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Prof Sujata Patel

Dept. Of Sociology,

National Coordinator
Subject Coordinator

University of Hyderabad
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Prof. Edward Rodrigues

Centre for the Study of Social Systems


Jawaharlal Nehru University

Content Writer

Rahul Sonpimple

Research Scholar , Centre for the Study of


Social Systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University

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Prof.Edward Rodrigues

Centre for the Study of Social Systems


Jawaharlal Nehru University

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Centre for the Study of Social Systems


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Technical Conversion

Module Structure
Casteism, Anti-Brahmin
Movements and Indian
Politics

This module consists of two sections. The first section of module provides a
theoretical understanding developed by various thinkers on caste and caste
system. It also discusses the discriminatory role of caste in social life and how
caste as a pre-modern phenomenon still remains as a primary factor in the
construction of primary relationships in the lives of majority Indians. Second
section of module thoroughly discusses the emergence of the anti-Brahmin
movements in various parts of India. It also discusses the ideological
foundation built by the leaders of the anti-Brahmin movement, such as,
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy in Tamilnadu and Joyti Rao Phule in Maharashtra.

Description of the Module


Items

Description of the Module

Subject Name

Sociology

Paper Name

Political Sociology

Module Name/Title

Casteism, Anti-Brahmin Movements and Indian Politics

Module Id

Module no. 29

Pre Requisites

A sociological understanding of the caste system and its workings in


different parts of the country.
A knowledge of caste based social movements in pre and post
independent India.

Objectives

To provide an understanding of how the non-Brahmin movement


emerged as a radical critique of the caste system.
To understand the role of the non-Brahmin movement in refiguring
the dynamics of electoral politics in Indian democracy.

Key words

Hierarchy, non-Brahmin movements, Mandal, Jyotiba Phule, Justice


party, Adi-movements

Political Sociology
Module 29: Casteism, anti-Brahmin Movements and Indian
politics
Introduction
Caste in Indian society refers to a social group where membership is largely decided by birth.
The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary defines Caste as a Hindu hereditary class of
socially equal persons, united in religion and usually following similar occupations,
distinguished from other castes in the hierarchy by its relative degree of purity or pollution1.
The caste system played a significant role in determining the content and direction of the
processes of political socialisation, political mobilisation and institutionalisation within the
framework of modern democracy. In the years following independence, the traditional upper
castes continued to rule in most parts of India. However, Non-Brahmin and low-caste
movements broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-class mobility and
annihilation of caste have altered the conventional operation and relation of caste in many
ways. It is in this context, the present module consists of two sections. The first section of
module provides a theoretical understanding developed by various thinkers on caste and caste
system. It also discusses the discriminatory role of caste in social life and how caste as a premodern phenomenon still remains as a primary factor in the construction of primary
relationships in the lives of majority Indians. Second section of module thoroughly discusses
the emergence of the anti-Brahmin movements in various parts of India. It also discusses the
ideological foundation built by the leaders of the anti-Brahmin movement, such as, Periyar E.
V. Ramasamy in Tamilnadu and Joyti Rao Phule in Maharashtra.

Section-I
Caste and casteism
The Indian caste system is a classification of people into four hierarchically ranked castes
called varnas. They are classified according to occupation and determine access to wealth,
power, and privilege. The leadership positions in society are monopolized by a few dominant
castes (Pintane, 2010). The two most important characteristics of the Indian caste system
1

