Professional Documents
Culture Documents
JOURNAL OF THE
MALAYAN BRANCH
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Alastair Lamb
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Without help from many people it would not have been possible
for me to have compiled this work. I would like especially to thank
Mr. Douglas Matthews of the India Office Library, London, who
searched through records for me and sent me microfilms with
miraculous despatch; Dr. C. A. Gibson Hill, who converted some of
the microfilms into photostats which are so much easier to work from,
and who provided me with books from the Library of the Raffles
Museum, Singapore; Dr. D. K. Bassett, who gave me some very useful
advice, and who read the whole work in proof; Miss J. Waller of the
University of Malaya in Singapore Library, who tolerated with remarkably little protest a prolonged loan across the Causeway of several books
in her charge; Miss Khoo, who typed out Chapman's narrative; and,
finally, my wife, who helped in typing, in compiling the index, and in
countless other ways.
Kuala Lumpur.
iii
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CONTENTS
Page
Ch.
1.
Introduction.
The
arrival
of
the
Rumbold
C.
Chapman's
D.
Ch.
3.
instructions.
French
The
...
intrigues
Chapman
Mission
A. Chapman's narrative. 26
B.
C.
Chapman's
Chapman's
return
report
to
Bengal.
...
Pocock.
Ch.
4.
Lord
Macartney
and
Cochin
China,
1793
Ch.
5.
The
A.
First
1787
Roberts
Mission,
1803.
Background
Lance.
Roberts'
instructions.
Roberts
at
Tourane
6.
The
Second
Roberts
Mission,
1804.
...
Roberts
C.
Roberts'
D.
leaves
second
Roberts'
E.
India
for
visit
to
proposals
Roberts'
Cochin
China
Cochin
China
to
the
King
report.
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Page
Ch. 7. The Failure of the Roberts Missions Discussed. ... 149
A. The Select Committee at Canton consider the
reasons for Roberts' failure. ... ... 149
B. Barrow's views on the need for the establishment
of British relations with Cochin China. ... 154
C. A French account of the Roberts missions. ... 163
Ch.
8.
The
A.
Crawfurd
Background
B.
Mission,
to
Crawfurd's
the
1822.
mission
instructions
dated
3rd
April,
1823
G.
Ch.
Chaigneau
9.
on
the
Crawfurd
mission
Conclusions
Bibliography
Index
PLATES
III.
Pl.
Pl.
Pl.
PI.
Route
IV.
of
the
Cochin
Macartney
Chinese
V.
Cochin
VI.
Cochin
VII.
Cochin
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Embassy
Mandarin
lady
soldier
entertainment
of
ceremony
dress
of
ceremony.
...
ceremony
vi
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Fig.
Fig.
3.
4.
Boats
on
Cochin
the
Chinese
Fai-fo
temple
River
at
Saigon
Macartney's
visit
Mr.
Crawfurd's
mission
vii
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CHAPTER 1.
INTRODUCTION
BETWEEN
China,1
their narratives
form
the
substance
thisBritish
volume.
BETWEEN These China,1
missions and
1778 their andand
failedfailed
narratives
1822to
four form
British
theup
substance
missions
of visitedof
thistovolume.
Cochin
British
These
missions
open
new
areas
commerce on preferential terms; they resulted in the founding of no
factories or settlements; they did not succeed in establishing a British
I have used Cochin China here in the sense intended by the authors
of the narratives and reports printed in this volume, that is to say as the
equivalent either of Annam or of the territory ruled by the Nguyen
Dynasty at the time in question.
I have usually used Vietnam as a racial or linguistic term. In its
geographical sense it would be equivalent to the area now formed by the
states of Vietnam and Vietminh.
Laos.
D. 105.)
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Alastair Lamb
east of India during this period, on the quest for a solution to the problems of the China trade, and on the final phase of that Anglo-French
struggle for eastern dominion which continued for many years after the
classic age of dive and Dupleix. These four missions, moreover, span
a fascinating period of Vietnamese history which saw the conversion of
Register for British India and its Dependencies, Vols. Ill and IV,
London 1817. A version, slightly abridged, appeared in the Journal
of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia , Vol. VI, Singapore 1852.
the India Office Library. I have also included here extracts from
two letters from Chevalier, French Chief at Chandernagore to de
Bellecombe, Governor-General at Pondichery, which I have translated
from Taboulet's admirable collection of documents on the French
connection with Indochina.5
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if he saw fit, and for this reason I have included in this collection some
account of his visit from the narratives of Anderson,6 Barrow7 and
Staunton.8
and Colonies, dated 15th November, 1818, which gives a French view
of the Roberts mission. This letter has been printed by Cordier10 and
(in part) by Taboulet.11
The Crawfurd mission to Hu of 1822 has been described at
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Alastair Lamb
Cochin China : those sections dealing with Siam were printed in the
two volumes had been four or five. These pages could almost be
described as a supplement to Taboulet, La Geste Anglaise en Indochine
as it were, and like Taboulet's book they are far from providing an
exhaustive discussion of the British contacts with Indochina during
this period. The official documents which I have consulted do not tell
the whole story, for example, of the trade with the Cochin Chinese
coast which was carried out by merchant houses in Calcutta and
Madras. There is surely a great deal of information yet to be gleaned
from the French colonial and naval archives and those of the Missions
Etrangres , information which does not appear in collections of documents like those of Taboulet and Cordier. But the main outline of the
story of the British connection with Vietnam over the years 1778 to
of view.
17. The MS of Crawfurd's journal and report is to be found in Board's Collections vol. 774, Collection no. 20,935. The preliminary report on his mission
to Hue, dated 25 October 1822, is to be found in Letters from Bengal >
vol. 88.
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small demand for European produce did not justify the prolonged
effort of the great East India Companies. It would seem that in
Tonkin, at least, the main profit for the European factories lay in the
supply of fire-arms; and by the end of the 17th century developments in
Since the end of the 16th century Vietnam had been dominated
by three dynasties. The Le Dynasty, which had achieved great power
in the late 15th and early 16th centuries and which had led the
thrust southwards of the Col des Nuages by the Vietnamese at the
expense of the Chams, had by 1600 become a line of faineant rulers.
The Le were the nominal lords of Vietnam, and in this capacity had
their titles conferred upon them by the Chinese Emperor, but the real
power had fallen into the hands of two feudal families, the Trinh
in Tonkin and the Nguyen in Annam and to the south. Until 1672
the Nguyen and the Trinh were continuously at war with each other,
port, Canton, under conditions which were far from ideal for European
21. For more detailed accounts of early European contacts with Cochin China,
see: Maybon, op. cit.; D. G. E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, London
1958; Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1; Le Thanh Khoi, Le Vietnam, Histoire et
Civilisation, Paris 1955; J. Chesneaux, Contribution a l'Histoire de la Nation
Vietnamienne, Paris 1955; J. Buttinger, The Smaller Dragon, a political
history of Vietnam, London and New York 1958.
22. For a detailed history, see the authorities referred to in note 21 above.
5
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Alastair Lamb
them into frequent conflict with Siam and Cambodia. Their military
of close liaison between state and missionary. From 1664, with the
founding of the Socit des Missions Etrangres , France had acquired
a dominant position in the exploitation of missionary enterprise in
Indochina, and it was inevitable that French commerce should endeavour to follow in the footsteps of the French clerics.
It was not surprising, therefore, that the 18th century should
see a number of French attempts to exploit the commercial opportunities of Cochin China; and it was even less surprising that these should
eventually result in the revival of English interest in this region. Pulo
Condore, which had been the site of an unfortunate English factory
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1749. Poivre then made his way to Hu where he was able to talk
with Vo-vuong and to obtain a licence for the French Company to trade
return to Cochin China. In 1760, ten years after his return from Cochin
China, Poivre was appointed Intendant du Roi in the Ile de France and
the Ile de Bourbon. From 1767-72 he was in charge of the administration
of the French possessions in Madagascar. He returned finally to France in
1773 and he died in 1786.
See also: M. Ly-Tio-Fane, Mauritius and the Spice Trade : the Odyssey
of Pierre Poivre, Port Louis, Mauritius 1958. I am indebted to Professor
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Alastair Lamb
decide on that place before us, we will be excluded for ever and
we will have lost an important foothold on that part of Asia
which would make us masters by, in time of war, intercepting
the English trade with China, by protecting our own in the
state of anxiety.26
But the onset of the American War and financial crises in France
circumstances which appeared very favourable for European intervention. Under Vo-vuong it seemed most unlikely that the Nguyen
would surrender any sovereign rights over their territory without great
struggle. Following Vo-vuong's death in 1765, however, the power of
which was to plunge Cochin China into three decades of civil war and,
for a while, to all but eliminate the power of the Nguyen Dynasty.
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had all but destroyed it. In 1774 the Nguyen had been so weakened
that the Trinh broke the truce which had obtained for just over a
century and invaded Nguyen territory, occupying Hu. From that
moment Cochin China was plunged into a three cornered civil war,
with the Trinh and Tay-son competing for domination and the Nguyen
struggling to survive in their last remaining strongholds in the south.
Mandarins, refugee adherents of the Nguyen cause, and with the Jesuit
missionary de Loureiro who had resided for many years at the Nguyen
court.
soldiers, could escort the two Mandarins back to their home. French
military intervention, even on this minute scale, could tip the balance
in favour of the Nguyen Dynasty which, in a gratitude, would give
France all she wanted in Cochin China. Warren Hastings, who was
well aware of this line of reasoning, resolved to anticipate the French
enough, one of the main interests in Cochin China lay in the fact
that here might be found some solution to that chronic problem of
the China trade, the drain of specie to the East. By the 1770s, so
Harlow noted, "the activities of the Company as a genuine trading
association had been transferred from India to China".27 Canton,
the only Chinese port open to European trade, had become a place
of the greatest importance in the scheme of British commerce, and
the conditions of trade there were matters of increasing concern to
the East India Company. The basic difficulty of large scale trade
with China was to be found in the fact that the Europeans sought
Chinese produce, especially tea, for which they were unable to pay with
the export of their own manufactures. Specie had to be exported to
average of 700,000 of silver. Before 1762 the Company had been able
to secure an appreciable surplus of silver for Chinese investment from
27. Harlow, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 63. Chapter III of this work contains an
admirable discussion of the British occupation of Manila and of the
schemes of Alexander Dalrymple for a British settlement in the Borneo
Archipelago.
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Alastair Lamb
its dealings, in the main illegal, with Manila where came annually two
Spanish galleons from Mexico laden with the silver ore of Acapulco.
In 1762, however, with the outbreak of war between England and Spain
territory in the East did not return to anything like its former volume.
The deficiency, in theory, could have been made up easily enough by the
revenue surplus of British India; but only in times of peace, and these
were rare enough in the Indian subcontinent in the second half of the
and how to continue the China trade, on which the profits of the
East India Company came increasingly to depend, in the face of
opposition in England from those who saw the Company as a drain
on the nation's wealth, which provided a theoretical economic background to projects for British expansion into South-East Asia.
There appeared to be more than one practicable solution to this
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India. There was a real threat to the security of British sea routes
between India and Canton. There was a serious danger, in the event
(which at times did not seem unlikely) that the Chinese would close
themselves completely to European trade, that the British would find
that the domination of South-East Asia by hostile European powers
would exclude them altogether from contact with sources of Chinese
produce.
It was this kind of reasoning which induced Hastings to pay so
much attention to the two Cochin Chinese Mandarins whom chance
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Alastair Lamb
they might pave the way for a British settlement in this same area
which would meet many of those requirements later to be catered for
by Penag and Singapore.
Why then did the Chapman mission not mark the beginning
of a British dominated Indochina? The answer lay partly in the state
sequel to the Chapman mission, and this was ruled out for a while
when, shortly after Chapman's departure, the outbreak of war between
England and France resulted in the British occupation of Pondichery
and Chandernagore.
The story of the Chapman mission, from the arrival of the two
Note: The extracts from documents and other sources which are
12
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CHAPTER II.
()
THE ARRIVAL OF THE RUMBOLD
The Rumbold, with two Cochin Chinese Mandarins "< and the
expense until they could find a ship back to Cochin China; and on
20 March 1778 this decision was communicated to the Court of
Directors in London.
Hon'ble Sir,
King of Cochin China now resides, but a gale of wind coming on the
ship drove past the Port and was unable to regain it.
I take the liberty of requesting your permission, to present the
Mandarines to you, whenever it may be convenient, as likewise the
Portuguese Missionary.
The Mandarines are men of distinction. One of them is a first
am,
etc.,
not be for the Credit of the Company to allow them a house with a
13
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Alastair Lamb
on that coast to which the vessel was bound, but which a gale of wind
prevented her reaching, we thought it incumbent on us to show them
every mark of civility and attention in our power, during the short stay
which they must necessarily make in Bengal, and have therefore furnish-
(B)
HASTINGS PROPOSES TO SEND CHAPMAN TO COCHIN CHINA
minute: -
required and to treat them with an attention which might impress them
with a favourable opinion of the people they were come amongst and
families.
The proper season for their return home is now arrived and they
are extremely anxious to set out. I have therefore not the least doubt
that the Board will concur with me in thinking it expedient to provide
them with the means. It is true the gentlemen in whose ship they
came hither have fitted out a small vessel and offered to send them
back. This was incumbent on them and no more would have been
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return in.30
The above, tho' I think them sufficient, are not my only motives
for proposing to send the Amazon.
undertakings.
Cochin Chinese, but more particularly to the Chinese junks, and the
procuring returns in gold, silver, pepper, cinnamon, cassia, elephants'
teeth, aquila wood, and many other valuable articles to the great
benefit of this country and which may in the course of time assist
in the investment of Europe.
a trade with the Chinese junks, this was Mr. Dalrymple' s object when
he proposed the Settlement at Balambangan, and it was this allured
invested in the China trade and a port where Chinese merchants might
bring their wares for sale at a price lower than that obtaining in the
monopolistic conditions of Canton. His advocacy resulted in the British
acquisition in 1763 of the Island of Balambangan off the north-east coast
of Borneo. The Balambangan venture came to an end after Suluans in
early 1775 captured the British settlement and forced its inhabitants to
For the Balambangan episode see: Harlow op. cit. pp. 70-77
15
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Alastair Lamb
which it seems has already been the case from the offer by the
French Chief of sending them back; I think it therefore a measure
the state of things answer the expectations formed of them, and agree
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Mr. Chapman with an allowance of his usual pay, gratuity and full
(C)
chapman's instructions
17
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Alastair Lamb
to the Prince of Cochin China, and v/e direct that as soon after your
arrival there as may be convenient, you propose to him the Establish-
ment of a natural and free Traffic with the English, and use your
Endeavour to obtain his Sanction to the measure in general, and his
promise of a favourable Acception and Protection to the Merchant
Vessels which may in consequence be consigned to his Port.
You will also make such Enquiries into the Sources of Trade
which the Country of Cochin China possesses as will enable you to
judge of the advantages of any Connection that it may be eligible to
form with it, and we hereby authorize and empower you to enter into
a Treaty with the Government there, for the establishment and security
of a Commerce with vesels importing there under English passes, and
in like manner with any Vessels which the subjects of that Nation may
send to either of the Company's Settlements in India. In the Negotiation of this business we recommend it to you to obtain such Rights
and Privileges in favour of the English as the Prince may be willing to
grant, and you will define them as clearly and precisely as possible in
the Treaty which you may form with him in order to obviate misunderstandings respecting them.
We hope it is needless to urge to you the necessity of showing every
Undertaking.
Company's Possessions in India and to the sale of the Staple Commodities of Great Britain, we have ordered the Amazon Snow, which was
lying unemployed, to be prepared for accommodating them with a
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(D)
FRENCH INTRIGUES
venture on the same day that Hastings learnt of the arrival of the
Rumbold. Chevalier lost no time in informing his superior at
Pondichery, de Bellecombe, of the great possibilities offered by the civil
war then raging in Indochina, and urgently advised that France should
not let this opportunity slip.
Bellecombe about the Rumbold and its passengers. The presence of the
Cochin Chinese mandarins at Calcutta, and the knowledge that Hastings
would put this to good use, made French action all the more essential.
Chevalier proposed to see Father Loureiro as soon as possible in order
to find out what the English were up to and to try to persuade the
Jesuit to work for the French. Meanwhile, he urged, a French expedi-
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Alastair Lamb
It would have been thus, Sir, that you would have achieved great
things in India and throughout Asia. But the indifference with which
objectives
waged against the Emperor [of Cochin China] by one of his subjects
32. These letters were probably communicated to the British by Moniz himself.
Moniz accompanied Chapman on his mission to Cochin China and served
in a confidential capacity as a liaison between the British envoy and the
local authorities.
20
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powerful. Having fought the galleys of the Emperor [of Cochin China],
this man then planned ... to sack and burn the town of Faifo and
also that of Tourane. An English ship was then anchored before
Tourane. Its captain having threatened to open fire on the pirate
established relations with the court [of the Emperor], whose defence
he wished to undertake; but what could he do without forces and
with only five or six Europeans with him? This was the situation
when Captain le Fer arrived with his big ship, the Lauriston, armed
with 26 guns, but with a mixed crew of lascars and about fourteen
name, who was well known and loved in this land because he had
lived here when our nation maintained here that establishment which
to China .... Those who . . . had looked upon the arrival of this
ship as the means of their salvation, now fell into a profound state of
alarm and, in tears, accompanied M. Philibert back to the ship. The
mandarins . . . begged him to return and bring with him arms and
ammunition . . . 33
as would lead to our ruling in some form in his name and to our
obtaining hold of one of the richest aspects of the trade of the
Indies
forces [of Cochin China] would be more than enough to destroy the
enemy, consolidate the Emperor on the throne and restore peace and
tranquility. It would be an important and most profitable operation
for our nation and would require neither great force nor extensive
means.
21
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Alastair Lamb
know that the Captain of the Rumbold has sent such a proposal from
Madras to Calcutta, whither he must come soon to argue warmly in
this sense before the Council
project of this kind? And even were the funds available, would
you not be held back by the fear that you might be blamed for having
acted without the orders of the Court [of France]? These are the
from acting on a large scale and with effect. The English, on the
contrary, always have the widest powers to carry out anything which
might augment their power and the trade of their nation
We are going to let the opportunity slip by, and it is the English
and it still goes on. I do not wish it to result in the death of the
French missionaries in that land from not informing you [of the
possibilities]. Now, you might without exposing yourself carry out
the revolution in question. The Brillant offers you the means. Instead
of letting her winter at Achin or Ile du Roi, you could send her to
country would be ours and all its ports open to French ships ....
If Cochin China has in your eyes, Sir, all the importance that it
deserves to have, and if, in consequence, you should decide to follow
my suggestions, then, Sir, I offer to go there myself and I promise
you that I will not return without having accomplished great things ....
I could even provide a ship already to sail, and without costing the
will mark your government with a monument which will make its
memory eternal, and you will deserve on this just count the thanks of
the nation by the importance of the acquisition which you will have
made for it .
had been to Cochin China . . . She brought back with her a Jesuit
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will spare nothing to discover its outcome. I have sent one of the
priests of this parish to go and call on him . . . and have told him to do
employ all means possible to discover his secret and to bring his ideas
towards us rather than the English
advantages. The English, who will arrive after us, will be obliged
to return home ... If we do not take these steps, then I see from afar
a great empire forming itself for the English. If, on the other hand,
we anticipate them, this same empire will fall into our hands and will
1777, when he left Cochin China aboard the Rumbold. He died in 1791.
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Alastair Lamb
acquainted with the said State, I took the liberty of mentioning your
name to him, also related the accidents you have met with; whereupon
no deceit.
I dare to say you will be of the same opinion if you consider well
Sir,
24
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CHAPTER III.
THE CHAPMAN MISSION
(A)
Chapman's Narrative
circumstances which led to the undertaking, the reasons urged for the
prosecution of it, and the advantages expected to be derived from it.
Having stated these leading points, I shall proceed with a brief and
faithful detail of the transactions in which I was engaged from the
time of my arrival on the Coast of Cochin China to that of my leaving
these observations will of necessity be, I offer them with the utmost
diffidence and trust they will be received with candour. The interval
in which I had to make them was short, curiosity was attended with
many personal dangers. Those which I have experienced I regret not,
and only wish they may be productive of real benefit to that respectable
and Killican. These gentlemen who, I believe, were either the entire
owners of the gessei or partly concerned in it, likewise acquainted him
that their visiting Bengal was accidental and had happened in the
34a. A copy of the MS is also to be found in British Museum Add. Mss. 29,
214.1. I am indebted to Dr. D. K. Bassett for this reference.
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back. He went to the Bay of Turon and during his stay there
heard that Senhor Loreiro was highly esteemed by the natives, and
had behaved with great humanity to the officers and crew of the
Admiral Pocock Indiaman37 when driven into Turon Bay by stress of
weather in the year 1764, complied with his request in both instances.
that Province that he was unable to make it and obliged to bring all
his passengers to Bengal.
The following morning the Mandarines and Senhor Loreiro were
introduced to the Governor General by whom they were received with
the greatest attention and humanity. The Cochin Chinese were assured
of his protection and comforted with those expressions of goodwill
necessary to remove the apprehensions of a few defenceless and alarmed
impress them with a favourable opinion of the people they were come
amongst. They were accommodated with a house, servants and other
necessaries, shown everything curious in the settlement and in general
treated in such a manner that the time they passed amongst us proved
highly agreeable to them.
The Mandarines remained in Bengal till the middle of April. In
the interim Messrs. Croftes and Killican had equipped a small vessel
naturally turned upon Cochin China. In the course of it, those gentlemen expatiated on the advantages which might accrue to Bengal and
35. Donnai, the neighbourhood of Saigon.
36. The first great military success of the Tay-son movement, to which
power and it was here that Chapman met Van-Nhac ("Ignaac"). In 1775
the forces of the Trinh Dynasty, which dominated Tonkin under the
nominal suzerainty of the Le Dynasty, occupied Hu.
37. Captain Blomfield s account of the visit of the Admiral Pocock to lourane
in 1764 is to be found here as Appendix A to Chapter III.
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Alastair Lamb
desired and the Amazon, a small snow belonging to the Company, was
disposed to grant. The benefits hoped from the traffic were the
was to frustrate the intrigues which Mr. Chevalier, the French chief at
China.88
of his attendants. The other by his own desire went on board the
little vessel first prepared for them both. She sailed a few days
bound to. Bad weather and the want of a sloop did not permit
us to dismiss our Pilot until the 29th [of April] when we were obliged
38. See Chapter II, pp. 19-20 above.
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reached it the 12th following. Here Mr. Hutton and the Commander
of our little consort informed me of the death of the Mandarine his
whose vessel had been driven off their own coast and wrecked near
the slaves and their effects the property of the Rajah. They gave
to Malacca that there had been a letter (making the offer) written
to the Supreme Council. This complaisance arises from the King's
apprehensions of a hostile visit from the King at Rio and from a
desire of extending his territories by means of the Company's
assistance. If it were thought worth while to settle in any part of
the Peninsula of Malaya a more eligible situation might be found.
Some months in the year this is a dangerous lee shore and inaccessible
to shipping. For my own part I do not think that establishments are
and a small quantity of iron and copper with a few other articles of
little note, for which they gave in exchange pepper, gold dust and tin.
The latter article is not the produce of the place but carried thither
by Malay and Bugis prows.39
anchor till the 17th [of June ]. The 20th we came in sight of Pulo Ubi.
The next night we anchored close to it and the following day found
*It is only a few years since the presidency of St. George attempted a
Achin and Kedah. The Achin venture was entrusted to Charles Desvoeux
Kedah in 1772, and the letter to which Chapman refers probably resulted
from Monckton's visit.
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Alastair Lamb
observations upon the coasts, its ports, and harbours, as our stay
and situation might admit of; and to form charts of the most remarkable parts. I was induced to do this from the general utility of such
as well as the whole coast from thence to the mouth of the western
The water is so shallow that at the distance of five or six miles from
the shore we rarely had more than four fathoms. The small vessel,
our consort, in repeated attempts made by the Commander could
never approach the shore nearer than within two or three miles.
Few inhabitants appeared, and only two boats near the entrance of
the river. Our boat was sent to speak with them, but the people,
The tide to the westward had been observed the preceding evening
have been on our guard against its falling as much. The Captain
was apprized of this by his officer, but he making light of it, we were
the tide left the vessel fast aground, but as she lay in soft mud our
situation was by no means dangerous and the sequel convinced us that
we had better have remained in it until the morning. We should then,
as the tide turned at 20 minutes after 9, have had the water rising till
near day break and might easily have gone out with the ebb, or
searched for a deeper and securer anchoring place. The Captain made
sail as soon as the vessel floated in a dark night uncertain whither a
rapid tide might drive us. The consequence was she grounded a
second time and when the following tide relieved her from this, still a
*Lat. 9, 30'N from hence in a clear day you may see Pulo Condore which lies
in lat. 8 40' No:
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must have left the vessel. Her head was only in a fathom and a
half water and her stern was thumping upon a sand as hard as a rock.
The boat with the Chief Officer and most of the Europeans was now
sent to sound. During their absence the water rose to two fathoms
and a quarter. The Amazon drew twelve feet. The flood tide was
fully made. Anxious for our boat we made signal after signal for it
to return. When the officer came, his report was far from satisfactory
having met with shoals all round us. Get under way we must, and
trust to fortune for the rest. There was now a threatening sky and
the appearance of a hard squall coming on. At first the water deepened
shocks of the vessels striking for the last time, and it being the top of
coming on presently drove us to our great joy into five fathoms when
we dropped our anchor.
After the fatigue and anxiety which we suffered the preceding
repose.
distance from our vessel near the mouth of the river. The
Commander acquainted me he had sent his boat into the river for
intelligence and proposed to me to stand in and meet it. Having no
objection, he weighed his anchor. As soon as we opened the first
reach we perceived a vessel at anchor and the boat making towards
us. We continued our course in a good channel of three and four
fathoms water, as far as the tide would permit us. By the officer
sent in the boat, we learnt that the vessel in sight was a Portuguese
called Bathai,41 and that a ship had left the river seven or eight days
Commander that the rebel Ignaack had carried everything before him
in Cochin China; that the King having fled to Pulo Condore had been
taken there and put to death and that his brother had fallen into
the hands of the Usurper who obliged him to marry his daughter.
I afterwards found that his brother was the elder of the two sons
left by the late King; but that Queck Foe, the Prime Minister who
the death of the old King to place his son in law upon the throne.
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Alastair Lamb
enemies of this Minister, blindly fell into the snare and thereby proved
to have acted as politically as the sheep who delivered their dog to the
wolves. Queck Foe, tho' a bad man, was allowed to be a man of abilities,
and by the discerning, esteemed the only one capable of making head
against the dangers that now threatened the King on all sides. Sensible
of this the Tonquinese, as soon as he was delivered into their hands,
treated him with the utmost deference and made use of his knowledge
honourable retreat.42
Hutton to wait for me where he was. Early in the morning I set out
been associated as ruler with his father, would have succeeded him. However, either through the machinations of Truong Phuoc Loan or through a
deathbed change of heart on the part of Vo-vuong, the succession passed
to Dinh-vuong, Vo-vuong's sixteenth son, and thus passed over not only
Chuong Vo but also Hieu, the late king's ninth son. In 1765 Chuong Vo
also died, and the claims of Hieu were thus strengthened. Van-Nhac had,
therefore, a strong argument when he advanced the claims of Prince Duong,
Hieu's son and heir. He made Duong declare himself chua, or ruler, and
married him to one of his daughters.
In 1776 Prince Duong escaped from Van-Nhac's surveillance and fled
to join his uncle Dinh-vuong in Donnai. Here, in late 1777, both Dinhvuong and Duong were killed by the Tay-son in what was nearly a
complete massacre of the Nguyen ruling family.
In referring to the escape to Pulo Condore, Chapman is probably confusing thei events of this massacre with the fortunate escape of Nguyen Anh,
the only surviving Nguyen leader. Nguyen Anh was the second son of
Chuong Vo (the eldest son died in the 1777 massacre). He escaped the
Tay-son largely through the help of the French missionary Pigneau de
Behaine and made his way to Pulo Panjang (Tho-chu Island), where he
was able to rally the remaining Nguyen forces and whence he returned to
the mainland to reteover Donnai.
