to other
beliefs would have strayed from the extquotedblone true
11.3 Persian science enters, ca. 1300
Religion extquotedbl, as the Byzantines would have unAt the time, astrologists had to rely on Ptolemy's tables doubtedly seen it. One such example is that of Plethon.
for calculations. However, these proved to be no good His works on computational astronomy utilizing Hebrew
when compared to Arab astronomy. As a result, Persian and Persian tables are overshadowed by his neo-pagan betables were used more often, even if in conjunction with liefs that he adopted in his old age. He proclaimed his bePtolemys. The acceptance of Arab astronomy was made lief in the Seven Wise Men, the message of Zoroaster
harder by the fact that it had to be translated and only en- and Fatalism. Consequently, his work on a modied
tered through lowlier social channels, namely by men Greek Pantheon, The Laws was burnt by the Patriarch
who travelled between Constantinople and Trebizond. of Constantinople and his ashes repose in what is someSuch men include Gregory Choniades, who later with his times stated as the most Pagan Renaissance Church
follower George Chrysokokkes, acquainted themselves Tempio Malatestiano of Rimini.
with this oriental science. By the mid 14th century, when
Byzantium was overwhelmed with troubles, the tables of
Ptolemy were deemed by professionals as inadequate and
slowly abandoned for Persian tables.

Others went so far as to suggest that Byzantium would


not live forever a fundamental belief for every subject
of the Byzantine Orthodox Church. Metochites did not
see Byzantine civilization as superior to others and even

14

13 NOTES

considered the extquotedblindel extquotedbl Tartars as tium to submit to Rome. If the price for political freedom
more noble in some aspects, such as morality, than his was religious freedom, certain emperors such as Michael
Christian comrades.
VIII were willing to pay it. In the long run though, the
Byzantines were not prepared to surrender their ancient
customs and beliefs willingly.

11.4 Patronage
Philosophers, like all men at the time had to make ways of
bringing food to the table. The most common occupation
in the Byzantine Empire would have either been agriculturally based or earlier on in the Empire, trade based so
this came about naturally through their own work. However Philosophers needed Patronage in order to live. The
most important came from the Imperial court, especially
before the destructive civil wars that were characterized
by Andronikos III and his son John V. Other sources were
from minor courts, from the rich and from the Church, if
not from individual Church clergy. Of course, only Bishops had such resources. As the Empire descended into
chaos, it could not spare any nances in its eorts to defend her borders and so the need to study in the elds
of science and mathematics would have naturally disappeared from the minds of those whose lands were raided
and seized. It would be this lack of Patronage that led to
many of these scholars eeing to the West. Remarkable
travels were recorded by John Argyropoulos, Constance,
Manuel Chrysoloras who between them all had travelled
to Florence, Pavia, Rome, Padua and Milan. It could
be said that the end of the Byzantine Empire coincided
with the beginning of the Renaissance what little inuence the Byzantine Church had over Rome was more
than made up for by their philological preaching and mass
conversion to humanism.

The proximate cause of the problem lay in Byzantiums


numerous enemies, who combined during the course of
the 14th century to overwhelm what remained of the empires core territories. With each passing decade, the
Byzantine Empire became weaker and lost more land.
There were fewer resources available to deal with the Empires opponents. Her power base was consequently ruined. Whilst the empire had experienced diculties before (in the 8th century much of Byzantiums lands were
occupied by Avars and Arabs), by the later 14th century
the empire no longer possessed any signicant territories (such as Asia Minor) to form the basis of a recovery.
As a result, many attempts at driving back the Ottomans
and Bulgarians failed, while the lack of territory, revenue
and manpower meant that Byzantiums armies became
increasingly obsolete and outnumbered.
However, the most serious problems arose from the internal political and military organisation of the empire. The
empires political system, based as it was around an autocratic and semi-divine emperor who exercised absolute
power, had become obsolete, while the civil wars the system produced severely weakened the empire from within,
leaving it disastrously exposed to outside attack. Furthermore, the empires military system had become increasingly disorganised and chaotic, following the demise of
the theme system in the 11th13th centuries. The result
was persistent failure and defeat on every frontier.