Ed. Lesley Brown. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1993

have to do with endogamy and occupational restriction. Every member of a caste or sub-caste
is required to marry within their own caste. Any violation of this, results in excommunication
from ones family and caste. When it comes to occupation, every caste member is associated
and with required to follow the occupation associated with that caste. Another characteristic
is that every caste imposes restrictions on its members with regards to diet and has its own
laws which govern the food habit of the members. There are strict barriers when it comes to
the mixing of a superior caste with an inferior caste. Hence, under the caste system every
caste abides by well established customs and well defined norms of interactions. An idea of
purity and pollution is one of the essential characteristic of caste system. Cleanliness is
considered to be a very important value in Hinduism, and the caste system enforces this idea.
Untouchability was thus a means of exclusivism, a social device that became religious only
by being drawn into the pollution-purity complex (Velssasery, 2005).
Caste, discrimination and exclusion
During the eighties and nineties caste discrimination became a much debated issue on the
political arena following a report published by a government commission that mapped out
and defined current backward castes and ethnic groups in India2. The report also stated a
set of recommendations to be implemented by the authorities including several reservation
laws for public and educational seats. Being based in deeply engrained social structures, caste
based discrimination is part of day to day life3. Discrimination is often based on housing,
work and access to public spaces. There are examples of Dalits being denied access to public
services such as deep wells, water taps, health care and education. Segregation in housing,
schools and cremation grounds, occupational restrictions, prohibition of ownership and
access to land, bonded labour, forced prostitution and manual scavenging4

are other

examples of discrimination in the everyday life of Dalits. Discrimination on caste basis can
also be seen in terms of the relative underdevelopment of low-caste groups: the literacy rate
for Dalits is significantly lower than for the rest of the population, infant mortality and underfive mortality among Dalits are much higher than the average, and Dalits are paid lower

The Indian constitution refers to Dalits as Scheduled Castes (SCs) and ethnic minorities as Scheduled Tribes (STs), and
together they comprise more than 24 % of Indias population. http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/
India_at_Glance/scst.aspx
3
For a situational overview of caste discrimination see the study Caste-based Discrimination in South Asia (2009) by ISDN
commissioned by the European Commission. http://idsn.org/uploads/media/EU_Study_CD_2009.pdf. Also, a survey
conducted in 2006 examined the practice of untouchability in 565 villages across 11 states in India. See Untouchability in
Rural India by Ghanshyam Shah, et al (2006).
4
Manual scavenging was outlawed in 1993, yet today 1.3 million Dalits, mostly women, are employed by municipalities in
this occupation.

wages than other workers for similar tasks5. These are just a few specific examples. There are
also more violent forms of caste-based discrimination.
The practice of caste-based exclusion and discrimination thus, necessarily involves failure of
access and entitlements, not only to economic rights, but also to civil, cultural and political
rights. The caste /untouchablity and ethnicity based exclusion thus reflect in inability of
individuals and groups like former untouchables ,adivasi and other similar groups to interact
freely and productively with others and to take part in the full economic, social, and political
life of a community ( Bhalla and Lapeyere 1997). The caste and untouchability based
exclusion and discrimination, essentially is structural in nature, and comprehensive and
multiple in coverage, and involve denial of equal opportunities, particularly to the excluded
groups like former untouchables (Thorat, 2007).
Caste and Politics
Movements against caste hegemony of upper caste both in the colonial and post-colonial
periods have immensely contributed to the restructuring of caste equations in Indian politics.
Caste, a uniquely Indian social institution and Indian politics has been subject of intensive
study for many years. Many sociologists including Andre Beteille (1965) in his caste, class
and power and Rajni Kothari (1970) in his caste in Indian politics, have highlighted
various aspects of caste in politics. According to M.N Srinivas (1957) the role played by
caste in politics is in close approximation to that of the pressure group. While evaluating the
role of caste association in democratic politics Ghanshyam Shah (2002), argued that, caste
associations assume the role of disseminating political education and the day to day
functioning of political system to its members and mobilise and organise them accordingly.
This strategy would enable them to enter into political bargaining with the existing political
system in terms of demanding for the maximisation of their representation in politics and
addressing their problems. Andre Beteille (1965) holds that while westernization is taking
individual away from caste identity the role of caste in politics is taking the people towards
the caste identity and thereby strengthening it. Caste has always been central to modern
Indian politics.
Caste also operates as the central principle in the distribution of power and material
resources. Non-Brahmin and low-caste movements were active during the colonial era,