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days sail from Bathai. Unacquainted with the force of these gallies
and having too much reason from the information to suspect their
hostile disposition towards us, especially if they were apprised of our
having a relation of the late King on board, and the Amazon being
deemed to draw too much water and built too sharp to be brought
respecting the passage (no pilot being to be had) was to lead the way;
be Cape Saint James, about a Degree and an half distant from the
west channel of Cambodia River. This was the first high land on
the Continent we met with. Here again we were all at a stand,
nobody being able to point out the road to Donai. The Mandarine and
Cochin China; and that they had nothing to eat but a root thrown
up by the surf on the beach which caused them to break out in
blotches all over their bodies. It was shaped something like a sweet
potatoe but longer. I was now no longer at a loss to account for
the indifference the wretches I saw at Tringano shewed to my offer
43. The reference here is to the recovery of Donnai and the reoccupation of
Saigon by Nguyen Anh, which had taken place shortly before Chapman's
arrival
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Alastair Lamb
then were, having resisted the attack of lgnaac* s fleet, the Mandarine
was desirous of going to it hoping to get some satisfactory intelligence
of his friends. Thither we bent our course, the old man serving as
a pilot. The next morning we anchored abreast of it. A number
of fishing boats hovered about the vessel but kept aloof till two of
the Manderine's servants were sent to them in a small prow. They
then came to the number of 14 or 15. Our Mandarine sent a
fish and beetle and apologized for not waiting upon him in person
on account of his being much indisposed. Our Mandarine appeared
so well satisfied that he resolved to go on shore. Next morning,
myself and the other gentlemen promising to attend him; having sent
on recognising his old master. After breakfast we set out, the soldier
sitting at the Mandarine's feet, and during our passage towards the
shore he recounted to his master the particulars of Ignaac's successes,
the King's death; and how the people of this district had repulsed
the rebel fleet. He acquainted him that the King's brother, whom
they called Antoine,44 dissatisfied with his wife, and the restraint he
was kept under, had found means to escape from lgnaac and was
the boat reached the shore our Mandarine was seized with a panic
which I never could learn the real cause of, and desired me in a
pinnace came into shallow water and could proceed no further. Here
44. By Antoine most probably is meant Prince Duong, the Nguyen pretender
who escaped from Van-Nhac's control in 1776. He was a nephew, not a
brother, of the late King, by whom Chapman must mean Dinh-vuong. He
was killed in 1777 (see above, note 42).
45. Berland, op. cit., p. 24, suggests that by Benthoan is meant Ben Dinh, a
fishing village near one of the mouths of the Mekong.
46. Tay-son.
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present.
the whole country and nothing remained but to return without further
fishing village near Pulo Gambir de Terre,47 to enquire for water and
other refreshments which we began to want. The inhabitants civilly
showed us the only well they had, the water being brackish. We were
told that better might be procured at Quinion48 with every other kind
of fresh provision. The fishermen offering to pilot us, we got under
way for that place. No sooner did our Mandarine learn that we
designed to touch at Quinion than he rushed from his cabin and
threw himself upon the ground apparently in the most violent agony.
When this subsided and he became calm enough to tell me the reason
which lgnaac resided, and that the harbour we were going to, known
by the same name, was the rendezvous of his fleet. Upon enquiring
of our pilot I found this true. It did not however hinder me from
proceeding. We wanted water and other refreshments and this was
the only place likely to procure any good. Besides, I knew that the
greatest part of lgnaac* s force was to the southward at Donai and I
was informed that there were some Macao vessels at Quinion. I
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Alastair Lamb
in the Bay.* The coast, in many places highly cultivated, had now a
most delightful appearance, the lowlands planted with paddy and the
hills with pepper to their very tops.
Here we found two Portuguese snows, and the supercargo of one
of them coming on board a little before we anchored, I understood
from him that we had nothing to fear; on the contrary that Ignaac
was in dread of from what had happened last year at Turon. This
dispute I found arose from the rebels attacking and taking a boat
the ship lay in the harbour, the Mandarines fled on board for
protection and induced the Commander to carry them to Donai by
promising to indemnify him for this loss when he arrived there. How
the place afforded. The next day the Mandarine himself came on
than any he could procure in Cochin China. He was a jolly old man
with him to the King's brother who lived near, to whom I sent a
present of a piece of muslin, two pieces of chintz and some bottles
son-in-law who was his Prime Minister would come down to see
me in a few days.
He accordingly arrived the 16th [of July] and the next morning,
* Quinion or Chinchn Bay is an excellent harbour where vessels may be perfectly sheltered from every wind. The entrance is very narrow and the want
of a sufficient depth must oblige ships of large burthen to wait till high water
to go in. It is situated in Lat. 13 52' North.
49. The reference here is to the visit to Tourane of the Rumbold in 1777. The
final defeat of the Nguyen party in Tourane, from Chapman's account,
must have taken place just after the departure of the Diligente and the
Lauriston. It is intriguing to speculate whether, had these two French
vessels remained a little longer in Tourane Bay, they would have had the
opportunity to offer passage to the Mandarins, and thus would have prevented the British from obtaining that opportunity which led to the Chapman mission. See pp. 20-21 above.
36
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were met on the beach by the Mandarine of the Port who conducted
us to a large straw shed which he informed me was his house, where
his Highness was waiting to receive us. On each side of the entrance
were drawn up twelve of his guards dressed in blue linen and a kind
of helmet upon their heads made either of leather or of paper lackered
over and ornamented with flowers and devices of black tin, as were
the hilts and scabords of their swords, so that they made a regular, if
with a pair of neat pistols and some pieces of cloth & c.. I could now
get him to talk of nothing but presents. Before we parted I applied
to him for the use of a straw hut near the watering place. He told
without delay; and as for a house, I might take any one I chose in
the place.
Three days after I received a formal written invitation and safe
conduct from Ignaac. It was brought on board with great ceremony
horses for the two gentlemen and my writer, who were to be of the
party, and coolies to carry the King's present and our own necessaries.
37
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Alastair Lamb
Throne & c.. Our poor unfortunate Mandarine, who was now on board
incog., and the better to conceal himself dressed in an English dress,
his beard shaved, his teeth cleaned and, what distressed him most of
all, his nails reduced three or four inches, desiring to see the paper
told me with tears in his eyes that the seal affixed was the ancient
seal of the Kings of Cochin China, which the villainous possessor had
stolen; that the reasons he assigned for seizing the Government were
false, for that he alone was the sole author of the calamities his
country had and still experienced. He conjured me not to trust myself
in his power for I should never return. Indeed, there was reason to
believe from what I heard afterwards, we should not have got away
family on board.
Pursuant to my agreement, however, with the Mandarine, we went
ashore the 22nd July in the evening. He, together with several others,
for our repose. Upon them we spread our beds and after supper I
begin our march before sunrise, but it was not till half past eight that our
who rode, the whole day proved cloudy. As for myself I travelled
much at my ease in a silken net extended at each end by a piece of
ivory about 20 inches long, through several small holes in which
passed the threads it was woven with, which being collected together
formed a loop by which it was suspended to a pole in the form of
a hammock. Over the pole was a pinjaree of fine mats covered
*A sapacia is a small coin made of a mixture of lead and copper with a hole
through the middle of it. 600 strung upon a cord make a quan and 5 quans
a Spanish Dollar. The price however varies; in some places, they will give
6 quans for the Dollar, in others only 3J. [See p. 194 below, note, for
details of Vietnamese currency.]
38
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'5
cd
V*
je
2
VM
CA
V*
8.
>>
>
'
J2
13
<
>
"
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with painted paper. I really experienced this to be a very commodious way of travelling, preferable in some respects even to a
palanquin. It requires but two bearers, for with that number I
compute I was carried 15 miles in the day without changing. It was
much cooler than the bed used in a palanquin and, the net affording
an equal support to every part of the bcxiy in whatsoever position
you lie, prevents that wearing you are liable to in the other. Our
route at first lay along the banks of a considerable river till we
entered a well cultivated valley which appeared encompassed on all
alighted at one of them where a dinner was soon prepared for the
Mandarine who accompanied us. We partook of it and paid for it.
and salt, some fish and tea. We left this village about 4 in the
should be too late to get admittance into the Fort. Our servants and
but, a fire breaking out near us, the cracking of the bamboos and
cries of the people endeavouring to extinguish it proved quite unfavourable to our repose.
eight o'clock we came in sight of the Fort his Majesty resided in.
square and that the other sides correspond with the one we entered at.
hovel. The gate and wall were entirely without guards and the ground
within laid out in paddy fields. Our conductors were at some trouble
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Alastair Lamb
Fig. 2. A village scene in Cochin China: the game of shuttlecock. (W. Alexander in
Staunton, op. cit., Atlas of Plates).
40
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got out of the way. By six o'clock next morning a message was brought
us that His Majesty was ready to receive us, but, this being so much
allowed to follow us, and to leave our swords as they assured us it was
never permitted anybody to enter into the presence with arms. The
each with spears, pikes, halberds & c. of various fashions with some
banners flying and from within appeared the muzzles of two long
the roof tiled and constructed after the Cochin Chinese fashion supported by fine wooden pillars the back part wainscotted; against this
was placed the throne which rose two or three steps above the floor
of the apartment, and upon the eminence stood an arm-chair, painted
red and ornamented with the gilded heads of dragons, in which the
King sat, having before him a small table covered with a red silk
cushion wrought with gold flowers for him to lean on. On each
side of the throne was also placed a chair. In one was seated his
brother who was then absent at Donai. Several rows of benches were
behind these, and upon them were seated the Mandarines according
to their rank. The King was clothed in a robe of silk of a deep
yellow upon which dragons and other figures were wrought in gold;
upon his head he wore a kind of close cap turned up behind, the
front ornamented with some jewels and on the top of it was a large
red stone through which passed a wire raising it a few inches. It
shook and sparkled as he moved himself. The Mandarines were
dragons and their caps with flowers of gold or gilt. Round their
waists they wore girdles some of which were covered with scarlet
broad cloth fastened with clasps of gold and decorated with cornelian
stones set in the same metal. Upon the whole, the appearance was
a fine one, and, altho' the scene wanted many of the requisites which
constitute grandeur and magnificance amongst other Eastern Princes, as
a profusion of jewels, carpets attendants & c., the regularity and decorum
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Alastair Lamb
telling him that "I was a servant to the English Government in Bengal
from whence I had been deputed to settle a commercial and friendly
fame of the English exploits at sea had reached him and that he had
heard they exceeded all other nations in the number of their ships
use of the advantage, for he had also been informed that they indis-
his ports and hoped that they in return would not molest his gallies,
boats, or other vessels." I replied "that the first part of his information
respecting the power of the English by sea was strictly true but the
latter was absolutely false and must have been insinuated to him by
those who were jealous of our prosperity and wished to give him an
unfavourable and unjust opinion of us; that the English were at the
present time at peace with all foreign nations and that their ships
resorted to almost all the parts in the known world where their
merchants were renowned for their probity and the fairness of their
did. Upon this I begged leave to observe that the English would
be ready to pay all the just duties of his government, but as I had
been informed that the Portuguese and others trading to Cochin
China were subjected to many obstructions and delays in carrying
on their business (by reason of these duties being undefined which
After he had taken a short time to consult with the Mandarines about
him, he replied that he had considered my representation and to show
how willing he was to settle everything to our satisfaction he proposed
that every three masted vessel for the liberty of trading a whole season
in Cochin China should pay 10,000 quans (they allowed us five quans
for a Spanish Dollar); that large two masted ones should pay seven
"these were large sums which I was afraid would deter any merchants
desired to know whether and upon what terms I would assist him
42
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with the vessels I had under my orders against his enemies. I told
was the residence of his family, the one we left being entirely appropriated to the assembling of the Council, receiving Ambassadors and
to other public services. Round it was a bamboo fence through which
he would never exact it from them but would show them every
with the whole peninsula as far as Siam, and the Provinces belonging
to Cochin China to the north now in the hands of the Tonquinese. To
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Alastair Lamb
pointed ears. After being treated with tea and beetle we took our
leave. In the evening he sent me three papers; one, sealed with the
great seal of the Kingdom, set both the conditions upon which English
ships were to trade to his dominions and his desire of having some
person sent to him capable of instructing his subjects in the military
science; the other two were sealed with a smaller seal, one described
the horse & c., the other contained his licence for visiting any of his
Before we set out I sent a message to the King to acquaint him that as
most willingly. We reached Quinion the same day ( the 26th July)
and in two days after sailed for Turon. Our poor Mandarine, and
our safe return. Upon the road coming from the Court we were
passed by his Majesty who was going, on account of some bad news
from his fleet at Donai, to perform a sacrifice at a Temple situated in
the Bay our vessels lay in. He traveled in one of the net palanquins I
in a covered boat attended by five or six gallies and about two hundred
men. The ceremony I was informed chiefly consisted in bowing his
head to the ground before the idols and sacrificing a buffalo; I made
application to be present at it, but it did not succeed.
One might be led to imagine from the conversation I had with this
rebel that he was possessed of resources in some degree adequate to his
ambition, and that amongst the nations around him he might blaze
into a meteor as baneful and as transitory as a Nadir .50 In the rise
of their fortunes there may be traced a remarkable concurrence of
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They are all low illiterate men chosen from amongst the inhabitants of
his native village of Tyson who, as soon as they have got into power,
have been remarkable only for their perfidy, cruelty and extortion, and
raised them. Famine and its attendant pestilence have distroyed one
half of the inhabitants of the country. Shocking are the accounts of
the methods taken by the remainder to preserve a miserable existence.
At Hue, the Capital, though in possession of the Tonquinese and better
supplied than any other place, human flesh was publicly sold in the
market. The country is almost drained of gold and silver*, part, on
45
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Alastair Lamb
rout his whole army. His marine force, consisting of a few gallies
and three or four junks seized from the Chinese, is almost as despicable,
and in this his main dependence. He met with a severe loss which I
was in the country by the secession of one half of it on a dispute
arising between his brother and one of the principal commanders
under him.
proper place.
executing the projects he mentioned at our conference. I rather conclude while the Tonquinese possess the finest provinces to the northward, with an old claim to the whole country*, and his attempts are
baffled upon Donai, that he has more reason to dread the loss of his
* After the great revolution which made the Tartars master of the Empire of
China, the western provinces threw off their allegiance and were formed into
colony from thence about the beginning, of the 15th century possessed
themselves of Cochin China, having driven the original inhabitants back to
the mountains, and after long and bloody struggles with the Tonquinese, who
still consider them as rebels, became independent.
Vietnamese at the expense of the Chams. The Vietnamese crossed the Col
des Nuages into Quang-nam Province in the 15th century, and thereafter
moved steadily down towards the Mekong delta. The process is well
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conquests.
Pulo Canton, and between thirty and forty minutes north of this
another named Pulo Campella. The latter possesses a convenient
place for ships to anchor in and other advantages, which induced the
French some years ago to send a vessel with a letter from the King,
Turon.
four Macao vessels; a few days after they were joined by another.
There had also been a small Spanish snow trading upon the coast
this season. The Portuguese of Macao buy up the refuse of the
Canton market, after the departure of the Europe and India ships,
but this year they complained much of their losses and of the
impositions they had suffered. Having obtained the permission of
the Mandarine, I hired a tolerable house in the village of Turon.
It is built upon the banks of a river falling into the harbour to the
Faifo. There had been several large and good houses here, but
most of them were destroyed in the troubles. The banks of the
river were cultivated with rice, brinjalls,50b and some sweet potatoes.
The country farther back seemed entirely neglected, covered, however,
in several places with groves of oranges, limes, jacks, plantains, and
When I had been here three or four days the Mandarine who governs
the Province of Cham on the part of Ignaac came down the river
attended by four gallies rowing between forty and fifty oars each, and
landed at a house on the opposite side to where I lived. The same day
he sent to know when he should wait on me. I chose, however, to be
first to make this compliment and crossed the river in one of his
to him the passport I had received from the King, which he respectfully stood up to hear read, and then welcomed me to Turon. This was
the Mandarine with whom the dispute had happened the preceding
year; I begged therefore he would inform me how it had arisen and
the cause of his severity to the people who had fallen into his hands.
He replied that the commander of the English ship had been prevailed
on by some Mandarines of the former government then in arms at
Turon to assist them with men and arms, and that the ships boat
50b. Brinjall or Brinjaul is the egg-plant. Yule, Burnell, op. cit., pp. 86-87.
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being sent up the river with them had been attacked by his people and
taken; that some of the crew were killed, some jumped into the river,
and were drowned, and some fled to the woods where they perished
with hunger. He then gave me a licence for trading, strictly enjoining
all persons to pay for what they purchased, and in no wise to molest
or ill treat us or our attendants upon pain of being severely punished.
The misfortune was we could not find anybody capable of purchasing
and bury us under its ruins; returning by day we found this place
really curious. It was a large mountain of white marble situated
on a low plain close to the water-side unconnected with any of the
distant hills. We could perceive several cracks and holes in the body
of the mountain and round it were lying some vast fragments which
we concluded to have been separated from it. The eye in wandering
over it presented the fancy with the ideas of pillars, houses, towers
& c., near it were a few huts inhabited by stone cutters. I did not
see any other specimens of their ingenuity than pestles and mortars of
different sizes; probably the marble was formerly applied to a more
paved with flat stone and well built brick houses on each side. But,
alas, there was now little more remaining than the outward walls
within which, in a few places, you might behold a wretch who formerly
standing was a wooden bridge built upon piles over a narrow arm
of the river with a tiled roof. The temples and their wooden gods
set out for the Mandarine's residence which I reached in about five
hours. The course of the river from Turon to Faifo was a little to
the eastward of south. It now seemed to spread all over the country
in a great numbef of branches. Near his house was a very populous
village where I procured some pineapples and jacks [jack-fruit] both
excellent in their kind. Over the river in this place, about fifty yards
broad, was a floating bridge of bamboo hurdles. Here I was obliged
to leave the galley and proceed by land in my net for about two
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into the ground intermixed with bamboos growing, and for some
distance round it short pointed bamboos were driven obliquely into
the ground as if designed to keep off cavalry. Several good chevaux
de frise were lying about in different places. The house was spacious,
partly consisting of brick and partly of thatch and bamboo. He was
almost as well attended as his master Ignaac ; several of his people were
well dressed and had swords in their hands, the hilts and scabbards
was a certain distant relation of the royal family who lived in disguise
in that part of Cochin China possessed by the Tonquinese with whom
send him a pressing invitation to come and reside under his protection
with his family and dependants, not only assuring him of personal
security, but promising him his friendship. The poor man, deceived
by these specious professions of personal regard, set out with his wife,
would conduct him to a house he had prepared for his reception, but
gallies to meet the family who were on their way up to town and as
soon as he had reached their boat he instantly caused the women and
children to be bound together and thrown into the river, seizing all
that they had brought with them for his own use. I was afterwards
assured that I ran the greatest risk in trusting myself in the power of
this man who no further obeyed the orders of Ignaac than they answered
for the King having desired to have some articles which were in the
the King had done so, but said if he made any purchases they would
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Alastair Lamb
had not been received when he came away, nor had the Mandarine
very small depth of water upon the bar of Hue river, I proposed to
the Commander of the Jenny to go in his vessel, which might give
him an opportunity of disposing of his investment. He consented, and
leaving the Amazon in Turon Bay I embarked with Mr. Bayard the
eighteenth of August. The Doctor was so good as to remain with
Captain Maclennan who was dangerously ill. I prevailed with some
strong a relish for the European manner of living, that the utmost of
possessions. I was informed that grapes grew wild in the hills which
surrounded this Bay, but I never saw any myself. In the country here
I was met by my writer accompanied by a Mandarine with an answer
to my letter containing the permission of the Viceroy to proceed to
Hue, and to bring the vessel into the river if we found it practicable,
them to become masters of the country. The hook was too unskil-
fully covered for the bait to allure. I utterly and entirely disclaimed
any such intention. When we came to the entrance of the river, the
Mandarine stationed there came on board in a galley with a number
of soldiers and undertook to pilot the vessel in. She was, however,
51. Cape Choumay, half way between the Bay of Tourane and the mouth of
the Hu River.
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run aground and remained so in some danger until the following night
the tide rose here about six feet.
It was two days after the vessel anchored within the mouth of the
decided to see what presents I designed for the Viceroy and what for
advised me as a friend to reserve the best articles for the latter, giving
as a reason that the Viceroy was a good man who really meant to be
a friend to us, but that the favour of the General who was an Eunuch
and of bad character, was only to be purchased by sacrificing to his
offered the most costly perfumes to the evil being, while they totally
disregarded the supreme and benevolent one. He allowed the comparison to be just and supported the principle they acted upon. 1
referring here.
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the ground; beyond these was a ditch, eight feet wide and as many in
depth, fenced with bamboos growing which was succeeded by another
space with pointed ones driven in the ground, and the whole encompassed by a low checkered bamboo rail. The ground within the fort
was divided by a number of brick walls meeting at right angles and
granaries, quarters for the soldiers, stables for elephants and horses.
The whole was much out of repair, the gates of communication were
mostly down and the walls falling.
mats spread upon the floor with hard cushions, great silken lanthorns
painted in different colours suspended from the roofs, with some frames
extended between one of the pillars and the wainscot of the inner
apartments. He was a venerable old man about sixty years of age,
with a thin silver beard, of most engaging manners. His dress was
plain and simple like the rest of the Tonquinese, consisting of a loose
gown of black glazed linen with large sleeves, a black silk cap on his
head stiffened into a particular form, and sandals on his feet. The
cordiality which he received us with, and to the last apparently
made use of to Ignaac , adding that the high character given of his own
personal virtues and the lenity and humanity I had heard the
under to him, and that I would study to deserve so high a mark of his
favor. I then requested he would receive the present I had brought as
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those of other Europeans that had hitherto fallen under his notice.
He desired the linguist to assure me of a hearty welcome at the seat
intercourse with his nation, and would promote it all in his power. To
the other parts of our dress, frequently apologising for his curiosity.
The evening was now approaching, and we had been with him some
being set before us it was covered with a number of basins and saucers
containing fowls mixed with a few vegetables and a little salt and
water, pork and buffalo, beef cut into small thin slices, fish stewed
with soy and onions, several fish sauces - some not unlike anchovie
in flavour, plain boiled rice, and rice moistened with the broth of
pointed bamboos to be given us, and, with these we did pretty well.
A desert of fruits and China sweetmeats was afterwards served up,
tea was made for our drink and when we asked for water, it was
brought, warm and sweetened with sugar. We were desired to taste
table was spread before the Viceroy. He desired all our attendants
to be called, for every one of whom a mat was brought to sit on.
Viceroy and his attendants by the keenness of his appetite and the
unaffected relish he appeared to have for the Tonquinese brandy in
which we begged leave with great submission to drink towards their
honour's good health.
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area fronting the verandah where some figures of soldiers were placed
in ranks. These the elephants attacked with great fury, seized them
with their trunks, loosed them in the air and stamped them under their
matchlocks which had swivels and three-legged stands to fire them on.
invitation for passing the approaching winter under his protection where
informed that it had been the Council house in the time of the Kings.
* This title signifies Commander of the fleet.
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The most adequate idea of the external appearance of the best dwelling
houses in Cochin China as well as of the Temples of their Gods may
Half an hour elapsed ere we were ushered into a large hall. The
roofs were finally arched with planks and supported by wooden
pillars about thirty feet in height. We seated ourselves upon some
chairs placed for us before a rattan screen from behind which a shrill
voice called our attention to the object of our visit. He did not
however become visible till the common questions were passed and I
had acquainted him with the reasons of my coming to Cochin China.
The screen was then turned up and a glimmering light diffused from
a small waxen taper, disclosed to our view, not the delicate form of
a woman the sound had conveyed the idea of, but that of a monster
disgustful and horrible to behold. He was sitting in a kind of boarded
shrine in form like a clothes press. I can be no judge of his height as
I never saw him standing, but I believe he was short of stature. This
was, however, amply made up to him in bulk and, I may venture to
affirm he measured an ell over the shoulders. Great flaps hung down
from his cheeks like the dewlaps of an ox, and his little twinkling
eyes were scarcely to be discerned for the fat folds which formed deep
recesses around them. Tho' I had said every handsome thing that
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Alastair Lamb
truth. It was that so good a police was observed there that a traveller
might lie down to sleep under a tree with his purse exposed by his
lists of the cargo of the Jenny and after having adjusted the prices of
the different articles she brought, they from time to time sent written
orders to the Commander and myself for such as they stood in need
of. Iron, copper, lead, hardware, glass, Bengal and Madras cloths,
small quantities of each, but the whole together amounting to a
considerable sum, were delivered on these requisitions without
presents but all inadequate to satisfying his rapacity. The latter end
of September the rains were so heavy and the floods came down with
so much violence from the mountains that almost the whole town was
rushing of the water through the streets and the cries of the people
the morning great numbers of boats were passing the streets and small
ones even entering the houses. The floor of the house I was in was
a foot under water; fortunately our beds were placed in the small
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house. Attention to our health obliged me to be urgent with Ong-ta hia for his consent to remove to a drier habitation, and the application
appearance, for we had been gone but two or three days when a young
man, who with his father served me as linguists, came and complained
his hand and foamed at the mouth like a madman. I desired to know
the reason of his behaving so, but he was too much agitated to
acquaint me, and retired. I then applied to some of the Chinese.
They told me that the Frenchman had some trifling dispute with a
woman in the bazar that sold eggs, who had made a complaint to
Ong-ta-hia, and, they believed, his having taken a larger dose of opium
than usual, was the cause of his behaving in this outrageous manner.
The Doctor and myself released the prisoners without any opposition
The following day two Mandarines arrived and entered upon the
he was sorry it was not in his power to act as he wished, but hoped
we should meet with no more such disagreeable occurrences, desired we
would have no further connection with Ong-ta-hia and that he and
his colleagues would appoint another person to transact our business.
The Eunuch was not so civil; he hardly vouchsafed me an answer to
what I said; gave orders for some more goods being sent him and
the villain counterfeited frenzy, got upon the roof of his house and
hurled the tiles upon the passengers in the streets and acted a number
complete the comedy. The Magicians were sent to consult with : they
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had gotten possession of him, but had great hopes of being able to
oblige him to quit his hold. The exorcists began by illuminating the
house with a number of candles placed before their idols. This was
town and lost our money about the commencement of the above
disagreeable affair. I received a letter from Captain Maclennan
acquainting me that the bad state of his health had led him to resolve
on bringing up the vessel to the mouth of the river that he might
land and try the benefit of a change of air. I was accordingly sorry
against the Captain for any consequence that might arise from so
impudent an action.
was made for ginseng alone. This drug is held in the highest estimation
in China and the adjacent countries and accounted a sovereign remedy
for almost all curable disorders. In mortal ones they say it will detain
the fleeting spirit of life beyond the prescribed limit and even preserve a
kind of general warmth in the body long after it has taken its flight. Our
lay the corpse on, and a number of Christians to carry it. The coffins
are made here of very thick plank, so compactly joined and lined on
both sides with oiled paper, that it is a common practice with the
and the whole of the same size from the head to the foot. The
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October was fixed for the funeral, and having invited the Portuguese,
but, as his demands were complied with, they forebore any act of
hostility. The behaviour of the Chinese had latterly been very
suspicious. On my first arrival, supposing I was come with a force
to avenge the wrongs done to the English ship the year before by the
Mandarine commanding at Turon, they seemed to vie with each other
in showing me civilities, and the principal people amongst them made
me repeated offers to raise a body of their countrymen to support my
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Alastair Lamb
her up for firewood. For the former there were no grounds whatever,
for the latter, no other than the Lascars having picked up a few old
planks that had floated down with the tide. My house was continually
filled with Mandarines sent to hear and adjust these complaints, from
whence there was no other means of dislodging them than by presents;
and this, in the end, only proved an inducement to fresh parties to
afraid our little vessel would soon prove incapable of answering the
drafts we daily made on her. The monsoon beat with great violence
we brought from Bengal left her and retired amongst some of his
relations who lived in disguise at a distance from the town. The
dangers he would have been exposed to by a discovery would not
but his servants daily came with inquiries after my health and
continued to receive the strongest proofs of the gratitude and attachment of this poor man, and it will presently appear that myself and
those with me were indebted to him for the preservation of our lives.
