Professional Documents
Culture Documents
27
Transienr
Emorions Z9
28 Emortonsand SocialMacrt>Processes
,,glue"of solidarity-and what mobilizesconflict-the energy say,all over the map, in transientsituationsand local groups,which may
gerher-rhe
well be class-stratified or otherwisedivided againsteachother, insreadof in
o f m o b i l i z e d g r o u p s - a r e e m o t i o n s ; s o i s w h a t o p e r a t e s t o u p h o l d s tlfr a t i f i c a -
f..tittgs, whetherdominant' subservient'or resentful' the reifiedDurkheimianway (which Parsonsfollowed)in which it seemsto
;;.;:h;;*Jhi.ul
peopleto feel thesekinds of emo- be "Society" as a whole that is being inregrated.
*" .r., explain the conditionsthat cause
Goffmaniananalysisof lnteractionRitual, then, is the analysisof a
rions,wewillhaveamajorpartofacoresociologicaltheory'Thereisof
a cognitive part' but the wide-rangingand flexible mechanism,which producespocketsof moral sol-
.o"rr. u structuralpart of zuch a rheory, and
essentialfor a realistic theory on its idarity, but variouslyand discontinrrously throughout society. It helps us to
emotional parr gives us something
connect upwardsto the macro-structure, especiallyvia stratification.And
dynamics' r | -L it connectsdownwardto the nricro-details of human experience and action,
Letmeputtheissueinanotherway'Theclassicsociologicaltheorres
but they do not usuallyrefer becauserituals are made with emotional ingredients,and they produce
mentionedaboveimplicitly concernemorions'
other sortsof emotions(especiallymoraI solidarity,but alsosometimesag-
torhemexplicitly.Thisisbecauseourtheorieshaveamacroprimacy'0rat
abstractionand aggrega- gressiveemotions) as outcomes. I will make considerableuse of the
i.or, a"rt *ith sociallife at a level of considerable
"legitimacy"' ot worseyet' "values"' Durkheimianr,/Coffmanian model of rituals in my stratificationtheory of
ii"". fV. are told of somethingcalled
the headsof real peoplein emouons.
flo"ti.,g somewherein u cuttt"ptual sky beyond 'We
see emotions in another important version of micro-sociology.
situations.If we attempt a micro-translationof sociology-not
".at."., groundingof macro-concepts Carfinkel'sethnomerhodology, at tirst sight, seemsto be pirchedon a dif-
.,.l"rrut,tt an absolutemicro-reduction,but a
spaceand numbers-we ferent level. Wirh its concernfor the constructionof mundanereality,and
in real interactionsacrossthe macro-gridof time,
processes'ln other words' the its heavyuseof phenomenological abstractions,it seemsto be essentiallya
are led to see the importanceof emotional
(like those discussed above) yields cognitive theory. Cicourel (1971) even called his own version"Cognitive
micro-rranslarionof macro concePts
Sociology."Nevertheless,I want to suggestthat ethnomethodology reveals
us emotlon.