See the report on special component plan for SCs and STs by National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights,
http://www.ncdhr.org.in/resources/publications/daaa-publication/Status%20Report.

broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-class mobility and annihilation of caste
(Omvedt, 1994). However, in the years following independence, the traditional upper castes
continued to rule in most parts of India.
Caste politics in different regions:
Ruptures in demography, agrarian relations, political economy of post-independence period
combined to produce the strong linkages between region and caste. Frankel (1989: 64) argued
that the fact that cognate castes and sub-castes enlarged their identities through regional and
provincial social organizations before the nationalist movement got underway. In particular,
the different patterns of caste relations gave substance to region as a political category in
States like Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. These developments established the
feature of region specific dominant castes in most parts of India. This feature came under
stress at two stages when certain types of caste politics attempted to cross the regional
boundaries. Both these ruptures in the established pattern of caste-region equation came as
opposition to upper as well as newly dominant castes in various regions. In the interplay of
caste and region, Dalits and OBCs were / are often excluded or marginalized. Therefore these
sections attempted to breach the happy coincidence of caste and region by pursuing the
project of all-India Dalit politics and all India OBC politics as was the case in
Maharashtra. Although backward caste politics gradually emerged in UP and Bihar, it was
only in the nineties that it became an issue at an all-India level. After the agitations against
reservations in Gujarat and Bihar in the late seventies and early eighties, the agitation in
many north Indian States on the issue of reservations for backward castes underlined the
simmering conflict between what Lohia had described as forwards and backwards
(Palshikar,2006). These developments had two effects. Firstly, the political discourse in the
country as a whole, changed considerably. Social justice became the central term around
which this discourse was constructed. Such a construction facilitated the entry of caste
question onto the all-India political scene rather than remaining State-specific. Reservations
for OBCs became less controversial and also became part of the policies adopted by various
parties. At least at the formal level, parties conceded the claims of OBCs in terms of share in
power. Politics of backward castes became an all-India phenomenon.

Dalits in Politics

One can trace the roots of Dalit movement from Bhakti and colonial periods. However, the
real quest for power in Dalit movement became eminent in the post-colonial India.
Emergence of various regional leaders and political parties of Dalits have shaped electoral
politics differently. It is in this context present section discusses the political movement of
Dalits in west, south and north India.
Dalit politics in Maharashtra- With the introduction of constitutional modernity and
democratic space, dalits struggle against caste inequality in post-colonial period has changed
in many ways. The Republican Party was founded by the legendary Babasaheb Ambedkar in
1957. However, Dalit movement in post Ambedkar period in Maharashtra has vigorously
witnessed the conflict in leaderships and ideological position taken by its leaders. The
converted dalit Buddhists mostly Mahars, relative deprived dalit castes, idealistic
Ambedkaraites, new educated aspiring middle class , influence of left and many other issues
fueled into the breakdown of movement and resulted into the various interest groups.
Dadasaheb Gaikwad as the tallest leader and one of the founder members of RPI (Republican
Party of India conceived by Ambedkar which came into existence on 3 November 1957) in
post Ambedkar era, had faced all such issues when he was leading a movement. Teltumbde,
(1997), in his analysis of Post Ambedkar dalit movement argued that, Gaikwad represented
a typical activist of the Ambedkarian movement and had a mass identity. In spite of this, it is
true that RPI got fragmented twice under his leadership and he failed to unite the party
(Kshirsagar, 1994). In later period, the RPI fragmented into many fractions which turned
antagonistic to each other. This was also a period of alliance of many RPI fractions with
congress (teltumde, 2012).
Dalit politics In North IndiaIn the early 1970s, Kanshi Ram emerged as a dynamic leader after B.R. Ambedkar who
gained all India significance by establishing the Dalit organizations. With a handful of
educated employees from Pune and Delhi, he set up the All India Backward and Minority
Community Employees Federation (BAMCEF) in 1973 and aspired to give it an all India
dimension in the next five years. For some years the BAMCEF was working informally until
Kanshi Ram launched it formally on 6 Dec. 1978 in Delhi. Kanshi Ram made the BAMCEF
A Pool of Brains, Talents and Funds. The basic object of this organization, which consisted
of educated Dalits who had been able to make use of the fruits of government policies, was to
pay back to the more oppressed and exploited section of the society to which they belonged.