As soon as I removed to another house he made me a visit. Although
we had not been a long time separated, the most lively emotions of
remained in Hue I had two or three more interviews with him and
several with some other relations of the late King and Officers of
his Government who, like him, were necessitated to pass their time
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passage down the coast to Donai where they said the King had still
a party in arms, and some urged me to permit them to accompany
me to Bengal. To the former place I promised to conduct two
young ladies, the King's sisters, and their uncle, but my precipitate
retreat deprived me of the pleasure of their company.
From the beginning of October I had received frequent hints from
persons.
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Alastair Lamb
country boat I kept in pay, Mr. Totty and myself with three or four
Bengal servants and some Cochin China rowers left the town between
eight and nine in the morning, and fortunately reached the vessel at
noon.
a precipitate retreat for the same reason. They added that a little
before they left town a Tonquinese of the Eunuch's family came privately to them and offered for a sum of money to disclose some intelligence which intimately concerned the English, and that, having bribed
him with two ingots of silver and some pieces of cloth, he declared
to them that it had been resolved in council to seize me and to make
themselves masters of the vessel. All hands joined in putting our little
bark in the best state of defence she would admit of. Our force consisted of the Captain and a Mate, one English sailor, two Frenchmen,
two Portuguese and twelve or thirteen Lascars which with myself, the
Doctor, my writer and our servants, amounted to about thirty persons.
Most of my Cochin Chinese servants also remained with the vessel,
which was armed with seven or eight old and very bad two pounders
for which we had scarce any shot, two swivels, some wall pieces and
twelve muskets.
that they had even formed a design of doing me an injury; that although
belonging to them unless they began in which case I was not afraid of
them". Nothing occurred the next day.
The 12th, the look-out Mandarine sent off a boat with his compliments, desiring permission to bring a friend on board who wished
much to see the vessel. I returned for answer that I should be happy
to receive them. When they came they told me they were ordered
by the principal Mandarines to assure me of their friendship and of
the falsity of the reports I had heard. This they did with a profusion
of compliments. The person who accompanied the Mandarine was an
aged man and very particularly examined the vessel. It was conjectured
afterwards that this was the person appointed to conduct the attack
on us.
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to settle matters or to learn what was going on. I also gave him
seize the opportunity which their attention to their plunder gave him
of retreating to his boat and returning to the vessel. In the course of
this day we observed some gallies and large boats come from town
which brought to at a little distance above where we lay. We afterwards learnt that they were laden with guns and stores. These they
carried over a neck of sand forming one shore at the entrance of the
down with the tide upon the vessel, as if with the intention of boarding
us, for that on being hailed and desired to keep clear of us no answer
was returned, nor did they make any other use of their oars than to
brought from town by my writer, and were yet more terrified at the
this purpose, I ordered two little jolly boats to be manned and armed
and sent them to board the gallies, furnishing them with two or three
hand grenades each, which I directed them to throw into the gallies
before they attempted to board them. This precaution proved highly
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necessary, for although great numbers had already deserted them and
not a man appeared on their decks, yet on the bursting of the handgrenades thirty or forty more jumped overboard from each of them
and swam to the shore. Our people with the aid of some Cochin
Chinese then towed them off as well as five others which were lying
gale of wind, as she lay astern of our vessel. The largest of these
gallies was about fifty feet long and ten or twelve broad, the head and
stern sharping off to a point; they were armed with spears from fifteen
to twenty feet in length and matchlocks some of which had large bores
and turned upon swivels, with great quantities of powder and balls
made up in bamboo cartridges.
who had formerly been linguist to the Dutch Company when they traded
returned.
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experienced and how nearly the vessi was lost in crossing it in the
finest weather, assisted by the people of the country and the boats
belonging to the Chinese junks. For these considerations I resolved to
however, who were the bearers of these messages and letters, as regularly
that nothing but the badness of the weather, which had rendered useless
four large fire floats the Tonquinese had constructed to burn our vessel,
if they should find themselves unable to master us by any other means,
had for some days retarded an attack being made on us. We also
learned, from Cochin Chinese boats that frequently stole off to the
vessel to dispose of fruit, that a number of guns were carried down
to erect batteries which would incommode us when we attempted to
cross the bar, and that should we touch the ground, as they expected,
our destruction was deemed inevitable.
broke across the mouth of the river. We had not been long in this
gave them but little interruption. At six o'clock in the afternoon three
or four guns began to play upon us, which continued till it was dark.
One shot only struck the vessel. A little before they began to fire at
us we perceived a boat in the offing. Shortly after, she came on board
the two guns and shot I had written for and a letter from the Captain
of the Amazon informing me that he had sent up his boat with three
when they were in the offing, the Amazon's boat was in sight. From
the dismal account given us of the surf they had passed through and
the approach of night, we were exceedingly anxious for her safety.
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In the night I was awakened by some shocks I conceived occasioned by the vessel striking the ground. I immediately started up
and went upon the deck. lbe scene which then presented itself was
dismal to the last degree. The heavy swell having driven the vessel
from her anchor, she was then thumping her bottom upon a hard
sand. Not a single person was keeping watch. The Captain and her
mate overcome with fatigue were both asleep, the lascars and the rest
of the ship's company, to shelter themselves from the rain, were all
in the hold. To add to our distress, during the confusion the country
boat upon which our ultimate hopes were placed for preserving our
lives in case of an accident to the vessel, broke loose with two of our
low water: when the tide rose we got off without damage.
The twenty fifth. At day break the Tonquinese, having completed
their batteries in the night, fired briskly at us. Their shots mostly flew
high and the damage they did was chiefly in our rigging. A few
struck the hull and one wounded a Frenchman in the foot. We returned their fire with very little effect. Having seen nothing of the
Amazon boat, we gave her up for lost. The wind blew very fresh
from the N.E.; we anxiously waited for a little change to attempt our
escape.
the only English sailor we had on board. The spirits of our people,
greatest violence, and no sooner had she entered it than she disappeared.
The deepest consternation immediately became visible in the countenances of all on board our vessel. Unable to afford them any assistance
we concluded the whole boat's crew must perish. The Tonquinese, to
express their joy at the accident that had befallen us, fired at us with
redoubled fury. Regardless of the danger, every eye on board appeared
fixed with melancholy steadfastness on the place the boat overset. In
soon as they were provided with clothes and their spirits revived with
some warm wine, they informed me that a Dutchman was drowned in
the surf, that they supposed some of the lascars gained the shore
towards which they themselves first swam but turned about and determined to endeavour to reach the vessel on the Tonquinese with wanton
cruelty firing at them with small arms.
In the evening part of the cargo was thrown overboard to lighten
the vessel.
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The twenty seventh [of November ]. All our fore topmast rigging
was shot away with two of the fore shrouds, and one shot struck the
vessel between wind and water. The damage done by the latter was
The twenty eighth . Things become still more serious and the
one anchor only which she was riding by remained, that could be
depended on. In short, it was more than probable fom the number
of guns now brought against us, that by the next evening she would
either be totally destroyed, or so shattered as would entirely preclude
us from any chance of escaping. I therefore earnestly conjured our
Captain, and every other person on board I thought capable, seriously
to give their attention to the forming of some expedient for our deliver-
fire floats which the high swell and rough sea we lay in prevented
an accommodation.
wind changed and at half an hour past nine o'clock was at W.S.W.
The Captain then acquainted me it was possible to get out, and was for
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making the experiment. Our anchor, was accordingly weighed and our
sixty yards wide. At one time the vessel's head was close upon the
breakers of the sea reef when our sails were most fortunately taken
aback. At half past ten o'clock we crossed the bar. The Tonquinese
then perceived that we were giving them the slip and kept up a brisk
fire at us till long after we were beyond the reach of their guns; but
the darkness of the night prevented their taking good aim and not a
shot struck us. Th wind continued favourable the whole night and
the next day at eleven o'clock in the forenoon we anchored in Turon
Bay.
As it was thought that the season would now admit of our proceeding to the southward I resolved to make my stay here no longer
than would allow the Jenny to repair her damages, intending to call
at Quinion for the present Ignaac had promised to send to Bengal, and
from thence to take a pilot to conduct us to Donai. In the interim I
expected our Mandarine, with some of his friends from Hu, would
contrive to join us. But I apprehend they must either have found it
impossible to escape the vigilance of the Tonquinese or been prevented
by the extreme badness of the weather, as I never after heard of them.
The Commander of the Amazon having informed that during my
absence two Europeans, a Frenchman and a Dutchman, had run away,
I despatched my writer to the Mandarine at Faifo requesting him to
return them and a small Malay prow they had gone off in. I likewise
directed him to acquaint the Mandarine of the behaviour of the Tonquinese and what had happened in consequence.
My messenger returned the fifth of December. He informed me
that the Mandarine expressed himself highly pleased on his recounting
to him our disputes with the Tonquinese and that he offered in case
it should be our intention to attack them to assist us with his whole
force by sea and land. In regard to the two deserters, he acknowledged
they had been with him, and proposed to him if he would furnish them
with five or six of his gallies to seize both our vessels; he promisi to
search for them and send them down. I afterwards was at a great deal
of pains to recover these villains, but without effect. One probable
opportunity that presented itself I lament letting escape me which was
not detaining two Mandarines with their attendants who came on board
to make a bargain for delivering them up.
A Portuguese merchant who accompanied my writer as an interpreter acquainted me that while they were at Faifo they were privately
wishes that the English would come and assume the government of the
country, assuring them that all the natives would joyfully and instantly
submit to them as soon as a force capable of protecting them should
appear. As an inducement to this they set forth the former flourishing
state of the country, the valuable commodities it produced, the various
manufactures (now almost lost) it excelled in, and the extensive trade
it carried on. They concluded with saying that the arrival of the
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English had inspired them with hopes which they trusted they should
not be disappointed in, and requested that I might be made acquainted
with them.
missed him thinking it not worth the trouble to concern myself further
roads. Sailed from thence the eighth [of January] and arrived at
(B)
chapman's report
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The Kingdom is divided into twelve provinces all lying upon the
sea coast and succeeding each other from north to south in the following
order:
Ding-oie
or
the
Cham
Court
...
Cong-nai
Quinion
Phu-yen
...,
Bing-thoan or Champa
Donai
few of the provinces extend further than a degree from east to west,
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of wax, honey and ivory. For some years past the communication
between the hills and the low lands has been entirely cut off.
The animals of Cochin China are bullocks, goats, swine and buffaloes, elephants, camels and horses. In the woods are found the wild
bear, tiger and Rhinoceros with plenty of deer. The poultry is excellent and the fish caught on the coast abundant and delicious. The flesh
of the elephant which I never heard that any other nation thought eatable is accounted a great dainty by the Cochin Chinese, and when the
King or the Viceroy of a province kills one, pieces are sent about to
the principal Mandarines as a most acceptable present. The breeding
of bullocks is little attended to, their flesh is not esteemed as food and
they are made no use of in tilling the land which is performed by
buffaloes. As for milking their cattle, they are totally unacquainted
with the art strange as this may appear to us who have been accustomed to find the most savage nations we have discovered depending
for a considerable part of their food on the milk of their cattle and
flocks, yet I am inclined to think that the use of it was formerly unknown amongst the nations from the Straits of Malacca eastward: the
Malays make no use of milk, the Chinese very little; amongst the latter
it was probably introduced by the Tartars.
The aborigines of Cochin China are called Moyes and are the
54. Aguila and Calambao woods. An aromatic wood found in various parts
of eastern India and S. E. Asia. It is sometimes called eagle-wood or
aloes-wood. By Calambao is meant Calambac, a word which Crawfurd
deriveis from the Javanese kalambac, and which refers to the finest grade
Brazil-wood. Used for making dyes. See: Yule, Burnell, op. cit., p. 600;
Crawfurd, Dictionary, op. cit., p. 376.
71
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Alastair Lamb
for the liberty of bringing down the produce of their hills and bartering
it for such commodities as they stood in need of. They are a savage
people, very black and resemble in their features the Caffries.56
Monsieur Le Gai,57 a Frenchman who was in Cochin China in the
year one thousand seven hundred and twenty, mentions another race
of people distinct from the Cochin Chinese, who inhabit the province
I did not find that there are now any people distinguished by that name,
and I never met with a musselman in the country.
It was about the year One thousand two hundred and eighty of the
Christian era that the first Tarter prince became possessed of the Throne
provinces bordering on the sea to throw off their dpendance and they
wars they were engaged in with the Tonquinese, who considered them
as rebels, about one hundred and fifty years ago made the Cochin
Chinese build a wall, on the southern extremity of the province of
Ding-noi to prevent the irruptions of the Tonquinese.59 Every communication by sea was forbidden under the severest penalties. Long wars
and mutual jealousies have rendered the Tonquinese and Cochin Chinese
hundred and sixty four when the Indiaman was in Cochin China,60 the
55. The Moi people, a generic term for the Indochinese aboriginies.
officers of this ship visited Binh-thuan, where a vestige of the ancient Cham
59. The wall of Dong-hoi and the wall of Truong-duc were constructed by the
Nguyen early in the 17th century as a defense against attack by the Trinh.
They were situated not far to the north of Hu and they ran across the
narrow coastal plain between the mountains and the sea. See: Le Thanh
KJioi, op. cit., p. 246; Le Mur de Dong-hoi, by M. L. Cadire. BEFEO VI
60. See pp. 78~7it below for the account of the visit to Tourane of the Admiral
Pocock in 1764-65.
72
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abilities. Soon after her departure, his son, whose misfortunes and
fate I have briefly given an account of, in the foregoing narrative, succeeded to the throne and anarchy and confusion ensued.61
The Cochin Chinese bear evident marks of being derived from the
same stock as the Chinese. They resemble them in their features and
Their oral language, though different, appears formed upon the same
principles, and they use the same characters in writing. They are a
courteous, affable, inoffensive race, rather inclined to indolence. The
ladies are by far the most active sex. They usually do all the business
while their lazy lords sit upon their haunches smoking, chewing beetle
or sipping tea. Contrary to the custom in China they are not shut up,
and if unmarried a temporary connection with strangers who arrive in
the country is deemed no dishonour. Merchants often employ them
as their factors and brokers and it is said the firmest reliance may be
placed on their fidelity.
The habit of the men and women is cut after the same fashion
of rank and especially the ladies wear several of these gowns, one over
the other, the undermost reaches to the ground, the succeeding ones
are each shorter than the other, so that the display of the different
colours makes a gaudy appearance as they walk along.
Such are the few particulars relative to Cochin China that occur
to me as curious or interesting. It now only remains to show how a
connection with this country may prove beneficial to my own and to
conclude the subject.
The drain of specie from the Company's settlements in India is
become a matter of such serious import that I make no doubt any plan
which may be offered to remedy so growing an evil will be deemed
been paid for all sold the sum would have been much more considerable. The Rumbold the year before also brought bullion to considerable amount. This money was received on account of sales of Bengal
61. Chapman is surprisingly well informed on the history of Vietnam, and his
historical comments are far more reliable than those1 of Barrow whose
elaborate sketch of Vietnamese history is very confusing. (Barrow, op. cit.,
pp. 249-285).
In this passage Chapman refers first to the "march to the south" of the
Vietnamese which, between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, resulted
describes the long wars between the Nguyen and the Trinh, and he mentions
the wall of Dong-hoi, one of the two elaborate defensive works which the
Nguyen constructed north of Hu as a protection against Trinh attack.
Finally, he refers to the death of Vo-vuong and the succession of Dinhvuong in 1765, the year after the visit of the Admiral Pocock.
13
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Alastair Lamb
and Madras cloths, opium, iron, copper, lead, hardware and glass;
Malay Coast, the Philippines, Borneo, the Moluccas, & c., renders the
intercourse with all these countries short and easy. The commodious
harbours found on the coast, particularly that of Turon, afford a safe
retreat for ships of any burthen during the most tempestuous seasons
of the year.
drained the eastern and western worlds of their specie. The number of
junks annually resorting to Cochin China plainly proves how much the
productions of it are in demand amongst the Chinese. These productions, had we a settlement and a confirmed influence in the country,
might with ease be brought to center with us, purchased with the staples
of India and of Europe. Turon would become the emporium for them,
where our ships bound to Canton, from whence it is only five days sail,
might call and receive them. The quantity procurable it is impossible
latterly grown current that the Chinese are desirous of totally excluding
all Europeans from their country. May we not hazard a conjecture that
the vexations they oblige them to suffer are the premeditated schemes of
this politic people to effect it. Were such an event to happen the want
of a settlement to the eastward would be severely felt. The Chinese
would export their own commodities and Java or the Philippines as the
nearest ports would become the marts for them. As there is no reason
to suppose that our inability to procure them from the first hand would
hinder their consumption, we must buy them either from the Dutch
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China itself.
the Dutch.
respective countries and barter or sell them for such articles as they
wanted from Cochin China; amongst them it is probable a vent might
be found for quantities of Bengal cloths.
The lower class of people in Cochin China are, for the most part,
clothed in Cangos, a coarse cotton cloth brought from China, but the
preference which I had an opporunity of observing they gave to Bengal
cloths, on account of their being wider and cheaper, would soon induce
them to adopt the use of them.
The demand for opium, already in some measure become a necessity of life to the Chinese, would increase in proportion to the facility
of procuring it, the importation of it no longer confined to Canton, but
carried by the junks to every sea-port in the country would spread the
demand for this drug to the remotest parts of the Empire.
But what inspires the most flattering hopes from an establishment in
this country is its rich gold mines celebrated for ages as producing the
richest ore, so pure that the simple action of fire is said to be sufficient
to refine it. I omitted no opportunity of making enquiries respecting
this valuable article and was informed that mines were formed in different parts of the northern provinces, particularly in Hu, where the
ore lay so near the surface of the earth that it was dug up with little
labour, under the direction of a skilful metallurgist. What might not
be expected from such a source!
Great as the commercial advantages are, the political ones resulting
losing their passage to China, but from thence we might also intercept
the fleets of any hostile power either going to or returning from that
country. We should become formidable neighbours to the Dutch and
to the Spaniards and, in the event of a war with either of them, attack
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Alastair Lamb
lery and two hundred sepoys would be sufficient for this and every other
purpose; the natives of Cochin China are infinitely below the inhabitants
of Indostan in military knowledge. I have, however, no doubt that a
body of them, well disciplined and regularly paid, would prove faithful
to us, and contribute as much to the security of any possessions which
we might acquire to the eastward, as the Sepoys do to our territories in
India. In case of any distant expeditions they would be found superior,
being entirely free from all religious prejudices, and having no objection
to the sea.
execution.
(C)
chapman's return to bengal
blishment there.
76
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submit my narrative to them with the greatest deference, and hope they
am
etc.
authority of the ruling power of the place, has laid before us since his
return a narrative of his proceedings and observations on Cochin China
and Tonquin, a copy of which makes a number in the packet. We are
pleased with his conduct in this troublesome and perilous service, and
recommend his narrative of it and the observations which follow it as
deserving of your attention.
77
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Alastair Lamb
APPENDIX A.
one thousand seven hundred and sixty four and continued there five
months; from thence they went to Canton and carried with them soft
sugar and sugar candy which yielded them from twenty-five to thirty
thirteen miles up the river) they were very well treated by the inhabitants
dentally going off killed one of the natives which occasioned some
trouble to the Captain of the Pocock just before he left the place).
There is not the least danger to be apprehended from the natives as the
Pocock1 s men were dispersed about different parts of the country and
never any of them received any injury nor did the natives shew any
disposition to hurt them.
There is no foreign trade carried on except by the Chinese junks
from Canton; five or six of which annually come there in the months
of January and February for sugar and sugar candy which they carry
back in the months of July and August.
The Pocock lay in a fine Bay during their stay at Cochin China,
free from risk of winds or weather where they had fine anchoring
ground. There is no danger to be apprehended from the Chinese junks
nor from a sort of galley which belong to the Cochin Chinese; they are
pretty large with a good number of oars. It is however proper to be
on your guard to prevent any accident should any attempt be made.
The Pocock' s people never had the least reason to suspect any of the
showing their guns and having their arms always ready and occasionally
exercising some of their men upon deck and fired regularly an evening
and morning gun.
On the way up to the Faifo (the principal town) there are two
Custom houses where all boats stop. The passport from the ship is
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tf
1
?
s
ed
CQ
cd
<
>>
JO
>
'
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Dollars a pecul [or picul] for such sugar as we call in England the
Finest Lisbon. Their pecul is exactly two hundred pounds weight but
in the months of April, May and June sugar is to be bought at least
forty percent cheaper. Sugar candy of the best sort is about twenty-five
percent dearer than sugar. They make a sort of damask and a great
qantity of pilongs, which they sell considerably cheaper than at Canton.
Cotton is produced there much of the same kind as in China, but they
do not appear much acquainted with the manufacturing of it. They
have a cloth like dungaree but they seem ignorant in bleaching. There
are likewise great plenty of Aguila wood and of the finest timber, likewise birds nests which one sold very cheap. Silver is a scarce article
amongst them, but they have great plenty of gold in ingots. Silver may
be exchanged for gold upon every advantageous terms.
As Faifo is not the capital of the country, Captain Blomfield cannot
particularly describe what branches of trade and manufactures may be
carried on at and about the capital where the King resides which is three
days journey from Faifo. A great part of the inhabitants even at Faifo
appeared in silk dresses from which it is natural to infer there is great
plenty of that article produced in the country. There is a great appearance of plenty and riches amongst them.
It is very necessary to carry some presents for the King such as
gold and silver, muslim, kincobs,62 a few pieces of broadcloth, cheap
cutlery, glassware and a pair of glasses, some cordials and sweet wine;
as the King offered to grant Captain Riddle an exclusive trade to his
country we may expect the same indulgence by judicious management.
At our first setting out, some presents of inferior value will be necessary
for the Minister and Mandarines about his Majesty; some attention
must likewise be given to Padre Loreiro, a Portuguese Jesuit who has
long resided there and is a man of influence with his Majesty.
62. Kincobs. A gold brocade fabric. See: Yule, Burnell, op. cit., pp. 368-369.
79
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Alastair Lamb
appendix .
degrees forty minutes. N.W. from it about twenty-five leagues lies the
island Campello which you may go boldly in with the Chinese junks.
All come into Faifo River (which runs into Turon Bay) to the southward of Campello. But from all the intelligence I could gain from the
fishermen there is not above fourteen or fifteen feet water in that chan-
nel. In the Admiral Pocock we went into Turon Bay round the N.W.
end of a long crooked island that defends the Bay, which island lies
and quite clear of all danger. We lay within a cable and half's length
of a little round island which is not seen until you open the whole Bay,
not more than two stones throw in diameter. It is full of pineapples
and has a well of good water. Our cooper did all his work on this
little island. We might have lain three miles nearer Turon, the fishing
town at the entrance of Faifo River. The winds on that part of the
coast are variable all the year as indeed they are close in with most
lands, that is, I would be understood to mean that the periodical winds
lose their influence near the shore - I mention this that you may not be
the East, or perhaps the West. The crops are taken in about May.
When we first got there we found it near fiftv percent dearer (which was
first coming amongst them they entertained great notions of our wealth,
two new Spanish Dollars would have bought as much. The suar
candv was always about twenty-five percent dearer than the sugar. We
saw but little else they had to sell, except pilongs,63 sattins and Aguila
wood; thev showed us some birds nests, which they told us thev got
80
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want to buy any we enquired but little about them. The pilongs are
considerably cheaper than in China, and so are their damasks of which
they have much, but not very stout.
take your pass for Faifo, the Capital Town. This is obtained from a
little Mandarine stationed there, he must be frequently touched and
kept in good humour; whenever we failed sending a trifle, which we
usually did once or twice a week, he never failed reminding us by putting a stop to our daily supplies we received from Turon under some
pretence of ill behaviour in some of our people that went on shore.
There are boats come on board every morning, from Turon, with all
sorts of things to sell, and they usually remain till sunset. They distil
a spirit there from rice which by being sold extremely cheaply may pro-
mote much drunkeness in our ship. Boats that load from Faifo with
anything for the ship are obliged to obtain a pass there from a man in
office, whom they call a Quansi. He is a sort of Mandarine, and of a
much superior order to him at Turon. The people we purchased our
sugar from usually got the pass. The boats in their way down are
stopped, generally twice, to be examined. After we had been two
well it turned out. It is here, as in China, they have but one real
coin; it is exactly the same as the China cash but here they are called
Sappecas - all their other money is ideal. We heard of nothing but a
Quan which is equal to six hundred Sappecas; they used to give us five
hundred for a Spanish Dollar, and two hundred for a Rupee, but as our
silver grew scant, especially our dollars, they gave us more. When we
had been about two months among them they gave us six hundred
Sappecas for our Spanish Dollar, and at last they took two Rupees for
silver, of which they have but little-^- gold they have in abundance, it
was brought us in ingots of about four or five ounces. It seems they
have a great deal of gold dust in their rivers, but as all our views were
taken up with sugar, we gave ourselves but little trouble concerning
the gold - indeed, none of us knew the mode of buying gold. I have
no doubt but four Rupees would buy one of their peculs (which is two
hundredweight) of the very best sugar and six as much of their good
suear candv, provided thev did not discover vou had olentv of money.
64. Soolor = Sulu.
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CHAPTER IV.
CHINA, 1793
CHAPMAN'S the
CHAPMAN'S
political proposalsthe
statepolitical
of were Cochin
statenotofChinaCochin
followedChina
was up. too
wasdisturbed
too disturbed
It was clear andand
thatits
its
policy. Cochin China was remote from British territory, and the
arguments for an establishment there had to compete with proposals for
most probable that Indochina would have become a real base for
French rivalry with British India. Even in its failure the Treaty of
1787 provided a psychological basis for French intervention in Indo-
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that a victory of the Nguyen offered the best chance for the spread of
not only the champion of the Christian cause but also the ally of
France.
between a man who carries out all his whims and men bent
which must be met in going to take this prince and his suite,
and the far more considerable ones involved in transporting
troops and arms to wage war at one of the ends of the world,
cannot be borne by us who are at this moment lacking much
that is indispensable
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Alastair Lamb
will see clearly that by settling there one will obtain the
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These arguments held a far greater attraction for the Ministry than
3. The King of Cochin China agreed to cede to France "eventually" the absolute property in and sovereignty over "the island which
forms the principal port of Cochin China, called Hoi-nan and by the
Europeans Tour on ".
4. Apart from this island, the French would have the right to
found all the settlements which they might consider it desirable to
possess on the mainland.
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Alastair Lamb
proposed French settlements on Hoi -nan (which the English knew as the
Island of Callao) and Pulo Condore.68
While the French Ministry was prepared to negotiate this Treaty,
it was still in considerable doubt as to the wisdom of intervention in
left the final decision as to the sending of French aid to Nguyen Anh
China venture.
prise of Pigneau de Behaine, and the Treaty was to all intents and
Nguyen Anh must have been glad to discover that events had
turned out in this way. During Pigneau de Behaine's absence his
fortunes began to change for the better. In September 1788, with
Siamese support, he recaptured Saigon for the fourth and last time.
While the aid which Pigneau secured was still of great value, it no
longer offered the only hope of a Nguyen victory and it certainly did
not justify any longer the eventual cession to France of Vietnamese
who were able to bring something of European organisation and equip68. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 185-188.