microrhe' emotionat its core.Garfinkel'smost importantcontributionis to show that
Unforrunately,this is not what classic(and even modern)
emphasize process' h u m a n sh a v ei n r r i n s i c a l l lyi m i t e dc o g n i t i v ec a p a b i l i t i e sa,n d t h a t t h e yc o n -
ories have stressed.Mead and symbolicinteraccionism
emphasize routine struct mundanesocial order by consistentlyusing pracricesto avoidrecog-
emergence,and cognition; Schutz and phenomenology nizing how arbitrarily social order is actually pur together.We keep up
behaviors and payoffs; the
and Jognition; the exchangerheory ernphasizes conventions,not becausewe believe in them, but becausewe srudiously
Emotion of course could
statestheorYag'i" 'tt""t' cognition'
avoid questioningthem. Carfinkel (1967)demonstrated this most dramati-
"*p..,Jrion into thesethreories,
be brought but it is central to none of them. But there
cally in his "breaching"experiments,in which he lorcedpeopleinto situa-
are two crucial versionsof micro-sociology that do not have to be pressed
tions that causedthem to recognizeindexicality(i.e. that they rely on tacit
very far ro yield us the cenrral micro-,.lynamics tlf cmotion as a social pro-
is' acceptanceof what things mean contextually)and reflexivity (that rhere
..rr-u processrhat will serve us fcrrunpackingthe Inacro'sociological are infinite regressesof justifying one's interpretations).Interestingly
suesmentionedat the outset. enough,the reactionsof his subjectswerealwaysintenselyemotional.Usu-
Thefirstoftheseiswhatlcall..InteractionRitualTheory.''The ally it was an emotionaloutburst;(becomingred in the face, blurting out
else' speaksof emo'
term is Goffnran's(196?). But Goffnran,like everyone "You lcnowwhat I meanl Do you want to have a conversationor don't
tiononlyinpassing.Hefocusesonthestructureofmicro-interaction'on youl") Sornetimesit wasdepression, bewilderment,or angerat having been
and ob-
irs consrraintsand levels,on rhe interplaybetweenits subjective put in a situation where they constructeda reality they later discoveredto
jective componenrs.The crucial rhing to see is that coffman is applying
he is concernedwith how ritual be false.In shorr, when peoplehave to recognizethat they are tacitly con-
Durkheimian rheory ro micro-situations,
at the structing their social worlds, and in an arbitrary and conventionalway,
solidarityis generaredin rhe lirtle transientgroupsofeveryday.[ife,
(as I would call them) are rather than simply reactingto a world that is objectivelythere, they show
level of rhe encounrer.These "narural riruals"
c.eremonies intensenegativeemotions.
equivalentro rhe tormal rituals Durkheim analyzed-religious
produce I suggestthat Garfinkel'sbreachingexperimentsreveal something
in aboriginetribes, patriotic rituals in rhe nrodernstate-which
broadened Durkheim in a v e r y m u c h l i k e D u r k h e i m ' sw o r l d . l n t h i s c a s e ,c o n v e n r i o n asl o c i a lr e a l i t y
,r...d ol1".ts and moral constraints'Goffrnan
on the micro-level: thar is to is a sacredobject; Garfinkel'sexperiments,violating the sacredobject, call
way that ,ho*s hc,* stlcial order is produced
Transient
Emotions II
lO Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses
fbr a tribal member, producingthar feelingof ordinariness,and into keepingourselves frorn see-
forth rhe sameeffecrsas would violating a ritual taboo
for a christian, or defaming the fiag for a patriot. In ing that work itself. Mundane reality is a "members'accomplishment.,'
d.r".oring rhe Bible In Goffmanand Durkheim, rhe ordinary-life,long lastingfeeringsare
moral sentiments attach to sacred objects. When rhey
Durkheimt rheory,
sentiment of moral solidarity turns negative, into somewharmore apparenr,These theoriesstresssolidarity,feelingsof mem-
are violated,this positive
the culprit. so in Carfinkel's experi- bership,and in Coffman'scase,feelingsabour one'sself. Theseare, if ev-
righreousanger direcred against Just
conven- erything goeswell, smoorhlypersistentsenrimenrs,rhough they may have
*.nrr, there is outrageagainstthe violator of everydaycognitive
parallels Durkheim's: to show the conditions that an "up" feelingtone, or a "down," depressed tclnein someimportantcases,
tions. Carfinkel'sstraregy
the opposition that occurs when it is bro- as I will demonstrate.Once we think about rhem, we readilyacceprrhese
uphotd a socialfact by revealing
crime as means of highlighting the social as part of the largerrealm of emorion.Solidariryfeelings,moral senriment,
ke.,. Du.kheim usedsuicide and
reality- the enthusiasmof pirching oneselfinto a sir,arion, or being carriedalong
solidaritythat is their opposite;Garfinkel extendedthe method to
by it; and at the other end, depression, alienation,embarrassment-these
constructionas a whole'
are recognizably longer lastingkinds of emorions.Carfrnkelianmundanity
Erhnomethodology's lack of explicit focuson emotionsis misleading.
is merelya genericemorionalquality at rhe middleof the plus-minusscale.