The BAMCEF, consisting of government employees did not launch rallies but only held
seminars. In the political field the main function of the BAMCEF was to supply the funds and
dedicated workers to the Bahujan Samaj Party, which was founded in the early eighties.

Although BAMCEF was regarded by some as a pool of Brains, talents and funds, it kept a
low profile because of service rules restrictions on public employees. For the furtherance of
its objective, Kanshi Ram proceeded to set up a new organization known as Dalit Soshit
Samaj Sangharash Samiti on Dec. 6 1981, as a non political agitational arm of his movement.
Its primary purpose was to create awareness among the Dalits. The rise in the political
standing of any party can be equated with the rise of the political fortunes of its leaders.
Having gained political experience and using the BAMCEF and DS-4 as base organization,
Kanshi Ram decided to lay the foundation of political party, the BSP on April 14, 1984 on
the birth anniversary of B.R. Ambedkar to fulfil the political aspirations of the Dalits. BSP
gave a new hope to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes by creating a strong platform in
Indian politics under the leadership of their own community leaders. In Punjab, the influence
of the BSP as a political force was felt during February 1992 Assembly elections when it
managed to capture 9 seats, thus becoming the main opposition party in the Vidhan Sabha
(Kumar, 2011). The BSP candidates were runner up in 34 seats. It also won a Lok Sabha seat
in February 1991 elections. With the November 1993 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan, Kanshi Ram led BSP emerged as a
political force at the national level (kumar, 2013).
Dalit politics in South India: A case of Tamilnadu
The PMK and Dalit parties which seemed to introduce caste concerns into Tamil politics,
thus, arguably arise from the cosy relationship between dominant BCs and the two Dravidian
parties. Honours have been heaped on Muthuramalingam Thevar, for instance, whilst lower
caste politicians are perceived to lack recognition and respect. The continuing underrepresentation of Dalit politicians in cabinets and ministry portfolio questions Dravidian
pluralism. Caste politics in this period, furthermore, has been synonymous with outbreaks of
caste violence. Lower caste (especially Dalit) assertion has challenged the social status of
higher castes and incurred disproportionate, forceful retaliation (or extravagant revenge)
against any caste transgression or resistance) (O. Mendelsohn and M. Vicziany, 1998). Dalit
assertion has also led to conflict with state authorities (in 2011, police fired on demonstrators

in Paramakudi killing seven Dalits) emphasising that access to political institutions is not
straightforward. An unintended consequence of MBC and Dalit activism, therefore, is that
social fault lines have assumed a collective, caste character and rendered violence a
recognized, albeit censured, feature of the political repertoire (Gorringe,2012).
Section-II
Anti Brahmin & anti-caste Movements: Tracing History
The non-Aryan or the non-Brahmin movements in Maharashtra and Tamilnadu, the Dalit
movements in Panjab and Karnataka were against the Aryan conquest and Brahman
exploitation through religion and culture. These movements, being aimed at the argument of
the original inhabitants, have a common tag Adi which means original inhabitant. Most of the
Dalit movements like AdiDharma in Punjab, Adi-Hindu in UP and Hyderabad, AdiDravida,
Adi-Andhra and Adi-Karnataka in South India have a common claim of the Dalits and
Sudras being the original habitants of India. Gail Omvedt (1994) writes: it was in the 1920s,
however, that Dalits began to organize strongly and independently throughout many regions
of India. The most important of the early Dalit movements were the Ad-Dharm movement in
the Punjab (organized 1926); the movement under Ambedkar in Maharastra, mainly based
among Mahars which had its organizational beginnings in 1924; the Namashudra movement
in Bengal; the Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu; the Adi-Karnataka movement; the AdiHindu movement mainly centered around Kanpur in U.P; and the organizing of the pulayas
and Cherumans in Kerala (Omvedt,1994). The Namasudhra movement in 1872 was the first
protest against the social authority of the higher castes. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay (1997) views:
The Namasudhra movement in Bengal is the story of an antyaja or untouchable caste,
transforming itself from an amphibious peripheral multitude into a settled agricultural
community, protesting against the age-old social disabilities and economic exploitation it
suffered from, entering the vortex of institutional politics and trying to derive benefit out of it
through an essentially loyalist political strategy. The Namashudras, earlier known as
chandals, lived mainly in the low lying swap areas of Eastern Bengal. The Namasudras
embraced Islam or Christianity to avoid the stigma of untouchability in the early twentieth
century. Chandal Movement of 1872-73 led to the formation of the Namasudra. Led by
Harichand Thakur of Faridpur and his son in the subsequent period, the movement believed
in education and self-respect. Next to Namasudra movement, Ad-Dharm movement, led by
Mangoo Ram in Punjab, made a substantial contribution to the social and political life of