86
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in the collapse of the Trinh the last chance for the revival of its
ancient power. In the summer of 1787 the two Tay-son leaders came
were taken over by Bui Dac Tuyen in the name of the young Quang
Toan. By this time the Tay-son had lost much of that popular support
which they enjoyed earlier in their history. The country was devastated
by continual war and the Tay-son rulers had abandoned many of those
altruistic principles which had made them so attractive to the peasantry
and the merchants in the 1770s.
which was then ruled through the Regent Bui Dac Tuyen. To the
Province, were the forces of Nguyen Anh and their small band of
French advisers. At the very moment when the British Ambassador
was going ashore at Tourane, the Nguyen army and navy were beginning an attack on Van-Nhac's capital, Qui-nhon, which, but for the
timely intervention of Bui Dac Tuyen and a Tonkinese army, would
have resulted in the complete reconquest of the southern Tay-son state.
87
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Alastair Lamb
before his death in 1792 Van-Hue had laid claim to Kwangtung and
Kwangsi Provinces - ; and it was unlikely that a British Embassy bent
on establishing closer relations with the Chinese Emperor would fish in
might have been in 1778; for by the time of Macartney's visit the
British had obtained in Penang most of those advantages which Chap-
Canton which limited trade to a single port and obliged British mer69. Morse, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 241.
88
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greatly increased prices for Chinese goods, especially tea. With the
Commutation Act of 1784, which drastically reduced the duties imposed
on the import of tea to England, the consumption of this commodity
there increased by over three hundred per cent; and the consequence
was a corresponding rise in the export of specie. It was felt that this
"drain of specie" could best be checked by the freeing of the conditions
of the China trade. The results hoped for were a reduction in the cost
89
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Alastair Lamb
girdle, of silver cordage, was also tied round their waists. Some of
dress.
50 Hogs
150 Ducks
Sunday 2nd. I went ashore in the forenoon and saw the town,
fruits. The surrounding country is flat, and very fertile: but the natives
seem to have little or no idea of cultivation, which would make it the
scene of extreme abundance. Their principal traffic seems to be with
their women, by consigning them, for a certain consideration, to the
society of Europeans who touch here. They have no coin, but a sort
of small caxee; and all their silver is in the form of long bars, or
wedges. The residence of the principal mandarin consists of a large
open range of bamboo huts, of a better form, and more elegant appear-
ance than the rest; containing several rooms of a tolerable size and
90
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and several of the officers of the Lion and the Hindostn , went on shore
actually mistaken. I also saw six large elephants, which had been
brought for the amusement of the mandarins: they appeared to be
perfectly innocent, were obedient to every command, and performed
many feats of unwieldly agility. These huge animals moved at the rate
Friday 7th. On this morning the sick were received on board the
ships from the station on shore.
Mr. Jackson, master of the Lion, went in the cutter to take soundings in the bay; but having gone up the mouth of the river Campella,
which rises about eighty miles up the country, and forms a confluence
with the river that discharges itself into Turon Bay, he inconsiderately
began to survey, and take plans of, the coast; but, in attempting to
execute this design, he, with the seven men who accompanied him,
were made prisoners by the natives, who seized the boat, and carried
them to the capital city of the kingdom.
This very disagreeable intelligence was communicated from the
shore by the mandarins, whose good offices were earnestly solicited by
Lord Macartney, and Sir Erasmus Gower, to obtain the return of these
men to the ship. Indeed, this unreflecting conduct of the master might,
as it was apprehended, be attended with consequences that would have
interrupted the course of the embassy; as the country of Cochin China
is tributary to the Chinese empire, and sends an annual Ambassador to
the court of Pekin; so that all this business might have been mis-
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Alastair Lmb
the Ambassador.
Bay
calls "Prime Minister" and who may well have been the Regent Bui
Dac Tuyen who was ruling during Quang Toan's minority, came down
from Hu to talk with the Ambassador. As the following extract from
Staunton shows, the Regent had good reasons to seek some sort of
alliance with the British, but Macartney resolved to keep himself free
from any commitment until he had seen the Chinese Emperor.
Overtures were made for the purchase of arms and ammunition; and it was easy to perceive that any assistance given to
the cause of the prince, then reigning at Turon, as well as at
the capital and northern parts of the kingdom, would have
been willingly purchased on any terms. His situation, indeed,
was verv far from being secure. Beside the province of Donai,
or southern part of Cochin-china, which had reverted to the
ancient family of its sovereigns, Quin-nong, or the middle
province of the kingdom, was in the hands of the late usurper
92
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Chinese, and then declared himself sovereign both of Tungquin and Cochin-china: intending to wrest, for his own use,
from his elder brother, whatever the latter still possessed of
the last-named kingdom, as well as whatever part had been
recovered by the lawful sovereign. This new usurper was an
able warrior, and had formed vast projects of conquest, even
of some Chinese provinces; he was one of those politicians to
whom all means are equally eligible that can contribute to their
successes. He died in the midst of them in September, 1792.
Of his sons he left the eldest, who was illegitimate, in the
government of Tung-quin. The youngest, who was his legitimate offspring by a Tung-quinese princess, was at Turon at the
time of his father's death. He instantly assumed the reins of
government, as lawful successor to his father, while his elder,
but illegitimate brother, retained, possession of Tung-quin, and
claimed a right to the whole of his father's conquests.72
The state of rebellion or civil warfare in Cochin-china had
begun upwards of twenty years before, in the course of which
so very many of the combatants were slain, the country was
so exhausted, and the surviving parties so balanced, that, at
this time, no considerable enterprize was undertaken by any
of them; tho' each was busy in preparing new plans for the
support of himself and the overthrow of his enemies. In the
mean time the people began, in some degree, to breathe; but
had the kingdom even been more settled, the Embassador did
not think it would have been proper to enter into any sort of
he had been entrusted for that kingdom, before he had delivered, in the first instance, those he had in charge for the
Emperor of China. His Excellency, therefore, determined to
confine himself to messages of compliment and respect, and
to a return of presents for those he had so seasonably receivd
for the use of the squadron. An uninterrupted communication was continued to be maintained with the people of Turon;
but not without some marks of mistrust, and consequent watch-
succeeded by his ten year old son Qu$ng Toan, whose uncle Bui Dac
Tuyen became Regent. Bui Dac TuyenV administration was harsh and
unpopular, and perhaps it was this fact, as heard through bad interpreters,
which gave rise to Staunton's story here.
73. Staunton, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 376-378.
93
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surveys, it would seem, the only available charts of this coast were
rough sketches prepared by members of the Admiral Pocock's crew in
1764.74 In the second place, the views of Chapman as to the potential
examined anew and found to have much to support them; always with
the proviso that political conditions were favourable, which they were
Callao, to seek for a further settlement near it, upon the main
one hundred and fifty tons burden, from the different ports of
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them.
beside the opening it would make for the sale of its own manufactures, among the people of the country, the British posses-
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Alastair Lamb
Appendix
parties.
for Cochinchina.
within four months, the sum of one million dollars; five hun-
Majesty to obey in all things, and in all places, the will of his
new ally.
On the other hand,
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of his territories.
Maybon points out that his version differs somewhat from the
official text, of which a summary has been given above. Its arrangement is not the same and it gives far higher figures for the quantity of
French aid than were in fact specified. On the other hand, as Maybon
also notes, Barrow's text agrees very closely with the version which has
been preserved in Vietnamese sources, and which probably represented
a preliminary draft of the proposed treaty as drawn up by Nguyen
Anh and Pigneau de Behaine.78
Where did Barrow obtain this text? His account gives no answer
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Perhaps Barrow's text came from this source. On the other hand, it is
possible that this version might have been communicated to the British
by someone in Pondichery at the time of Pigneau de Behaine's journey
from the moment he left Cochin China for Pondichery; Francis Light,
for example, sent to Bengal in January, 1786, a fairly full account of
Siamese sources.79
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Fig. 6. Chart of the Tourane region, from the survey made dur
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/';-=09
)(8*
=-0/']
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CHAPTER V.
(A)
BACKGROUND
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Malacca and the Gulf of Siam, and would give her a dominating position in the trade of China. In concert with the establishment in the Philippines, and with the government of
Manila, at the least provocation by the English the East of Asia
would be closed to them, and one could defy all the naval
Behaine.81
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as it now was under Nguyen Anh, than ever was the war torn country
which France might put the coming of peace which had been an
important consideration behind Symes's mission to Ava in 1802. As
Lord Wellesley, the Governor General of India, observed in his instructions to Symes:
French interest.84
The envoy selected was David Lance, who was about to go out to
Tonkin.85
(B)
DAVID LANCE DECIDES NOT TO CALL IN AT COCHIN CHINA.
Court of Ava in 1802, London 1955, p. 106. See also Hall's admirable introduction, pp. xxix-xxxv, which discusses the French question in
86. This document, like all the English documents relating to the Roberts
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a vessel built by the King [of Cochin China] and given by him to
Messrs. Abbott & Co.; that had the weather favoured him he should
exemption from all dues. He said that Mns. Barisy87 was dead and
that a ship, the Griffin , from Madras was daily expected on the coast
belonging to the house of Abbott & Co. to take away the proceeds of
200,000 dollars belonging to that house entrusted to the management
of Mns. Barisy; that we should get no intelligence of any kind in the
Bay [of St. James] and he conceived it would be at least four days
the Bay of St. James and from thence to Saygon from whence it
(C)
THE SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE SUPERCARGOES AT CANTON DEPUTE
ROBERTS TO COCHIN CHINA IN THE PLACE OF LANCE.
Barizy fell foul of the mandarins who had him sentenced to the cangue;
but he was soon freed and restored to favour. Later in that year he took
part in some of the final actions against the Tay-son leading to the capture
of Hu. He died in 1802. He was married to a Vietnamese, and one of
his daughters, Helne, became in 1817 the wife of J. B. Chaigneau.
Barizy was the Cochin Chinese agent of the Madras merchant house
of Abbot and Maitland which was doing a profitable business supplying the
Nguyen with armaments. (See: Taboulet, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 253-253.)
The Griffin was commanded by Captain Pureroy, whose trading on the
Cochin Chinese coast was to result in many arguments with the Government
of Gia Long which were destined to trouble both Roberts and Crawfurd.
Purefoy wrote an account of his experiences in Cochin China during the
years 1800-1807, a French translation of which, entitled Remarques sur la
Setember, 1826. For more about Purefoy, see pp. 133, 136 below.
102
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objects of his mission and the reasons for its postponement, and
announcing his intention to return later in the year. He then left the
Bay of St. James for Canton.
On his arrival at Canton in November, Lance found that his health
was such that he did not feel he could risk again exposing himself to
the humid heat of Indochina. He proposed, therefore, that his mission
should be entrusted to John William Roberts, one of the Supercargoes
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(D)
ROBERTS' INSTRUCTIONS
announced to him his mission and he will be prepared for the reception
of an Envoy from the Company. The accompanying letter will explain
the cause of Mr. Lance's not proceeding and will place you in every
91. I have been unable to find a copy of Lance's instructions, which are not
92. Dated: off Cape St. James, 9th September, 1803. This letter explained why
Lance had postponed his mission and announced that he intended to return
to Cochin China shortly.
104
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sequel to the present period - when we find the King not only in possession of his hereditary Dominions but of the whole Kingdom of Tonquin,
having at his command a victorious army of 300,000 men and a navy
hitherto unequalled by any native power in the East - a nominal feudatory to the Empire of China for the Tonquin Kingdom but in fact a
rival power and dangerous neighbour to that Empire, should discus-
join.94
Marchini's letters.95
93. Dalrymple's two memoirs are not, unfortunately, included in the collections
in Secret Consultations China, vol. 268. Dalrymple (see pp. 11, 15 above)
was much impressed by Cochin China as the potential site of a British
settlement. In his Oriental Repertory , 2 vols., London 1808, vol. 2, pp. 321322, under the heading " Some notes concerning the trade to China" and
written in 1790, he made the following observations on Cochin China:
it is obvious that the Chinese trade must lie under great
disadvantages, from the regulations under which it is necessarily
carried on: and it is equally certain that very great advantages
would have attended a settlement of our own, in the vicinity of
China, to which the Chinese junks from all the maritime ports of
that Empire could have freely come. The pamphlet I formerly
published on the proposed settlement at Balambangan has discussed
that matter at large; and although all circumstances considered I
know of no situation so admirably adapted for an Oriental emporium, considered with respect to China only I should prefer Cochin
China even to it : and as it is likely that the French in their present
confusion should abandon, if they have not already abandoned, that
enterprise, it would be very desirable to get possession of Turon,
which is a harbour formed by a high peninsula connected to the
continent by a long low isthmus, and consequently has a natural
capacity to be rendered impregnable, at a small expense; and this
peninsula is of sufficient extent for all necessary cultivation and
thither, never being out of sight of land and but a very little way
out of sight of their own coasts.
A depot in China, which was in contemplation, cannot answer
the desired purpose, because, supposing, what is by no means probable, that the Chinese Government would have allowed an
European fixed establishment in their country, the trade would be
carried out under the1 same restrictions as at present, and the vicinity
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Every account confirms the King's good will to our nation, and
desire of connecting himself with us; unfortunately his advances have
hitherto met with no encouragement; on the contrary by some unaccountable neglect, they have either been forgotten or slighted; and
in return for acts of hospitality and kindness he has been subject from
ignorance of our maritime regulations to losses by predatory war.
It appears that on the 20th of October, 1799, he addressed a letter
least there was no advice of them at the Office of the Board of Control.
have rendered his vessel subject to capture, by the right of our Maritime
Laws, you have little doubt on the affair being explained to the
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assure the King that we are convinced in case of necessity that the
us.
depot for that article as may be the case in the event of war with
99. Pigneau de Behaine's Treaty of Versailles of 1787. See pp. 85-86 above.
107
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of the Board of Control a few days before his departure, after expressing
prepare the King for the reception of an Envoy either immediately from
England, or from the Government of Bengal, and you will represent this
Mission as a circumstance intended to do him honour, and which you
doubt not he will consider in that light.
Should the King wish to send an Envoy to accompany you to the
Governor General, we would recommend you to encourage the proposal.
The splendour and magnificence of the capital of our flourishing Empire
in the East and the reception we doubt not he will receive from the
distinguished personage presiding there must make an impression highly
favourable of our national consequence and character.
As the King is the principal and almost the sole merchant in his
dominions, your commercial overtures must be made to him, and we
have little doubt that a most beneficial intercourse will be the result.
The commerce of Cochin China with the European nations before the
Revolution must have been of considerable extent, as both the French
and Dutch Companies sent their ships to Touron, and about a century
ago there was a large vent of woollens at Tonquin, now a part of that
Empire.
In 1770, on the commencement of the troubles, Mns. Poivre, since
Intendant at the Isle of France, was at Hui as Embassador from France,
and two of their large Company's ships, the Maunpas and Choiseul,
mums, sapari wood, aquila wood, gum lack and birds nests. As they
have hitherto been supplied with woolens either by ships touching at
their ports or from Macao from whence they must have come with an
accumulation of charges and duties, you will probably find the price
of that article very high, but as it is the liberal policy of our Hon'ble
Masters rather to look to national benefit by the extension of the sales
of our manufactures, than to their own particular advantage by a considerable profit on a limited vent, the same view should regulate your
conduct, and in the proposal you make for the delivery of our manufactures you should diminish the expected profit in proportion to the
?Ln in some mention bas been made in pp. 6-7 above, took place in
1749-50. I can find no reference to the Maunpas and the Choiseul:
108
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furnished with samples of all the woollens imported here by the Company, have sanguine hopes that a considerable portion of it will consist
at his Court, you will take the speediest mode of following him.
The term of your residence must be regulated by your own discretion; at that period when you conceive you have attained the object
of your mission you will proceed to Bengal, touching at Malacca or
Pulo Penang, leaving there with the Governor or Resident a packet for
the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors (with a communication
to be destroyed in case the ship by which it may be sent should be in
the Cochin Chinese Ambassadors when at Canton last season and has
received from them letters of recommendation to their Sovereign101,
as he is perfectly acquainted with the navigation of the China Seas and
particularly with the coast of Cochin China, we have thought proper
to communicate to him the object of your mission which he has obligingly offered his services to promote. As he is well versed with the
101. Fallowing the completion of the conquest of Tonkin, Nguyen Anh sent
an embassy to the Chinese Emperor to seek Chinese confirmation of his
rule. The two junks conveying this mission arrived in the Bogue in
August, 1802, and were detained there for about a month before permission came for the envoys to go on to Peking. The result of this embassy
was that while Nguyen Anh was acknowledged as a tributary of China,
this was done in such a way as to arouse his resentment, or so Roberts
was to report. (See: Morse, Chronicles, op. cit., vol. II, p. 398.)
109
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be highly useful to you on this occasion, but also beneficial to the public.
you will ascertain the additional sum to which he may be entitled, and
apply to the Most Noble Governor General to discharge the sum.
Through the Revd. J. B. Marchini, Agent of the Propaganda Fide
at Macao, we have procured you letters of introduction to the Missionaries resident with the King, on whom you will have to depend as
(E)
ROBERTS AT TOURANE
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keep his connection with these men as discreet as possible and did not
feel justified in giving the letters into the hands of a local agent. He
resolved, therefore, to confine himself to writing to Labartette, Liot
and Gerard to announce his arrival; and this he did on 7th December,
he paid a courtesy call on the local authorities. He was told here that
two senior mandarins had just left Hu and would soon be in Tourane
to welcome him.
year when the King would surely have returned to Hu from Tonkin
where he was at present reported to be. Vannier seemed friendly and
not unhelpful, but very reluctant to provide Roberts with information.
102. Jean Baptiste Chaigneau was born in Brittany in 1769. After service in
the French navy he came to Indochina in 1794 and joined Pigneau de
Behaine. He fought with Nguyen Anh on land and sea against the Tayson. He was given the Vietnamese rank of general in 1803. In 1820,
after the Bourbon restoration, he was appointed French Consul in Hu.
He left Indochina in 1824 and died in France in 1832.
103. Philippe Vannier was born in Brittany in 1762. He served in the French
navy and then, in 1789, joined Pigneau de Behaine. With J. M. Dayot he
helped Nguyen Anh build up an effective naval force. In 1802 he was
confirmed by Nguyen Anh (who had just assumed the name Gia Long)
in the rank of 1st class mandarin. He left Indochina in 1824 and died in
France in 1842.
Ill
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About two o'clock Mns. Vannier with the other mandarin (who
I found spoke very good Portuguese and had in the early part of his
life visited Bengal) came aboard. They stated the letters to the King
and the Governor of Hu had been received and that in consequence
they had been sent down by the General Council to conduct us to what
place we chose and to afford us every accommodation during our stay
in Turon, which, with the supply of every article the ship might require,
was very politely offered by the Cochin Chinese mandarin who is known
to the Europeans by the name of Sr. Juan Babtiste and who appeared
an active intelligent man.
By these gentlemen I was informed that the King was at present
months.
his capital unless in the event of his being engaged in a war with
China, which was considered by them as probable as the King had
not relinquish, that his ambition was without bounds, and that at the
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into by the King, but that as he was now in full possession of his
dominions he did not require any foreign aid nor would he be disposed
to grant any tract of land or island. I again repeated what had before
been said with assurances that nothing further was required but what
would afford mutual advantage and security to the proposed commerce.
Unacquainted with the character and sentiments towards our nation of
the person who made these observations, it is impossible to say what
degree of reliance may be placed on them. It may be proper to observe
that on every occasion he seemed to wish to impress us with the power
and resources of the King in whose service he was.
Having come to the resolution of quitting this port without waiting
for an interview with His Majesty, it remained for consideration the
(F)
ROBERTS LEAVES TOURANE FOR BENGAL, AND SUBMITS A REPORT ON
HIS MISSION.
for Bengal, having been in Cochin China for just twelve days. At
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to lay before His Majesty of Cochin China the orders with which I have
the honour to be entrusted, and was much disappointed to find him
absent from his capital, and in Tonquin, at such distance as precluding
the possibility of my seeing His Majesty within such period as would
enable me to forward to your Hon'ble Committee the event of my mission by the ships of the present season; the most material object to be
gained by an immediate interview with the King.
Having ascertained the impracticability of this point, I resolved to
proceed to Bengal, and return to the dominions of His Majesty as early
as the season will permit, by which means, it appearing probable that
no agreement could be concluded until the sentiments of the Most
Noble the Governor General are known, the negotiations will be terminated as soon as it could have been under any circumstances, and
opening with the advantages to be derived from his instructions.
Had I remained and detained the ship the Hon'ble Company would
have been exposed to a very heavy expense without any benefit being
entering into any agreement with the King of Cochin China was of little
importance, it being scarcely possible any occurrence could take place
in the interim tending to prejudice the views of the Hon'ble Company.
Remaining singly, as I must have done had the ship been despatched, appeared objectionable in many respects. Unprepared for a
residence, my manner of living could not have been suitable to the
situation I have the honour to hold, which must have created unfavourable impressions in a nation fond, we are to believe, of pomp
and show; and might be made use of by any persons inimical to the
interests of the mission (of which I have reason to believe there were
some) as an argument to prove want of attention and respect on the
part of the Hon'ble Company. Under these circumstances, therefore,
I trust your Hon'ble Committee will approve the resolution I have
adopted.
From my short stay in Cochin China I feel but little qualified to
offer any remarks worthy of attention of your Committee. The few
observations that have occurred, however, I consider it to be my duty
to communicate and, acquainted with the circumstances under which
they are offered, such attention may be paid to them as, in your judge-
114
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attendant on a usurping and tyrannical government, it cannot be supposed that commerce will immediately flourish, in its recommencement
after the severe checks it has for thirty years experienced. The progress
must be slow and gradual; but from the industry, population and natural
wealth of the country joined to the known disposition of the King and
his subjects to cultivate commercial intercourse with foreigners, there
is every reason to suppose a commerce with Cochin China will in time
become valuable to the Hon'ble Company.
The kingdom of Tonquin has formerly, and doubtless would again
when means are offered, consumed the British woollen manufacture to
a considerable extent, the case of which might also be extended to the
northern part of Cochin China; in the southern, perhaps, the heat of the
climate may prevent woollen becoming the dress of any but the soldiers
whose uniform the King seems disposed to make of that manufacture.
market.
the King of Cochin China will be completed and the woollens and other
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Alastair Lamb
mirrors of small value, not that in my opinion they will ever become in
such demand as to merit the attention of the Hon'ble Company; but it
will still be desirable to ascertain how far these articles of our national
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assistance of Mr. Guise, a passenger on board the Gunjava, a gentleman well known at Canton, and on whose judgement and discretion I
know every confidence might be placed. To him, and Mr. Mackintosh,
I feel under many obligations for their ready and serviceable assistance
on every occasion.
Hon'ble Sirs,
Your most faithful, humble servant,
Malacca, J. W. Roberts.
117
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CHAPTER VI.
(A)
ROBERTS GOES TO CALCUTTA AND RECEIVES INSTRUCTIONS FROM LORD
WELLESLEY FOR A SECOND VISIT TO COCHIN CHINA.
worth the patience. The King of Cochin China, Roberts went on,
should be provided with British arms and Indian saltpetre on the condition that he did not use these war materials against the Chinese. On
the basis of these remarks Lord Wellesley issued to Roberts the following instructions dated 20th April, 1804:
104. The fortunes of a family like that of Barizy, by no means atypical of this
troubled period of French history, could well give grounds for such a
belief. Barizy wrote to Marchini in April, 1801, that the Revolution had
affected his family thus:
p. 253.)
Moreover, men like Vannier and Chaigneau were Bretons, and thus came
from a region which remained strongly Monarchist and clerical.
118
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and the permanent exclusion of the power of France from that country.
latter object is more important than the former, in the degree in which
Committee, whose instructions direct that the first of the two objects
described in the preceeding paragraph be made if practicable subser-
General in Council of 7th March, that some of the French clergy reside
in Cochin China and are in the confidence of the King, and that some
Frenchmen.
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Alastair Lamb
judicial to the views and interests of the French nation. It may rather
be supposed that those persons will endeavour to frustrate both our
political and commercial views in Cochin China.
The private interest and the local and temporary views of the
French now resident in Cochin China may however render their services
judgement of His Excellency in Council would promote the accomplishment of the objects in the contemplation of the Hon'ble Committee.
1st. A stipulation of the permanence of friendship between the
two states.
2nd. The free use of the ports of Cochin China to all British ships
for the purposes of commerce or of obtaining provisions and of repairing eventual damages.
3rd. The grant of an island or tract of land on the coast of Cochin
China in perpetual sovereignty of the the Hon'ble Company.
4th. A stipulation on the part of His Majesty never to permit a
French establishment within his dominions for any real or ostensible
purpose whatever.
5th. The Hon'ble Company to engage to supply His Majesty with
arms and military stores at the amount of their actual cost to any
practicable extent provided that such arms and military stores be not
at any time required by His Majesty for the purpose or prosecuting
hostilities against the Emperor of China or against any other state or
country in alliance or friendship with the Company.
6th. A provision for the annual supply of a specified quantity of
saltpetre from India to Cochin China under the reservation stated in
article 5th.
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to possess, it will not be difficult to satisfy His Majesty that the restora-
British Government.
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Alastair Lamb
earliest practicable intimation of His Majesty's consent to that arrangement, and if His Majesty's disposition on this point should appear to be
favourable, the Governor General in Council desires that you will act
in the capacity of a representative in Cochin China on the part of the
Company until you shall receive further advices from the Governor
General in Council.
21. In all your preceedings under these instructions you will carefully attend to the cautions contained in the instructions of the Hon'ble
Secret Committee on the subject of adopting any measures calculated
to alarm the jealousy of the Chinese Government; and the Governor
General in Council authorizes you to deviate from the preceding instructions by limiting or otherwise modifying the terms of the proposed
Committee.
tions at the earliest practicable period of time, and that you should
tions connected with the objects of this letter and of your mission.
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subject of adding to the presents with which you are already charged
for the King of Cochin China, and of providing presents to the officers
of Government and other persons in Cochin China.
this occasion.
(B)
ROBERTS LEAVES INDIA FOR COCHIN CHINA
Roberts left Calcutta on 3rd June, 1804, aboard the Page formerly the General de Caen - Captain Mackintosh commanding, and
From Penang Roberts went to Malacca and thence, on 6th July, set
sail for Tourane. On 15th July he reached Cape St. James, where he
learnt the King was in Hu, and on 22nd July he reached Tourane
Bay. The events of his stay in Annam between 22nd July and 25th
August, 1804, are described at length in his diary which is reproduced
below.
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Alastair Lamb
()
ROBERTS' SECOND VISIT TO COCHIN CHINA.
Anchored at about one o'clock this day in Turon Bay, when the
mandarin who had before visited the Gun java came on board, to whom
I delivered the letter to be forwarded to Fai Foo, with which he
immediately went on shore. At anchor off the entrance of the harbour
were two of the King's junks, bound to Hu, but the appearance of
blowing weather had alarmed them and they stood into the Bay with
us. These for country vessels appeared remarkably well constructed.
They had been much improved in imitation of European ships .... The
commanders of these vessels came in the evening to visit us. At the
termination of the war the guns had been taken out of these vessels,
and they were now employed in conveying a cargo of rice from the
southward to the capital.
July 23rd.
morning.
July 30th.
and acquainted me with the arrival of the mandarin from Hue Foo
whom he represented as one of three deputed by the King to conduct
the others, and that he had hastened down to make preparations for
their reception. Under these circumstances therefore I did not think
it necessary to visit him but sent my compliments, and that if he was
inclined to come on board or had anything to communicate, I should
be happy to see or hear from him.
July 31st .
recognized the junior member of the council at Fai Foo when we visited
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other mandarins from Hu, of which we had long before been informed
and had seen the boats pass. This appeared merely a visit of ceremony.
They brought with them a present of poultry and fruit and such articles
just arrived were fatigued with their voyage but would visit me the next
not without inconvenience at that time quit the ship, and not being
very desirous of complying with an invitation delivered in the manner
this was, I sent word I could not conveniently visit them at that time,
would pay his respects to them, and that I should be happy to receive
them on board the following morning. On Captain Macintosh's return
was Snr. Joao Babtiste who had been sent to Turon when I was there
business I was come upon, the latter would be the most convenient as
they had their writers and other conveniences more about them than
Majesty.