O n e c o u l d w e l l s a y r h a r e v c r y d a yI i f e r e a l i t y - c o n s t r u c t i (i )sna n e m o r i o n a l
My poinr is nor to enrer inro terminologicalcontroversy.It would
process,ancl rhat rhe emorionsthat uphold reality come forth in intense
be uselessfor us to define emotionsin such a way that we can only talk
frr* *h"., rhe social realiry is broken. Furthermore,Gartinkel has shown
about the dramaric,disruptiveemotions;whateverwe call them, we must
thar human cognirion is limited; social order cannot be basedon rational,
the also be able to talk abour the long-rermemorional tones, even rhe ones
consciousagreement.(Durkheim, 1893/1964,arguedthe same' but in
does not hold society to' that are so calm and srnoothas not to be noticed.In theoreticalterms.it is
conrexrof criricizing urilitarianism.) lf cognition
ro leave this on the level of cog- rhe long lastingones (which I discr-rssbelow as emotionalenergy)rhar are
gether,rhen, what doesi carfinkel tends
of greatesrimportance.But I will also arremprto show that the dramaric,
iiriu" pru.ti.es (mosrlyborrowedfronr Schutz);but it is a peculiarform of
short-ternremorionsare explainableagainsrthe backdrop.f rhe long-rerm
cognition, cognitive practicestbr httw to get by wichout too much-cogni'
emotions.
riÄ. Eth.,o*"thodology seemsro have an mysteriousx-factor underlying
socialorder, which rhe very notion of indexicalityprohibitsus from prob-
ing. But let us take the plungeanyway:leavethe cognitiveplane, and rec- INTERACTIONRITL/AL(IR) AND EMOT]ONALENERGY(EE)
tlgnizethe x-factoras emotitln.
The basic model of riruaI interaction (iR) rhar I derive from
Durkheim has rhe followingelemenrs:
AND LONG-TERlv'l
DISRUPTIVE OR "DRAMATIC"
EI/IOTIONS:
AND E]V{OTIONAL
EA,IOTIONS ENERGY 1. A groupof minimum sizerwo assembled face-to-face. The sheerphysical
p r e s e n c oe i h u m a n a n i m a l si n r h e s a m ep l a c ei s a p r e c o n d i r i o nf o r r h e
This analysis(trces us to widen our conceptittnof emotion, our or-
emotionaland cognitive processes that foll,,rw.
dinarv usagerefersto emotionsas experiences that are, for the most part'
2. Focusof artention upon rhe sameobject or activity, and mutull aware-
suddenand drarnatic. "Don't be so etnotional" is advicepredicatedon this
nessof each other'sattention. Collective formalities,such as a church
conception.The famous emotions are the most dratnaticones:fear, terror,
serviceor polirical proJocol,are imporranr only becauserhey are one
anger,embarassment, joy, and so forth. Some people and someculturesare
currently trendy dis- easyway to focuscommon attention. But any circumstances in everyday
regar,,led as too "unemotional" (nore for example the
Iif'ethar focusatrenrionin this way (Coffman, i967, citesordinary con-
purrg.^.rr, of "WASP" culture). But both Coffman and Carfinkel tbrce us
versationsas an example)have the effectof producinga ritual situation.
ro ,.. th"r" are also emorions thar are undranratic; they are long-lasting'
mundane The crucial featureis that individua[sbecomecaught up in a groupac-
underlyingronesor moods, that permeare social life. Carfrnkel's
that rhis is a tivity, in which they are nrutuallyawareof what each orher is tJoing.