Dalits in Punjab. He was influenced by the Ghadar movement, a radical organization in


California aimed at liberating India from British rule through armed insurrection. Similar to
the Adi movements in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and the Namasudra movement in Bengal, the
Adi movements in South India had their resonance in constructing Dalit identity. The
untouchable movements in Nagpur, Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu, Adi-Karnataka
movement in Mysore, Adi-Andhra movement in Andhra Pradesh under Madras Presidency
and AdiHindu movement under the Nizam reign had paved the way for constructing the Dalit
identity in South India.
Anti Brahmin Movement in Maharashtra:
From the second half of the 19th century, particularly, in South India, and in the Bombay
Presidency, the sons of rich peasants among the dominant landowning castes, and of local
traders and moneylenders who expanded into commerce started acquiring English education.
A small fraction of this newly educated class came from lower Shudra cultivating, artisan and
trading castes, and even from among untouchables. In the 19th century Maharashtra, Poona
and Kolhapur provided leadership to the emergence of backward castes. One of the first
products of Christian missionary education was Jothiba Phule of Poona, who belonged to the
Shudra caste of gardeners. Phule (1827-90) is acknowledged as the father of non-Brahmin
movement in India. He wrote several books, like Gulamgiri for the material and spiritual
improvement of the lower classes. The condition of the untouchables horrified him. He called
upon the people to revolt against Hindu casteist gods and degrading religious practices. He
wanted the lower castes to form their own associations, create a spirit de corps and work for
their emancipation from the age-old degradation as Shudras in society, education and
religion. Jothiba Phule founded the Satya Shodak Samaj to unite all the backward castes on a
common platform. He advocated the principle of adequate representation for members of all
castes in public services. The non-Brahman movement generated in Bombay province (now
Maharashtra) had its effect in Kolhapur-a small Maratha State-under the control of the
Bombay Government by Maharaja Chatrapati Shahu. The Maharaja, displeased with the
Brahmins, devoted much of his time to the non-Brahman movement. He declared in 1902 that
he would reserve at least half the posts in the State for qualified men of non-Brahmin
communities. To give fair opportunities to all communities, the Prince started a hostel in
Kolhapur city for non-Brahman youths. Kolhapur may be set to be the first State to adopt the
reservation policy, though there had been some ineffective attempts earlier by the British
government to break the monopoly of one community. Kolhapur therefore, has been a