This request under many circumstances I should not have thought
proper to have complied with, but in a situation where there was reason
to suppose reports of the purport of the mission highly injurious to its
interests would be circulated, I considered there could not be a more
effectual mode of removing the impression such reports might have
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Alastair Lamb
acquainted of my intention of returning. I had hoped some preparation would have been made for my reception and that I should not
have experienced these unpleasant delays. I was unwilling to commence
a negotiation that should be conducted in the most amical manner by
representations unpleasant to both parties, but that a longer continuance
of such conduct would render this absolutely necessary, and I requested
he would impress the officers of government with whom he acted with
these sentiments. He assured me every expedition should be made and
that on the third day from this I might depend upon everything being
in readiness.
August 8th.
I continued daily amused with promises of the immediate arrival
of an answer and boats from the capital until the morning of the 8th,
when the mandarin who had before been sent down arrived accom-
panied by five boats and came on board the Page to announce his
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centre 8 feet long and 9 or 10 broad and very low. These boats, tho'
1 have no doubt very serviceable for the purposes of war in this country,
without sleeves, of scarlet serge bordered with blue cotton cloth and a
narrow edge of lighter blue. On either side of the border on the dark
blue small pieces of tin near the size of a common button were fixed
about three of four inches distant. The men in the other boats wore
black jackets and red collars and cuffs. These men, tho' always
weigh.
August 9th.
the people who had been at the oar since leaving Turon some rest
caused a delay of an hour and a half, when we proceeded along a
broad but shallow river running nearly parallel to the coast. Its banks
rienced some little delay in waiting for the boat in which our dinner
was carried, and arrived at the guard house at the principal entrance
of the river about 8 o'clock where we remained until three the next
morning.
106. Cape Choumay. Findlay describes this as "the extremity of a round and
rugged peninsula of moderate height, which, united to the coast by an
isthmus of sand, appears like an island with two summits when seen from
the N.E. or S.W. A chain of high mountains with round summits extends
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Alastair Lamb
August 10th .
tide our progress was slow, and at eight o'clock we landed immediately
fronting the house fitted up for our reception, at the entrance to which
we were received by two mandarins, one we understood to be the Prime
Minister - meaning I believe only a man high in his sovereigns confi-
dence - the other whose office I could not exactly learn was a man
deputed by the King as his ambassador to the Emperor of China.
These men made some enquiries respecting some part of the letters they
did not understand, and shortly after took their leave.
The place fitted up for us appeared to have been originally intended
as a place of worship. It was now provided with partitions of cotton
cloth with silk hangings in different places, and made a very com-
fortable temporary lodging place for our attendants, and offices were
also provided. Shortly after our arrival a more than sufficient quantity
we were informed we should receive a daily suuply and that every other
necessary required should be furnished. In the course of the morning
I received a message expressing His Majesty's congratulation and satisfaction at my arrival with repeated enquiries to know if every wished
for necessary was supplied. A boat was also sent should we wish to
monthly salary. This man had in the early part of his life visited
Bengal, and returned to his native country with Captain Hutton, Commander of the Jennv, when Mr. Chapman visited Cochin China, and
acting as servant to Captain Hutton during his stay in the country. The
mandarin who returned on that occasion was, we learnt, uncle to the
present King.
August 11th.
The morning of the 11th the mandarin who had received us visited
me for the purpose of obtaining a more full explanation of the letters.
The translations they had made were explained to me, and I was happy
to find were much more correct than I had expected. I endeavoured
to amend such parts as seemed to reauire it, and I trust the sentiments
will be fully conveyed to His Majesty. Thev also wished to have a list
of the presents, and as this was more easilv done by shewing them
than by description, thev were unpacked and exhibited. I was sorry
to find that the frames of the convex mirrors nearly destroyed and also
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and the number of times they had been landed and reshipped, this
rather a matter of satisfaction that more were not destroyed. All the
other articles we found in very tolerable order. This business occupied
the greater part of the morning. Previous to these mandarins quitting
abundance of water: tho' he had passed it when the tide was nearly at
the lowest, he had never less than 17 feet. The passage he represented
as intricate. Mr. Rock, who was absent when we quitted Touron on a
visit to some of his friends at Fai Foo, had been, Lt. Trinder informed
me, of considerable assistance in bringing up his vessel.
About 10 o'clock the interpreter returned and acquainted me the
King had appointed the morning after the following day for my
reception. During this and the preceding day I received several visits
from different officers of government, some I imagine from curiosity
and others in execution of their duty. These men appeared desirous of
being very civil, but according to our ideas are by no means polished
in their manners. In their best manner, however, they seemed desirous
of showing me civility and attention, and our wants were immediately
supplied by those who seemed deputed for that purpose. I also received
a message from Mns. Chaigneau saying he was desirous of paying his
respects, but as a foreigner did not think it would be proper until the
ceremony of my reception was over.
August 12th.
The ceremonies to be observed on my reception were during this
day adjusted. I was given to understand that no person was permitted
to sit in the presence of the King, and that as the usual ceremonies with
expected they would conform in this respect. As this appeared reasonable, after some little conversation it was agreed I should bow on being
August 1 3 th.
At 4 o'clock in the morning I was called, and informed the mandarin Ong-to-noe had arrived, and directed the presents to be sent on
board a boat in readiness for their reception, which was accordingly
Macintosh and Lieut. Trinder, having sent the two 6 pounders under
charge of a guard of sepoys with my palanquin and some of the servants
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Alastair Lamb
gates of the old fort near the landing place were four handsome large
brass guns which had lately been cast at this place. Their dimensions
were: calibre eight and eight tenths inches; length from muzzle to
breach 17 feet; greatest diameter two feet five inches, smallest one foot
six inches. Some little delay taking place in bringing the presents on
shore, we wlked to the place were these guns were, and from thence
proceeded to the palace by the gateway opposite to which we landed, to
the left of which is a large building open in front and looked used as
an arsenal. In the front, pointing to the river, were six long handsome
brass guns. The wall of the old fort is nearly destroyed, I imagine to
furnish material for carrying on the extensive new works the King is
constructing. Behind the arsenal is a flag staff on which the yellow
fl^g was displayed on our approach. About 80 yards in a line behind
the first building is a council hall, a large open building before which
the presents were laid. At some distance in front as well as the sides
sheds are at present erected for the carpenters employed in preparing
materials for the new palace. On each side of the council hall and
as before the other buildings were drawn up, and within them the
principal officers of government. The dress of the troops was mainly
similar to that of the rowers already described, except that they were
of various colours, yellow, green and blue and all with big sleeves.
The general covering of the head was a conical cap with some ornament
pay our respects to the King whom we observed seated cross legged
place the letters were delivered by the men who had brought them
thus far to two mandarins of superior rank, and after bowing we were
conducted to the end of the right line of mandarins, who on an order
given advanced some of them within the building; and the letters being
and were placed in a direction with the line of pillars to the right of the
throne nearly in front of the building. After making our bow the
King commenced the conversation by enquiring how long we had been
on our passage from Bengal, and whether myself and Captain Mac130
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intosh were the persons who had been in Touron last season; also the
name of Lieut. Trinder; which being answered, he observed that we
whole was more than he could receive; that his country might at present
be considered as new and requiring but little; that Tonquin was in a
different state and might require some woollens, but as they, however,
were hot climates the demand would not be very great; that English
ships would be received at any of his ports on paying the customary
charges; and when he required anything he would write to the Hon'ble
Company. The former part of his reply appeared so very extraordinary
and unexpected, I scarce knew what answer to make. I observed that
I had the honour in the name of the Hon'ble Company and His Excellency the Governor General to request His Majesty's acceptance of the
articles now presented, which request His Majesty would comply with
entirely or in part as he thought proper. The interpreter took some
quent period His Majesty would receive whatever the Hon'ble Com-
pany or Governor General should send, and that I must not consider
it as unfriendly. I informed him it was so contrary to any customs
I was acquainted with that I could scarce consider it otherwise. The
King then enquired if I had anything further to communicate more
than the letters contained. In reply I stated that it was the desire
of the Hon'ble Company as expressed in their letter to form a commercial connexion and by every means strengthen the friendship at present
subsisting, and requested His Majesty if it was his wish to meet the
views of the Hon'ble Company that he would consider in what manner
they might be most effectually accomplished, and I should be happy
to have the honour of adjusting this matter with him. He answered
he would see and consult with his council; and we shortly after took
our leave with the same forms as on entering and were then accompanied to the council hall where refreshments of tea and sweetmeats
were provided and handsomely served in a variety of bowls many of
gold richly ornamented. This hall as well as the hall of audience are
large buildings, low and supported by numerous pillars without much
131
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Alastair Lamb
the centre, nearly at the back of the hall, is a chair richly gilded raised
about four feet intended for His Majesty when he sits in council, which
is, I understand, never the case. A table was in front with chairs on
either side. In one front corner was suspended a large gong, extremely
sonorous, for the purpose of beating time during the night; and in the
went into the arsenal, where a number of guns of various sizes were
deposited, principally ship guns and their carriages, in general nine
pounders. From this we returned to our place of residence, accompanied by Ong-to-noe and the interpreter.
Shortly after our return the mandarin who had been deputed to
the Court of China, and who had received us at this place and attended
us during our stay there, arrived saying that His Majesty would accept
the picture of the King of Great Britain with some of the other pictures,
the chronometer, sextant and case of mathematical instruments. To
this person I represented that the manner in which the King had
had been at every Eastern court with which the English had held
from the Bishop of Veren, one dated 13th December, 1803, in reply to
my letter to him on my first arrival but not sent in consequence of
hearing of my departure from Turon, the other dated 30th April, 1804,
replying to my last letter from aboard the Gun java and addressed to
the King was solemnly proclaimed King of Tonquin and Cochin China.
Mr. Rock also delivered me the compliments of the other gentlemen,
and that they regretted it had not been in their power to render the
services as interpreter. They would gladly have done, but that they
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had received a message from the King on my arrival saying that as our
nations were at war he did not suppose it would be proper they should
have communication with me. He also said that these gentlemen had
informed him that the character of the English had suffered in the
opinion of the King and his mandarins from the representations of
those Portuguese commanding vessels from Macao, as well respecting
been fulfilled, and that we were now coming to Cochin China with the
same intention; and that Mr. Chaigneau had much lost the confidence
some warmth on the part of the mandarin. I should not have re-
dark. These orders had been repeated at their request, and I had no
reason to believe they had in any way been deviated from; on the
contrary, I had seen the sepoys on guard indulge with the greatest good
humour the curiosity of the people in examining their dress and acoutre-
friends, and he was not disposed to have any intercourse with the
107. Captain Purefoy was in the employ of the Madras firm of Abbot and
Maitland, the owners of the Griffin. He was in Cochin China during the
period 1800-1807 to settle the many financial disputes which arose between
his employers and the Cochin Chinese Court. The disputes referred to
here, however, were of a different nature, being concerned with the Cochin
Chinese claim that members of the Griffin's crew had committed thefts
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Alastair Lamb
August 14th.
Early in the morning we were informed that His Majesty extended
us the honour of sending us breakfast, which arrived at 7 o'clock with
sufficient for twenty times our number. One of the trays was for our
servants, and the other with the remains of ours was destined for the
people in attendance about the house. Among other articles set before
us were several bowls of small pieces of raw pork folded up in a fresh
leaf: of the merits of this dish I am unable to speak. The ceremony
did not last long and concluded by our requesting the mandarin would
return my thanks to His Majesty for his attentions. After the breakfast was removed, the mandarin informed me that His Majesty very
much admired the chronometer, sextant and mathematical instruments,
but that he did not understand them; they were very valuable and, if
Majesty for the orders he had given for our accommodation and
Majesty would consider the advantages that might be derived from the
friendship and commerce of the English nation, and that in forming
his opinion he would not give implicit confidence to reports which may
have been concocted by persons inimical to the Hon'ble Company from
ignorance and self interested motives: that if His Majesty was disposed
to meet the views of the Hon'ble Company I should be happy to adjust
the business with him, either by personal conference or any other mode
His Majesty might prefer, and requested His Majesty would favour me
with an answer. This message he promised to deliver, and bring an
answer by six o'clock in the vening. I considered it necessary to request this mandarin would state this to the King as I had found that
the interpreter had not made any request for a private interview.
In the cours of the morning one of the gun carriages was removed
About nine o'clock I received a note from Mr. Liot saying he would
have the honour of calling on me in the course of the morning, to
134
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Majesty, saying that the mode in which His Majesty had received the
presents was according to the customs of the country, and that he would
give me an audience the day after tomorrow.
August 15th.
In the morning, after walking to see the new works carrying on,
entertainment, and that the King had ordered a company of his comedians for that purpose. Previous to the commencement I returned the
visit of the French gentlemen, whom I had before invited to dine with
carved and gilded, as were the sides of the vessel and mouldings of the
On our arrival home we found preparations making for commencing the play, which between two and three o'clock began and
continued till we were disposed to retire at about twelve o'clock It
was nearly similar to the Chinese, except that in the evening female
dancers were introduced. In consequence of this representation, which
Mr. Liot as a priest could not witness, we were deprived of his com-
been those of other nations but nothing further. These fears they said had as
had been fallen produced by some incautious and unwarranted expressions that had
tion had fallen ot from the commander of the vessel that first expressions brought intima- that
tion ot the mission, in giving reason to suppose that it was the Hon'ble
ioT to a / belief ,hntfnt/n that it was t0- in get Psses,si?n of Turon. This had given rise
mandarins King m a favourable light, but that he was much influenced by of the the
mandarins in his confidence, many of whom were prejudiced ignorant the
108. Godefroy de Forsanz another Breton, came to CochinChinain 1789
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Alastair Lamb
connexion with him, the heads of which were stated to him, when he
made many professions of friendship and desire to render assistance.
August 16th.
I was informed His Majesty could not see me till the next morning,
and that he requested nothing further on the subject of the presents
might be mentioned.
August 17 th.
same hall as on the 13th, but without the same ceremony. There were
not any troops drawn up except the usual guard that accompanies the
King. The mandarins present were few in number and in their common dresses; among them on this occasion we observed the Frenchmen.
We paid our respects as before and were also kept standing. After a
few questions respecting our health, His Majesty expressed his thanks
to the Company for their attention and that he was ready in every
way to serve them. I then observed that I had requested this audience
for the purpose of stating to His Majesty, if he was disposed to enter
into commercial engagements with the Hon'ble Company, the mode
which in my opinion the arrangements might be most advantageously
made. He answered by saying his country required only cloths, and
those but little; that at present he did not require any but when he
the Company did not send any persons in their ships with authority
to dispose of their cargoes, therefore if inclined to trade with the
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this morning respecting the reports that had been circulating, but from
the manner in which these apprehensions were stated I imagine it was
only their wish to determine if such was my intention. They stated
that the King had expressed his surprise to them that I should suppose
they had prevented his receiving the presents, to which nothing that I
had said could certainly in the smallest degree allude; and as it was the
wish of His Majesty expressed thro' the interpreter that nothing on
introduced it himself.
August 21st.
Till the 21st the time was occupied in having my letter of the
17th translated, and passing thro' the forms of laying it before the
council. On the morning of this day the mandarin Ong-how-bow, who
had been in China and who attended us upon all public occasions,
came to me with a verbal answer. He read the translation that had
at his court, and repeating his former declaration that English ships
would be received in the same manner as those of other nations, but
109. Tne letter is printed here below, pp. 142-143.
137
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Alastair Lamb
nothing more would be granted. This decided rejection of the proposals I had made, so strongly evinced a determination to avoid all
August 22nd .
Early this day the arrival of the mandarin who had yesterday
of the King to the letters of the Hon'ble Company and His Excellency
the Governor General, with sundry presents consisting of elephants'
teeth, cinnamon, Aguila and Columba woods, and with two horns of
the Rhinoceros of extraordinary length and age. Considering that the
King had marked in the strongest manner his determination to decline
all intercourse with the Company and this rather in a contemptuous
manner, in the first place after accepting part of the presents changing
and selecting such as were likely to be useful and taking the carriage
of one of the 6 pounders and returning the gun, in returning a verbal
answer, refusing every proposition contained in my letter of the 17th
without condescending to state any reason whatever, and repeating he
was willing to receive the English ships as those of other nations, as
had always been the case, was in part saying he was willing to trade
with the English in the manner he had already done but declining any
more intimate connexion; had the presents been received in a friendly
or even handsome manner and this declaration candidly made, I cer-
tainly could not have hesitated in receiving it with attention and civility;
informed the King, and his general reserve and imperious conduct,
every sentence if I had anything further to state; under these circumstances I did not think I would be justified in accepting on the part of
the Hon'ble Company and the Governor General any presents from
His Majesty. I therefore stated my willingness to take charge of the
letters, but declined accepting either the presents for the Hon'ble
Company or those for the use of the ship which were offered, consisting of bullocks, goats, rice and such other articles as they thought
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and not to myself, to this I replied that they must be aware that as I
had in the present occasion the honour of being their representative,
my acceptance or refusal was to be considered as theirs, and frequently
repeated to them my reasons for not complying with their request.
Finding me determined, they retired to state the circumstances to His
Majesty. I was rather surprised on their return to find no notice taken
of my refusal but did not consider it necessary to say anything on the
had been secretly conveyed to the boats preparing for our departure
by order of the interpreter, and on sending for him to enquire the
reason, he affected not to understand what I had said and considered
I only meant to refuse the presents for the ship. So direct a falsehood
could not be received with perfect coolness. On repeating part of this
conversation, his observations on their being offered to the Company
and Governor General, so strongly proving he did understand me, he
was obliged to shift his ground and lay the blame on Ong-how-bow
to whom he asserted he had explained what I had said, but that the
King had not been informed. It was evidently their intention that the
presents should be conveyed to the ship when I suppose they relied
that representing the difficulties and disgrace attending their return
tion nearly similar to this morning took place. They appeared under
considerable apprehension of representing the case to the King, and
were very anxious for my acceptance of a least a part. I replied that
the reasons I had before given rendered it impossible but that if His
Majesty wished to explain any part of his conduct or make remarks
for the attention of the Hon'ble Company, it might be done by deputing
a dependable person to His Excellency the Governor General at Fort
William, where I promised he should be received with every respect
due to the representative of the King of Cochin China, and that if an
if I refused what the King had offered he would return the presents
of the Hon'ble Company which he had accepted. I could only answer
in this respect the King would do as he thought proper. They shortly
after went to the King and returned saying that His Majesty would
return the presents that he had accepted, and requesting the letter that
had in the morning been delivered for the purpose of altering those
parts acknowledging the receipt of presents and specifying those sent
in return. I represented this as unnecessary, that His Majesty by those
letters expressed his intentions and I should have to explain the reason
of their not being carried into execution. The letters, however, were
wished for and delivered. They then took their leave, saying they
pounders and carriage were sent to the Amboyna as the most ready
means of conveyance to India.
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Alastair Lamb
the 17th.
August 23rd.
The letters for the Hon'ble Company and His Excellency the
Governor General were in the morning delivered to me, and I understood had been returned at a late hour last night, unaltered, whether
prints were early returned, and these as well as the other articles being
embarked, about noon we quitted Phu-tchuan not with quite the same
honours as on entering. The boats prepared were exactly the same, the
large boat for our accommodation to the mouth of the river, and the
mandarins in attendance.
attendance upon us, and considered the most regular mode of doing
it would be to give a sum in charge of their superior to be divided
according to the situation of the men. On enquiry finding who was
considered as their immediate commander on the present occasion, I
desired he might be called, and after waiting a considerable time he
arrived accompanied by another mandarin who appeared to have the
they have been persuaded to have received what would have been
extremely acceptable to a number of well disposed oppressed men.
themeselves at the time they were refusing for others. These men
returned the few presents of cloth and cetera I had previously made.
myself, therefore desired if they did not think proper to accept what
I had offered that it might be returned, and leaving them walked to the
boat where the things were afterwards sent. We were soon joined by
our companion Ong-to-noe and the interpreter and took leave of the
The city had been almost entirely destroyed by the present King,
who is now rebuilding it upon a very magnificent scale. The fortifica-
tions are to enclose a square of one mile and a half, within which
palaces are building for himself and family. The city is also to be
very great. From whence the means of building it are to arise was
not pointed out, and from the poverty of the people I imagine it will
be some time before completed. Upon the works at present carrying
on 5,000 men are said to be employed besides those in distant situations
cutting wood and making bricks & cetera. The soldiers are employed
for these purposes, and as their pay is not increased it is really insuffi140
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cient for their support; and as most of them are brought from the
provinces where by means of their families they are able to gain a livelihood, in their present situation are at all times in great distress, and
or attendants.
even the smallest cargo would go off so low that the expenses of a
answer. Some place therefore where goods could be landed and disposed of to the Chinese or other persons trading to Cochin China
As much has been said respecting the navy of the King, it may not
be improper to mention the naval force he at present possesses, which
consists of three vessels, one entirely constructed at Saigon, the other
two French vessels rebuilt, that is, by degrees, every plank and timber
originally built as a junk, but the upper works finished in the European
numbers.
track as before. After waiting from daylight the next morning until
late the evening at the entrance of the river under apprehension of
blowing weather, we arrived early on the 25th aboard the Page , when
I wrote a letter to the King and delivered it the next morning to the
mandarins, of whom we then took leave; and having given in charge
to Lieutenant Trinder the address to His Excellency the Most Noble
Governor General from the King with my dispatches for the Lieut.
Governor of Prince of Wales's Island, he was directed to proceed to
that island, . . . and at two o'clock we quitted Turon Bay.
Signed: J. W. Roberts, Turon Bay, 26th August, 1804.
141
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(D)
ROBERTS' PROPOSALS TO THE KING
The happy success which has crowned the reign of Your Majesty's
arms has rendered your dominion of great magnitude which, with the
security and prosperity that must arise from the energy and good
government of Your Majesty, will undoubtedly in a few years place
commercial intercourse with the English nation affords the most probable means of increasing the wealth and prosperity of Your Majesty's
reside at your court as representative of the Hon'ble Company a resident on the part of the said Company for the purpose of superintending
their affairs, controlling the conduct of individuals and regulating all
matters affecting the English nation in Cochin China.
Majesty will state the articles required from Europe and the quantity,
also what will be given in return, the terms to be setled from time to
time as the demand may arise. Should Your Majesty wish for any
purchase them.
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terms. Should Your Majesty think proper to demand any sum for
anchorage, a stated sum shall be fixed; but in case the Hon'ble Com-
pany shall deem it necessary to send ships for the sole purpose of
conveying to India the articles they may have received in return for
merchandise, these ships shall be admitted free of every charge what-
anchorage.
situated for the trade of the Hon'ble Company, Your Majesty will agree
there to receive and deliver such articles as may be required and given
in exchange; and in case it should be found necessary to deposit the
whole or any part in warehouses, such conveniences shall be furnished
(E)
ROBERTS' REPORT
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with Mr. Farquahar on the subject it was proposed that, as the services
of the Hon'ble Company's armed brig Amboyna were not at present
absolutely required in the Straits, she should accompany me. As well
as for the purposes of defence, I considered this arrangement might be
extremely desirable by affording means of conveying to your Excellency
early information of the event of my mission, should it be necessary.
presents for the King of Cochin China having been embarked on board
the Page and everything in readiness for several days, we sailed in the
anchored in Turon Bay on the 21st of July. Altho' three or four days
only are required for communication with the capital, I did not receive
any reply to the notice I had given of my arrival until the 31st when
I was informed a Mandarin from Hue Foo was at Turon and under-
wish to act in the most friendly manner, I the next morning went on
shore.
appeared of some rank, I was acquainted he had been deputed for the
purpose of enquiring the nature of my mission and requested copies
of the letters I had in charge, with which he would return to the capital.
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stating the mode in which the Hon'ble Company were willing to engage
in a commerce with his country, as I had teen informed that the King
was by some means strongly prejudiced against the English nation. I
have convinced of the advantages to be derived from a friendly intercourse with the English nation, I considered it unnecessary to lose time
in attempting any further explanation by writing; and understanding
this was his final answer, I desired the King might be informed I
considered this a positive refusal to have any intercourse with the
for my return.
reception that would have been adopted had it been the intention of
the King to accede to the proposals of the Hon'ble Company.
accepted the presents, tho' justified as the usage of his country, the
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only instances given in proof were his reception of those sent by the
King of Siam and that of the articles sent by His Majesty to the
Emperor of China. On both these occasions, I believe, the receivers
have received.
15. The motives which have induced this attitude in the King,
though in many instances perhaps the effect of ignorance, are represented as having arisen from his apprehension of admitting the English
to form any establishment lest it should gradually increase even to the
subversion of his Government. These fears are stated by the Frenchmen, the only persons from whom I could procure information on this
subject, to have been produced by some expressions used by the commander of the vessel that brought the letter to the King announcing
the mission, giving rise to an idea that it was the intention of the
distrust of the intentions of the Hon'ble Company, and that they have
in this instance completely influenced the conduct of the King.
16. Altho' these reports are of a nature I can readily conceive to
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which they had not power to remove, at the same time insinuating that
tho' not admitted to his public council, the King was much swayed by
their private advice - as indeed he must be to men to whom he is in a
great measure indebted for his kingdom.
ever, but little reason to be satisfied with his conduct as well from the
circumstances above mentioned as his avoiding on all occasions giving
me information on subjects of which he could not have been ignorant.
18. Considering it more desirable to obtain the advantages to be
desired from an intercourse with this country by friendly than any other
means, should circumstances produce an alteration in the sentiments
now be formed.
19. The situation of Cochin China and the security of its har-
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Alastair Lamb
except upon a very limited scale, for many years impracticable. Extreme poverty pervades every order, and under the present Government
must continue. The King has destroyed the principal city, and his
assert from their knowledge of the King's character that he will not
remain inactive, and China, they represent, as the great object of his
ambition. In an attack on that country he expects to be joined by a
number of Chinese disaffected with the Tartar Government. The
King, they said, is offended with the Emperor of China for not having
acknowledged him King of Tonquin by the title he demanded. Should
these his intentions be carried into execution, it would perhaps be a
favourable opportunity of establishing our influence in his country, and
by diverting his attention proving our desire of assisting the Chinese
Government by the means of extending our interests in that quarter.
148
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CHAPTER VII
(A)
THE SELECT COMMITTEE AT CANTON CONSIDERS THE REASONS FOR
ROBERTS' FAILURE.
in Cochin China. Gia Long had no particular need for the support
of the British - or, for that matter, of any other European power - now
was hardly likely that the cautious and experienced Gia Long was
going to offer to the Company the Island of Callao. Nor was he likely,
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Alastair Lmab
Chaigneau were friendly and helpful to Roberts, but only, one cannot
help feeling, because they were certain that he would fail. Even though
they had no sympathy for the political idealogy of the French Revolu-
have done would have changed Gia Long's attitude towards the
objectives of the British mission. The Dutch embassy to Peking of
Van Braam and Titsing in 1794-95, which accepted every indignity
which the Chinese chose to put its way, was no more successful than
the mission of Lord Macartney and the British refusal to kow-tow
matic practice. On the Chinese analogy, even the fact that Roberts
was the envoy of the Company and not of the British crown- a point
which Gia Long emphasised - had in all probability little consequence
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General and that of the Britsh Crown was one of great significance in
Asian eyes.110
ber, 1804, they considered the report on this mission, the point to
which they attached most importance was that Roberts seemed to have
been opposed with success by persons hostile to the British who had
even more facility than from Manila and the Eastern Coast. We are
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Alastair Lamb
Like so many such proposals in the past, this one came to nothing
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which, it was asserted, must inevitably prove her ruin. Powerful fleets
both of the Spanish and French nations being hourly expected in India
would speedily destroy those of the English; and a request was preferred soliciting His Majesty's consent to their admission into his harbours, and for the supply of timber and naval stores, the produce of
his dominions. If any treaty was completed, or promises made known,
they do not appear to have obtained publicity, as the priests do not hint
obvious, nevertheless, that the King must have been pleased with the
mission, having permited Mr. Dayot to withdraw his family which from
the period of his departure from the country has been invariably
refused, and from his also having been appointed agent for the King
both at Manila and in China.
sidered by all those around him, are probably vast and unbounded,
and when the fort on which he is now employed shall be completed
and his family and riches can be securely protected against the revolt
of any of his mandarins, it is not impossible that he may be induced to
make some attempt on the adjoining Chinese territory. Policy at the
present moment will deter any such hazardous enterprize, for tho' he
may contemn the military of China, he cannot but be aware the power
and resources of the empire are infinitely too strong for him to continue
against in the existing state of his country and affairs. It is said, tho'
with what truth we cannot aver, that the Tonquinese are much dissatisfied with his Government and ready for revolt whenever opportunity presents itself. All attempts, however, to throw off the yoke
will doubtless be deferred until some person be found capable of leading them, or the probability of success justify the instance; and in the
present moment this appears very unlikely, the King having many of
his best troops in garrison there, and not a descendant or relation of
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the usurper's family being in existence, the whole and every person
of power and consequence together with their wives and children having
been barbarously murdered.