reality, for example,is characterized by the feeling-l stress
"nothing of the ordi' This makesthe group itself rhe focusof arrenrion,as a rransindividual
feeling rarher rhan an explicir cognition-that out
f r o m t h e p ornt reality, influencing membersfronr oursidewlrile permearingrheir con-
n a r y i s h a p p e n i n gh e r e . "T h i s i s a n u n i n t e r e s t i n egm o t l ( ' n ,
went tnto s c i o u s n e sf rso m w i r h i n .
of view of the actor but, if Carfinkel is right, considerable work
Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses Transient Emorions lj
terms, bur periodic samplingof different stylerather than content of talk. Recordingsof voice samplesin particular
observation is difficult in practical kinds of inreracrionsmay be measuredfor: (a) loudnessof tone; (bi speed
just as good'
i.d, of work situations might be
t""'-- of
formulatedhas as depen- talking; (c) fluidity, hesirationpauses,and (d) falsestarts.one of the
it" generalrheory oi stratificarionI have best
and emorions of individuals.As indicatorsmay be the latencyof speech:the amounr of rime in delay
de.,t uariaülesthe cognirions,behaviors, rweenand end of one speaker's
be-
research bearing,at leastinferen- turn, and the start of another.Ability to
indicated,there is much more available get the floor, vs. incidence of contestedspeechturns, may be another
rituals upon cognirive
u"rir, effectsof everydaylife porverand sratus in-
""',rr. cicaror.It may also be possibleto find measures of EE by a micro-analysis
culturethanupone,notio.,s'Forspe.ificpurposesofdevelopingthelRthe- of
to measureexplicitly the emotions the soundwavefrequencies on subliminallevels.(Seescherer,l9gz, 19g5,
ory of emotions,it woüld be necessary for studiesof the emotionaldimensionsof recordedspeech.)
intheseritualsituations.Thismeasurementneedstobedoneforboth Eyes' Eye contact, dominating or avoiding mutuar gaze is another
disruptive
i;";-;; emotions (emotional energy)' and the short'term'
possiblemeasureof EE (see Mazur, er al., 1980;Mazur, 19g6;. Hr*"uer,
emotlons. this perhapsappliesmore ro the powerdimensionof EE than ro the srarus
for studying the short- dimension.
Meosuring Emational Energy' Since methodologies
I will concentratehere Facial expression. Ekman and Friesen's(r975r1984, rgig) manual
term, dramatic emotions"t" tno" widely known' showsthe waysthat emotions are expressedin the severalzonesof the face.
that EE builds up or de-
." ,Ä. problem o[ measuringEE' My argument' Ekman'swork (1984) also indicateswhich zonesare mosr easilycontrolled
depending upo.n the ups and
clines over a serles of i.,te'"action rituals'
is inferential. There js little by deliberateefforts to mask emorions, whire other zonestend to express
downsof one,sexperiencesof power and status, sponraneous emorions.The limiration of this method is that it hasfocussed
(1980;seealsoKemper,1990)have
direcr evidencefor it. Muru, and Lamb primarily on the dramatic,disruptiveemotions.But facial measures
effects upon hormone of EE
shown that power experiencehas some continuing could perhapsbe developed,both for high EE (confidence,enrhusiasm)
paper studies.ofhypothetical and
levels.Heise (1979, 198?), using pencil and low EE (aparhy,depression).