landmark in the backward class movement towards equality. The backward class movement
in India originated in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. Jotirao Phule was the ideologue of the
non-Brahmin movement in Maharashtra. He rejected the Hindu scriptures and the caste
system. According to Phule, Hindu religion was both the ideological means of suppression
and the cause of poverty of the low castes. Phule's ideas, education and organization were the
means to create unity and sense of identity among the non-Brahmin castes and thereby create
free and just society. Therefore Phule and Ambedkar are still a powerful source of inspiration
for the lower castes to mobilize themselves. The Satya Shodhak Movement of both Jyotiba
Phule and Shahu Maharaj influenced the North Karnataka in particularly, the South India in
general. There where branches of Satya Shodhak Samaj at Belgaum, Nippani, Dharwad and
Hubli. So also Chatrapati Shahus Non-Brahmin Movement spread to Karnataka. This
movement of Shahu Maharaj in fact was continued part of the Satya Shodhak Movement of
Mahatma Phule. In 1920 Satya Shodhak Samaj was transformed into a Political movement
known as Non-Brahmin Movement. Thus Non-Brahmin Movement led by Shahu Maharaj
posed a challenge to the traditional social order and opposed the Brahminical domination and
supremacy. Surrounded by all Brahmins, Shahu Maharaj first appointed non-Brahmins in his
administration. His most important work was initiation of schools and hostel for nonBrahmin caste and for Dalits (Rosenthal, 1973). The Non-Brahmin leaders of Karnataka
were so much influenced by Shahu Maharaj that, they invited him to Non-Brahmin
Conference at Hubli in 1920. Before this Shahu Maharaj invited Karnataka NonBrahmin
leaders to Kolhapur and gave financial assistance to start the education organizations like
Schools and hostels. Thus, the Satya Shodhak Movement of Mahatma Jyotiba Phule and
Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj greatly influenced Karnataka, as a result there was an emergence
of prominent leaders like Sir Siddappa Kambali, Annasaheb Latthe, Panditappa Chikkodi, P
G Halakatti, Menasinakai, Siddappa Hosamani and others (Omvedt, 2013). These leaders
greatly contributed to the cause of Non-Brahmin movement and their communities like
Lingayats, Reddy, Jain, Maratha, Muslim, Kurubas and others came to the forefront. So there
was much awakening among these communities.
Anti-Brahmin Movement in Tamilnadu:
The non-Brahmin movement of the 1910s and 1920s and much more violent 'radical'
Dravidian or anti-Aryan movement launched by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker in the 1930s are
the important phases in the history of TamilNadu backward castes movement. One of
Naicker's main targets was the temple and he mobilized a militantly anti-Hindu campaign,

ostensibly in the name of atheism, to smash the temples and destroy the gods. The important
factor, which created the strain for the origin of the non-Brahmin movement, is the
domination of Brahmins in education and government employment. The Mandal Commission
comes to a conclusion that the non-Brahmin movement was started when the runaway lead
taken by the Tamil and Telugu Brahmins in the field of education in the erstwhile Madras
Presidency and it is well documented. By the turn of the century the male literacy rate among
the Tamil Brahmins was 73.6% as against a similar rate among the vellalas of 6.9%. Whereas
the male literacy in English was 17.9% among the Tamil Brahmins; it was only 0.19% among
the Vellals. The Brahmins had established a near monopoly of the government services and
the professions. As far back as 1851, the Madras Revenue board had instructed the District
Collectors to restrict the number of the Brahmin entrants into the services. In spite of this, the
Brahmin domination of the government services and the professions went on unabated. The
caste's domination in the Provincial Congress Committee had been well established. Alerted
by the advent of the Montague-Chelmsford reforms and diarchy, the non-Brahmin elite castes
took the lead in establishing first the South Indian Liberal Federation, and secondly, the
justice Party in 1916. After coming to power in 1920, the party extended in 1921 the scope of
the 1881 order, by requiring all the heads of the departments to distribute appointments of all
the grades among the various communities (Gorringe, 2007).
Mandal movement and Rise of Yadav Politics
The OBC reservations as per Mandal Commission were implemented under the government
of Prime Minister V. P. Singh in the early 1990s. This led to severe protests from upperstudents who not only demanded the abolishment of Mandal commission but also that of
reservations of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes (Hasan 1998). Jaffrelot (2000) notes
that the Mandalisation of Indian politics contributed to the democratisation of a traditionally
conservative democracy. The rise of the OBCs is first of all the rise of the Yadavs and the
Kurmis, as their share among the MPs testifies. Together, they represent about 15 percent of
North Indian MPs in the 1990s, as much as the Brahmin or the Rajput MPs. While the
Yadavs and Kurmis alone had representatives in the Lok Sabha until the 1970s, new castes
joined the political arena in the 1980s (Lodhis, Koeris, Gujars, Malis) and 1990s (such as the
Jaiswals, the Telis, and the Kacchis) However, the share of the Yadavs and the Kurmis has
grown too, so much so that each one of these castes represents about one-third of the OBC
MPs of North India since 1989 (Jaffrelot, 2003). The Kurmis organized themselves as early
as the Yadavs through caste associations (Verma, 1979). However, Yadavs have been at the