On a review of the subject and after giving it their best considera-
tion, it does not appear this committee are called on to adopt any
marks as have not come to Mr. Roberts' knowledge, and His Excel-
pursue.
(B)
BARROW'S VIEWS ON THE NEED FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH
RELATIONS WITH COCHIN CHINA
afford to neglect Cochin China for a while. For one thing, the real
centre of French power in the East, the De de France, had first priority
as a target for British policy. For another, French influence in Burma
and French exploitation of the Dutch possessions in Indonesia seemed
far more dangerous to British trade and diplomacy than anything that
There were, however, British observers who felt that the Roberts
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this chapter was writing from the viewpoint of 1806. He was well
informed on the history and results of the Roberts mission, and he
was familiar with the main events of European diplomacy in the East
which followed the Macartney Embassy. His views, however, are in
cession to be made to France, the good Bishop had not been inattentive
to the comparative merits of the local advantages which the coast of
requisite for a grand naval station, where ships can at all times refresh
and refit, and where abundant rills of clear fresh water fertilize the
numerous vallies which open upon the shores of the bay. Near a
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Alastair Lamb
naval force that should one day overawe our territorial possessions in
the East; and it is by no means certain that the attempt will not be
renewed, and that Imperial France may not accomplish what Monar-
from the coasts of Hindostn will render that of Cochinchina the more
this place might enable an active enemy to meditate against our concerns in the East, the advantages, on the other hand, which it holds
out to our naval and commercial interests in this part of the world
ought alone to entitle it to a higher degree of consideration than has
yet been bestowed on it. I would not here be understood as speaking
of this part of Cochinchina in a colonial or territorial point of view.
policy of adding facilities to the distribution of the fruits of our productive industry, would be wholly superfluous. The loss of commerce
must inevitably be followed by the loss of that rank which England
aid of foreign commerce. But this is not the case with regard to
England. We need only cast a glance at the articles with which the
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But beside the security which, on the one hand, the possession
of the strong peninsula of Turon would afford to our valuable fleets
employed in the China trade and, on the other, the annoyance it could
not fail to give us if in the hands of an active and enterprizing enemy,
the important advantages which would result to our Indian commerce
by having in this part of the world a secure harbour, where water and
every kind of refreshment may be procured, are not lightly to be appre-
of about three millions sterling. It is the grand prop of the East India
Company's credit, and the only branch of their trade from which perhaps they may strictlv be said to derive a real profit. The reason of
true that the balance of the trade between England and China is greatly
in favour of the latter, and that this balance is drawn from the former
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Alastair Lamb
value in the least possible space, which in the evil day can most conveniently be concealed. In such countries the profits upon trade are
usually hoarded up in the precious metals. Such, I believe, is pretty
much the case in India, and still more so in China: the latter may
therefore be considered as a perpetual sinking fund for European
specie.
This annual drain of hard money to China is of the less consequence to us, so long as, by our supplying the continent of Europe
China, and thereby put a stop to the annual drain of specie required
by the latter. An intimate connection with Cochinchina would, in my
opinion, go a great way towards effecting this object. This country
furnishes many valuable articles suitable for the China market, and
would open a new and very considerable vent for many of our manufactures; and its situation in the direct route from England to China
is an unexceptionable consideration. The forests of Cochinchina produce, for instance, a variety of scented woods, as the rose wood, eagle
wood, and sandal wood; all of which are highly acceptable in the
products, as gum lac, Camboge, indigo, elephants' teeth, cotton, and raw
silk; and there seemed to be no want in the country of gold, silver,
and copper. The hilts of the officers' swords and the clasps of their
belts were generally made of silver, but we frequently observed them
of solid gold. It is said, indeed, that a very rich gold mine has lately
been discovered near Hu , the northern capital. Silver is brought to
158
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market in bars about five inches long, in value about eleven Spanish
dollars.
All these articles, so well adapted for the China market, might
be taken by us in exchange for fire arms and ammunition, swords,
cutlery and various manufactures in iron and steel, light woollen cloths,
advance of from 20 to 30 per cent., and their value paid for in ingots
of silver.
cargoes of tea and silks to Turon bay, or other parts of the coast;
Macao, and the Dutch at Batavia, would be put into the possession of
the whole commerce carried on by Chinese junks, and England would
become in a great degree dependent on them for the share they might
be disposed to allow her in their respective ports.
Malabar coast will afford a sufficient supply to keep a single ship on the
valuable is exhausted, and such as would be fit for building large ships
lately been called, the Birman empire. Yet this is the grand source
from whence the supplies are meant to be drawn for the docks of
Prince of Wales's Island. We have little, however, to trust to or to
Europeans; and they will not fail to exert it to the utmost, in order to
159
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render nugatory our grand scheme of increasing our navy by establishing docks for building at Prince of Wales's Island, which they would
most effectually accomplish by shutting up the Ayerwaddy against us,
and thus cut off the grand supply of that timber which is best suited
The river Sai-gong , usually called Cambodia, flowing into the sea
at the southern extremity of Cochinchina, runs through inexhaustible
forests of stately trees, possessing every quality requisite for naval
architecture, such as teak, ironwood (Syderoxylon), and poon ( Callo phyllum); the last of which grows tall and straight as the Norway fir
or the larch, and is extremely well adapted for ships' masts. In the
forests of Cochinchina are also ebony (Dios peros), cedars, mimosas,
walnuts, and indeed most of the timber trees that grow in India. Down
this magnificent river all kinds of timber might be brought to Prince
of Wales's Island, almost as conveniently as from Rangoon.
Having thus briefly stated some of the important advantages which
an intimate connection with Cochinchina might be expected to produce, the next point to be decided is the mode in which such a connection would most effectually be established. With this view it may
not be amiss to inquire whether any, and what, steps have hitherto
to have been made by Mr. Hastings, in the year 1778, when, on his
112. The value of Burmese teak for ship building had been appreciated by both
the French and the English East India Companies early in the 18th
century. Dupleix had tried to support the Mon rebels against Alaungpaya
in the hope of obtaining a monopoly of this strategic material and of the
usei of the shipyards at Syriam (near the modern Rangoon); but he had
been frustrated by that lack of support from his superiors which culminated in his recall in 1754. Shortly after Dupleix' departure the supression of the Mns by Alaungpaya put an end for a while to French plans
in this direction. In the 1770s the French established a dockyard near
Rangoon, where a number of ships were built (including the Laiiriston,
see pp. ? above). This was abandoned in 1778, following the English
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that policy questioned which prohibits English ships from doubling the
Cape of Good Hope, whilst those under the flags of every other nation
profit by such restriction, I am decidedly of opinion that the trade to
China and to Cochinchina ought never to be thrown open to individual
merchants. The Chinese, in particular, are so averse to their subjects
trading promiscuously with foreigners, that the government appoints
an united body of merchants who exclusively are allowed to deal with
strangers; and one of whom is obliged to become security for the fair
dealing and the good conduct of the Captain and crew of every ship
who are in any shape connected with the concerns of trade. However
honourable a merchant may be in his dealings, he cannot be responsible
for the good conduct of a whole ship's company; nor, with the cargo
which he transfers to the management of another, can he transfer at
the same time character and principle. But independent of the frauds
and tricks that are too frequently connected with trade, there is something in a commercial intercourse which is inconsistent with diplomatic
Cochinchina was made about two years ago, when, from representations communicated to the Directors of the East India Company of the
China one of its servants, who had retired from the factory at Canton,
with instructions to proceed from that port on a secret mission to the
King of Cochinchina. This gentleman, on his arrival at Canton, finding the state of his health would not permit him to go through the
161
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point out very clearly that the shorter he made his visit the more
agreeable it would be to the Cochinchinese government. In fact, he
found the Sovereign Caung-shung 113 completely surrounded by Frenchmen; and as he knew nothing himself of the language of the country,
nor had any one with him who did, every proposition he had to offer,
and every explanation regarding his mission, were necessarily made
through the French missionaries. That these men are but little dis-
posed to be friendly to the English nation might have been known without sending to Cochinchina for the information, and the consequence
of making overtures through them to the King easily foreseen. The
very reserved, not to say contemptuous, conduct of every one about the
Court to the Company's Ambassador makes it probable that the proposals he had to offer on the part of his employers were wholly mis-
might be who was sent on this embassy, in every respect except in his
not knowing a single character of the written or one syllable of the
spoken language, the want of the indispensable means of communication seems quite sufficient to have rendered the object of the mission
completely abortive. As far as the joint testimonies of several English
gentlemen, who a few years ago were at the Cochinchinese Court, and
of French officers in the service of that Court, can be allowed to have
weight- as far as any confidence is to be placed in professions declared
in public edicts - as far as actions may be considered to develope sentiments - and as far as we were enabled to judge of the disposition of the
people during our stay at Turon, I should be inclined to conclude that
the contrary is the case, and that neither the King of Cochinchina nor
the people would be in the smallest degree averse to an intimate connection with the English, provided suitable overtures were made to
them in a direct manner from the British government, and not through
114. This was certainly a weakness of the Roberts mission (see p. 150 above),
but there is no reason to suppose that Gia Long would have welcomed
in any circumstances a closer political relationship with the British.
162
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(C)
A FRENCH ACCOUNT OF THE ROBERTS MISSION
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Alastair Lamb
Seminary of the Missions Etrangres , and there was no one then living
Tipu, and that the Cochin Chinese King had concluded that "the
Governor General of India wishes to intimidate me by pointing out
the fate of the Indian prince".118
Had Roberts indeed thought of any such scheme of pictorial propaganda, it seems very likely that he would have mentioned it in his
diary or his report. He made no bones about his efforts to bribe the
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In Janssaud 's story of the way in which Roberts had won over the
mandarins to his side we may perhaps detect the French mandarins in
an attempt to make the most of their role of protectors of French
interests in Cochin China. From Roberts' diary one does not get the
impression that the mandarins were particularly co-operative. Ong-tonoe , one of the very few Cochin Chinese officials with whom Roberts
came into close contact, was clearly interested in the proposition of the
English envoy (see p. 128 above), but he refused to commit himself in
any way until Roberts had seen the King. It does seem likely, however, that the mandarins saw in the arrival of Roberts a useful lever
against the French officers of whom they were clearly jealous, and
they may well have pointed out to Gia Long that, now that the English
were showing an interest in Cochin China, he would be wise to get rid
of the Frenchmen; but this does not mean that they would have advocated the granting to the English company of any special privileges.
British; and they may well have, as the Select Committee believed,
distorted somewhat the nature and wording of Roberts' proposals.
The letter which Taboulet quotes, and which he said Roberts had sent
to Gia Long on 14th August, 1804, to protest against the King's
"imperious, proud and arrogant conduct",119 is hard to reconcile with
the text of Roberts' letter of 17th August, the only written communication which the English envoy sent to the King while at Hu (see pp. 142143 above). It sounds more like a distorted version of Roberts' verbal
observations of 14th August, which the French mandarins - or Cochin
Chinese mandarins, for that matter - had turned into a formal state-
attention of the English who, till then, as much because of the extent
of their possessions in the other parts of India as because their cornil 9. Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 276, quoting the text printed by Abb L. E.
Louvet in La Cochinchine Religieuse, 2 vols., Paris 1885, vol. 2, pp. 496498.
165
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Alastair Lamb
Cochin China: and perhaps this was also because they did not see
there any rivals from whom they had to fear an annoying influence on
their system of world wide trade.
However, the King of Cochin China did not seem to be a man to
be ignored, and the East India Company resolved to send to him one
to accept the presents intended for him and to grant the audience
sought for by the English envoy, who already believed that the success
The English were not unaware of the special esteem and favour
which the French enjoyed under Gia Long; also they neglected nothing
which might prevent this having any effect. For instance, among the
presents intended for this prince were pictures illustrating the most
tragic periods of our revolution, and which brought to mind above all
the sufferings of the unfortunate Louis XVI for which Gia Long had
often expressed his regrets. One did not need to go further to make
certain of the French missionaries from whom, it seemed, one had
nothing to fear and who were, in effect, foreigners to their motherland.
Cochin China, were at the Court at this time. Gia Long consulted
them on the power of the English in Europe and in India, and also on
the mission of Mr. Roberts who asked nothing less than the cession
of a port. These gentlemen revealed to the King that it was just about
in this way that the English began to establish themselves in other
countries, of which they subsequently became the masters and the
welcome.
for Canton.
166
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CHAPTER VIII
(A)
BACKGROUND TO THE MISSION
Kergariou, who left Brest for Cochin China aboard the frigate Cyble
in July 1817 with instructions to bring presents to Gia Long and to
inform that monarch of the changes which had taken place in France
fair and reasonable terms of trade for them, but he was not to
167
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Alastair Lamb
attempt to open any formal negotiations with Gia Long. His most
important commission was to get in touch with Chaigneau and Vannier,
to whom he was to present the insignia of membership to the Lgion
d'Honneur.120
Cochin Chinese King might have of English ambitions, this did not
imply any desire for a close connection with France. Vannier was
sent down to Tourane to meet Kergariou, and the French envoy was
treated with considerable ceremony by the local mandarins, but he was
not permitted to go to Hu and he was refused an audience with Gia
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In 1819 Philippon et Cie. sent the Henry under Captain Rey back
to Cochin China, and Balguerie, Sarget et Cie. sent the Larose. Their
captains and supercargoes visited Hu where they were entertained by
Chaigneau and Vannier and had discussions with important Mandarins.
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Alastair Lamb
for his army and was prepared to help the French merchants up to
slim margin of profit. The obvious candidates for such a post were
Chaigneau and Vannier whose loyal services to France had been
recognised in 1817 by membership of the Legion d'Honneur .
Chaigneau's return to France in 1820 made his selection inevitable.
Chaigneau had been considered in this light since at least 1817,
when the Duc de Richlieu had tried to correspond with him on the
part he might play in "the establishment of a permanent and regular
commerce with the country where you reside". His appointment was
strongly advocated by Balguerie, Sarget et Cie. There seems little
doubt that this question was one of the major factors behind his
decision to return to France.124 In the summer of 1820 Chaigneau
was granted an audience by Louis XVIII and made a member of the
Order of St. Louis. In October he was appointed French Consul
in Hu, Agent de France at the Court of the ruler of Cochin China,
and Commissaire du Roi for the negotiation of a commercial treaty
between France and Cochin China. As Agent de France Chaigneau
was to conduct diplomatic relations between France and Cochin China;
as Consul he was to exercise jurisdiction over French subjects in
Cochin China and to deal with purely commercial matters; and as
Commissaire du Roi he was empowered to negotiate on behalf of
France a treaty which would enable him to act in his other two
capacities, and would guarantee the lives and property of French
subjects trading in Cochin China. To these three functions Chaigneau
suggested the addition of a fourth, that which would now be performed
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for this purpose with a small library including the latest edition of
threatens to chase us all out of his kingdom on the least complaint which might be made to him against us. Since he has
ascended the throne our holy religion has made very little
progress.126
The death of Gia Long, in fact, removed the one element in the
Chaigneau was now the servant of two masters, Louis XVIII and
Minh-Mang, made the French mandarins objects of even greater
suspicion to the latter monarch; and in 1824 both Chaigneau and
Vannier left Cochin China for France, never to return. The attempts
by Chaigneau's nephew, Eugne Chaigneau, to carry on the Consulate
ended in disaster, when the French representative was involved in the
wreck of the Saint Michel and arrived at his post destitute and almost
125. See H. Cordier, Le Consulat de France a Hu sous la Restauration, Paris
1884, pp. 1-55.
126. Translated from Taboulet, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 295.
171
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Alastair Lamb
into English occupation. For this reason he would never have given
France any exclusive commercial treaty; and in this respect Minh-Mang
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that such a mission could well be combined with a far more important
venture in Siam.
time was Resident in Jogjakarta. In 1820 he published his monumental three volume History of the Indian Archipelago , one of the
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Alastair Lamb
make the best use of such a mission not only to secure diplomatic
the British. After his return from Siam and Cochin China, Crawfurd
failures to enter Parliament in the years 1832-37, he spent the remainder of his long life in compiling works of reference on South-East
at Cochin Chinese ports on the same terms as the Chinese junks, but
not in Tonkin (which, at an early stage in the discussion, was said to
be open, but was later reported closed because, as a recent conquest,
"it was not deemed expedient to encourage the resort of strangers to
it") 130 All this was in accordance with Minh-Mang's policy of not
trying to shut out foreign trade but refusing to accept diplomatic
entanglements with the Europeans - and, as the Robert mission of
129. For a brief account of Crawfurd's life, see J. Bastin, John Crawfurd,
Malaya, Dec. 1954.
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towards the British, and pave the way for future British missions; but,
as we have seen, such an interview was refused, and Crawfurd could
hardly claim to have been honoured by any particular marks of distinction by the Cochin Chinese Court.
The Crawfurd mission to Cochin China, however, was not without
its importance to the history of subsequent British policy in South-East
Asia. For one thing, Crawfurd was able to show that the influence of
the French, still regarded as of possible significance in his instructions,
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Alastair Lamb
(B)
crawfurd's instructions
2. You are aware, that in the earlier period of the Indian com-
merce of the European nations, the trade of Siam and Cochin China
constituted no unimportant branch of it;132 and that during their
struggle for superiority among themselves in India, and those contests
with the native powers which led to the establishment of territorial
possessions, the commerce with these two countries was overlooked
or neglected; so that, during the first half of the last century, that
trade became extremely inconsiderable, and during the last seventy
years may be looked upon as having altogether ceased.
3. From the most authentic information in the possession of this
government, there is every reason to believe that the industry and
132. Referring to the 17th century, when the English and the Dutch were active
in these markets.
176
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dominions. The subject, indeed, of cultivating a more intimate connecxion with Siam has been repeatedly brought to the notice, of the
Supreme Government by the Government of Penang, and towards the
end of last year, a proposition from that Government to depute an
Agent to Siam received the sanction of his Lordship in Council. That
sanction has, however, only been partially acted on, and the design
may now be conveniently superseded by the Mission which his Excellency in Council has resolved to commit to your charge.
farther Asia, beyond the peninsula of Malacca, a very general fear and
distrust of Europeans, highly detrimental to the interests of commerce,
is predominant; resulting, it is too much to be feared, from the violence, imprudence, and disregard of natural rights, which occasionally
of trade.
the first instance, the practicability of establishing our commercial relations with the countries in question upon a permanent and beneficial
footing, by the absolute removal of those restrictions which national
ever, that well timed and judicious representations on your part to the
Rulers of these countries, may have in a great measure the effect of
disarming their apprehensions, removing their antipathies, and, by so
and that its prosperity and extension will mainly depend upon the
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Alastair Lamb
Sovereign, in particular cases, claims and exercises the right of preemption ,and retains in his own hands a monopoly of certain articles
most in demand, while the exportation of some of the native productions of the country is altogether prohibited. Your attention will of
to the people among whom you are to appear, and the relative situation of the British Government in India in regard to them, you will
be furnished with letters to the Kings of Siam and Cochin China, in
the terms of the English drafts which accompany these instructions.
11. With regard to the practical details which may arise out
178
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Plate IX. A Cochin Chinese Mandarin of the Civil Order in his dress of
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of the principles above stated, and which must be, in a great measure,
treaties, lest the native powers to whom you are now deputed should
capriciously imagine their independence or their prerogatives com-
and the Chief of the Settlement of Singapore. This will have the
able to proceed from hence, at the very latest, by the 1st of November.
It is to be hoped that you will reach Siam, which will be the first object
of your attention, about the middle of December; touching at Prince
of Wales's Island and Singapore for necessary information and assist-
tributary and petty States upon the shores of the Gulf of Siam; but you
will be careful to satisfy yourself, in the first place, that your holding
communication with these chiefs will not excite the jealousy of the
Siamese Government, nor give cause of complaint to the Dutch, that
179
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Alastair Lamb
we are interfering with the settlements which they may have formed in
that quarter.
16. The Governor-General in Council contemplates the probability of your reaching Cochin China in the month of May, with the
vour to attain the objects of your mission at Cochin China, you will
have to contend with the previously established, and possibly adverse
influence of other European nations at that Court 133 It will be your
quainted with the views and policy of those nations, and the footing
on which they stand with the native Government; also avoiding, however, any appearances that may countenance the erroneous belief that
your mission is directed towards objects of a political nature.
18. Looking to a successful reception of your mission at Cochin
China, it is supposed that you may be detained in that country until
the beginning of July. At this period it will be impracticable, or diffi-
direct passage.
19. Your easiest route will therefore be by the established eastern
passage, which, without inconvenient loss of time, will enable you to
touch at Manila, the Sooloo group of Islands, the independent portion
of the Spice Islands, with such other countries by the way as are not
under the control of other European nations. These countries are all
and Penang; and unless you should, at either of these places, find
134. This part of the mission, in the event, was not attempted.
180
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20. Having thus sketched out the general objects of your mission
to Siam and Cochin China, it is necessary to revert to the views and
objects of the Government of Penang, in suggesting at various times
the deputation of an Agent to Siam, as stated in the third paragraph of
this letter.
framed in conformity with the views and principles which wre dis-
tinctly laid down for its guidance. The subject was resumed in the
reception. Your visit to Penang will enable you to learn from the
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Alastair Lamb
24. You are apprised that the ship John Adam has been taken
Fort William,
29 th September, 1821.
182
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()
THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT EXPLAIN TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS THE
MOTIVES BEHIND THE CRAWFURD MISSION.
friendly connection and negotiating and establishing an improved commercial intercourse with these countries, a measure which we trust will
would open a vast field for the improved energies alluded to, and
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Alastair Lamb
of considerable and increasing value and importance cannot fail to result from an opening of the general trade with the countries in question. The Honorable Company has therefore a direct interest in the
success of the measures in our contemplation, without which, however
solicitous we might be for the improvement of the commercial resources
of the Empire at large, we should not have felt ourselves altogether
justified in undertaking the mission at the sole expense of the Honorable Company without the previous authority of your Honorable Court.
traders the largest supply of raw silk of any country in Asia, and
expected for woollens, cotton goods, raw and wrought iron, Bengal
opium and various other articles of minor note. The trade with Siam
is chiefly conducted at present by the Chinese settled in that country,
who bring its produce to the European ports in the Straits of Malacca
traffic between the territories of the King of Cochin China and China.
But, by laying the trade with those countries directly open to the
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mission from this Government might effect was to place the intercourse
avoided.
that for the last century and upwards European nations have been
nearly excluded from all parts of the present Empire, but we are of
the opinion that this exclusion may be mainly ascribed to the intemperence and violence which marked the proceedings on the part of
the European traders of those times.
a mission was sent from this Government to the King of Cochin China.
At the period in question the Agent deputed by Mr. Hastings found
a country in a state of anarchy and rebellion and labouring under the
miseries of a famine. He was courted by the rebel chief in possession
of the sea ports in the hope of obtaining British aid, but ultimately
came to an open rupture with one of the inferior chiefs and, after
treaty136, the precise nature of which we have not been able to ascertain,
is said to have been concluded between the King of Cochin China and
the present Government of France, and we have been informed that a
136. There was, of course, no such treaty. The reference here is, no doubt,
to the Kergariou mission and the appointment of Chaigneau to the Hu
Consulate.
185
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Alastair Lamb
large investment of goods for that country was preparing for shipment
at Bordeaux about the end of the last year. We have also heard
that a Dutch ship from Java obtained a cargo last year in the ports of
Cochin China.137 and hence it may be inferred that the difficulty of
11. In the selection of the Agent to whom we determined to confide the charge of this mission we confidently anticipate the approba-
Crawfurd of your Bengal Medical Establishment in a diplomatic capacity in Java, his intimate acquaintance with the manners, customs and
commerce of the various nations of the Eastern Archipelago, and the
high reputation for ability, judgement and discretion which he has so
deservedly acquired, pointed him out to us as a person emminently
prepared for the task by the full and accurate knowledge he had
previously acquired with regard to everything connected with the
186
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12-23. (These paragraphs, dealing with the cost and scale of the
Honorable Sirs,
Your most faithful,
humble servants,
(D)
CRAWFORD'S FIRST REPORT TO THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT ON THE CONCLUSION OF HIS MISSION TO COCHIN CHINA.
Letters from Bengal, Vol. 88; Political Letter of 27th December, 1822,
Sir,
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Alastair Lamb
distant from the mouth of the Ma-nam, for the purpose of ballasting
and watering the ship or otherwise preparing her for our voyage to
Cochin China. These operations detained us ten days, but this delay
gave us an opportunity of affecting a complete survey of this group of
islands which, besides commanding the entrance to the river of Siam
and the approach to the capital - making it in a great measure a key
to all that is most valuable in the kingdom - contains a good harbour
and lies in the direction of all the native commerce conducted in the
Gulf of Siam. On the 14th of August we sailed for Cochin China, and
on the 22nd, with a view of obtaining some information respecting the
actual state of that country, visited the Islands of Pulo Condor which
are under its authority.140 On one of these islands an English settlement once existed, the avowed object of which, as it was to secure to
our nation a portion of the trade of the countries lying between Siam
and China, gave it a peculiar interest as connected with the objects of
This place is situated upon the great River of Kamboja, and after
Cachao in Tonquin is the most considerable commercial town in the
kingdom, and under the government of the most powerful chief of the
country, left by the will of the late King protector of the kingdom and
guardian of his son, the reigning prince. On the 24th we anchored in
the abandoned English settlement. After 118 years the brick foundations of the factory could still be seen, and the surrounding neighbourhood abounded in fragments of earthenware and porcelain.
In his journal Crawfurd noted that the French had investigated Pulo
Condore in 1720 with a view to founding a settlement there, but had
abandoned the project after an adverse report from the party despatched
there.
Tne island, in fact, had attracted the notice of the French as early
as 1686 when Vret, chief of the French East India Company's factory
at Ayuthia, reported on the commercial advantaged of its situation. The
first attempt at European settlement, however, was that of the English
under Ketchpole from 1702-1705 which culminated in the massacre of
most of the settlers by mutinous Macassar troops. In September, 1721,
the French frigate Danae anchored off Pulo Condore and landed the
engineer Reynault who remained there until June, 1722. Reynault advised
against the projected establishment and the plan was dropped.
In January, 1780, the Discovery, Captain Gore, visited the island.
Despite a search, no trace of the English factory could be seen. Captain
King, who described this visit, reported that he came across a sign of
French influence in the shape of a note to all passing European vessels
from Pigneau de Behaine, dated 10th August, 1779, which stated that the
Mandarin bearing this note was an official in the service of the Nguyen
instructed to look after European ships and to obtain the latest news
from them. King and Gore were much puzzled by this document.
The Macartney Embassy made a very brief visit to Pulo Condore on
J. King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, Vol. 3, London 1784, pp. 450-^
464; Barrow, Cochinchina, op. cit., p. 244.)