evenrs, shows rhat social actioni int.tg. the affectual loadingsof vari.us
(as well as on a
categoriesof personsalong power and statusdimensions Bodily Postures and Movernents. Ekman (1984; also o'Sullivan et al.,
which may be equivalent ro the underly-
,."ä*r dimension of ".tiu.-"tio.,, i985) has also consideredbodily movementsas emotional expression,
of real-life interac- and
i.,g dirrre.trionof my EE)' Heise postulatesthat chains i n d i c a r e dt h e e x t e n r r o w h i c h r h e b o d y i s c o n t r o l l a b l ei n m a s k i n n
levels'
tiJns are morivated by ongoing shifts in these affect tions. Again, we need to considerbodily measures "*"-
of high and low EE, as
lnorder,orn"urur.shiftsofEEinreal-lifesituations'itwouldbe well as the dramatic shorr-rermemorions.since high EE is social confi-
of interacdons' A
clesirableto follow people'sexperiencesacrossa chain denceand dominance,ir shouldbe manifesredin mouementstowardsother
be construöredin
long-ter'mdesign *ouli b" .,.t""u'y' Possiblythis could people, especiallymovemenrsthat take the initiative and rhat
lead ro
alaboratorysituationlastingseveraldays;observationinnaturalconditions rhythmic coordinarion.Low EE, conversely,should show movements
emorional effectsof and
would also te desirable,especiallyro esrimarehow long postures of withdrawal,and low iniriative. Dependingupon the amount of
o[ emotional
interactionsmay last. Lurp..t, however,that the time-decay compliancevs. rebellion,low EE personsin a socialsituationshouldshow
interactions' may
energy,if it is not reinvestedand reinforcedby subsequent eithera parternof followingorher'snonverballeads;or a freezins
of move-
be lessthan a few daYs' ment; or (in the caseof cgnflict at moderaredlevelsof EE) a rapidor jerky
oi order'
For independent variables, we would measureexperiences alternationbetweenorienting rowardand awayfrom the oth..r.
of inter'
giving, o.d"r-tukir,g,and egalitarianinteraction;the socialdensity A combinationo[ severalof thesemeasures-voice,face, bodilv pos-
and the variety
ä.rioi (amount of fo.u., ,*ou.', of em'tional contagion); ture and movemenr-could be srudiedsimulraneously.
(cosmopoliranism/localism) of interactionpatterns.For the dependentvari' The resulrof srch
measures. Here multi-measure studieswould likely show us which measures are redundanr,
"able-a measureof EE-it would be bestto useunobtrusive and which are mosrhighly correlatedwith long-termpaterns (i.e. with
are some possibilities. the
(high flow of EE acrosssiruations).Afrer a seriesof such stuclies,
Voice.The anount of confidence,initiative, and dominance centrateon the most efficient measuresof EE.
we could con-
by the
EE) vs. apathy,withdrawal,depression(low EE) may be measurable
I
52 Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses
TransienrEmotions
5j
Other Hypothesesto Test. I have suggestedtestsof the basicmechanismof to compry wirhour being forced, so that Kemper,s
power vs. starusis the
difference
inreraction ritual itself, and of the hypothesizedeffects on emotions of betweenenforcedcompliance and volunrary .o*pii"n
.. f
a thing as voluntary compriance,but r would ,ür'ri'.re rs such
order-giving,order-taking,and rhe socialdensity and diversityof interac- regardthis"*.."
u. o ,ro"rä.n arion of
statusinto power,of usingstatus1g59g1sg5_1h
rion nerworks.There are many ramificationshere that need investigation,
includingspecifictopics like the righteousangerproducedby rirual viola-
cred
svmbors
tharcome
f,om
,trrus
,i,rrtr-inllai; ,til.iillLäil"ä',':fä1,::;
situarion, rhar is, in rhe realm of power.
tions of symbolsgeneratedin communitiesof high socialdensityithe car- Instead, I confÄe ;r,;r;J;;;;;;ns
"horizontal" dimension of being incruded to the
ryover betweendramatic and undramaticshort-rermemotionsinto long- or excruded,fr.n' ,..]"fr., .."r-
rilitarian accivities.The sociorogicaaymost ;;;;iy
important variarion in starusgroup
term emotional energies;and the reverse,in which long-term emotional strucrureis its shapeas a nerwork, especiaty
its densiry ,i. a"*r*'of .or*n-
energiesprovide the baselinefor short-term emotions.These elemenrary poliranismor rocar crosureof the network ""J
around parricular individuars.As we
processes, too, could eventuallybe integratedwith the more complexcon- shall see' thesedifferences in "horizonral"srrucrureoig.orp, ^lr,r*
urä*"k. pr"-
dirions ser forth in Kemper's(1978) rheory of emotions. the emotions that flow from a Durkheimian
model of rhe forms of group
ffi::ilt
A PAYOFF
FORMACRO-SOCIOI.OGY z' Frijda (1986: ll, 7r) describesemotion
as a felt bur latent ac.on ren-
dency; a readinessfor conract with the environmentat
Once good measures of EE, and its varioussubdimensions, are avail- the h;gh end, and at rhe
low end disinterestand aparhy.