forefront of the OBC mobilization since the very beginning (Rao, 1987). The leader of the
All-India Backward Caste Federation in the 1960s and 1970s, Brahm Prakash Chaudhury,
was a Yadav. B. P. Mandal himself was a Yadav, and Yadav leaders have consistently paid
greater interest to his report. After the Janata Dal took over in 1989, they mobilized in favor
of implementing the Mandal Commission Report. Sharad Yadav, the Minister for Textile and
Food Processing in V. P. Singh's government, was among the most vocal. After the antiMandal agitation started, he was at the forefront of the counter-mobilization in Delhi and
elsewhere in the country, until he launched his Mandal Rath Yatra in late 1992 and early
1993 in reaction to the Supreme Court's decision regarding the exclusion of the "creamy
layer" of OBCs from the quotas. The Court used this expression to designate the elite among
the OBCs who did not need any help from the State and, therefore, should not be entitled to
any quotas. The Janata Dal, with Laloo Prasad Yadav as President and Sharad Yadav as
leader of the legislative group in the Lok Sabha, then lobbied for excluding the well-off
peasants from the "creamy layer." They were obviously defending the interests of their caste
since many Yadavs had become relatively rich. Eventually, the pressure exerted by the
Yadavs-and other OBC leaders-proved to be effective, and the "creamy layer" was defined in
a rather loose way. It comprises only the OBC applicants from establishment families, or
those whose fathers owned land beyond 85 percent of the acreage permitted by ceiling laws.
When the 27 percent reservation was eventually implemented at the Centre after the Supreme
Court decision of November 1992, the upper castes did not resist it any more. They resigned
themselves to the rule of numbers. Moreover, the liberalization of the economy also began to
make careers in the private sector, to which affirmative action laws did not apply, more
attractive. Simultaneously, having won the battle over quotas, the lower castes did not feel an
acute need for solidarity any more. The very notion of the OBCs started to lose its edge. The
general OBC category was, in fact, often used by Yadav elite to promote its interests. Such an
elite manipulation was not uncommon in the past since the kisan identity promoted by Charan
Singh was also perceived by many Jats as a means to mobilize a large social base and Lohia
had deplored it already in the 1960s (Jafferlot , 2000)
Conclusion:
Prior to the introduction of the universal adult franchise in India, it was mostly the individuals
from the higher caste who were politically active. However, the franchise system in India
brought in the importance of numbers in India. Those who were placed in the lower ladder of
social hierarchy got an opportunity to assert themselves by using their numerical strength. In

many parts of India, caste associations have emerged with the aim of pursuing not only social
status and economic interest but political power as well. Many political parties take
advantage of the caste sentiments and fracture the society in such a manner that they gain
from such divisions. Caste as discussed above, is a primary factor in deciding the social
position of groups and individuals, source of honour and dishonour, validation of power and
powerlessness, will always rule the political morality until its annihilation from all spheres of
the life. In addition, caste in the democracy has also become an important instrument for
Dalits and other lower caste to organize and mobilize themselves to attain the political power.
Therefore, mobilization of lower castes on the basis of caste identity may not necessarily be
considered as casteism, it could be understood rather as formation of interest group of
oppressed in the democracy.

Reference bibliography
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