188
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upon the banks of a navigable river a few miles from the sea. A
Mandarine of rank came to conduct us, and two large gallies were provided for our accommodation. The persons to proceed along with me
were limited by an express order of the Court to a very small number,
nor was the accommodation furnished sufficient for more. The ostensible pretext for this was that the accommodation was the same as that
always furnished to the Siamese Ambassador, and lately to the Envoy
from France. I offered a temperate remonstrance against this, but found
142. Crawfurs journal gives the name of this official as the eunuch An-tak
144. While in Saigon Crawfurd met the young French naturalist Pierre Diard
(1794-1863). Diard, a pupil of Cuvier, had been travelling in the East
since 1817, visiting Bengal and meeting in Sumatra with Raffles whom he
accompanied to Singapore. Diard came to Cochin China in 1821 and
remained there until 1824. He became a good friend of J. B. Chaigneau,
but had little respect for that person in his capacity of French Consul in
Cochin China. Diard is said to have been the first Frenchman to set
eyes on the ruins of Angkor. (See: Taboulet, op. cit., pp. 305, 308-310.)
189
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Alastair Lamb
on the following night arrived there. Our first reception at this place
consisted of a mixture of distrust and jealousy, but yet of personal
not allowed to pass our habitation without offering some mark of respect
Majesty to state that the request of His Excellency the Most Noble
Governor General of India as contained in his letter was agreed to, and
that our trade should be admitted to the ports of Cochin China on the
same terms with the Chinese or other most favoured nations; that an
Vol. 774, this audience took place on the 28th; but the published version
(Crawfurd, Embassy , op. cit., p. 246) gives the 29th, agreeing with the
narrative here.
146. An attempt was made to argue that an audience had been denied to
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granted, and that the presents of His Excellency the Most Noble
bearer was not directly from His Majesty the King of England. In
explanation it was stated that the Envoy sent by the Court of France in
1817 to his late Majesty had received no audience, and that the presents
sent by His Majesty Louis XVIII were declined because the letter of
which the Envoy was the bearer was not written in the name of His
Majesty the King of France but in the name of one of His Majesty's
Ministers of State.147 The remonstration and explanations which I submitted in reply will in course of time be laid before His Excellency the
Most Noble Governor General. This measure owed its origin in some
respects, I have reason to believe, to the suggestion of the French gentlemen at the Court, still more to the personal pride of the reigning Prince
and his ambitious imitation upon every occasion of the pomp and
abroad freely to any part of the city. The following day we were
invited to inspect the works and fortifications of the city with its arsenals
and granaries. The whole works, which are between five and six miles
in circuit, surrounded by a double moat, may without exaggeration be
termed truly extraordinary in any country and wonderful in the one in
which they exist. They are generally constructed on scientific principles
and of most excellent materials, and the arsenal contains more than two
thousand pieces of artillery, the greater number cast in Cochin China
and of beautiful workmanship.148
On the 2nd of October the Intendant of the Port waited upon me
ing trade, when I proposed that our commerce should be admitted into
the 6th , the same person called again, and I had a further discussion
with him on the subject of our trade, when the principle upon which the
duties to be levied upon our ships was determined. On this day and
on two other occasions during our stay at Hui deputations of Man-
darines directly from the King in their robes of ceremony waited upon
148. Some of the guns were cast by the Portuguese, but in Cochin China or
Cambodia, as far back as 1664.
Over 800 pieces of ordinance were employed in the Hu fortifications. More? than 2,000 cannon, in addition, were stored in the arsenal,
so Crawfurd noted in his journal on the basis of information from
Chaigneau and Vannier. The printed version does not give this last
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Alastair Lamb
presents had been prepared by His Majesty, and some trifling ones
for his agent with certain refreshments and provisions for the ship's
crew and the followers of the mission, and that the presents for His
Excellency the Most Noble the Governor General would be exhibited
tomorrow morning at the Palace, where I should be received in state
by the Minister of Ceremonies for this particular purpose. This was a
matter the discussion of which required some caution and delicacy to
avoid giving any offence to His Majesty's known pride and pertinacity
upon points of this nature. I resolved therefore to accept the trifling
presents offered to my myself and the provisions for the ship; but for
obvious reasons declined those for His Excellency the Most Noble the
Governor General, avoiding, however, all discussions tending to excite
irritation respecting the motives for doing so. The Minister seemed
satisfied with the reasons I assigned, but an officious member of the
deputation in spite of my endeavours to the contrary brought on a discussion of the subject which ended in a reference to His Majesty. The
concessions originally granted on a former occasion of trading to Kam-
boja and Tonquin were formally withdrawn upon this, under what
His Majesty, and he was jealously alive to our ambition and fearful of
our power. The great object which I held in view in my intercourse
192
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with them was to dispel these unfavourable prepossessions and to convince them of the real justice and moderation of our views. Had the
objects of the mission in any respect been of a political nature, or had
there been any chance of our maintaining a future connection with the
country, it would perhaps have been necessary to have assumed a higher
tone, but under existing circumstances such a line of conduct in the
negotiations certainly did not appear to me the best means of ensuring
our present success or the proper security against embarrassing the
government I had the honour of representing.
We quitted Hui on the morning of the 17 th to return to the Bay of
and 24th of October. By the merchants of this place, who are all
of my instructions.
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Alastair Lamb
"
7-
54
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21
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At Sai-gon
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70
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At Hu
A t Sai-gon
7-13
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Cochin China from every province of that Empire from Canton to the
Yellow Sea, including at least ten different ports with which our Nation
has no direct intercourse. What these traders are at a loss for in
Cochin China are return cargoes, and if we supply them with the
pepper and tin, they will leave the rough produce of Cochin China,
sugar, raw silk and cinnamon, for us to export. Besides this channel of
employment for our capital through the maritime ports of China, a new
and to a great measure an untried one is held out to us for disseminating
our productions among the Chinese in the connection which subsists
between the northern portions of Cochin China and those provinces of
China which immediately border upon it, particularly the extensive one
pf Yu-nan. A brisk international trade is at present conducted between
these countries, and even also our opium and some of our European
manufactures find their way from Canton to the Western Provinces
through the route of Tonquin. The most intelligent of the Chinese
merchants with whom I conversed in the different parts of Cochin
China which I visited pointed out these resources of employment for our
trade and capital.
The political condition of the Kingdom of Cochin China may be
described in a few words. It embraces the whole of Tonquin, the whole
of Cochin China and the largest and best part of Kamboja,150 thus
numerous and excellent. Not only cannon is cast in Cochin China, but
shells, cannon ball and grape, and very good gunpowder is manufactured. All this makes the power of Cochin China sufficiently formidable to its native neighbours, but it is in all probability the very circum-
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Alastair Lamb
soldiers. The terror of the European name was in particular here felt
to an extent which I have never seen equalled even among the most
timid of the peasantry in Western India.
I make no hesitation in giving it as my decided opinion that no
foreign influence exists at the Court of Cochin China hostile to our own
political interests. Of all European nations the Cochin Chinese entertain great jealousy, nor is it in the least degree probable as long as the
country remains as it now is, united and free from insurrection or inter-
nal dissention, that they will permit any European party to establish an
influence of the least importance in their councils. The whole of what
the French Navy, and from what I could learn from native authority
the object of the mission was to require the cession of the Bay and
territory of Turon tfiven to France by the treaty of 1787, as well as the
payment of a certain debt said to be owing to the Court of France by
that of Cochin China. The late King, although the prince who had
formed the French connection, would neither see the Envoy nor receive
given to understand from the same source, at the nature of the proposi151. At the time of Roberts visit to Hu in 1804 there were four Frenchmen
in the service Gia Long, Chaigneau, Vannier, de Forsanz and Despiau.
De Forsanz died in 1811. Dr. Despiau, however, was still in Hu at the
(See: Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 296; Maybon, op. cit., pp. 387196
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touched at Turon Bay, and it was generally given out that the commander was charged with some diplomatic mission from the Court of
France, but neither would his present Majesty grant this officer an
audience. 153i The French gentlemen at the Court of Cochin China themselves gave it out that His Majesty the King of Cochin China declined
making over to France the territorial cession yielded in the treaty of
1787 only because he apprehended that Great Britain in the event of a
war with France would seize upon the territory in question and make it
a pretext for establishing its power in the Kingdom. The explanation
152. Crawfurd, of course, was misinformed as to the objectives of the Kergariou mission (see pp. ? above). Kergariou's instructions, which are
printed below, make it quite clear that the French envoy was authorised
to do no more than show the flag of the Restoration Monarchy and
exchange compliments with Gia Long.
Crawfurd does not state his source for this information, but implies
that it came from some official personage. Perhaps we can detect here
an example of the determination of the Cochin Chinese to avoid foreign
entanglements, and can conclude that this information was given to
Crawfurd to convince him that there was no danger of the Cochin
Chinese permitting the establishment of French influence.
Extract from de Kergariou's Instructions, issued by the French
Ministry of the VIarine and Colonies. (Translated from T'oung Pao,
Series 2, Vol. IX, 1906, p. 177.)
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Alastair Lamb
it must have acted in profound ignorance of the real state of the country
and the character of the government. Mr. Chaigneau, one of the French
Mandarines now at the Court, returned to France in 1820 and, as he
held an intercourse with the French Ministry, would have put them in
possession of such information respecting the true state of the country
influence in Cochin China until some internal change takes place in the
Kingdom.
Should however at some future period foreign European influence
hostile to ourselves be established in Cochin China, or the government
of that country be led into an offensive alliance against us, it appears in
my judgement that there is no situation where such an influence could
be more easily destroyed without the smallest risk of involving ourselves
in the affairs of the country. The capital and all the central provinces
of the kingdom of Cochin China depend chiefly for subsistence upon
the fertile countries lying upon the two great rivers of Tonquin and
Kamboja, and the government receives the principal part of its revenues
from the same quarter. A blockade of these two rivers, therefore, which
could be done safely and effectively with the smallest naval force, would
soon reduce the government of Cochin China to any terms that it might
be found necessary to prescribe to it. The necessity of such a measure,
however, from the fair character of the Cochin Chinese government, but
above all from its great apprehension of the British power in India, can
from present appearances be viewed only as a remote probability.
Cochin China,
October 25th, 1822.
(E)
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Tonquin.154
116. This Empire, which took its existing form in the first years
of this century, comprises the whole of Cochin China, the whole of
Tonquin, the principal part of Kamboja and the little state of Champa.
Its geographical limits extend from the point of Kamboja .... to the
northern confines of Tonquin .... It is bordered to the north by the
Chinese provinces of Canton, Kwangsi and Yu-nan, and to the west by
the kingdoms of Laos and Siam. The Gulfs of Siam and Tonquin and
the China Sea bound it in every other direction.
117. For an estimate of the population of Cochin China I unfortunately found it impracticable to obtain any correct statements. There
is every reason to believe however that it has been very greatly exag-
question that the extensive alluvial districts situated on its fine river are
Les Papiers du Dr. Crawfurd. This was intended to provide those portions
relating to Cochin China which were excluded from the documents printed
in The Crawfurd Papers, Bangkok, 1915. The Bangkok collection was
translated into French by Berland and published in BSEI 1941.
155. Pre de la Bissachire, a French missionary who lived in various parts
of Cochin China from 1789 to 1806, provided much information on the
history and economy of Cochin China which was incorporated into the
following two works: Felix Renouard de Sainte Croix, Voyage Commercial aux Indes Orientales, Paris 1810; and Baron de Montyon, Expos
statistique du Tonkin et de la Cochinchine, London 1811. Crawfurd is
referring to one these two books.
156. Chaigneau and Vannier. Much of Crawfurd's information on Cochin
China, its economy and history, seems to have been derived from this
source. Crawfurd had access to a memorandum compiled by Chaigneau
while in France in 1820, and intended for the information of the French
Government. Crawfurd, in his Embassy, op. cit., refers to this document
as the M.S. of M. Chaigneau. The portion of this quoted in Crawfurd,
Embassy, op. cit., pp. 519-520 note, is a direct translation of part of
Chaigneau's memorandum which Taboulet prints, Taboulet, op. cit., Vol.
I, pp. 297-300. It seems unlikely, however, that Crawfurd was allowed
to see this document in its entirety, for Chaigneau in his concluding
summary points out the following advantages of a closer connection
between France and Cochin China:
199
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Alastair Lamb
situation and its navigable rivers and its innumerable and excellent
harbours.
Kamboja.
121. The River of Kamboja appears to be one of the longest in
Asia. It empties itself into the sea in about the latitude of 10, extends
thro' the whole of Kamboja, the Kingdom of Laos, the Chinese province
of Yu-nan and, if the map of the Jesuits can be relied upon, passes
through Boutan and has its origins in the mountains of Tartary about the
latitude 35. Owing to the anarchy and disorder which have for more
than a century back prevailed in Kamboja, this river has for a long time
scarcely been frequented by Europeans. Yet at one period it seems to
have been well known and tolerable delineations have been handed down
to us of the lower portions of it.
157. The river Kangkac. The Giang-thanh river leading to the Vinh-te canal
which joins the Bassac branch of the Mekong at Chau Doc. The details
of this waterway are shown in PI. Ill of Vol. 1 of L. Malleret, L'Archologie du Delta du Mekong, Paris 1959.
158. Athien = Ha-tien.
159. Pontiemas was situated a few miles upstream from Ha-tien. Until 1717,
when it was destroyed by the Siamese, it was the main port by which
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122. The River of Sai-gon ... is politically one of the safest and
most commercial navigable streams in the world. Ships of almost any
size may enter into it without a pilot and even sail to the city of Sai-gon,
not only convenient for navigation, but the alluvial districts in its vicinity
are highly productive; and on this account it forms the second place of
is not navigable for vessels above 200 tons burden. The capital of
tection.
126. The high roads and canals, constructed by the late king,
161. See: Maybon, op. cit., pp. 403-409, for an account of the river of
Tonkin, which was used by merchants of the English East India Company in the 17th century.
201
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Alastair Lamb
other countries about the northern Tropic, but owing to the extensive
the capital and the central part of the kingdom with a very large portion
of their consumption. The latter could not well subsist without a large
supply from the former, and this is the source of the most extensive
and manufacture is the result of the labour of the natives of the country
and not of that of the Chinese as in Siam. Upon the whole the commodity, of a good grain, is inferior in whiteness to that of Siam. The
whole exportation appears to be about 130,000 piculs and has principally been sent to China.
130. Raw silk is the next article in value. Of this there is little
that the coarser kind was found to answer very well in the French
market.
131. Cochin China produces the true cinnamon. The whole pro-
but principally to China where it is much more highly valued than any
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tea. This is a very coarse and very cheap commodity, the price seldom
exceeding a penny or two pence a pound. Whether under other circumstances of our relations with this part of the world this tea might
not be exported for the consumption of the poorer estates in England
may be a subject for consideration.
133. The productions of the alluvial districts of the kingdom and
the adjacent forests are nearly identical with those of Siam, and it will
only be necessary to enumerate the principal of them. These are for
Kamboja: gamboge,164 cardomuns, eagle wood, areka,165 ivory, stick
lac,166 hides and bones, dried fish, rare woods and woods for naval and
domestic architecture. For Tonquin they are: varnish, stick lac and
capital in large quantities and from it were constructed the whole of the
public buildings as well as the numerous and very beautiful gun carriages which we had an opportunity of examining in the Royal Arsenal.
A hard black wood is extensively used in cabinet work, and being of
large dimensions and affording a fine polish seems extremely well suited
to this purpose, and may probably answer for exportation to our settle-
language Mao Kin and in that of Canton Shu-leong .166a It forms the
facturers.
164. Gamboge. A drug prepared from the sap of a species of jungle tree
related to the mangostine tree. The name appears to be derived from
Kamboja, the Malay name for Cambodia which is the chief source of
this commodity.
165. Areka. The fruit of the Areka palm. The dried Areca nuts were widely
consumed in India and China, where they were appreciated as a stimulant comparable with tea, coffee or tobacco.
166. Stick lac. An incrustation produced on certain trees by the lac insect.
The crude resinous product is known as stick lack, from which is produced lac dye and the varnish base known as shellac. The lac dye produces a red colour, and from the word lac is derived the English term
lake as in crimson lake. The lac insect occurs throughout S.E. Asia, but
the best quality product is to be found in the mainland rather than the
islands.
166a. Berland, BSEI 1947, p. 55n, equates this with the Tonkinese dyestuff
cu-nau, which provides the burnt Sienna colour of the clothes most commonly worn by the ordinary people of Tonkin.
203
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Alastair Lamb
137. About 12 days journey from Cachao,17 the capital of Tonquin, and lying in a westerly direction from it, are situated the gold
and silver mines of Ton-Seng and Sai-Seng. These as well as the iron
mines, are entirely wrought by Chinese settlers and not by the natives.
Of the quantity of gold these yield I could procure no account, but
for religious purposes and some fine teas. From the Malayan countries they receive pepper, cloves and nutmegs with sandal wood and
tin; and from India opium and saltpetre. From Europe the present
importations consist only of broad cloth and fine cotton goods, fire
arms and wrought iron.
year, two thirds of this being estimated for Tonquin and one third for
Cochin China and Kamboja. Until the establishment of Singapore the
whole of this supply had been obtained indirectly from Canton, some
portion of it by the junks and a great deal by land communication.
204
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demand for some woollens of a finer fabric among the better classes
of the people for occasional winter use.
143. From Canton and Singapore the junks have of late brought
small quantities of fine heavy cotton goods, which are much in request
amongst the better classes. Chintzes and other coloured cotton goods,
so well suited to the taste of the Siamese, are not at all consumed by the
Cochin Chinese with the exception of handkerchiefs. Neither are our
coarse white cottons such as are manufactured in India fit to be
144. The Cochin Chinese, notwithstanding their skill in the fabrication of cannon and the manufacture of ammunition, are incapable of
supplying themselves with fire arms and have at all times been furnished
with them by Europeans. One of the French ships which came out in
1819 supplied the King of Cochin China with 10,000 stand of arms,
yet these still continue as articles in demand.168 Notwithstanding the
apparent cheapness of the native iron of both Siam and Cochin China,
still this does not exclude the importation of the same commodity from
Europe, the use of which, from the little loss sustained in the operation
of forging compared to the native metal, has advantages over it even
in point of dearness.
145. The foreign trade of the Cochin Chinese Empire is almost
Malacca and particularly Singapore. I may here remark that were the
Cochin Chinese permitted the liberty of freely going abroad I know no
people of the East so well fitted to make expert mariners from their
168. The Henry, commanded by Captain Rey and belonging to the Bordeaux
merchant house of Philippon, made its second voyage to Cochin China in
1819 - the first voyage was in 1817-1818 - with a cargo of 10,000 rifles.
(See: Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 290-292; H. Cordier, Bordeaux et la
Cochinchine sous la Restauration , T'oung Pao 1904, p. 529; Moor, Notices
of the Indian Archipelago, op. cit. p. 230.)
205
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Alastair Lamb
147. On the part of China the trade is conducted with all the
Sea, and commonly with several ports of each. Of all this trade, it
each
each
burden
each
...
of
6,500
piculs
burden
each
burden
....
piculs
burden
each
Port of Hui.
From Hai-nan, Canton, Macao and the Northern Provinces generally 10 junks averaging at about 3,000 piculs
burden
amounts to nearly 20,000 tons, being very little more than one half
of the Chinese trade of the single port of Bangkok, such is the benefit
derived to the latter from the numbers and free enterprise of the
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150. The trade of Cochin China with Siam and which is confined
tions, imitate the Chinese; and they fall as much short of these people
in the administration of their laws as they do in ingenuity and enterprise. The only rank amongst them is official, and this, as in China, is
divided into 2 great classes, a civil and a military, an arrangement which
creates throughout the provinces a sort of double administration.
152. The form of the administration is regular in the habits and
modes of transacting business, equally prompt and methodical. Instead
of the procrastination which characterises most eastern governments, a
stranger will be surprised in Cochin China to find the almost alacritous
despatch in all official business; but it is probable that this is an accidental advantage belonging to the personal character of the Sovereign.
upon the Governor of Kamboja and Tonquin. Under the First Minister are 6 principal officers of state, who execute the details of the
administration. The first in rank of these is the Chancellor who is
charged with the care of the archives and public correspondence. The
The third is the Minister of Justice, the fourth the Minister of Finance,
the fifth the Minister of War and the sixth the Minister of Woods
and Forests. The duties of the latter officer are a little complex and
170. In paragraph 32 of this report Crawfurd gives a few more details of this
trade. Apart from Saigon, Ha-tien was also concerned in the SiamCochin China trade, which was carried out almost exclusively by Chinese
merchants. Cochin China imported from Siam iron, and exported to it
raw silk. He estimated, in paragraph 36, that 18 junks of 850 piculs
burden each traded annually between Bangkok and Saigon.
171. Le Thanh Khoi, op. cit., p. 324, gives the following account of Gia Long's
central administration:
Sovereign.
207
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Alastair Lamb
not fully expressed in the title. He not only superintends the forests
but everything that is constructed of wood, which of course includes
the public buildings and houses.
and public officers as at the capital, but they make regular reports of
all their proceedings in every department to the Government.
155. The bane of the Government of Cochin China, like that of
Siam, is the universal conscription. One third of the whole adult male
population of the country is constantly employed upon the public service, and, as in Cochin China there is a numerous priesthood to escape
to for immunity from the levee; and as a pecuniary commutation is not
admitted for the natives, the conscription falls perhaps a little more
heavily upon the people than in Siam itself. Altho' the conscription
is ostensibly for military service, yet the soldiers are compelled to perform many species of hard toil and menial offices that the officers of
the Government may please to exact of them over and above their
they are borrowed from China, but that they are evidently administered
in a spirit of less justice and mildness than in that country. The cane
seems to be the great remedy for all offences. Every one who is but
a single grade above another, either in a civil or a domestic relation,
seems to consider himself warranted in applying it without scruple.
The petty officer punishes the soldier and the officer the petty officer.
The husband punishes his wife and the wife her children. Altho' our
experience of them was but short and our intercourse casual, we had
oportunities of seeing examples of all these and I had certainly not
believed that corporal punishment could have been so frequently exercised in any country until I had experienced the Cochin Chinese.
157. Corruption and extortion among the officers of the Government are almost universal, and they appear to have no respect for the
property or the services of the lower classes except in so far as they
may contribute to their own convenience or emolument.
158. The military force of Cochin China forms as it is at present
Chinese army which consisted during the latter years of the civil war
of 150,000 men does not at present exceed 40,000. The men com-
and a 2nd chief. 172 The artillery is a distinct service from the
172. Brigade = doanh ; regiment = ve; company = doi. Crawfurs table of
organisation for the army agrees well with that given in Le Thanh hoi,
op. cit., p. 330.
208
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Plate XII. The King of Cochin China (Minh-Mang) in his dress of ceremony.
(From Crawfurd, Embassy, op. cit.)
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infantry, and forms the completest and best organised portion of the
army. There is no cavalry, for the small horses of the country are
duty, and receive neither pay nor rations when on furlough. The pay
of a common soldier of the infantry as well as of the non-commissioned
officers, for in this respect there is no distinction between them, is one
kwan a month and one measure of rice which consists of almost 64
lbs. The 2nd captain has 2 kwans and 2 measures of rice; the 1st
captain 3 kwans and 3 measures of rice; and the Colonel 8 kwans and
8 measures of rice; and the commander of a brigade has 30 kwans and
30 measures of rice. A regular pensionary system exists, and as the
reward of merit or eminent services pay is often advanced when no
the King for the funeral of every soldier, the only religious ceremony
to which the Cochin Chinese attach any importance.
160. Since the termination of the civil wars the navy of Cochin
China has been permitted to fall into decay. The late King had at one
time 2 fine corvettes mounting 18 guns each, which were commanded
by the French gentlemen who are still at Court, with an extraordinary
number of war-gallies after the Cochin Chinese fashion. Of the latter
person among these was Pignon, a native of Brussels and titular Bishop
of Adran. A splendid mausoleum has been erected to the memory of
this singular man by the gratitude of his employer, which is to be
seen within a few miles of Sai-gon. 173 The plan once matured,
however, now exists without the assistance of any European talent and
173. Pigneau de Behaine, who was born in 1741 at Origny-en-Thierache in
the department of Aisne, and not in Brussels as Crawfurd says here.
(See: A. Faure, Les Francais en Cochinchine au XVIlIe Siecle: Mgr.
Pigneau de Behaine, Eveque Adran, Paris 1891.)
The French, in 1861, declared Pigneau 's tomb to be a national
monument. (Ibid., p. 232.)
209
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Alastair Lamb
which we had ourselves an opportunity of seeing a very large proportion. The capitulation tax amounts to kwan or a Spanish Dollar
for each family whether natives or strangers. The imposts upon trade
consist principally of duty on measurement or tonnage with an export
duty upon a few articles of luxury. These are levied only upon
foreign commerce, and the domestic trade is nearly free from duties.
The rudeness and unskilfulness of their fiscal arrangements will go a
most singular contrast with those of the Siamese and their immediate
neighbours. Instead of the systematic fabric of religious belief which
exists in Siam, the Cochin Chinese seem to have no fixed scheme of
worship, their religion consisting of scarcely anything better than
indeed, commonly affected Chinese gravity, but the lower orders are
full of curiosity, of gesticulation, great laughers and great talkers. We
went freely into the villages and were everywhere treated with hospitality, kindness and good nature.
210
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165. Like the Siamese, the Cochin Chinese carry no arms. I was
assured by the French gentlemen, who had so many years experience
of them and who were masters of their language, that docility and
good nature were the most remarkable features of their nature and
that they were so little actuated by the spirit of revenge that murder
look upon themselves as one of the first people in the world and their
menial office.
tinuance, has now experienced tranquility for more than 20 years, and
I have no doubt, from the information given me, has made a very
considerable start in prosperity and population. The conscription is
indeed a great check to the last. The men cannot marry until they
are in a capacity to purchase a wife, a practice universal in this
country. This, considering the demand for his services by the public,
he is seldom able to accomplish before 25 or 30. The effect of the
conscriptions is, as in Siam, to throw an unusual share of the
labour upon the women. The latter, therefore, are industrious, while
their military and desultory employments render the men idle and
unskilful. The women toil in every employment. They conduct the
whole petty traffic of the country, they carry heavy burdens, they
plough, sow and reap. The effect of all this is, that a woman's
labour is as valuable as that of a man, and her wages the same, a
matter I should suppose peculiar to the state of society in Cochin
China.
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Alastair Lamb
provinces which include the capital are peopled far beyond their own
means of affording subsistence and that any interruption of the supply
Such however has been the good order and tranquility maintained for
more than 20 years back that there has not even been the appearance
of a scarcity.
170. I may here shortly advert to the check which the population
latter relations I have already spoken. 174 The King of Cochin China
Chinese and the Siamese, yet they are mutually jealous of each
other. The dismemberment of the Kingdom of Kamboja is the
principal subject of contention* Each party has seized a portion
of the country, and this having brought them into immediate
contact with each other, there always exists some subject for
dispute or contention between them. Their territories, population
and resources are probably nearly equal, but the military strength
of the Cochin Chinese, with the aid of European discipline, is
infinitely better organised and is, as well as the national character, more fit for aggression and enterprise than that of the
Siamese. If these two nations should quarrel, altho' neither be
suited to maintain a permanent dominion over the other, yet an
ambitious Cochin Chinese prince would find no difficulty in
seizing the Siamese portion of Kamboja, or making formidable
inroads into the Siamese territory and, especially, of destroying
or sacking the capital which, defenceless as it is, would fall an
easy prey to any sudden incursion.
89. Some attempt at a coalition between the Cochin Chinese
and the Birmans, a people between whom there seems never
before to have existed any diplomatic or other intercourse, has
212
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culty. The late King of Cochin China had indeed at one time such
a project in view. That Cochin China itself is safe from the risk
of conquest on the part of China may be inferred not only from the
present relative condition of the parties but from the history of their
174. (contd.)
been made within the last two or three years, the alleged object
bodia was more or less partitioned between Vietnam and Siam. In 1833
the Siamese undertook ihe conquest of the whole of Cambodia, acting
ostensibly in support of a rebellion against Vietnamese domination; but
Minh-Mang, as Crawfurd prophesied, had no great difficulty in driving
back the Siamese. The Siamese, however, did not abandon their interest
in Cambodia. In 1845 they recovered their rights over the western provinces of Cambodia, including Battembang and Angkor, rights which
they subsequently lost to the French, recovered through the Japanese
and lost again after World War II. (See: Le Thanh Khoi, op. cit., pp.