able, a further step is possible:to carry our unobtrusiveemotion surveys.
The sociologistcould samplea populationof peopleacrosssituarions,much J' Somerimescerrainpersonsmay have
this kind of serf-conscious
delibera-
tion; but rhat is the resurtof speciarcircumstances,.probabry
as we now sampleattitudes(usuallyabsrracced from situations).This would much previousexpe-
rience in moving through hyper-comprex "cosmoporitan"networks,'rogerhe.
give a map-a dynamic map, over time-of the emotionalecologyof so- *ith
many ups and downs in the power/acceprance
ciety. One might analogizeit to an emorionalweathermap. Such a sam- (sratus)tlimensions.
pling of emotional patternson the micro-level,when aggregated, rells us 4. I am leavingasidecomplexitieson the physiological
level, where several
about the emotional patternsof the macro-srrucrure. This in turn should different componentsof hormonar and
neura. ,rr,.*, are apparenrryinvorvea.
physiologygenerally,specificsrates In
give us a nleasureof the dynamic facrors involved in macro processesof of.rno,ion"r arousalare due more to
ancebetweenvarioussysrems rhe bar-
economic life, politics, cultural movemenrs-indeed, the whole range of rather than to the activationof some
see also Frijda (1986:19) on both simple systemby itserf.
concernsof traditional macro-sociology. An accurareview of the macro- and.orno,"* varieries.f depression.
structure,strippeddown to its skeletonof micro-situationslinked together 5' Kemper'stheory has rhe additionar
complicationthat he postulares anger
in rime and space,would revealwavesof emorion, artachedto cognirions (as well_as shame)resultingfrom
situarion,in ,uhi.h an acrorfeer.s he/sheis short-
and motivating physicalbehavior,flowing acrosssocial space.We would changedin sratus'vis-ä-vissomeone
erse-Thar is, Kemperdearswith the
complicaredsituation of comparisons more
then be in a position to test theoriesof how emotional energiesoperare be*veen rhe starusone thinks oneserf(and
someoneelse)ought to get, and what
both to stably reproducesocial srrucrure,and to energizerhe dynamicsof they accuaryger. I preferto begin rhe
expra-
nation from a simplerand, I believe,
conflict and change. more fundamenralprocess:the emotions
derivefrom dominatingor beingdominated, that
b.i;; , memberor a nonmember.The
Kempertheory adds not onry expectarions
rru* io., experience,but arsoa morar
judgment as to the propriety
of th.. out.orn" .orriprr.d ro some valued
Norrs two theoriesmay be congruent, in rhe folrowing idear. The
respects.r proposethar experrences
in powersituations,and in status-membership
situarions,resultin.increases .r de-
l. My usageis similar to Kemper's(1978), excepr Kemperwishesro srress creases in em.tionar energy.EE itserfinvorves
expecrari.nsfor futuresiruations;but
that groupsare almost alwaysunequal in status,whereasI conceive statusgroupsas the lR mechanisms,which produceEA
i" tf,. ftrri oln.., ., i" ro*1, nrl,_..,f",
capable of being completely independenrof each other. One group of friends (or mechanismsof emotionarpro,Juction.