Byzantium could only lose and decline for so long before


it destroyed her; by the late 14th century, the situation had
become so severe that Byzantium surrendered her polit12 Conclusion
ical independence. By the mid 15th century, restoring
both the religious and the political freedom of Byzantium
The end of the Byzantine Empire did not seem inevitable was ultimately an impossible cause.
to contemporaries. As late as 1444, a mere 9 years before
the Fall of Constantinople, there were high hopes that
the Turks would be driven out of Europe. The Byzantines that pinned their dreams of restoration on the West 13 Notes
had hoped that they could reap the benets of another
extquotedblFirst Crusade extquotedbl that would cut a [1] Mango, p. 255
swathe through Asia Minor and allow Byzantine troops
[2] Mango, p. 254
to re-occupy the empires ancient heartlands. However,
by the late 14th century, the Byzantine Empire did not [3] Madden, pp. 110113
possess sucient resources for the task, and in any case
such Western undertakings would have required Byzan- [4] Mango, p. 256

15

[5] Madden, p. 179


[6] Lowe, Steven, and Martin Baker. Seljuks of Rum. 21
Feb. 1992. 29 May 2007
[7] Mango, p. 257
[8] Mango, p. 258
[9] Madden, p. 162
[10] Grant, R.G. (2005). Battle a Visual Journey Through
5000 Years of Combat. London: Dorling Kindersley. p.
93.
[11] Shepherd, William R. The Byzantine Empire in 1265.
Perry-CastaEda Library. 1926. University of Texas Libraries. June 15, 2007. See .
[12] Mango, p. 260
[13] Mango, p. 261
[14] Mango, p. 262
[15] Mango, p. 263
[16] Mango, p. 265
[17] Mango, p. 266
[18] Mango, p. 267
[19] Mango, p. 268
[20] Mango, p. 269
[21] Mango, p. 270
[22] Mango, p. 271
[23] Mango, p. 272

14 References
Madden, Thomas F. Crusades the Illustrated History. 1st ed. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan P,
2005
Mango, Cyril. The Oxford History of Byzantium.
1st ed. New York: Oxford UP, 2002

15 Further reading
Evans, Helen C. (2004). Byzantium: faith and
power (1261-1557). New York: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art. ISBN 1588391132.
Parker, Georey. Compact History of the World.
4th ed. London: Times Books, 2005
Turnbull, Stephen. The Ottoman Empire 1326
1699. New York: Osprey, 2003.
Haldon, John. Byzantium at War 600 1453. New
York: Osprey, 2000.
Healy, Mark. The Ancient Assyrians. New York:
Osprey, 1991.
Bentley, Jerry H., and Herb F. Ziegler. Traditions
& Encounters a Global Perspective on the Past. 3rd
ed. Vol. 1. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2006.
Historical Dynamics in a Time of Crisis: Late
Byzantium, 12041453
Philip Sherrard, Great Ages of Man Byzantium,
Time-Life Books, 1975

[24] Mango, p. 273


[25] Mango, p. 264
[26] Mango, p. 274
[27] Runciman, Steven (1990). The Fall of Constantinople,
1453. Cambridge University Press. pp. 7980. ISBN
978-0-521-39832-9.
[28] Nicolle, David (2000). Constantinople 1453: The end of
Byzantium. Osprey Publishing. p. 13. ISBN 1-84176091-9.
[29] Aleksandr Aleksandrovich Vasiliev History of the Byzantine Empire, 324-1453, Vol. 2. Univ of Wisconsin Press,
1952, ISBN 9780299809263, p. 582

16 External links
Byzantine & Christian Museum, The Palaiologan
period: The nal owering of Byzantium

16

17

TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

17 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses


17.1 Text
Byzantine Empire under the Palaiologos dynasty Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byzantine_Empire_under_the_Palaiologos_
dynasty?oldid=619635634 Contributors: Stevertigo, Llywrch, Michael Devore, Jastrow, Alexf, Rich Farmbrough, Dbachmann, Zscout370,
Wareh, Njahnke, Drbreznjev, BD2412, Rjwilmsi, Angusmclellan, Jaraalbe, RussBot, Odejea, Blkgardner, Crystallina, SmackBot, Reedy,
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Temp07, Lucasbfrbot, Phil Bridger, Altzinn, Sfan00 IMG, Con Bell, Worobiew, Justinian43, Mild Bill Hiccup, Niceguyedc, Local hero,
Addbot, Vasi, Cody7777777, Yobot, Againme, Gaius Claudius Nero, AnomieBOT, Jim1138, Alexikoua, Materialscientist, J04n, Omnipaedista, MARSELIMADHE, Trust Is All You Need, OgreBot, DrilBot, Skyerise, Philly boy92, EmausBot, WikitanvirBot, ClueBot
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File:Tempio_malatestiano.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bb/Tempio_malatestiano.jpg License: CCBY-SA-3.0 Contributors: Transfered from it.wikipedia Original artist: Original uploader was Erny51 at it.wikipedia
File:Tornese_Andronicus_II.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fa/Tornese_Andronicus_II.jpg License:
CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ?

17.3

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