333-336.)
reply, the latter taking place in 1823. The Cochin Chinese mission developed from a commercial venture on the part of Chao , the Governor
of Cambodia, for the purchase of Burmese bird's nests. The return Burmese mission was intended to obtain Minh-Mang's support for a project
for the conquest and partition of Siam, but Minh-Mang refused to see
the Burmese envoy and to have anything to do with this scheme. (See:
Crawfurd, Embassy, op. cit., pp. 571-586, where Crawfurd prints as an
appendix the journal of this Burmese mission.)
213
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Alastair Lamb
former connection. During the civil wars, when the authority of the
Tay-sons or usurpers prevailed, China, taking advantage of the distracted state of the country, invaded Tonquin, which was defended by
one of the rebel brothers, with a numerous army. The Cochin Chinese
met this army with an inferior force and defeated and nearly annihilated
it. This is still a subject of triumph with the Cochin Chinese, who
hold very cheaply the military character of their more civilised
literature and art they are proud to imitate them and follow their
Siam to China. The King of Cochin China in his distress sent his
nation who were at one time in the service of Cochin China, 2 only
remain, and these are without influence or authority. 175 The political
French are looked upon with more jealousy than any other Europeans,
the English alone excepted.
any direct political connection with them. They are too distant and
too insulated from the sphere of our Indian political relations, except
indeed in the single case of Cochin China's becoming the scene of a
force, for example, issuing from the many ports of Cochin China
would be sufficient to cut off or harrass our extensive commercial
175. See p. 196 above, note.
214
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175. I may here repeat however that in the event of the Kingdom
of Cochin China ever becoming the scene of political intrigue against
a measure which can be effected with great safety by a very inconsiderable naval force, and which in a few months must reduce the
Court, which chiefly depends both for subsistence and revenue on the
fertile districts upon the two great rivers, to any terms.
as in Japan and in all the ports of the Chinese Empire with the
exception of one. This is so far from being true, that I believe that
in no Asiatic country are European merchants admitted upon terms
more easy and liberal than in Cochin China. European ships have
indeed been subjected to higher rates of duties than the vessels of
Asiatic nations previous to the year 1818; but in that year the late
King established a new tariff for the foreign commerce and all foreign
traders were upon that occasion placed upon an equality.
178. By this regulation all vessels pay a rated measurement duty
few articles only. 176 Vessels driven into the ports of Cochin China
duties.
180. The French are the only people who have availed themselves
of the new regulations of the Cochin Chinese Government in favour of
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Alastair Lamb
copper, woollens and some curiosities for the Court; and all received
of their subjects, and are probably after all not worse than the generality
of eastern governments while for mere security they are greatly superior
to those of all the minor nations and tribes of Asia.
This population inhabits a fertile country and lies upon the shores
of the most frequented and accessible portions of the Indian seas.
Both nations are at the same time in a state more favourably circum-
177. The following are the names of those European vessels which visited
Cochin China between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the Crawfurd
mission of which I can find any record:
1817. La Paix , belonging to Baigliene, Sarget et Cie. of Bordeaux,
commanded by Captain Chavelaure. Visited Saigon and Tourane.
Wrecked at Isle of France in February 1818.
1817. La Cyble, the French frigate bringing Captain de Kergariou.
1817. Henry , belonging to the Bordeaux firm of Philippon and
commanded by Captain Rey. She was at Tourane at the same time as
La Paix . She was of about 450 tons burden.
Captain Doret.
1822. The John Adam, bringing Crawfurd and his party. (These
details are gleaned from Taboulet, op. cit., Cordier, Consulat a Hu, op.
region until 1858. (See: Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 283, 301.)
216
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in them, and they now have been for some years recovered from
anarchy and civil war. The Siamese, it appears to me, are likely to
become the most extensive consumers of our Indian and European
manufactured goods, particularly our cottons. From the sketches I
and the state of society amongst them, are upon the whole not so
the Siamese, with perhaps the exception of woollens, but they are
China will also afford an indirect channel for the employment of our
capital still more extensive and advantageous than the direct trade
the teas and plain and wrought silks of China. This is a commerce
which might exist independent of the caprice of the Chinese Government and which would increase in proportion to the freedom with
the maritime intercourse between Cochin China and the ports of the
Calcutta, ^ t
J.
Crawfurd.
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Alastair Lamb
(F)
MEMORANDUM BY THE COURT OF DIRECTORS OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY,
surer footing than had hitherto existed; and that they had selected
Dr. Crawfurd of the Bengal Medical Establishment for that service,
raw and wrought iron, Bengal opium and various other minor articles.
For these, it was observed, that Siam might make valuable returns to
Europe and Western Asia of Sugar and Pepper, Salt for the Indian
Islands, and Teak for the British Settlements, to which Cochin China
would add raw Silk in such abundance (being the most productive
Country in that article in Asia) as might place the English manu-
178a. For an account of early European contacts with Siam, see: Adventurers
in Siam in the Seventeenth Century, by E. W. Hutchinson, London 1940,
which was also published in French translation by H. Berland in BSEI
1947.
218
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between Siam and Prince of Wales Island and, for the last five years,
with Americans and British Country Traders.
The opening of an intercourse with Cochin China , which has only
been attempted twice since the seventeenth Century; (once in 1778,
which failed in consequence of the distracted State of the Country and
the imprudent conduct of the Agent in involving himself in its hostilities, and 2nd in 1804 which was frustrated by the French) would be
more difficult: but as the French are said to have succeeded in con-
cluding a Treaty with that State and have some Missionaries residing
there, as the Dutch succeeded in procuring a Cargo so lately as 1820,
and as the pecuniary advantages derived by China from her intercourse
with England and India must necessarily operate as a strong temptation
to a mercenary government like the one in question, they had few doubts
government to put our trade with it upon, at all events, a footing with
that carried on with China. Instructions to this effect were accordingly
addressed to Dr. Crawfurd on the 29th September, 1821, accompanied
by letters and Presents to the Kings of Siam and Cochin China, the
former of whom had already opened a Correspondence upon commercial subjects with the Resident at Singapore.
The Political Letter from Bengal of the 27th December, 1822, just
received, reports the result of this Mission. From this it appears that
in consequence of the continued preponderance of the party which had
under the pretence of his having refused to co-operate with their forces
against the Birmans, Dr. Crawfurd had failed in his attempt at procuring his restoration: but that the right of the British Government to
Should any occurrence lead to a rupture with it, one gun brig would
be sufficient to put a stop to its trade, and another to destroy its capital.
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Alastair Lamb
Country. These Reports were dated on the 13th July, 1822. Soon
after which Dr. Crawfurd left the place for Cochin China. On the
Government that the trade of the British had been admitted into the
three principal Ports of the Country upon the same terms as the Chinese
- that is to say one third less duties than formerly. No import duties
were required, and generally speaking not more than five per cent
export; the duty on tonnage and measurement about half that levied in
levied upon Ships touching for refreshments or enquiring into the state
of trade. At an early period of the mission the leave was extended to
opinion, from this alliance, is the facility which it will afford for indirect
intercourse with large portions of China which are now either not at all
or inadequately supplied by us.
He speaks of the Chinese residing in these Dominions as ardently
anxious for trade with the British; the Cochin Chinese army as well
appointed, clad in British broad cloth and disciplined, by French refugees, in the European manner; their Capital (the capture of which
would be tantamount to the conquest of the kingdom) as wonderfully
fortified; their cannon as well cast and beautiful; but their resources,
strength and population as much overrated, particularly the latter, which
Not only did the Crawfurd mission to Hu put an end to any illusions which the British might still have harboured up to that time as
to the extent of French influence in Cochin China, but it also seems to
* in consequence of the King having refused to accept of those of th Government General, as not being a Sovereign.
178b. For a detailed amount of this episode, see The Crawfurd Papers,
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have had a most adverse effect on what little remained, in fact, of that
Vannier, was getting on in years and anxious to see once more his
family in France, and who considered that his position in Hu, diplomatically speaking, was now untenable. In November, 1824, the two
French mandarins and their large families boarded a Chinese junk at
Tourane and sailed for Singapore. There they found the Balguerie,
Sarget et Cie. ship, Courrier de la Paix , which landed them at Bordeaux
in September, 1825. 181
to accept the conclusion that his long career had not advanced the
interests of France, for the belief that further French missions would
do any better than he had done himself. In 1821 the French Government
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Alastair Lamb
see the French officer when the latter requested an interview early in
1822. The visit of the Cloptre , in fact, was treated almost as if it
but he was refused permission to visit Hu and see the King. The
letter which he had with him, from the French King to Minh-Mang, and
On 17th February, 1825, de Bougainville left Tourane. One conclusion he seems to have drawn from this abortive visit was that there
was still a need for a French Consul at Hu; for de Bougainville was
very disappointed to discover, on his arrival at Tourane, that Chaigneau
and Vannier had left, an event which he considered set the seal of
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the new French representative eventually arrived at Hu without baggage, funds and all but the minimum of clothing. He was refused all
official recognition by the Cochin Chinese, who were not in the least
impressed by the presence, off Tourane of the French corvette La Favo-
tion, of which the Crawfurd mission had given much evidence. The
founding of Singapore and its rapid progress, the Crawfurd mission,
and the British campaign against the Burmese in 1824, all these conspired to undermine in Hu what little remained - and this tended to
be exaggerated by the French - of the good will built up on the labours
of Pigneau de Behaine and his colleagues. This depressing conclusion
emerges clearly from the correspondence of J. B. Chaigneau which
Cordier printed in his Le Consulat de France Hu sous la Restauration; and the letter reproduced here, which I have translated from this
work, well represents Chaigneau's state of mind a year after Crawfurd
had left Hu.
184. Taboulet, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 315-320; Cordier, Consulat, op. cit., pp.
113-129; Le Thanh Khoi, op. cit., pp. 339-340; Cady, op. cit., p. 16;
Buttinger, op. cit., p. 387.
223
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Alastair Lamb
letters at the time of their arrival into Chinese characters. But I must
now speak plainly to Your Excellency; and such an evasive reply was
but the prelude to all that has happened here since.
This same Mandarin of Foreigners who, by his influence and by the
nature of his duties, could do much to make up the King's mind to a
favourable reply to the requests which I submitted to him, seems, on
the contrary, to have induced in him such a state of irresolution that it
is impossible to hope that he will recover from it. A willing flatterer
of the young sovereign, he limits himself to agreeing with the King's
opinions, and fears too much to run the risk of disgrace to make him
timidity of the present Emperor in all that concerns his policy towards
Europeans. I used to hold that by allaying his fear I would remove all
difficulties and obtain favours. But, it must no longer be hidden, as
much as the paternal benevolence of the French Government explores
every means here to assure our national commerce precious openings
and an expansion which is so desirable, another, rival, nation, envious
of our maritime power, undermines ceaselessly all our efforts and has
recently once more wiped out that hope we used to hold of soon enjoying the fruits of our labours.
The effect that was produced here by the arrival of an ambassador
of the English Government was such as one could have foreseen without difficulty.
This envoy, Mr. Crawfurd, was the bearer of despatches from His
audience with the Emperor, which was refused him on the grounds that
he was only an emissary of a governor general, and that it was even
185. Cordier, Consulat, op. cit., pp. 91-96.
186. The Cochin Chinese official responsible for foreign affairs.
187. Referring to the letters which Chaigneau brought with him on his return
from France in 1821, and that which he tried to present on behalf of
Courson de la Ville Hlio in early 1822.
188. Jean Lab ariette, Bishop of Veren and successor to Pigneau de Behaine as
head of the Catholic missions in Cochin China. Labartette died in
Cochin China on 6th August, 1822.
224
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they are much more expensive. Five thousand military rifles, for
parable in quality. It is much the same with the rest of the goods.
Thus the Emperor refused the lot, and only took a few odds and ends
from the English, lest, so he said, he should show too much obstinacy
From what I have just said, Your Excellency will understand that
the English flatter themselves if they think they are going to secure the
factors, above all public opinion which has declared itself to be openly
in our favour as much as it is opposed to our rivals, will hinder them
for a long time yet. But it is none the less true that the essential
objective, perhaps the sole objective, which the English Company is
constantly seeking, has been achieved fully; namely, that while not
gaining here any benefit for its commerce, it ensures that no other
nation will establish itself here to its detriment; and, indeed, this year
at the precise moment when we find ourselves in competition with the
English, the Government of Cochin China has just exacted from the
ship Larose payment of anchorage dues which until now our ships have
been exempted from paying, at least since the peace.
The ease which we experienced in the past in founding here an
entrept both for our goods and for Chinese products will make them
follow on our heels for a long time to come, and one must fear lest
the Company should decide, if the need arise, to undertake great sacrifices to remove anything which annoys it.
The proposed objective in the founding of its new establishment at
Singapore (an establishment which increases daily at an incredible rate)
is none other than to attract there those Chinese ships whose numbers
rise year by year in a spectacular progression. The Company is thus
189. Immediately after the Crawfurd mission there was also a marked increase
in the trade between Singapore and Cochin China, but all carried on by
Chinese junks. By 1824 about 26 junks from Singapore visited Cochin
Chinese ports each year with a total tonnage of more than 4,000. After
1824 the number of junks increased greatly. See Crawfurd, Embassy,
op. cit., p. 513.
225
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Alastair Lamb
Cochin China facilitates navigation between these ports and all those in
the possession of the British in India; and, already, everything seems
to point to the fact that the British will not delay long in extending
towards these points the boundaries of their huge possessions.
Whether these suppositions are well founded or not, they are so
firmly established in the mind of the young Emperor of Cochin China
that only great events could make him change his mind. Besides
Today all those who remain here of the men who used to be devoted
to the Emperor Gia Long, and are still devoted to his memory, find
themselves in what amounts to a state of disgrace, though the fact is
lightly concealed still, and they are at the mercy of the favourites of
sure guarantee of the results which I was seeking. But events have
completely upset my hopes, and I will always regret for France that
Gia Long did not live a few years longer.
Moreover, my advancing age and the precarious state of my health
[of France] entrusted to me for no longer than four years so that, after
that time, I could think of settling in France my large family. It is
this consideration above all which obliges me today to return home as
soon as possible.
226
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Emperor Gia Long, the honourable conduct which has always been
manifested by those who have stayed here during the last few years.
All this makes me think that if I have not been able to make myself
heard with favour, it is doubtless because the double position in which
I find myself, so useful for persuading the old ruler, now presents an
insurmountable obstacle; and I must add that negotiations cleverly and
prudently carried on by an embassy, or other means adopted without
delay, could, even must, still produce great results.
227
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CHAPTER IX.
CONCLUSIONS
THE in this British volume missions all show to Cochin a remarkable China which similarity have been to each described other
lier hoped to conduct with the two Mandarins. Macartney was primarily concerned with an examination of the territory which would
have been French had the Treaty of Versailles of 1787 been implemented. The chief objective of the Roberts missions was the exclusion
of French influence from Hu. The addition of Cochin China to
Crawfurd's itinerary would probably have not been made had it not
been for the efforts of Restoration France to open regular diplomatic
relations with that country.
But each mission was concerned with more than the French.
power in Eastern waters. Harlow, quite rightly, has classified the Chap228
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/';-=09
)(8*
=-0/']
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li
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man mission to Cochin China in the same category as the British pro-
jects of 1763-75 at Balambangan in the Borneo Archipelago. Chapman saw the Bay of Tourane as an ideal site for a British settlement
where the Chinese could bring their wares and their craftsmen,
where British and Indian manufactures could be sold for a good profit
to be invested in the China trade, and where, in time of war, British
into South-East Asia. But it would be most unfair to lay too much
blame for these failures on the envoys concerned. At this period
Cochin China lay well outside the natural sphere, one might say, of
British policy. It was not adjacent, or even near, to British territory.
Its possession, unless the French influence had developed into something far more formidable than was ever the case, was in no way essential to British interests. An effective British intervention here, aid for
the Nguyen as was suggested in 1778, or for the Tayson as was sought
in 1793, could only have been made by mounting an expensive venture
with declared expansionist aims; and such ventures did not fit into
the pattern of a period when Parliament was demanding that British
ruling it, fell within the Chinese sphere of interest, and that active
British intervention here without express approval from Peking could
well produce an adverse effect on the position of the Company's trade
at Canton. As with British policy towards the Himalayan border during this period, so in Cochin China was the fear of Chinese reaction a
factor of significance; and especially after the British had concluded
that the Tibeto-Nepalese war of 1792 was closely connected with the
229
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Alastair Lamb
and naval help which Pigneau de Behaine had provided, would ever
have welcomed any increase in French influence. The periodic arrival
of British missions, however, pointed out to them that French influence,
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attracting British intervention. Had it not been for the outbreak of the
French Revolution and the virtual isolation of Pigneau de Behaine and
his successors from metropolitan France, the rulers of Cochin China
might have had to face a crisis arising from this consideration at a much
earlier date. As it was, the attempt of the Restoration Monarchy to
re-establish a close connection with Hu carried in its train, in the shape
of the Crawfurd embassy, the lesson that such developments were being
furd's objectives.
Cochin China at the time of Crawfurd's arrival was prepared to
direct result of the English mission was the demand that French
ships visiting Cochin China should pay anchorage dues. In the decade
following Crawfurd's visit that sentiment virtually disappeared, and
with it went the Cochin Chinese toleration of Christians. Minh-Mang
at first continued his father's policy of toleration, although he had no
great love for Christians himself. In the 1830s, following the rebellion
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Alastair Lamb
Netherlands East Indies in an attempt to secure international recognition of his reluctance to commit himself politically and of his willingness to trade. The missions failed, in part because of Catholic opposition. Minh-Mang found that the Catholic Missions, far from accepting his wish to free himself of Christians, were persistent to a degree
which must have seemed to threaten his sovereignty. This trend became more apparent after his death in 1841, when his successor Thieu
-tri freed the French Catholic missionaries whom he had in custody
and sent them out of the country, only to find that they promptly
returned clandestinely. The repeated expulsions and secret returns of
Bishop Lefbvre, an admirable example of devotion to spiritual duty,
must have seemed to the Vietnamese Government to be a deliberate
flouting of its authority.
conflict with the Christian missions, became one also of cultural and
missions described in this book took place. This was a time when
232
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the Nguyen might have created their own equivalent of the Meiji
reforms in Japan. During this period neither France nor England
was, in fact, in a position to establish a protectorate over Cochin
China. The arrival in 1817 of the Cyble, with de Kergariou aboard,
may well have offered Gia Long the opportunity to play off England
and France one against the other to his ultimate benefit. This was
the only chance which the Nguyen were to have of modernising their
country diplomatically and economically, and thus their only hope of
192. The bibliography of the history of the French in Indochina in the second
half of the 19th century is indeed impressive. Apart from the works of
Le Thanh Khoi and Chesneaux, to which reference has already been
made, a good discussion of the problems and an adequate bibliography
can be found in: Buttinger, op. cit., D. Lancaster, The Emancipation of
French Indo-China, Oxford 1961; J. F. Cady, The Roots of French
Imperialism in Eastern Asia, Ithaca, New York, 1954.
233
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
(a) Documents.
The following, all from the India Office Library, London, were
consulted:
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235
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Alastair Lamb
Raynal, G. T. F. L'Histoire Philosophique et Politique des Etablissements et du Commerce des Europens dans les Deux Indes.
4 vols, Amsterdam 1770.
Abbreviations.
Society.
236
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INDEX
A
Acapulco, 10
Achin, 22, 29
Adam, J., 187
Bangkok, 3, 4, 173, 174, 176, 187, 199, 206, 207, 228, 230
Barbinais, G. de la, 6
Barbor, Capt., 103, 110
Barizy, L., 97, 102, 103, 105, 118
Barrow, J., 3, 69, 73, 94, 97, 98, 103, 105, 154, 155, 160
Battembang, 213
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Budge Budge, 28
Bugis, 29
Burma, 21, 101, 150, 159, 160, 173, 174, 212, 213, 219, 223
Burnell, . ., 71, 79
Bussy, Admiral, 83, 160
Callao Island, 80, 85, 86, 94, 97, 98, 167, 118, 149, 155
Camau, Pt. (Point of Cambodia), 30
Cambodia, 1, 5, 13, 43, 70, 75, 94, 160, 188, 191, 195, 198, 199, 200,
201, 202, 204, 206, 207, 208, 212, 215
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Chaigneau, J. ., 4, 99, 102, 111, 118, 129, 132, 133, 135, 136, 139,
150, 154, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 171, 185, 190, 191, 196, 197, 198,
199, 216, 220-227
China, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 23, 27, 46, 59, 65, 72, 73,
74, 75, 84, 87, 88, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 100, 105, 107, 109, 112, 115
120, 122, 123, 128, 132, 137, 141, 142, 146, 148, 150, 151, 153,
157, 158, 159, 161, 163, 174, 184, 189, 193, 194, 195, 199, 202,
203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 212, 214, 225, 226, 229, 231
Choiseul, 108
Choiseul-Praslin, Duc de, 8
Clodd, H. P., 29
History of, 5-9, 21, 27, 32, 34, 46, 61, 72-3, 82-3, 86-7, 93, 99,
172, 213, 231-3
Trade of, 15, 16, 28, 71, 79, 80, 88, 94, 184, 202-7, 216, 217
239
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Two Mandarins from, 9, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 26, 27, 29, 33,
34, 35, 36, 38, 60, 61, 69, 228
Col des Nuages, 46, 73
Condore, Pulo, 5, 6, 30, 31, 32, 69, 70, 85, 86, 176, 183, 188
Constance, 216
Conway, Comte de, 86
Cordier, H., 3, 4, 163, 223
Courrier De La Paix, 221
Courson de la Ville Hlio, Capt., 197, 216 221
Coutenceau des Algrins, M., 83, 85
Coutts, 101
Crawfurd, J., 1, 3, 4, 55, 71, 102, 155, 164, 168, 173, 174-227, 228,
229, 231
Crofts and Kellican, 13, 26, 27, 28
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Earl of Temple, 14
Edmonstone, N. ., 123
Egypt, 71
Eleanor, 101
F
Faifo, 5, 21, 25, 48, 49, 68, 78, 79, 81, 87, 90, 97, 111, 124, 125, 129,
155, 176, 193, 206
Findlay, . ., 127
Finlayson, G., 175
Fleury, 108
Flotte, M. de., 118
Forsanz, G. de., 99, 135, 196
France, 2, 5-9, 12, 15, 19-24, 28, 57, 82-86, 94, 95, 96-98, 99-101,
105, 107, 108, 116, 118, 119, 121, 146, 147, 149, 151, 153, 154,
155, 160, 162, 167-172, 180, 185, 195, 196, 197, 198, 202, 205,
209, 213, 214, 215, 216, 219, 220-227, 229, 230, 231
Francis, P., 16
Fukien, 107, 206
G
Galathe, 72
Gambir de Terre, Pulo, see Ccir de Terre
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Ile de Bourbon, 7
Ile de France, 7, 8, 95, 100, 108, 154, 160, 169, 216
Irrawaddy, 159, 160
J
Jackall, 89
Jackson, M., 91, 92, 94
Jackson, President, 175
Janssaud, M., 3, 163, 164, 165
Japan, 74, 75, 89, 94, 233
Java, 7, 74, 173, 186
Jenny, 28, 31, 32, 49, 50, 56, 60, 63, 68, 69, 128
Jogjakarta, 173, 186
John Adam, 175, 182, 216, 221
Jules, 223
Kanh-hoa, 70
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Le Fer, Capt., 21
Le Gac, M., 72
Le Thanh Khoi, 21, 46 72
Le-Van-Duyet, 189
Le Van Khoi, 231
Lyon, 7
M
Macao, 5, 16, 21, 31, 35, 47, 80, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 133, 146,
152, 159, 168, 184, 206
Macartney, Earl of, 1, 2, 10, , 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99,
101, 107, 150, 154, 155, 163, 188, 228, 229, 230
Mackintosh, ., 109, 117, 123, 125, 127, 129, 130
243
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Mackintosh, Capl., 91
Maclennan, Capt., 28, 30, 50, 58, 59
Madagascar, 7
Madras, 4, 22, 29, 56, 74, 75, 80, 102, 109, 133, 168
Malacca, 16, 28, 29, 69, 71, 84, 85, 94, 95, 100, 102, 109, 113, 117, 123,
144, 152, 168, 175, 177, 179, 183, 189, 205, 218
Malleret, L., 200
Manchu Dynasty, 5
Manila, 9, 10, 11, 100, 102, 151, 152, 153, 159, 168, 180, 223
Mansur I, Sultan of Trengganu, 29
Marchault, 7
Marchault Arnouville, 7
Marchini, J. ., 104, 105, 110, 111, 118, 151, 153, 168
Maunpas, 108
Nader Shah, 44
Nairac, P., 169
Nguyen Anh, (Gia Long), 32, 33, 82, 83, 85, 86, 97, 99, 101, 102, 106,
109, 111, 118, 130, 149, 150, 151, 152, 155, 162, 164, 165, 166,
168, 169, 171, 172, 195, 196, 207, 223, 226, 227, 229, 232, 233
Roberts, interviews with, 130-132, 136-137, 144
Roberts, letter to, 142-143, 145
244
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Nguyen Dynasty, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 20, 21, 32, 40, 61, 72, 73, 82, 83, 85,
88, 89, 99, 171, 230, 232, 233
Nha Trang, 70
Niaung, M., 92
Nile, River, 71
Nonsuch, 103
O'Friell, J., 6
Pandaran, Cape, 35
Panjang, Pulo, 32, 188
Peking, 10, 11, 82, 88, 91, 109, 150, 163, 213, 229
Penang, 1, 11, 12, 88, 89, 109, 118, 123, 133, 141, 143, 147, 149, 159,
160, 173, 175, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 184, 219, 220, 230
Perak, 181
Phanri, 206
Philibert, M., 21
Philippine Islands, 10, 15, 16, 74, 94, 99, 100, 152
Philippon et Cie, 169, 170, 172, 205, 216
Phoenix, 220
Phuyen, 206
Pigneau de Behaine, 20, 32, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100,
103, 104, 107, 111, 150, 152, 155, 167, 171, 172, 188, 209, 224,
230, 231
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Portugal, 1, 5, 31, 36, 42, 47, 50, 58, 59, 62, 68, 81, 89, 105, 107, 133,
135, 142, 146, 150, 159, 169, 184, 191, 203, 218, 231
Potos, 158
Prince of Wales' Island, see Penang
Prussia, 86
Purefoy, Capt., 102, 111, 133, 136, 151, 168
Q
Saigon, 1, 27, 33, 55, 83, 86, 87, 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 160, 176,
188, 189, 193, 194, 195, 200, 201, 204, 206, 207, 209, 216, 232
Sapata, Pulo, 69
Seringapatam, 164
Sheppard, M. C. ff., 29
246
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St. James, Cape and Bay, 33, 101, 102, 103, 111, 123, 132, 135, 144,
176, 201
Suffren, Admiral, 160
Sulu, 15, 81, 180
Sumatra, 94, 189
Sunda, 85
Surabaya, 223
Swinton, G., 176, 182
Symes, M., 101
Syriam, 160
T
Tay-Son, 8, 9, 20, 21, 27, 32, 34, 45, 50, 59, 69, 82, 83, 87, 88, 99,
102, 111, 135, 214, 229
Tibet, 10, 229
Titsing, I., 150, 163
Thailand, see Siam
Thtis, 222
Tho-chu Island, see Panjang, Pulo
112, 115, 143, 148, 153, 165, 183, 188, 189, 195, 197, 198, 199,
Topaz, 226
247
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Varella, Cape, 72
Vergennes, 8
Veren, Bishop of, see Labartette
Veret, M., 188
Versailles, Treaty of, 82, 85, 86, 88, 94, 96, 97, 107, 152, 172, 196,
197, 227
Vienna, Congress of, 172
Vietminh, 1
Villle, 222
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ERRATA
G.-H."
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