Emotionar..,..gy "r., b".o*es an ingredienrin
coreligionists,
or ethnic members)can be more or lessobliviousto anorherclique; I allowingfururesiruationsto occur, and
in determiningtheir emotionarourcomes.
confine "status"to the internal structureof each group, leavingopen rhe question The expecrarions rhat a1 im.n11ant
in Kemper,s model may be regarded
of whether the various groupshave any ranking in relation ro each other. Kernper situationally-specircic as
arousarsof EE. Kempert t'h.ury seems
to me to explain a
alsogoeson to define"srarus"as rank given to individualsvoluntarily,a willingness second-order quality of enrorions,thoserhat arisefrom
viorationor c.nfirmati.n ot
- _*-*-",,!...giT.EI-1
exDecrations.Both typesof mechanismsmay be operating in the samesituation, for collins, Randall. r975. conflict sr.,ciorogy:
Towordan ExprtuwtuyScience,New york:
i.,rt"nce, there can be depressionfrom non-acceptancein a status group (my hy- Academic Press.
pothesis of first-order effects), and anger from one's assessmentof this non-
1981"'on rhe Micro-foundationsof Macro-socior<>gy,,'
acceptanceas unjust (Kemperi second-<lrder effects). AmericanJourrnrof
Sociol<.rgy
86:984- l0 14.
Kenrperaddsfurther complexities,includingthe attribution as to the agent
responsiblefor che experience(one's self, orher persons,impers6nalforces). I would 198la' "Three Facesof cruerty: Toward a comparative
sociologyof vio-
suggestthat thesecognitionsthemselvesare explainable(at least in part), by the lence." ln sociologysince rvridcenr,ry;Essaysin Thi,ry
cumulatkn.-N.y., A.-
Durkheimiantheory of social density (including Douglas'1966, 1973,"grid" and ademic.
"group" model). Blaming oneselfonly occtrrswhen there is a relativelydifferenti-
ated group srrucrureproducingcategoriesof individual agencyand responsibility; l9S9 "sociologicalrhe.ry, DisasterResearch,and \üfar."
In cary Kreps
blamingimpersonalforces(e.g. magic)or tabooviolations,are culturalactionsgen' (ed.), social Strurture and Disttster:conception
and Measuremenr.University of
eratedby particularkinds of groupsrrucrures. Thus, an individual'sprior experience DelawarePress.
in living within particular kinds of network structuresshould affect what agency
condon, william s.' and w. D. ogston. rgTr. "speech and
they perceiveas operativein their immediatesituations,and will shape specific body morron syn-
chrony of rhe speaker-hearer.,'
in D. D. Horton and J. J. Jenkins,(eds.),
per-
emotions along the lines Kemper proposes.
ceptionof ltngage. Columbus, Ohio: Merrill.
6. Notice that dominant individtralsmay deliberatelyprovokeweakerpersons
Dahrendorf,Ralf. 1959 ckus and crus confrrct in Indwtriar
to becomeangry, for example, the game of trading insultsfound among youth gangs Sociecy.
sranford: Stan-
ford University press.
(at one tirne called "the dirty dozens").This is a game to humiliateweak persons,
who are goaded into expressinganger, but are unable to back it up by a show of Douglas, Mary' 1966' Purity uru) Danger. An Anarysis of
conceptsof poiluüon and
physicaldominance.This is playingon the underlyingprinciplethat strongpersons Tirboo.London: Routledgeand Kegan paul.
keep their cocrl;when they do rise to anger, they expressit in such a powerful fornr
Douglas,Mary. 1973. Natural S1mbc,ls.
Baltimore: penguin Books.
as to drasticallypenalizeanyonewho is its victim.
Durkheim, Emile. 189l/1964. The Divisit.rn
of Lüor in sociery.New york; Free press.
7. Thus crying, like anger,tendsto occur in a relatively"realistic"manner;
it is mosr often expressed in sicuationsin which it has a chanceof accomplishing l9lzll954. The Elemenwrl Forms of the RerigioruLi/e. New york:
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